World Views in Collision


Material Information

World Views in Collision The Dialogue Between John Greene And Ernst Mayr (1959-2005)
Physical Description:
1 online resource (389 p.)
Kreitzer, Stewart E
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date:

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Committee Chair:
Smocovitis, Vassiliki B
Committee Members:
Gregory, Fred G
Hatch, Robert A
Adams, Sean P
Kimball, Rebecca T


Subjects / Keywords:
darwin -- dawkins -- dobzhansky -- evolution -- greene -- ideology -- mayr -- neodarwinian -- religion -- science -- synthesis -- worldview
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
History thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


This dissertation is a focused historical examination of a famous series of exchanges between two leading scholars of the history of evolutionary biology in the middle to late decades of the twentieth century. Spanning nearly fifty years, the relationship and conversation between Ernst Mayr and John Greene took place in person, and more significantly, in private correspondence and official publications in response to each other. Raising a series of concerns about professionalization and identity, science and political belief, science and its philosophical context, and ultimately science and religion, this“epistolary exchange,” which varied from productive exchange to healthy argument to downright confrontation, makes for an ideal focus to explore complex themes in the history, philosophy and sociology of science. In support of these objectives, this dissertation explores the many factors that shaped their worldviews and ideological proclivities. Through an examination of their lives, as well as a detailed examination of their many, and varied exchanges, this dissertation gives us a deeper understanding of what John Greene himself described as “the interplay of science, ideology, and worldview,” and most important, its latent influence on the relationship between science and religion in a wider cultural setting.
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Stewart E Kreitzer.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Adviser: Smocovitis, Vassiliki B.
Electronic Access:

Record Information

Source Institution:
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
lcc - LD1780 2013
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Material Information

World Views in Collision The Dialogue Between John Greene And Ernst Mayr (1959-2005)
Physical Description:
1 online resource (389 p.)
Kreitzer, Stewart E
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date:

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Committee Chair:
Smocovitis, Vassiliki B
Committee Members:
Gregory, Fred G
Hatch, Robert A
Adams, Sean P
Kimball, Rebecca T


Subjects / Keywords:
darwin -- dawkins -- dobzhansky -- evolution -- greene -- ideology -- mayr -- neodarwinian -- religion -- science -- synthesis -- worldview
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
History thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


This dissertation is a focused historical examination of a famous series of exchanges between two leading scholars of the history of evolutionary biology in the middle to late decades of the twentieth century. Spanning nearly fifty years, the relationship and conversation between Ernst Mayr and John Greene took place in person, and more significantly, in private correspondence and official publications in response to each other. Raising a series of concerns about professionalization and identity, science and political belief, science and its philosophical context, and ultimately science and religion, this“epistolary exchange,” which varied from productive exchange to healthy argument to downright confrontation, makes for an ideal focus to explore complex themes in the history, philosophy and sociology of science. In support of these objectives, this dissertation explores the many factors that shaped their worldviews and ideological proclivities. Through an examination of their lives, as well as a detailed examination of their many, and varied exchanges, this dissertation gives us a deeper understanding of what John Greene himself described as “the interplay of science, ideology, and worldview,” and most important, its latent influence on the relationship between science and religion in a wider cultural setting.
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Stewart E Kreitzer.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Adviser: Smocovitis, Vassiliki B.
Electronic Access:

Record Information

Source Institution:
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
lcc - LD1780 2013
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2 2013 Stewart Edward Kreitzer


3 To e veryone I have had an opportunity to learn from along the path.


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the University of Florida History Department, especially Betty Smocovitis, Fred Gregory, and Bob Hatch, my professors in the History of Science, as well as committee members, Sean Adams and Rebec ca Kimball. In particular I wish to acknowledge Betty Smocovitis, who served as chair for my committee, for all her assistance and encouragement; she has been extraordinarily patient. In addition, I would like to offer my appreciation to the archivists and librarians at the University of Connecticut Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, The Harvard University Library Archives, and Ernst Mayr Library of the Museum of Comparative Zoology In particular I would like to offer a special thanks to Betsy Pitma n, responsible for the Greene Papers, and Mayr Sears, Head of Public Services/Reference at the Ernst Mayr Library. I would also like to offer a special thanks to Dr. Walter Bock, Columbia University Professor of Evolutionary Bi ology and former graduate student of Ernst Mayr, who graciously spent his afternoon sharing his thoughts and perspectives with me about Mayr as well as John Greene who he worked with organizing at the International Society for t he History, Philosophy and Social Studies of Biology meetings held at Brandeis University in 1993 and published the following year in Biology and Philosophy And for e most, I would like to thank John C. Greene for inviting me to participate with him in two sets of interviews held in 2007 and 2008 at his home near Monterey, California during which he shared his recollections of his productive career and long relationship with Ernst Mayr. At the same time, I would like to offer an all to all those who off ered advice and encouragement. Specifically I would like to recognize Ken Solomon, Kathryn Bellach, Eric Bernasek, Chris Beetle, Tom Guild, the hospitality of Howard Brown, the Marks


5 family, Frank and Joni Lenna, and especially my daug hter Jessica Kreitzer, my father Sidney Kreitzer, and his wife Judy.


6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 9 2 ................... 24 Family and Education ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 24 Birds and Bicycles ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 34 Bird Clubbing, and a Well Cooked Carp ................................ ................................ ............... 36 ............... 40 Birding in the South Pacific ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 51 Mayr and the Missionaries ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 59 Sailing the South Seas ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 64 3 THE DARWIN OF THE 20TH CENTURY: MAYR AND HIS CAREER IN EVOLUTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 69 The American Museum of Natural History ................................ ................................ ............ 69 Birding in the USA ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 77 A Turn to Evolution ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 87 The Founding of the Society for the Study of Evolution ................................ ........................ 98 The Biology of Birds Takes Flight; Mayr Migrates North ................................ ................... 102 ................ 111 Ernst Goes to India ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 124 4 GREENE ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 132 Family ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 134 Belle & Edward & Harvard & Helen ................................ ................................ ................... 138 Home on the Prairie: Vermillion, South Dakota ................................ ................................ .. 142 Life Among The Coyotes ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 149 The Advisor Professor Josey ................................ ................................ ................................ 151 Bert James Loewenberg and Mr. Darw in ................................ ................................ ............. 155 Harvard and The Society of Fellows ................................ ................................ .................... 159 Spanning the Globe with Uncle Sam ................................ ................................ .................... 166 Back in the U.S.A. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 176


7 5 CORRESPONDING COLLEAGUES: MAYR AND GREENE ................................ ......... 189 ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 193 Dobzhansky and Greene: Making Sense of Evolution ................................ ......................... 198 Disciplinary Boundaries ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 209 Darwin & Spencer: As Seen by Harris, Freeman, Mayr, Greene, et al. ............................... 215 Common Grounds ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 224 On The History of Biologica l Revolutions ................................ ................................ ........... 227 Anthropology, Ideology, and World View ................................ ................................ ........... 232 Simpson, Ideology, and World View ................................ ................................ ................... 234 A Response from G. G. Simpson ................................ ................................ .......................... 241 6 WORLD VIEWS IN COLLISION ................................ ................................ ....................... 249 The Correspondence Thickens ................................ ................................ ............................. 249 ................................ ....... 254 ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 260 ................................ 264 The Growth of Biological Thought ................................ ................................ ...................... 277 The International Congress of History of Science at Berkeley ................................ ............ 286 Jacques Roger and the Revue de Synthse ................................ ................................ ............ 293 Roger Recr uits Mayr ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 297 Moving Towards Publication ................................ ................................ ............................... 305 The Revue in Print ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 307 Two Old Intellectual Troopers ................................ ................................ .............................. 312 Happy Birthday Ernst ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 322 7 UNDERSTANDING THE EXCHANGE AND SUMMING IT ALL UP ........................... 329 APPENDIX : ADDITIONAL GREENE FAMILY HISTORY ................................ .................. 353 The Treat Family of Helen Carter Greene ................................ ................................ ............ 355 ................................ ................................ ......................... 359 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 374 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 389


8 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy WORLD VIEWS IN COLLISION : THE DIALOGUE BETWEEN JOHN GREENE AND ERNST MAYR (1959 2005) By Stewart Kreitzer August 2013 Chair: Vassiliki Betty Smocovitis Major: History This dissertation is a focused historical examination of a famous series of exchanges between two leading scholars of the history of evolutionary bi ology in the middle to late decades of the twentieth century. Spanning nearly fifty years, the relationship and conversation between Ernst Mayr and John Greene took place in person, and more significantly, in private correspondence and official publication s in response to each other. Raising a series of concerns about professionalization and identity, science and political belief, science and its philosophical produc tive exchange to healthy argument to downright confrontation, makes for an ideal focus to explore complex themes in the history, philosophy and sociology of science. In support of these objectives, this dissertation explores the many factors that shaped th eir worldviews and ideological proclivities. Through an examination of their lives, as well as a detailed examination of their many, and varied exchanges, this dissertation gives us a deeper play of science, ideology, and religion in a wider cultural setting.


9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In a celebrated 1986 review mediating two papers and an exchange, b y historian John Greene and evolutionary biologist and historian Ernst Mayr, the late Stephen J. Gould wrote: The exchange between Greene and Mayr is a double pleasure to read because it represents a commentary about history by two men who have, through th e excellence of their own works, helped to shape the history of evolutionary thought. Yet I find that both men are talking largely past rather than to each other. Mayr writes to defend the specific mechanics of natural selection; Greene is questioning the 1 This famous dispute between these two leading scholars of the history of evolutionary biology makes a good starting point for historical examination. Published in the Revue de Synthse, contesting views inspired formal commentaries from a number of leadi ng scholars of evolution such as Gould, as well as Franois Jacob, the winner of the Nobel Prize in Physiology (1965) the University of Paris zoologist Charles De villers, and the French i ntellectual historian Jacques Roger. Though such formal critiques and responses are not uncommon in academic culture, these exchanges of 1986 went beyond the comfortable level of civil discourse and at times amounted to dismissive ad hominem attack s espec ially from Ernst . [i] nts is overcome by a feeling of f rustration, he duly noted. 2 What, pre cisely had been stated by Green e that triggered this response from Mayr? Why was there so much emotion involved? And what was the background context for this article? Was it only an e 1 Revue de Synthse 107 (1986): 239. 2 Revue de Synthse 107 (1986): 229.


10 it to be or w as there more involved ? Was it perhaps that the status of evolutionary biology and its legitimacy as a proper science, a critici sm Mayr surely would have felt having dedicated so much of his life to successfully establis hing, promoting, and defending the proper science of evolutionary biology? Or was there some other fundamental difference between the two men that lay hidden from view? Was it perhaps a difference in worldview, or ideology, or perhaps even what constituted the proper domain of scientific, as well as historical inquiry, and all set against the backdrop of a wider culture that itself was seeing frequent clashes in the realms of politics, social values, beliefs, as well as the celebrated of America. 3 This dissertation attempts to answer these questions by focusing on the tw o protagonists, and this particular clash as a way of understanding wider concerns that emerge from what John own intellectual development by focusing on the ir educations, family and class backgrounds as well as analyzing c losely the nature of their long and complex relationship seen in both their formal correspondence as well as their many publications. The Mayr Greene exchange ( referring here not only the correspondence but also to the professional relationship between the two men ), actually ha d a long history. Not without surprise, it began in the year 1959, the year of the Darwin Centennial at the University of Chicago which hosted the largest and grandes t of all celebrations commemorating the 100 th year 3 John Hedley Brooke is one of the prominent historians of science advocating the complexity thesis to describe the historical relationship between science and religion. See John Hedley Brooke, Science and Religion: Some Historical Perspectives (New York: Cambridge University Pre ss, 1991). For more on the historical complexity in the relationship between science and religion, see David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers have edited a volume highlighting the historical complexity latent in the relationship between science and Christ ianity in: God and Nature: Historical Essays on the Encounter between Christianity and Science (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).


11 On the Origin of Species and the 150 th year of his birth. The occasion also celebrated the emergenc e of evolutionary biology as a legitimate scientific discipline whose purpo se was to serve a following the historical event 4 A s explained by Betty Smocovitis: In the wake of the evolutionary synthesis of the 1930s and 1940s, the anniversary of 1959, coming twelve years a fter the 1947 Princeton meetings (during which evolutionists celebrated the reconfiguration of biological disciplines around the new science of evolutionary biology), was perfectly timed to reassess the state of the art by the community of individuals who had worked to create a synthetic, unified science of evolution. 5 It also provided an occasion for a number of proponents of the neo Darwinian synthesis to proclaim its success far and wide through newsprint, radio and the new medium of television, thereby capturing an enormous international audience. Most noteworthy it offered an opportune time to announce the new mingling of evolution, secular belief, and progress known as evolutionary humanism (later amended to secular humanism) This was most clearly and indeed explicitly articulated by Julian Huxley, one of the leading architect s of and spokesperson s for the synthesis, 6 who delivered the pulpit of the University of As describ ed by Smocovitis, his 4 The Evolutionary Synth esis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology eds. Ernst Mayr and William B. Provine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), 1 48. The historical background to the evolutionary synthesis and the emergence of the scientific discipline of evolutiona ry biology is also discussed in Vassiliki Betty Smocovitis, Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). The evolutionary synthesis, also referred to as neo Darwinian synthesis, brough t together within a unified theory, featuring the mechanism of natural selection and random mutation, Mendelian genetics and Darwinian theory as well as a host of other biological disciplines. 5 Osiris 2 nd Series 14 (1999): 278. 6 i Betty Smocovitis, Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 141.


12 serm o n new evolu rousing passage Huxley proclaimed: Evolutionary man can no longer take refuge from his loneliness in the a rms of a divinized father figure whom he has himself created, nor escape the responsibility of making decisions by sheltering under the umbrella of Divine Authority, nor absolve himself from the hard task of meeting his present problems and planning his fu ture by relying on the will of an omniscient, but unfortunately inscrutable 7 Picked up by a variety of media and distributed to a community known for its evangelical sympathies, catalyzed and helped unify the movement k no wn as 8 Though Mayr and Greene were both actively involved at the Darwin Centennial, Greene men were middle aged scholars (Mayr being the senior by a decade), and both would claim t hat the centennial significantly influenced their later careers. For Mayr, the festivities proved to be inspirational marking the beginning of a period during which he actively pursue d research into the history and philosophy of science. Greene, in contra st, left the celebrations feeling all the more concerned by what he already 7 304. 8 Smocovitis noted in her essay on the Darwin Centennial that shortly thereafter a fresh barrage of anti evolution The Genesis Flood (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1961). Morris commented that while the Scopes Trial embarrassed the orian Edward Larson echoes this n The Boston Globe May 1, 2005. The significance of the Darwin centennial as a rallying point in a resurgent creationist movement is also considered in James Moore, Fundamentalisms and Society eds. E. Mary and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), pp. 42 The Proceedings and Papers of the Georgia Association of Historians 1983, pp. 1 18; and James Gilbert, Redeeming Culture: American Religion in the Age of Science (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). Celebrations were but one event in a long history. For a backdrop to the creationist movement as a whole see Ronald Numbers, The Creationists: From Scientific Creationism to Intelligent Design (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006). This volume is th e expanded 2 nd edition of the original work published in 1992.


13 viewed as a growing affinity for the casual mixing of science and broadly construed religious belief in this instance a In part influenced by the centennial celebrations, Greene made it a point throughout the rest of his career to explore the interplay of sci ence, ideology, and worldview. So successful was he at this that the very conjunction of those terms would come to be closely associated with his career. 9 century of correspondence with Mayr began shortly after the conclusion of the centennial festivities. In a similar exchange that began at the same time and lasted through the 1960s Greene corresponded with Theodosius Dobzhansky another architect of the evolutionary synthesis. With Dobzhansky, Greene argued that concepts of progress mixed with Christian metaphysics should be avoided in natural analyses, while with Mayr, Greene argued that progressive expressions of evolutionary humanism underm ined scientific integrity. The dialogue between Mayr and Greene that began in the 1960s, intensified during the 1970s, finally culminating in their 1986 publication in the Revue de Synthse The ir debate had a number of interesting and unexp ected consequences. For one, Greene became a life long friend of going so far as to organize an entire symposium for him on the occasion of his ninetieth birth yea r 10 The debate also led to a series of publications by d philosophical analyses of evolutionary theory. 11 Though often historians and philosophers of evolutionary thought. Mayr, in turn, came to appreciate some of 9 Among his most important works in this area are Science, Ideology, and World View (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), and Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA : Regina Press, 1999). 10 Biology & Philosophy 9 (1994): 263 435. 11 The Growth of Biological Thought Journal of the History of Biology 25 (1992): 257 Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994): 311 348.


14 Greene on the frequently underlying elements that link evolutionary science to ideological and philosophical commitments, including religious belief. This study thus examines the lives of these two promin e nt scholars whose intellectual interests a nd career paths overlapped, with each participant entering the dialogue from significantly different backgrounds. Whereas Mayr views on the history of biological thought were rooted in German culture and his experience as a scientist views were rooted in his experience as an American intellectual historian and in Protestant American culture For Mayr therefore, intellectual history and history of science involved the triumphant march of progress based on rational, objective inquiry, culminating with the acceptance of Darwinian theory In contrast Greene saw far more sophisticated and broad historical and cultural elements converging in the arrival of Darwinism during the late nineteenth century. Though Greene appreciated Darwinian theory ntific legitimacy, he also appreciated the extent to which it had become enmeshed in non scientific issues, especially at the handling of a number of evolutionary biologists keen to reach out to a popular press In short, the two held different views of th e proper domains of scientific inquiry and the extent to which science extended into domains other than science proper. The study therefore offers a sharp contrast in views of science and its legitimate domains Yet another contrast is in the views of his tory and in their professionalization as scholars. Trained in American intellectual history, Greene made the transition to history of science with his influential publication of 1959, The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought Mayr, in contrast was a biologist having made the transition to the history of science. To what exten and dismissiveness due to the fact that Greene was rding the 1986


15 dispute, how much can be attributed to difference in professionalization, which brought out differences in identity between a scientist and a scientist turned historian and a historian who turned to science? Given the celebrated distinction approaches to the history of science furthermore, to what extent was the relationship between these two individuals shaped by the fact that Mayr, as first and foremost a scientist, could be seen as an internalist w hile Greene, with a background in intellectual history, could be seen as an externalist ? And following this, could in fact the mutual appreciation that seemed to grow was appropriate to the writing of history, a view Mayr only slowly began to accept in the 1990s ? 12 In keeping with the focus on worldviews, this project also examines the specifics of Mayr se beliefs shaped their worldview and their views of science and contributed to the dispute between them. For example, 13 During his teens, with Germany embroiled in negotiating the 14 religious views to what degree could there have been, as Mayr suggested, a hidden agenda (or perhaps even an overt one) to defend a traditional religious worldview? A similar question can 12 was the Evolutionary Synthesis? Trends in Ecology and Evolution 8 (1993): 31 34. Though he acknowledged the legitimacy of social and political histories of science, he maintained his interests in internalist history. Mayr declined to participate formally in the session titled the International History Philosophy and Social Studies of Biology meetings at Brandeis University in 1993. He did, however, attend the session fully and participated in the question and answer period. 13 Ernst Mayr, letter to John C. Greene, May 1, 1989. Q uoted in Greene, Debating Darwin 231. 14 Ibid.


16 Fortunately for the hi storian, both Greene and Mayr left their correspondence for public use at the University of Connecticut and Harvard University Archives respectively. This study makes extensive use of these materials as well as others located in places like the Library of the American Philosophical Society (APS), in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania These include a collection pertaining to a conference bringing together the l eading evolutionary biologists and architects of the evolutionary sy nthesis, as well as historian s and philosophers of science, among them including John Greene. 15 The APS also includes the correspondence of figures like Theodosius Dobzhansky and G. G. Simpson, in addition to the foundational documents of the Society for th e Study of Evolution, which include d significant correspondence by the first editor of Evolution namely Ernst Mayr. Other materials consulted include videos, recorded interviews available in archives or on line that offer valuable insights into the person al history and character of Mayr. For German sources, the project relies heavily 16 In addition to the papers Greene deposited at the University of Connecticut, there are additional sources that include a number of interviews and autobiographical recollections included in Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (1999), and in the edited collection dedicated to his life work titled History, Humanity and Evolution (1989). Greene also agreed t o a series of oral history interviews with the author. 17 15 dozen participants that included leading evolutionary biologists such as C. D. Darlington, Theodosius Dobzhansky, E. B. Ford, Bentley Glass, Stephen Jay Gould, I. Michael Lerner, Richard C. Lewontin, Everett C. Olson, G. Ledyard Stebbins, and Robert L. Trivers. Historians and philosophers of science included Mark. B. Adams, Garland E. Allen, Richard W. Burkhardt, Michael Ghiselin Gerald Holton, David L. Hull, Camille Limoges, and Frank Sulloway. The full list of attendees is presented in The Evolutionary Synthesis, p. 468. 16 Jrgen Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy: The Life and Science of Ernst Mayr 1904 2005 (New Y ork: Springer, 2005). Haffer presented extensive research culled from these archives in his biography of Mayr. 17 home near Monterey, California d u ring August 2007 and May 2008. The author intends to donate digital copies to


17 In considering these issues, definition of science, ideology, and world view. Greene considered ideology a well toward programs of so intellectual curiosity, the desire to know for assumptions (accompanied by feeling tone), sometimes explicit but generally implicit in figures 18 Although the goal of this project is to locate these two thinkers in the complex constellation of beliefs and ideologies, the objective is not so much to reduce their mature beliefs to competing ideologies, but to explore how their views on science were inextricably linked to worldviews and ideological commitments that were either tacit or not entirely well articulated. In summary, the goals of this pr oject are therefore five fold: 1 ) To understand the development of each s cholar in order to determine their intellectual commitments to the history and to the philosophy of science; 2 ) To understand their ideological commitments and world view either as explicitly articulated in their private correspondence and publishe d works, or as they inherited them based on lived experiences; 3) To understand their professional backgrounds and to determine the extent to which differences in points of view were shaped by their training as historians and scientists; 4) To understand t he specifics of their religious beliefs the John C. Greene Papers held at the Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, Unive rsity of Connecticut, Storrs, CT. Greene passed away on November 12, 2008. In addition, Walter Bock, Co graduate students, graciously made himself available for a recorded session with the author discussing his views on the relationship between Mayr and Greene, as well as his experie nce working with both scholars. Bock worked with Greene to organize both the presentations, and the papers for publication from a session held at the 1993 ntributions to Biology & Philosophy 9 (1994). Bock has also published a number of biographical essays on the life and science of Ernst Mayr listed in the bibliography of this dissertation. 18 Revue de Synthse vestment.


18 and how those beliefs may have shaped their views of science, its history and philosophy, and may have contributed to the dispute between them; and most importantly, 5) To reconstruct, in historical detail, the rela tionship between these two men based on empirical research, and to explore how this exchange brought issues that engaged the roles of science, i deology, and world view sharply into focus. These components of the exchange between Mayr and Greene may give ins ight into the nature of intellectual disputes in the history and philosophy of scien ce while providing a deeper appreciation of the undergirding influences that too often exacerbate the so called conflict between science and religion. 19 This dissertation wi ll thus present a fuller shaped our current appreciation of the history of evolutionary science. This is not insignificant given the on going debates pertaining to evolution, espe cially in American popular culture. More modestly, this study will help scholars of the evolutionary synthesis learn more about its metaphysical foundations, especially by its focus on Ernst Mayr, whose metaphysical beliefs have been incompletely studied. 20 19 The literature on arguments and controversies is vast and the approaches are diverse. For examples See Martin Rudwick, The Great Devonian Controversy: The Shaping of Scientific Knowledge Among Gentlemanly Specialists, (Chicago: Chicago Univers ity Press, 1985); Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987); and Ullica Segerstrle, Defenders of the Truth: The Sociobiology Debate, (New York: Oxford University Pr ess, 2000). 20 pansychism see William B. Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), and David S Journal of the History of Biology 40 (2007): 327 The Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky, ed. Mark B. Adams (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 179 Journal of the History of Biology 23 (1990 ): 39 55, and Vassiliki Betty Smocovitis, Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). For Ronald Fisher see Joan Fisher Box, R. A. Fisher: The Life of a Scientist (New York: Wiley, 1 Study of Fisher, in The Founders of Evolutionary Biology: A Centenary Reappraisal ed. Sahotra Sarkar (Boston: Kluwer Publications, 1992), 231 93. See also Jonathan Harwood Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994): 1 20.


19 ns, as old as philosophy itself . Shall we not, then, resume the age old quest for knowledge of reality in a humbler spirit, acknowledging our debt to science for all it can tell us about ourselves and nature but realizing that the ultimate intelligibility of things, if there is one, is not scientific in the sense 21 In yet another source, Greene echoes an argument that wi l l be made in this s tudy: To ignore the difference between science, philosophy, and religion and roll them all into one evolutionary gospel claiming to disclose the meaning of existence is as dangerous an idea to science as it is to philosophy and religion. If scientists aspi re to be prophets and preachers, they cannot expect society to grant them the relative autonomy they have enjoyed in Western culture in recent centuries. The current evolutionary biology is sufficient evidence of that. The hard won ideal of disinterested inquiry guided by insight and logic but rigorously controlled by generally accepted methods of empirical testing is too precious an acquisition of the human spirit to be sacrifice d to grandiose but delusory and self destructive dreams of an omnicompetent science of nature history, society, and human duty and destiny. As a student of the history of ideas, I am convinced that science, ideology, and worldview will forever be intertwin ed and interacting. As a citizen concerned for the welfare of science and of mankind generally, however, I cannot but hope that scientists will recognize where science ends and other things begin. 22 The organization of the dissertation follows logically fr om the questions posed; the initial chapters present biographical sketches of the two scholars These chapters help us understand the development o f the ideological commitments expressed during their careers careers that spanned For a within the writings of the arc hitects of the modern synthesis and other leading evolutionary biologists, see Michael Ruse, Monad to Man: the Concept of Progress in Evolutionary Biology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996). 21 Science, Ideology, and World View: Essays in the History of Evolutionary Ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 188 89. 22 Science, Ideology, and World View: Essays in the History of Evolutionary Ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), p. 197.


20 important events in the gr owth of the modern disciplines of evolutionary biology and the history of science. T his study will also lean heavily on the written and spoken words of these scholars, as they offer direct insight into not only into the personality of each individual but also into the relationship inherent to their exchanges. There is a saying th at gentlemen say what they mean and mean what they say suffice it to say these gentlemen used their words wisely. A ppreciating the element of personal context could prove as sig nificant as the ideas themselves, with much of the biographical evidence offered in this analysis not comprehensively presented elsewhere 23 ) examines ing up in an educated upper class family with a love for the natural world and a deep appreciation of the German Bildung tradition It explores his youthful interest in bird watching that brought him in contact with a number of respected naturalists that i ncluded Erwin Stresemann, who subsequently education and early career inclu ding his travels and expeditions to New Guinea and the So uth Sea islands Chapter 3 ( The Darwin of the 20 th Century: Mayr an d his Career in Evolution ) studies Mayr period at the American Museum of Natural History beginning in the early 1930s. Those were the years that Mayr came in contact with leading evolutionary biologists such as Theodosius Dobzhansky and George Gaylord S impson who helped inspire his new evolutionary thinking that lead to his monumental Systematics and the Origins of Species from the Viewpoint of a Zoologist (1941) Recognized as a leading evolutionary biologist in his own right Mayr 23 to allow the reader direct access to their speech and writin gs. Undoubtedly there is much to be unpacked in their modes of expression. There are also occasional short biographical sketches included of influential persons. Extensive analysis will be offered in the concluding chapter.


21 worked toward establi shing institutions and disciplinary standards dedicated to the scientific respectability of the neo Darwinian synthesis. This led to his growing interest in the history and philosophy of biology during the 1950s as a professor at Harvard University Shortl y after the conclusion of the Darwin Centennial of 1959 these interests brought him into contact with the intellectual historian of evolutionary thought, John C. Greene. Chapter 4 ( : John C. Greene ) expl in the history and philosophy of science that had begun to fascinate Ernst Mayr. The chapter examines Greene life growing up in a liberal Protestant academic fam ily living in the Midwest, and his early academic career that included graduate studies at Harvard University where he came in regular contact with numerous leading scholars His research in American intellectual history led to his interest in the transfor mation of modern thought f rom a static worldview to a dynamic evolutionary perspective He explored this thesis in his influential work The Death of Adam: Evolution and its Impact on Western Thought (1959), which established him as a prominent historian i n what eventually became known as the 24 Chapter 5 ( Corresponding Colleagues : Mayr and Greene ) moves directly toward the celebrated epistolary exchange of these two scholars Intriguingly, during the 1960s Greene also engaged in an exte nded exchange with another leading evolutionary biologist Theodosius Dobzhansky on issues that complemented his interactions with Mayr Th e chapter then examines a variety of historical concerns discussed by Greene and Mayr during the 1970s as 24 o the large community of historians of science working on the life, work, and influence of Charles Darwin. The occasion of the 1959 centennial celebrations marked a significant increase in Journal of the History of Biology 20 (1987): 115 Victorian Studies 39 (1996): 217 235; Maura C. The American Biology Teacher 68 (2006): 163 166. See also John C. Greene Journal of the History of Biology 8 (1975): 243 273.


22 their exch ange began to focus on the influence of science, ideology, and worldview in the writings of modern evolutionary biologists. with Mayr and other leading historians of science and evolutionary biologists at the AAAS sponsored conference Mayr organized to study the historical significance of the evolutionary synthesis. Chapter 6 ( World Views in Collision ) investigates relationship as they continued to share perspectives. Gre views attracted the attention of the French intellectual historian of science, Jacques Roger, who invited Greene and Mayr to publish essays in a special edition of the Revue de Synths e that also invited commentaries from prominent evolutionary biolo gists Examined will be t he sharp contrast in perspective s published in the Revue with an obvious focus on historical analysis of the role of biological thinking within the broad setting of Western intellectual history an reaction based on his concentrated experience as an evolutionary biologist, and in which he defended his concept of the historical significance of the scientific achievements of his generation Though severely tested, t he relationship between the two scholars soon improved as the two made amends, an d as Mayr and Greene continued to correspond throughout their senior years on shared interests in biological thought Chapter 7 ( Understanding the Exchange and Summing It All Up ) offers a comprehensive analysis of Mayr decades long interaction on the history of evolutionary thought in light of the long standing debates in the relationship between science and religion. Finally, the project draws to a close by examining the complex relationsh ip between science and religion set against the backdrop of American popular culture. Materials related to


23 appendix.


24 CHAPTER 2 MATIVE YEARS IN GERMANY Family and Education Scientists are human beings, and human beings not only hold worldviews, they also sometimes pursue ideologies. Ernst Mayr, the human being, was an exemplary biologist known t of the 20 th th Century. 1 He 2 This chapter will explo focus ing on experiences that influenced his ad and interviews with an aim of showing how he saw himself and the world around him. Mayr was born on the 5 th of July 1904, in Kempten, Germany, a town at the foothills of the B avarian Alps and contemporary and the co founder of modern a sobriquet that would come to identify Mayr nearly a century later. 3 to do medical family, a professional lineage that began with two grandfathers. Nonetheless, Otto chose to become a magist rate in the Bavarian court system, a job that required his family to relocate every several years; first, in 1 New York Times April 15, 1997; Lauren Christian Science Monitor August 17, th Academy of Achievement: A Museum of Living History, accessed May 1, 2012, www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1 ; Jrgen Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy: The Life and Science of Ernst Mayr, 1904 2005 (NY: Springer, 2007), pp. 318 19, 378 79. 2 John C. Greene, quoted in John Simmons, The Scientif ic 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential Scientists, Past and Present (Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1996), p. 304. 3 Skeptic 8 (2000): 76 82.


25 1908 when Ernst was four, to Wrzburg where Otto served as the District Prosecuting Attorney, and then to Munich n to Associate Justice at the Supreme Court of Bavaria. 4 Reichsgericht (German Supreme Court) in Leipzig. 5 Unfortunately, he succumbed to cancer that year at age 49. His death s thirteenth birthday. 6 cal men. In the early 1800s one of her grandfathers arrived in Dresden from northern Italy (hence her maiden taurant, an establishment he came to own a export business in France, but a few decades later the Franco Prussian War forced his return to Dresden where he became a bank director. also living in Dresden, experienced success as a doctor to the Saxon court and, incidentally, an associate of Richard Wagner, the late romantic operatic composer. 7 4 Web of Stories, accessed May 1, 2012, www.webofstories.com/play/99 ; Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 12; Thomas Junker, Journal of the History of Biology 29 (1996): 4. 5 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 9. 6 dneys. Though Ernst otherwise enjoyed generally outstanding good health throughout his long life, in the 1930s he suffered a kidney ailment. Not long after his arrival in the United States, the discovery of a nonmalignant tumor necessitated the removal of his entire left kidney due to the difficulty of the procedure at the time. 7 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, thoroughly researched biography of Mayr, who he had personally known since concept in ornithology, the development of European schools of avian systematics, and the career of Professor Biology & Philosophy 9 (1994): 272). Walter Bock is an accomplished evolutionary biologist and ornithologist at Columbia University who has also written on the history and philosophy of biology. He was an early graduate student of s life in a series of published essays, with a special Biographical Memoirs of the Royal Society 3 Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 151 (2007): 359.


26 Both the Mayrs and Pusinellis originally came from Catholic background s, though In Dresden, the Pusinelli exemplary representative of the best Protestant ethics: gene rous, hardworking, full of ideals, and 8 rather 9 Mayr presumed that bot h his parents were agnostic but that they were quite anxious to give their children a good religious upbringing. small children we said a prayer when going to bed, and we had religious instruction in school and went to chur ch oc casionally, not regularly . . Protestant ethics, however, had been preached so strongly by my 10 His m other was a frequent churchgoer often attending church as she thought that th e minister gave such interesting sermons also remembered attending the regular school curriculum of religious education away from religion eventually, bu t simply what I considered the implausibility of all the things 11 han 13 years old when I became very rebellious about all the miracles and other seemingly 8 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 13. 9 Ibid., p. 9. 10 Ernst Mayr to John C. Greene, 01 May 1989, in John C. Green, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scho lar (Claremont, CA: Regina Books, 1999), p. 231. 11 BioEssays 24 (2002): 970.


27 improbable events that were reported . . In later years I always said that I fully supported the 12 Mayr was the mid dle son born between his older brother Otto (a popular name in the Mayr family!) who was three years his senior, and Hans, nearly two years younger Ernst fondly remembered his father taking the entire family on hikes nearly every Sunday: We usually took the train somewhere away from Wrzburg and then walked cross country to some other train station or to the terminal of the electric tram near Wrzburg. It was on these trips that we collected flowers, mushrooms, fossils in some quarry, or did other natura l history studies. When my father heard of a heron colony north of the Aumeister near Munich we also visited it. Otherwise, perhaps more through the interests of my mother, we visited old towns, castles, and 13 May r fondly remembered his father as a great student of the classics and history and philosophy, at the same time he was a friend of nature and this was equally true of my mother . . S o I had a very good all around education in natural history. In fact, I 14 12 an unpublished manuscript written b y Mayr, titled Autobiographical Notes 200 page document, Scientific Autobiography along with two additional m anuscripts, titled Reminiscences and Travel Notes 2005) and the New Journal for General Philosophy of Science 38 (2007): 2, fn. 1. Haffer similarly references letters rendered in Eng 13 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 12. 14 Web of Stories, www.webofstories.com/play/102 Haffer reported tha the local sports club, was one of the pioneers of skiing in Germany (he Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 9.)


28 took care of, and we caught little fish and little sticklebacks in the streams and ponds of the neigh borhood, and snails and things watched all the water life, the larvae of 15 Meanwhile, Ernst considered younger brother Hans his inseparable companion. As far back as I can remember, Hans and I Ernst added giving some intimation of his own dispos i tion He was easy going, but since he was very bright, studying w as no problem for him. He was 16 e a very happy childhood. . I had two brothers with whom I got along very well, and everybody wa s healthy so nothing could have been more wonderful . . 17 Though ed members of an academic upper middle class, they lived a frugal lifestyle by s youth modern household conveniences such as a telephone and refrigerator, running hot water, or even gas lighting were not widely available in Germany. Though the Mayrs had a servant, sometimes two, they did not own their home, 15 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1 16 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 15. Haffer also reported that during his college years in Berlin, Mayr shared a room with his younger brother, Hans. His brother subsequently passed his bar exam his (Ibid.) 17 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1


29 preferring to live in a la automobile, but rather depended on the tram. 18 And [the author] p oints out that there was a social stratum in Germany in which everybody had to go to the Humanistisches Gymnasium, and so did I and so had my father and my grandfather, and I had nine years of Latin and seven years of Greek and a great deal of history and other subjects like that. It was a very thorough 19 The gymnasium is equivalent to an American high school, and the schools to which Otto and Helen sent their boys were considered among the elite. 20 Commenting on the ethos of his youth, Mayr said, n the upper class families of Germany an almost exaggerated emphasis cultivation]. Not only was the humanistic gymnasium considered the best possible school but one was constantly encouraged to read good books and a couple of 21 He considered the attitude of his parents to be class Germans, that one should never stop trying to add to 22 ucation . I had to take a 18 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 13. 19 Web of Stories http://www.webofstories.com/play/99 Mayr is likely referring to the work of Fritz Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890 1933 (Ringer, 5). 20 ww w.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1 ; Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 13. 21 Bildung Ornithological Monographs 58 (2005): 4. 22 35, fn. 18.


30 minor in philosophy to get my Ph.D. Moreover, I came from a family whose interests [were] wide 23 Mayr fondly remembered that his wonderful library, family f his own reading habits and the effect his reading had on him, Mayr observed, I devoured all the books of explorers that went to various places in the world. I admired what Humboldt had done and Bates and Darwin and the Swedish explorers, Sven Hedin [to Tibet] and others. I was dreaming all the time about someday being an explorer, going to the tropics, going to the jungles, seeing new things, discovering strange animals and so 24 lected a keen interest in history and philosophy. Ernst read widely in geology, anthropology and art history, so much the study of art history as a professional pursuit. 25 The Mayrs also subscribed to Kosmos the well known German monthly for amateur naturalists, and frequently ordered books from the Kosmos Library series. 26 During his teen years, Ernst demonstrated a proclivity for a youthful rebellion towa rd formal religiou s instruction. He would later recall that embarrassed the teacher. Most of my class was behind me and I would try to get some reading Weltrtsel [ The Riddle of the Universe ] with numerous references to the apocryphal parts of the 23 The Omni Interviews ed. Pamela Weintraub (New York: Omni Publications International, Ltd., 1984), p.55. 24 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1 25 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 16. 26 Ibid., p. 15.


31 27 learned about evolution but he Welstrtsel naively and avidly, not as a guide to evolutionary 28 mother i nsisted that he be confirmed, forcing him to attend confirmation classes for most of the year. Neverthel e ss he decided the Bible was quite ridiculous, and that what was going on in the world could not be reconciled with the E ven so Mayr reported that managed to make Christianity palatable to me. I came back to Christianity for a while, but this 29 Aside from his rebelliousnes s in the matter of religious education otherwise considered him a good student. Among his subjects, Ernst enjoyed biology most, a natural enthusiasm reflected in his independent reading. He even took a course that taught him to identify lo cal flowers. 30 Among the teachers, Mayr fondly recalled was his high school natural history teacher, Mr. Lwe, who Mayr said 27 controversial Die Weltrtsel (1901), translated into English as The Riddle of the Universe Haeckel presented Darwinian theory i n a mix of science and philosophical speculation, while also promoting Darwinian theory as part of a cosmic worldview supplanting traditional religious belief. Junker additionally presented an account of Haeckel similarly influencing the famed German evolu description of the anti Goldschmidt, Portraits from Memory: Recollections of a Zoologist (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1956), pp. 34 28 The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology eds. Ernst Mayr and William B. Provine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), p. 4 13. 29 Mayr to Greene, 1 May 1989, in Greene, Debating Darwin p. 231. Haffer mentioned that in 1928, Mayr (Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 69). 30 Ibid


32 recalled Lwe saying that n the gymnasium, as long as they passed on to the next higher grade bu t afterwards, at the university they had to wo 31 Ernst was only ten years old at the start of World War I, which he referred to as catastrophe, cousins and other friends were killed in the war, but t he greatest personal catastrophe occurred in 1917, when his father die d from cancer, leaving his mother to raise him and his brother s by herself during difficult times Of these times, Mayr recalled th 1918 famine . wh to have had a happy n spite of all these misfortunes and difficulties, the childhood was still a rather happy one because my mother was an absolutely marvelous person who coped w ith all these 32 her two brothers and three sisters. Though Helen depended primarily on her husband s modest Ernst at times found the transition difficult. He remembered found myself several times a stranger in a new school. When I a rrived in Munich in 1914 I spoke the Franconian dialect which was very different from the Munich Bavarian dialect. It took quite some time before I was acculturated in this new environment. In 1917 we moved to Dresden in 31 Ibid., p. 37. 32 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1


33 Saxony and again I was an alien ele ment in my class and it took some time to become adjusted 33 The Mayr boys later attended college on scholarships, with some help from their Aunt Gunny. Though the family no longer had the means to rent a vacation home for summers and scho ol holidays, they received invitations from family and friends: from Uncle Karl Pusinelli to join him at his country place in the Eblsandstein Mountains southwest of Dresden, and from a friend of their father who owned a hotel in the Alps. Aunt Gunny als o invited Ernst and his younger brother Hans to spend time at her summer home in the Ammer Valley. 34 As a boy, with the help of his older brother, Otto, Mayr learned the names of the common birds in the Wrzburg area Though Ernst and Otto shared interests as amateur naturalists, they also at times felt intensely competitive especially in academics Mayr recalled this about the minute my father died my older brother felt it was his duty to become the father of the family. But this was the la st thing I wanted and what not to do. And, of course, I wanted to excel over him 35 At one point, Ernst gra ndmother Minna told Otto : Watch out wel l, little Ernsty will pass you. 36 Mayr later ugh much of my early life I found myself again and again at the bottom of the totem pole and had to fight my way up. The oldest had all sorts of privileges and so did the youngest. There never was a special privilege for the middle brother even though my m other 33 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 287. 34 Ibid., p. 13. 35 Schermer and Sulloway, p. 77. 36 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 13.


34 tried to be as just as possible. Being later born perhaps predestined me to be somewhat 37 It was Mayr opinion that these experiences fueled his lifelong competitive spirit. Birds and Bicycles Ernst became a passionate bird watcher around the age of fourteen at which time he Regarding the genesis of that stimulated, I am embarrassed to admit, by competition with another student in my class in t he Gymnasium who bragged about his knowledge of birds. That 38 He added ike so many people my age, I was a passionate bird watcher. When I say passionate, I really mean it. I went bird watching nearly everyday. This was the era before the dominance of the automobile, and most of my watching was done by 39 Moritzburg also invited him out on excursions. Ernst remembered traveling to Lausitz (Lusatia), Moritzburg, and to the mountains east and south of Dresden: Once I got word that a nightingale was singing about twenty kilometers from Dresden, I immediately got on my bicycle and was more than elated actually to hear the bird singing. 40 In his latter teens, he began to systematically study birds on a daily basis in like Excursion Book for the Study of Birdsongs, which offered descriptions of 37 Ibid., p. Born to Rebel: Birth Order, Family Dynamics, and Creative Lives (New York: Pantheon Books, 1996). 38 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 16. 39 BioEssays 19 (1997): 175. 40 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 16.


35 birdsong with musical symbols. 41 He entered in his personal notebooks twenty five detailed bicycle routes that he found favorable for bird watching. 42 used to be an e nthusiastic bicyclist myself while I was a bird student in Germany. The poor bike certainly suffered very much. I used to take it through swamps and over the beach, through woods and over fences. It is really much handier for birding than the automobile, a nd after a 43 watcher in those days. Every day I was out watching birds and I made all sorts of locally interesti lakes, to the streams . of the Alba and other rivers, to the mountains nearby, watching birds 44 When Mayr was in his early twenties he took a bicycle trip on his own for over a week through much of southwestern Germany. On portions of his adventure h e kept a personal journal that described, among many events, his first night sleeping in a barn waking before dawn to start again under the stars. During poor weather he used the train. On his way to Lindau, by chance he spent a night at the home of a woman who turned out to be the former housekeeper of his Uncle Hermann. He aspired to examine the local church records in the vi llages of his great grandparents 45 41 The Hathi Trust Digital Library offers digital copies of the 1909 and 1913 editions likely used by young Ernst, Excursiosbuch zum Studium der Vogelstimmen, at http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b3319955 and http://hdl.handle.net/2027/njp.32101076036456 42 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 16. 43 Mayr to J. P. Chapin, 1 December 1936, i n Ibid 44 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/100 45 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, pp. 17 18.


36 Bird C lubbing, and a W ell C ooked C arp Wh Association. 46 He attended their annual meetings, sometimes travelling long distances by bicycle when necessary. On one occasion, a friendly member paid for his train ticket home after the weather turned bad. Mayr later noted how the Saxony bird club members specialized in studying bird fauna as compared to the compilation of lists that were popular among American ornithologists when he arrived in the United States in the 193 0s. 47 At the Saxony club meetings, Ernst met Rudolf Zimmermann, the editor of the soc journal. Zimmermann was a colorful character, someone Mayr fondly remembered as both his st extraordinary, s recognized as an expert naturalist, especially a familiarity with the relevant literature and leading Saxon ornithologists. 48 For Ernst, Zimmerman became a father figure. Zimmermann was born in the shadows of Rochlitzer mountain where his father served as Turmverwalters ) watching over the forests. Fortunately, young Rudolf f extensive schooling. Nonetheless, Rudolf showed talent as a writer. He apprenticed at a law firm and worked for a 46 Biograp hical Memoirs of the Royal Society 52 (2006): 171). 47 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 19. In other words, Mayr observed that the Germans were studying the behavior of the birds in their natural habitat, while in America, spending time ou tdoors while making lists of birds they had sighted seemed sufficient. 48 Ibid., p. 20.


37 a day life in favor of a humble living as a nature writer and photographer. While still in his twentie s, he served as editor for the Monthly Magazine fo r Minerals, Rocks, and Fossils published in Stuttgart. 49 During WWI, Zimmerman served on the staff of the Military Forest Service in Bialowieza, a primeval European forest along the Polish border once owned by the Russian nobility as a hunting preserve. D uring the turmoil of war, the last of the wild European wisents (bison) were poached to extinction, though shortly thereafter a new population was successfully reintroduced from wisent previously sent abroad as royal gifts. Zimmermann became involved with the fate of these animals during his time in the Bialowieza. 50 During the difficult interwar years, Zimmermann gained a reputation for his nature photography, writing essays and editing for scientific journals and nature publications. He became a leading or a field photographer in the Lake Neusiedl region. Paul Matchie, the director of the Zoological Museum of Berlin, named a field mouse, Pitymys zimmermanni in his honor. 51 Though a life long bachelor, Zimmermann maintained an extensive correspondence and received numerous visitors, even while on research expeditions. He was a popular lectur er at science clubs with his beautiful nature photography even though he suffered from a speech 49 Journal of Ornithology 92 (1944): 140. See also www.minrec.org/labels.asp?c olid=986 & www.minrec.org/libdetail.asp?id=1552 50 Ibid., p. 141. 51 Ibid., p. 144. See also http://eunis.eea.europa.eu/species/11973


38 impediment he stammered at times. Zimmermann was fond of children and was well known for inspiring enthusiasm for nature among young people, as well as adults 52 One such youth was Ernst Mayr, who recalled his frequent visits to hear Zimmermann important it was to study the living bird, that one needed patience, that one should sit by a nest or watch a displaying bird by the hour and only thus could one get the exact details of what was going on. Most importantly, he took me along on some of his excursions to the Lausitz region [east of Dresden] with its innumerable p onds and marvelous bird life. Here he showed me how to find the nests of all sorts of birds, . [H e] was not concerned with records and rarities but with 53 Mayr remembered Zimmerman as havin nd . always dressed for the outdoors. I believe just about all of his income came from writing popular nature articles for various magazines and from his nature photography. He was a very good photographer, even in the technical matters of developing h that he had finished some kind of high school, but that was all. Everything he knew 54 personal library filled the walls, tables, and chairs, leaving the impression of chaotic stacks of printed matter. But to Zimmermann, it was well organized, for at a moment he could find whatever was needed. He had a passion for books, and a pronounced taste for book design. 55 Mayr would recall tha . in a one room apartment 52 Ib id. 53 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 21. 54 Ibid. 55 Heyder, p. 143.


39 largely filled with books and periodicals. He had no kitchen, only an alcohol burner on which he made his simple meals if he happened to have enough foodstuff. If not, he simply smoked cig 56 Mayr recalled one e came to a fish pond that had just been emptied in order to catch all the carp that were in the pond. However, in one of the drainage ditches Zimmermann spotted a carp that had been forgotten. He picked it up and put it somewhere, presumably in his pocket. After much more birding, we finally caught the last train back to Dresden. It was too late for me to go home, I think it was about midnight, so I went to ohol burner and we had a delicious meal at about 1:00 a m. Then I laid down on the floor and slept soundly until about 6:00 a m. I said goodbye to Zimmermann and walked to my own house, where my mother was astonished when I appeared ringing the bell at 7:0 0 a 57 ntor during my high school days. Indeed he insisted that most impressionable 58 59 56 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 20. 57 Ibid., p. 21. 58 ean of Saxon 59 meet, through his birding activities, fatherly friends with whom he established close personal


40 A F ortuito rnithologist In 1923, upon completion of presented him with a new pair of binoculars Over the next few weeks Ernst used the gift on kin gs of Sax ony, . he observed a pair of ducks that were new to him and not mentioned in the 60 He later recalled : A s I looked across a wall of ducks on this lake I suddenly saw a pair of ducks like I had never seen before. The male had a red bill. Wel l no German duck had a red bill, I knew that, and I made a very detailed description of this bird it was male and a female in my daily ornithological diary, and then I dashed back on my bicycle to Dresden to get somebody else to confirm my observation because I was quite sure unfortunately a weekday and I, of course, not going to school any more could travel on weekdays, but everybody else who knew anything about birds had a job . Well, by next Sunday, of course, the birds where gone. Well, I finally found out from the books that this bird was the Red Crested Pochard, and so f ar as I could determine it was . this was 1923 . this was the first observation in central Europe si nce the year 1846. So the next week I went to the ornithological society of Dresden. Of course nobody find it, and I was very much distressed. But by pure chance there was a p ediatrician 61 The pediatrician wrote Ernst a letter of introduction and suggested that when passing through Berlin, he pay the man a vis it. 62 Mayr had been preparing for a medical career, but he opted for the University of or no other reason than of all German Universities, it was situated in the 60 72. Bock re crested Pochards were reported from a number of localities in Germany, suggesting that the pair observed by Mayr were part of a recolonization of 61 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/100 62 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1


41 ornithologically most interesting area. Even though I was described as a medical student, I was 63 Coincident a l l y, the train ride from Dresden to Greifswald passed through Berlin, where Mayr remembered taking his time changing trains and then going 64 He described hi s memory of their meeting: I went to the museum and I met Professor Stresemann. . H e was only thirty four years old at the time. He demanded that he could see my daily notebooks of my bird observations, which I kept very carefully and made all sorts o f sketches and everything else. Then he asked me questions about birds, one after the other, then he showed me specimens, and that was the hardest part because the specimens in how duck. Every once in a while one of them strays across the Alps to Cen tral Europe. The last one that did s o before your observation . strange thing. So he published it and a little friendship developed betw een myself and Stresemann . in fact, it was my first publication, [in] 1923. 65 I th that we would never have heard of you if you had not spotted those two ducks which Professor Well, at the time I was absolutely d eterm ined to study medicine. . Actually, of interest only for faunistic studies. However, at first n obody believed me. They . high school kids, they a lways come up with things that are just really nailed down and establish that, by golly, yes, this kid Ernst Mayr did see a 63 along the beach of the Baltic Sea almost every day, mostly alone or in the company of his f Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, man. There were http://www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1 ). 64 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/101 65 http://www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 1


42 Red Crested Pochard. So I finally had to push my way all the way up to 66 Dr. Erwin Stresemann w as no ordinary European ornithologist. Jrgen Haffer, who General, President, and honorary President of the Deutsche Ornithologen Gesellschaft (DO G) 67 T he DO 68 of ornithology as an occupatio n for taxonomic and faunistic specialists into a branch of mo dern biological science. . He accomplished this transformation by adding avian physiology, ecology and behavior to the narrower older ornithology when he published his masterpiece, the lastin g volume on Aves (1924 1934) in the Handbuch er Zoologie (Handbook of Zoology), skillfully edited two ornithological journals, supervised a long series of Ph.D. dissertations and encouraged 69 Of the profess or, Mayr described: es had as great an impact . on the study of birds and on the development of ornithology as an integral part of biological science. In 1921 when he took over the bird department at the Zoological M useum in When he became mentor 66 Biology & Philosophy the 19 th Journal fr Ornithology 142 (2001): 97. 67 Aves (1927 1934) in the Handbuch der Zoologies and His Archives of Natural History 21 (1994): 201. 68 German Ornithologists Society, accessed May 1, 2012, www.do g.de/index.php?id=34&L=1 69 Aves


43 Stresemann was th s magnetic personality 70 Stresemann was born into a family of well to do pharmacists. His grandfather, Theodor Stresemann, owned a pharmacy in Berlin called the Red Eagle. His father, Richard, studied medicine in Leipzig, and the n along with his brother, Gustav, acquired the Mohr Pharmacy in Dresden in 1876. From the beginning of his life, young Irwin Stresemann was surrounded by an environment of academic tradition and scientific thinking. 71 Mayr would write that Stresemann n excellent education in a culturally stimulating atmosphere. From his earliest youth he 72 be reflect ed in Mayr : bo th initially studied medicine but later travel ed on birding expedition s to the South West Pacific and both first prepared for the ir journey s he was one of a company o f three on what became k nown as the Moluccas Expedition trave ling to areas then under German control ( 1910 12 ) Alfred Russel Wallace, among others, had previously explored this region. New Zealand ornithologist K. E. We s terskov described the Moluccas Exp highl It helped b uild his scientific reputation, and him to plan and guide the preparatio school he developed around 70 Ibis 115 (1973): 282. Mayr also commented that Stresemann was Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/103 71 J ournal fr Ornitholgie 114 (1973): 455. 72 Dictionary of Scientific Biography vol. 18, supplement 2, ed. Frederic L. 1990), pp. 888 Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography accessed May 01, 2012, http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2 2830905353.html


44 him when he was later appointed Curator of Birds at the Berlin Museum Among the associates Stresemann guided on expeditions that brought back large collections to the museum Westerskov listed his star pupil Ernst Mayr, and [Gerd] Heinrich, [Georg H. W.] Stein and 73 Upon re turning from his own expedition in 1912, Stresemann initially returned to his medical studies, though he Hartert, on the Moluccas collections at the Tring museum, where methodo him well. 74 In 1914, Stresemann was invited to contribute a volume on birds in a comprehensive collection edited by Willy Georg Kkenthal, titled, Handbuch der Zoolo gie Though Stresemann had yet to complete his degree, his reputation had already been established from his expedition work and his published papers. Perhaps it helped that Kkenthal had earlier, in the 1890s, been on expedition in the Moluccas. Stresemann Aves but that had to wait until after the war. During the war, while working with a rangefinder from an anchored field airship to help direct artillery fire along the Western front, Stresemann simultaneou s a result of his field airship experience, Stresemann published three papers examining the height of the Swifts in flight, mixed bird flocks, and the use of rangefinders in determin ing flying height of 75 73 K. E. Westers Notornis 23 (1976): 141. 74 75 Westerskov, p. 143.


45 Stresemann earned his degree in 1920, majoring in zoology at Munich. After the war he also focused on his work on Aves among other projects. In another turn of fortuitous luck, Kkenthal, the editor for Aves had been recentl y appointed Director of the Zoological Museum in Berlin and he was looking for a successor to the senior Curator of Birds who was soon to retire. The following year, Stresemann earned the appointment in a meteoric rise to the most influential post in pro fessional ornithology in the Weim a r Republic one that was watched with 76 For Stresemann, the interwar period, was undoubtedly [his] finest hour: with industry, intelligence and efficient planning plus stick to it ness he wro te and had published his major book, Aves edited two journals, served as Secretary General of the Ornithological Society, supervised between 1925 and 1939 a total of 22 Ph.D. candidates . administered and developed the Bir d Room of the Museum . in addition to an annual 77 On a more personal note, British ornithologist David Armitage Bannerman remembered l ooking man, he was always gay and lively and imbu ed w ith a great sense of fun. . In those carefree [interwar] days he was a great favorite with the opposite sex and delighted in dancing. Clad in tail coat and white waistcoat he 78 To thi s Mayr added : anyone he encountered. His phenomenal memory, his ability to cut through complex obscurities 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid. 78 Ibis 115 (1 973): 284.


46 to reach clear formulations, the elegance of his written work, and his clear vision of desirable 79 But Ernst Mayr would impress his mentor in turn Mayr recalled that Stresemann : T ook to me and saw my enthusiasm . . H e said, And he put me to work unpacking new collections that came from expe ditions in vari ous places been yet identified and so forth. I had a wonderful time, and I had opportunity to talk with Stresemann about all sorts of things. And one day he said to me, afte r I talked about my dreams about the tropics expeditions and the jungles and all that, ow look here, young man. If you become a medical doctor you will never have a Wh make a proposal. Suppose, after you finish your first half of the medical study . in Germany the preclinical period and the clinical perio d are sharply separated . A medicine, take a degree in zoology, a Ph.D., and when you have that then I can find 80 Mayr suggested that Stresemann e really was trying to do me a favor. I was 81 79 DSB p. 889. Mayr mentioned Stresemann was also known for a short temper when not suffering fools patiently. 80 www.achievement.o rg/autodoc/page/may1int 2 On another occasion, Mayr similarly 81 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 2 Significant among the friends Mayr made while still at Greifswald was Martin Hennig, someone he corresponded with throughout hi s life. Mayr commented: m Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy pp. 33 34).


47 Mayr remembered this time of his life: [As] soon as I had my candidate of medicine degree, I stopped medicine and I went into zoology, and I did something that is almost unbelievable. In 16 mo nths I fulfilled all the requirements of a Ph.D. candidat e in zoology . [and had ] written my thesis in that time. I was ready for my examination, and on the 24 th of June 82 Th e dissertation w onnected with that duck . B ut this dealt wit h a small finch like bird . which in the years between about 1770 and the present time, had spread from the Mediterranean on both sides of the Alps into Central Europe. The argument among the ornithologists was that maybe it had been there all along . M y thesis was to trace the movement through all the natural history literature of all the little local societies and whatnot, and then try to e 83 Mayr a very convincing story, and mapped the spread of the bird in 25 year periods and developed a number of ecological theories about spreading. . It was printed the next year in a big German ornithologic 84 Ernst still aimed to go on an expedition to the South Seas as he had since a young boy in pursuit of his degree in zoology. that and he tried very hard. There 82 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 2 As an aside, Haffer reported that Stres night Mayr accomplished all the course requirements, finished his thesis on time and passed his PhD examination summa cum laude 24 June 1926. He also obtained the position at the museum starting work a few days later on 1 Ornithol ogy, Evolution, and Philosophy 34.) Walter assistantship available at the museum that he could obtain only if he had received his Ph.D. Positions were scare in 83 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 2 84 Ibid.


48 Stresemann persuaded Lord Rothschild of England the famous owner of the largest private bird collection that he should have a collector in New Guinea. Actually Rothschild had a collector 85 Mayr would later admit t hat Stresemann needed to first persuade Rothschild to take him on, and Rothschild agreed on the condition that Mayr find called rare birds of cen tered in Rotterdam and Paris, and they had sent him a few unique varieties that so far no one not solved. A handful of northern mountain ranges had yet to be th oroughly explored; that was Lord Rothschild. Mayr confessed: had never shot a bird. I had never skinned a bird. Stresemann was very how shall I say optimistic about the whole thing, but I got a rush job training in some of these things and I went over to England and I talked it over with Rothschild and his curator [Hartert] about further matters of collecting. 86 Mayr would later reflect on the overall importance of Stresemann in his life, ackno wledging that, I n the course of time Stresemann had become a replacement father figure for me. As the average son would turn to his father for advice, so I always turned to Stresemann when in need. . He greatly honored me in 1930 (after my return from the expedition) by, so to speak, moving me up to the rank of younger bro ther . . He was my close friend, indeed I had no other close friend. Stresemann was clearly my closest friend until my friendship with Dobzhansky developed. For Stresemann 85 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 3 86 Ibid.


49 I was not only a friend but even more so a disciple. He was delighted when I was invited to come to New York and work on the collections because it would mean 87 Walter Bock, the Columbia University evolutiona ry biologist who studied under Mayr at Harvard, concurred: Mayr who understood the new developments being advanced by Stresemann and who was in the right place at the right time, in thi s case in North America New York City starting in 1931 where he could advocate and push the New Avian Biolo gy. . [Mayr] was willing and ready to 88 About his mentor and friend, M think one can say truthfully that no one in the last 100 years has had as profound an impact on the world of ornithology as Erwin 89 . more then anyone else [ S tresemann helped bring about a] shift of the p osition of ornithology from being merely a hobby, to being a legitimate branch of zoology, 90 adding that 87 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy p. 41. In correspondences, Stresemann began ounger brother; while in turn Mayr called Stresemann older brother, along with informal German pronouns. 88 must be credited to E. Stresemann with the publication of his Aves volume and appearance in the Journal fr Ornithologie of an important series of diverse studies in biological ornitholog y including doctoral theses done under because the time was ripe for these new ideas and because of the proselytizing by Ernst Mayr, the l eading student of logy changed rapidly and general biological studies were emphasized over earlier systematic research traditions and to a paradigm change, which had a wor suited subject for studies into the problems of functional morphology, physiology, behavior, and Journal fr Ornithologie 148 (2007): 125 126. 89 90 rch Traditions in Central Europe during the 19 th and 20 th Journal fr Ornithologie 142 (2001): 63.


50 of dissertations on avian morphology, embryology, histology, physiology, bird flight, f eather stru cture and coloration . most of them published [under his editorship] in the Journal fr Ornithologie 91 s whom he trained, as zoologists, at the University of Berlin, formed the first school of genuine scientific 92 Mayr also recalled that while working under Stresemann at the Museu m of Natural History in Berlin he found a colleague in Bernhard Rensch: [He] very much influenced me because he wrote a book on speciation, on the origin about all the problems involved there and much of what he said influenced me and I followed it. In fact in some ways he influenced me more than Stresemann had because Str 93 Mayr noted that influenced him a great deal often talking at length about the issues raised in his book on systematics concerning all the problems that would . or at least mo st of the problems that would occupy 94 In the early 1940s, when Mayr worked on his own foundational contribution to the evolutionary synthesis, he script on Systematics and the Origin of Species One cannot deal with this topic without noticing all the time, how much the solution or at least the clear exposition of these problems owes to our friend 91 Ibid., p. 59. 92 Quoted in Ibid. This would be an important example Stresemann set for Ma yr on how to build a serious scientific discipline out of a disparate set of studies 93 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/103 94 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/104 the evolutionary synt hesis and for his many contributions to allometry, learning and memory in animals, climatic rules, the evolution of man, and the philosophy of biology, [in addition to his] numerous contributions to h, 1900 The Auk 109 (1992): 188.


51 95 ok, which I read when I returned from the 96 the Lesser Sunda Islands north of Australia while working at the Berlin Museum. 97 Birding in the South Pacific ition began a year later, not long after Stresemann had introduced Ernst to Lord Walter Rothschild at the International Zoological Congress held in Budapest in 1927. The expedition along the north coast of New Guinea would be funded both by Rothschild and the American Museum of Natural History (AMNH). Dr. Leonard Sanford, an active patron of the network of ornithological contacts. The Berlin Museum financed a second port ion of the trip to the former Ger man colony in northeastern Papua New Guinea, then under Australian mandate since the end of WWI. After he arrived, the AMNH requested Mayr continue another year assisting the Whitney South Seas Expedition in the Solomon Isl ands, to the east of New Guinea. Mayr recollected 98 and museum at Tring in November 1927, and rece ived further training from Ernst Hartert, 99 95 Mayr to Erwin Stresemann, 6 June 1941, in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 207. 96 97 98 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/105 99 Tring, served wit which was not only by far the largest private bird collection of the world, but also better balanced and representative of the bird fauna of the whole world The Auk 51 (1934): 283 285.


52 went fine with one exception. One time he took a gun, and gave me a gun, and said, lets go out and shoot some pheasants. To be honest, I virtually never before had a gun in my hands, and of course had never shot at a flying bird. The result c ould have been predicted. . I rather suspect that Hartert began to doubt my success as a bird collector, but it was really too late to reverse 100 Fortunately, Ernst was right. The die had been cast: I n February 1928 I was ready to leave first for Genoa where I was supposed to take the steamer on from there on all the way east. Well, Stresemann and the whole bird department i n Berlin went to the train station . to see me who we 101 Not that Ernst was himself told myself all the time that if on this trip something really should happen to me it would be in the midst of a beautiful experience and in the midst of the most important phase of my profession, that is, in free research and that under such circumstances death would be a glorious end to my life . I am not terrorized by the thou ght of death after a life which, up to now, has been innerlich so happy. Actually, I am quite convinced that I will return in full health, and so it will be. I have penned down the previous sentences only in order to tell you what my own principles are in 102 carried 160 passengers on the first leg of the journey to Columbo, Sri Lanka. While on board, Mayr learned Malay from some of his fellow passengers 100 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy pp. 50 51. 101 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/105 102 Ernst Mayr to Helen Mayr, 5 February 1928, in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy pp. 53 54.


53 and wrote a travelogue to his mother. Ever the competitor, Erns did some exploring, visit i ng a number of local Hindu and Buddhist temples. The next stop was Singapore, with a final call on March 4 th in Jakarta, Java. 103 Mayr recalled that, a at the Dutch Colonial Museum . [ where they ] . helped me a great deal. They taught me a good deal about what to wear and what equipment I needed in New Guinea, and they even lent me three Javanese assistants [mantris] who had been on previous expeditions and were very good bird skinners, so that now I could with a good deal more confidence 104 About his assistants, to me and proved themselves 105 From Java, Mayr and his crew took a succession of steamers on their way to New Guinea. He considered the straights around the northern M oluccas most impressive, especially 106 Then on April 5 th arrived at the main port of Dutch New Guinea and unloaded [the] expedition and from there w e went in a small fleet of canoes, outr igger canoes, across a wide 103 Ibid. 104 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 3 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/105 Mayr reported the formal name of the museum 105 Natural History Magazine 32 (193 106 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy p. 54.


54 bay 107 while in the distance, he saw the towering Arfak Mountains, rising abruptly to an 108 Aft er a few days preparation at the base of the mountain, the expedition entered the rainforest. Haffer described ew calls were everywhere. It was quite a sensation when Mayr saw the first brilliant bird of paradise . alive, a species wh ich he had 109 he entered the forests. He stepped from the shore into the tropical jungle and at the time New Guinea was virtually untouched. Walking into the interior he came to villages where no white man had ever been. And to wake up in the morning and hear those tropical birds calling and 110 Mayr offered his own personal t was really untouched n ature and the flowers were als o most overwhelmingly rich and . and 111 Mayr later recalled that as they travelled up the mountain their column of a few dozen its head accompanied by a number of Papuans 112 Then, suddenly : I was startled by a noise that began at the end of my caravan and ran along the string of carriers toward me, increasing rapidly until it became a blo od curdling series of screams and yells. I was frightened, feeling certain that this was a signal to attack, and I expected every moment to feel the knives of the carriers in my back. I 107 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/105 108 Mayr, . no railroads, no motor cars, not even horses and mules . all the 109 H affer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy p. 55. 110 Ibid., p. 57. 111 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/106 112 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 57.


55 yr while in the Arfak Mountains], but he, apparently guessing my worries, assured me there was no danger. As it turned out, it was really the war cry of the Manikion tribe, but on this occasion it was uttered only to inspire the energy of the carriers. Wit h increasing experience I grew surer of myself, but on this first occasion I showed that I was a thorough greenhorn. 113 No matter the excitement on the trail, that night Mayr reported, 114 He wrote ncerts produced by the cicadas, locusts, tree frogs and night birds, a symphony of peculiar and deeply impressive harmony. Listening and dreaming, I lay awake for a long time in spite of the fatigue caused by the march and all the exciting experiences of t 115 After a good night rest, Ernst rose early the next morning to find the Papuans at camp aliv yet once he stepped out of his tent, he foun d himself greeted with a sudden 116 Mayr recalled that and collected, and collected, and colle cted. In due time I learned f rom these three Javanese [mantri assistants] whatever there is to be known about life in the jungle and in the mountains and how to make a camp and how to deal with the natives. . The main reason for my great success was th at I knew how to make use of the natives. 117 Mayr thought that Arfak Mountains were rather keen hunters and had a marvelous knowledge of the habi t of the various species. . It was easy for me to get hunters, but most of the natives w ere inclined to go 113 M 87. 114 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 57. 115 116 Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 57. 117 www.achievement.org/autodoc/page/may1int 3


56 too close to the birds and shot them to pieces. It took me quite a long time to teach them to shoot 118 Mayr initially felt disappointed with what he con sidered a lack of intellectual imagination on the part of the natives: They were rather more impres hen I toss a heavy rock a whole meter or more, further than even the strongest among them, then they really are full of admi 119 In an additional example illustrating his point, a serious young Ernst wrote the following in a report published after he returned: I remember a little incident that happened during an eclipse of the moon. The moon became more and more covered by shadow, it grew darker and darker, but the natives showed no signs of interest or excitement. I asked them if they had no myth about it. I told them the myths of our own country and the myths believed by the Chinese and Javanese, and asked them what they considered as the cause of the sudden darkness. Not getting any response to my questions, I really became quite excited in my efforts to get some information about their belief. Suddenly one of the men slapped my shoulder in a fatherly fashion and said so othingly: That cured me and I never again tried to acquire any information that was not given willingly. Their realism toward the mysteries of nature was sometimes quite appalling. 120 118 Novitates Zoologicae 36 (1930): 21. In a series of activities that sounded typical of his routine, Mayr described events around the time of his 24 th from the 30 th of June to the 4 th of July without getting any news of my provisions. In the meantime the Griffioen small motorboat . O n the 4 th of July I left Momi with my skinners and all the outfit and arrived at Wasior after a very interesting voyage . on the morning of the 5 th The high steep and isolated range of the Wandammen Mountains was visible far away and promised a good c ollection. On the 5 th I packed my loads, tried to get some sago and dried fish cured by natives (I had neither rice nor meat tins nor any other provisions on account of the canoe disaster), and started for the mountains on the morning of the 6 th p. 24). 119 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 59. 120


57 Mayr would come to repeat, over and over again, tales from these early adventures. For instance, M. Ross Lein, graduate student would later reminisce friends . have fond memories of the occasions when [Mayr] could be persuaded to recount his adventures during these expeditions This particular story developed quite a punch line that evolve d with retelling! 121 John A. Moore, 122 shared a different version on the occasion Ma th birthday : [Mayr had a] wonderful sense of humor even telling stories on himself, of which I will mention two, one from long ago . One expedition found him in a remote area of New Guinea. Upon checking his almanac, he found that an eclipse o f the moon was about to occur in a week or so. Thinking he could vastly increase his standing with the natives, he announced (through an interpreter), that in a few days the moon would go dark. This pronouncement produced no effect of interest or concern. With each passing day, he repeated his prophesy with increasing vigor. No response. Finally the night of the eclipsed arrived, but Ernst was alone in his interest and concern. Finally, the moon did start to become dark and Ernst reached 123 Mayr recalled another fond memory which occurred while collecting along the shores of Lake Anggi Giji in the Arfak Mountains of on the lake easily surpasses all my New Guinea memories. The beauty of the landscape, the splendid scientific success . and the hospitality of these primitive and supposedly savage 121 in Ornithological Monographs 58 (2005): 20. Lein to publish an extensive history of these events, Mayr felt he had more important things to write about, and he wrote only a few, short articles about his experiences. . A full account of his experiences would not be out of place beside the writings of 122 whom I consid er my best friend. . What is perhaps most outstanding about Moore is his wonderful sense of Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, pp. 297 98). 123 Evolution described how the chief developed a strong affection for May r, even offering his 12 year old daughter as a bride and Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, pp. 60 61.)


58 natives made me very l oath to leave. When my party departed, all the women and girls of the village were lined up along the road, shedding copious tears, according to a custom widely distributed over New Guinea. However, as it was the first time that I experienced this proof of 124 Mayr admitted there were times he found negotiating tropical disease and other adventures in the wilds of New Guinea overwhelming. Letters from family, and well wishers like Stresemann, Hartert, and others, lifted his spirits. Further, Mayr noted, success of my collecting activity was a great help to me in overcoming the many difficulties that sometimes almost crushed my energy and will 125 Among those difficulties major disappointment involved his apparent inability to later explained that the problem was eventually resolved after Stresemann closely examined t he collection and concluded the missing birds must be cross breeds species of Birds of Paradise . E ven though I failed to find their home I was instrumental in solving the problem 126 124 The well known photograph of Mayr with his mantri assistant, Sario, was taken at Lake Anggi Gidji. Of contemporary interest, the website for PapauExpeditions.com promotes their n mountain lakes of Anggi Giji and Anggi Gita, situated at 1,860 m elevation in the Sougb country of the southern Arfak Mountains, were first visited by a western naturalist in 1904, but it was a young Ernst Mayr who in 1928, at the beginning of an extreme ly on the eastern shores of Anggi Giji: an entirely new species of munia, which E. Hartert names Lonchura vana and which is now more commo nly known as the Grey day guided birding tour of the Anggi Lakes basin described at: www.bird watching papua adventure travel.com/bext anggi.html (accessed May 1, 2012). 125 overcome alone all these difficulties, with no companion to talk to. Every situation was new to me and requi re careful consideration, especially the handling of the natives, who were very touchy and have many taboos that must 126 of Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/107


59 mportance to get [these birds] from Arfak, for very often we had fine materia l for other parts of New Guinea . but needed series from Arfak, from where we often had only single poor specimens, or none at all. . Naturally the large collections . made here by Dr. Mayr were of the greatest interest, and contained qui te a number of new forms. . He collected 2,700 specimens of 352 species and subspecies. His material has greatly enlarged our knowledge of the birds of New 127 In a report Ern st published shortly after returning, he took the opportunity to reminisce : new to science, the education that it was for me. The daily fight with unknown diffi culties, the need for initiative, the contact with the strange psychology of primitive people, and all the other odds and ends of such an expedition, accomplish a development of character that cannot be had in the routine of civilized life. And this combin ed with a treasury of memories, is ample pay for all the hardships, worries, and troubles that so often lead us to the verge of desperation in the 128 Mayr and the Missionaries tion along the northwestern coast of Dutch New Guinea focused on exploring the Arfak Mountains. Next on the itinerary were the Wondiwoi Mountains further south along the Wandammen Peninsula on the expansive Geelvinkbaii, now known as Cederawasih Bay of Paradise Bay From there Mayr took a steamer east along 127 Novitates Zoologicae 36 (1930): 18 19. 128


60 the north coast toward the center of the island, to Hollandia (no w Jayapura), not far from the bo rder with the former German colony of Papua New Guinea. While on the s teamer, Mayr received news t hat the German Research Council had increased his funding for expeditions in northeastern New Guinea. For Mayr, the next challenge was getting there there was no direct transport along the north coast between the two separately governed halves of the isl and, even though the closest port was only a hundred and twenty five miles away. Mayr exclaimed: I would have had to go from Dutch New Guinea back to Java, from there down to Australia, and then from Australia up to eastern New Guinea. And the trip would have cost more than the money I h ad available for my whole . expedition to The answer: over there and take canoes or something like 129 Challen it difficult to travel by canoe, especially to bring the small crafts safely to shore. At one point, oing through the surf, my canoe capsized but fortunately t he natives they were very clever and very good they put me sideways out of the canoe so it would not fal l on me and I got ashore. . My equipment that was in that canoe of course was in the water, but they were able by diving down to get all of it o 129 ayr. An insatiably curious observer looks back on a life in New York Times April 16, 2002.


61 no trail, in the hot sun all day, and I finally got to the first port in the [Australian] Mandated Territory. Th is was the most difficult, most dangerous, most unpleasant experience I ever had in 130 Mayr arrived at the port, Aitape, in early November, 1928. From there his plans involved taking a scheduled steamer to the capital of the territory, Rabau l on the island of New Britain, and then to eastern New Guinea. Once in Aitape, recalled: Nobody had ever come from Dutch New Guinea by land, and the first person I met was a German missionary. . I was coming thr ough the woods and I came to his house and I stepped in and I found from the natives that his name was, I think was Father Paul . so I stepped inside. There, a white man suddenly appearing before t his man, and I said, in German and he was utterly astonished. The funniest part was he came from a 131 Haffer had arrived at his mission. 132 German missionaries had been active in Papua New Guinea since the late 1800s, with the Lutherans arriving a few years before the Catholics. Initially, the colonial administration considered the missionaries assisting n, though tensions arose b etween the missionaries who aspired to educate and save souls, and the planters who needed compliant labor for palm and rubber tree plantations. 133 After WWI, the Australians demanded the 130 Web of Stories, www.webofstories.com/play/108 131 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/109 132 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy p. 67. 133 Copra appears to have been t he most successful crop. Copra is the dried inner kernel, or meat of the coconut, used for extracting coconut oil.


62 expulsion of the German missionaries as fo reign subversives, but the church successfully station in Aitape was in an area in which the Catholic Church found initial success in New Guinea. 134 Mayr received an invitation from another missionary, Father Otto Meyer, a well published naturalist in contact with the Berlin Museum and based near Rabaul. 135 Father Meyer specialized in Melanesian ornithology and archeology, and lured Mayr to his Waton Island settlement with the enti Megapodius [a chicken like scrub fowl] which need to be examined by a scientist 136 of New Guinea, in early December. Haffer reported that his crew was most friendly by the Protestant t the next few weeks with the missionaries in Sattelber g. Haffer described that while there, Mayr became to tally immersed in a Christian atmosphere. He participated wholeheartedly because he was quite serious in testing 137 134 25, 2010, www.catholicpng.org.pg/history/Limbrock.html 135 Rabaul was the headquarters of German New Guinea on the northeast coast. After WWI, Rabaul became the capital of the Australian mandated Territory of New Guinea un til a catastrophic volcanic explosion took place in the late 1930s. An even more severe volcanic eruption destroyed the town in 1994. 136 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy p. 68. Hartert named one of the subspecies of birds Mayr colle IIypotaenidia philiippensis meyeri in honour of Father Otto Meyer who has ( 121.) Father Otto Meyer published a number of essays in German scientific journals. For an English translation from New Zealand J ournal of Archaeology 20 (1998): 18 20. 137 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy pp. 68 69. Perhaps this could be the situation Mayr but this did


63 The first Lutheran missionary in New Guinea, Johann Flierl, trained at the Neu endettelsau Seminar y in Germany before arriving on the island via Australia in 1886. He established the Sattelberg mission in the early 1890s. Flierl personally revealed that it was his intention to [so] that the white settler [in New Guinea] may not drive them, too, from the land of their fathers, as he has done with the American Indian and Australian 138 With the arrival of Christian Keysser, the mission experienced a breakthrough. Keysser had a socio cultural insight that the Papuans considere d themselves as members of extended families and clans, first and thus felt disinclined toward Christianity, as individuals. became the second director of the mission in 1905. 139 Kessler also explored and published on the local mountain ranges and native dialects. After Mayr returned to Germany, he allied with Keysser in a dispute with Hermann Detzner over accounts involving naturalist studies in the New Guinea interior. 140 Ma yr described that while at the Snake River Valley in the Hertzog Mountain range, his e of me and was very nice . are very luc ky because in this valley . one of these days. For three years we have been teaching the natives . all ab out . Christendom and they are all festivals and all sorts of things. You will b About this Mayr recalled: 138 Australian Dictionary of Biography National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, accessed May 1, 2012, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/flierl johann 6196/text10367 139 John Garrett, Footsteps in the Sea: Christianity in Oceania to World War II (Suva, Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 1992), pp. 10 13. 140 Haff er, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, pp. 73 74.


64 Well, the actual teaching Christianity to these people had been done by native missionaries from the coast. They were Melanesians, great big tall fellows with a fuzzy wuzzy head and only a . a red loin cloth, and they taught these mountain Papuans. And so that went through two languages, and final the day came and they had put up a platform and great big sort o f like a circus tent where the . all the people sat that were to be christened, and I sat on a platform together with the German missionary and the Melanesian missionaries. And they gave big sermons and all that, and all of a sudden the German missionary So naturally I had to get up and say something that would please the missionary, so should behave like the good Christians now and not fight with ea ch other and not steal and not . and keep a nice clean village and a few other proper sentiments. Afte r that the German missionary got up and he translated that into the Melanesian of the coastal people, of the coastal missionaries, and of course he presented it with the proper gestures of a . of a minister . of a preacher, and it lasted at least t en minutes. And then got up one of these Melanesian coastal missionaries who now translated my sermon into the native language of the valley out there. And he got up and he jumped up and he stamped the platform with his heels and he yelled at them in the loudest tones and the whole thing lasted about 20 minutes, and I would give anything in the world if I had the actual translation of my sermon into that language! 141 Despite hi s initial success as a jungle preacher, the youthful Ernst nonetheless confided in 142 Sailing the South Seas May r would recall, at camp: 141 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/110 142 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Phil osophy, which have been preserved . Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, 54, fn. 5.) Perhaps more information on this topic can be gleamed from these archives.


65 Suddenly a . runner came into my . my little hut with a telegram, and the telegram said that it came from Stresemann he said that the Whitney South Sea expedition which had a schooner operating in this area, th eir leader had become ill . some Yale college boys on board, but . home, but this may be very important for your . for your future, and furthermore the American Museum has promised to give me some specimens from this a So whether I liked it or not I had to say yes, and I made my way dow n to the 143 Of the unplanned detour, Mayr remembered was the beginning. . T he next nine months I was on this schooner collectin g birds in the Solomon Islands. 144 His condition was not ideal, but Mayr pushed on: ry, owing to malaria, dysentery and general 145 Mayr met the Whitney expedition ship, the France at the port of Samarai, on the s outh east coast of New Guinea, on July 3 rd It was a few days before hi s 24 th birthday. The France was an old 76 remarkably sturdy sailing craft with a temperamental motor which was out of commission most 146 Similarly dismissive of the vessel, M in any sense of the word as most people think who are used to these millionaires cruises that go 147 143 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/111 It sounded that otherwise Mayr felt just about ready to return to Germany. Mayr also admitted he had gotten an impression he would be filling the responsibilities of the expedition leader who he was replacing. Unfortunately, crossed communications over long distance cables between the various parties disrupted the imp lementation of those plans. (Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, 77 79, 79, fn. 11.) 144 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/111 145 146 Natural History 52 (1943): 30. 147 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/111


66 Regarding the locale, h e was more enthusiastic: 148 Among the creature comforts lacking on the France were a flushing toilet, ventilation below deck, and a n above board deck awning that did not leak. Mayr complained also about the cuisine: grade Alaska salmon and rice. The only redeeming feature was that the natives had discovered mangrove oysters and had filled a gunnysack with live oyst ers. We dragged this sack on a long rope behind the boat and pulled it 149 Nonetheless, the voyage had its benefits, as participation on the WSSE that permitted me to place my foot, so to speak, in the door to America. But I was a rather disappointed young man in the first months after joining the unpleasant situation was made worse 150 There was one high point on the South Seas: The redeeming feature of the Solomon Islands, at the lighter side, was that whenever we landed somewhere there was a coconut plantation the fellow who was running the plantation usually they were all Australians was bored to tears t seen a white person in maybe four months, five months, six months, and was just happy as could be to have us aboard. And of course the way in the Solomon Islands you celebrate anything is with lots and lots of whisky. . [The] Australians all were the most helpful, most jolly people but they sure love their whisky. And I must say I . I drank more whiskey in those nine months in the Solomon Islands than I have ever since in the rest of my life. 151 Though at times relations got testy on board the cramp ed schooner, Mayr and his knowledge of birds won the admiration of his crewmates as well as Hannibal Hamlin, the co 148 149 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 83. 150 Quoted in Ibid., p. 80. Mayr needed a wisdom tooth extracted. 151 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/112


67 leader of the expedition together we collected successfully in . 152 Experiences like these helped his reputation with the Whitney Expedition directors back at the AMNH. what it will important year of my life when it will be decided whether I can obtain a good position outside 153 O n February 15 th Mayr received permission from the AMNH to return to Germany before the conclusion of his one year contract, something Stresemann had encouraged him to do in a letter Ernst received the month before. Though Stresemann suggested Mayr book a s teamer that would take him through New York, Mayr could not find an economical ticket and instead resorted to a direct route to France. 154 my education, to the development of my character, to the development of all sorts of insights into both human nature and the workings of our soc . I had not gone 155 He would later sum ted by nigh inconceivable diversity of the living world, its origins and its meaning concluding : 152 177. 153 Quoted in Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy, p. 83. 154 Mayr later wrote an upbeat travelogue account of his Solomon Island experience in the American Museum of Natural History magazine, Natural History It was published in the June 1943 edition, a few months after the conclusion of the pivotal WWII Battle of Guadalcanal on the Solomon Islands. 155 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/142


68 To study the life of the tropics, as had Humboldt, Wallace, and Darwin, as well as my teachers Stresemann and Rensch, was the greatest ambition of my youth. I fulfilled it when I lived as a naturalist and collector for two years and a half (1928 1930) in the interior of New Guinea and the Solomon Islands; this experience had an impact on my thinking that cannot be exaggerated. 156 156 Evolution and the Diversity of Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), p. 1.


69 CHAPTER 3 THE DA RWI N OF THE 20TH CENTURY: MAYR AND HIS CAREER IN EVOLUTION The American Museum of Natural History th cent atest scientists and a principal author of the modern theory of evolution 1 frequently referred to by the term Having returned to Europe from the Solomon Islands, Mayr returned to his family and his colleagues: home to see my mother in Dresden and then immediately went off to Berlin to start working on my collections that I had made in the Mandated Territory. 2 In addition to visitin g collections in Paris, London and Holland (at Leiden ), he spent time at the Tring Museum comparing his research with Hartert. In June, Mayr attended the 7 th International hology, among them, Frank M. Chapman, chief curator at the Department of Ornithology at the 3 A few months later, Chapman offered Mayr an opportunity to work as a visiting Research Associate at the AMNH, organizing the Whitney South Seas collection that Mayr had been involved in collecting. 4 1 Jody Hey, Walt er M. Fitch, and Francisco J. Ayala, ed., preface to Systematics and the Origin of Species: On th Anniversary (Washington, D.C.: The National Academies Press, 2005), p. v. 2 Web of Stories, accessed May 1, 2012, www.webofstories.com/play/114 3 Quoted in Jrgen Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy: The Life and Science of Ernst Mayr, 1904 2005 (NY: S pringer, 2007), p. 65. 4 BioEssays 19 (1997): 177.


70 finished my report on my collections [in Europe] when a letter arrived from Doctor Chapman asking me whether I would be interested to come to the American Museum in New York for one year to work on the unworked collections of the Whitney South Sea expedition. It was a rather n ominal salary and no tenure; of course, it was going to be for one year, not renewable. Well, Chapman accepted that and on the 19 th of January [1931] I arrived in New York where I settled 5 The International House was forty blocks north (two miles) of the AMNH, which Mayr could reach either by subway or by foot if time and weather permitted. Mayr reminisced arrived as a bachelor in New York and I lived in the International House . And since I was at that time a German, of course I joined the German group, so I met quite a few nice young fellows, some of them studying at Columbia, some at NYU, some of them just living there and actually working for businesses down in Wall Street. Well I finally got together with two other fellows and we . took ou rselves an apartment . and we had a lot more freedom there, and I 6 The day after his arrival, Mayr reported at the museum He would later remember Frank anama to do studies on tropical 7 For an initial assignment, he 5 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/114 6 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/121 7 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/121


71 collected before and I knew from Hamlin, who had been there collecting, that it had all sorts of 8 you want m should I tell you? We hired you as a specialist on the birds of this region. You ought to know ere the boss always told everybody below him what to do and what not to do, I was astonished and delighted with this freedom of the American Museum, and that was typical for everything I did at the American Museum. It was a place where . where really e verybody was tolerant of everybody else and [there was] a great deal of freedom and a great deal of pleasant interchange among us 9 From an evolutionary point of view, Mayr would later admit : It is indeed true that at the time when I started wo rking at the American Museum of Natural History in 1931, that I was still a Lamarckian, believing in the inheritance of acquired characteristics and there were good reasons for that which are usually forgotten by the historians of genetics. When in 1900 Me ndel was rediscovered, there were three geneticists who were particularly interested in the evolutionary aspects of genetics. . and all three of them rej ected natural selection . T his is what we, the naturalists, were fighting in particular. We all knew that speciation and evolution was a gradual process and since geneticists [at the time] believed it had to be by saltation, we had to find a different answer for the gradualness. The only answer that was available was Lamarckian gradual acquisition o f new characteristi cs by use and disuse, etc. . For me, a crucial interaction was with an ornithologist at the American Museum of Natural History, namely James P. Chapin who had got a PhD at Columbia University in 1920 dealing with bird geography and ecology. He was, of course, fully familiar with the modern genetics of T.H. Morgan, who was in the same department. He and I had numerous conversations on evolution and he convinced me of the importance of the findings about the effects of small mutations etc. and 8 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/116 9 Ibid.


72 of the invalidity of any belief in inheritance of acquired characteristics. Most importantly, he helped me to see that gradual evolution that we naturalists had insisted on could be explained by the new genetics of Fisher and the other modern ge Mendelians. 10 he was the only one who understood modern genetics and who was a conf irmed Darwinian. And I at the time still had a good many Lamarckian inclinations and Chapin was the one who talked 11 Dr. Leonard C. Sanford was another influential He was a medical doctor . [and] a sportsman . [who] originally had his own private collection which he eventually gav e to the museum. But the most important thing is he was a friend of s o many multi millionaires . [and a] fascinating raconteur. Everybody loved him and he eventually had become very much interested in the museum, in the bird collection, in the growth o 12 13 In fact, it was Sanford who secured support from the Whitney family to 10 BioEssays 24 (2002): 960. Saltation refers to abrupt evolutionary changes resulting from large scale mutations. 11 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/1 16 See also The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology eds. Ernst Mayr and William B. Provine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 413 423. 12 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/118 New Yorker in which the w Hallstrom, an Australian industrialist who presented the museum with its first specimen of the ribbon tailed bird of Biology & Philosophy 9 (1994): 275. 13


73 onsidered that, 14 Mayr added: It was quite well known in New York circles that Sanford was soliciting anybody to get money for the bird depar tment at the American Museum. My colleague Murphy once had a cocktail with Sanford in the University Club when one of more then $10,000. Actually, Sanford never wanted anything fo r himself. His great ambition was to build up the collection of the American Museum and he was unbelievably successful in this ambition. 15 Sanford was in competition with Dr. Thomas Barbour, his friend and director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Ha rvard to see which museum would eventually have the remembered this rivalry: efforts and in no time at all did he build up a collection tha t vastly outranked the Tom Barb e [ sic ] colle ction at the Museum of Comparative Zoology. And of course he relied on me to always tell him where to get another collection and where there was an area when an expedition should be sent, and he was most anxious to have the collections worked out and so he was very pleased 16 Mayr would publish his first paper on the American Museum collections only two months after arriving, completing twelve in his first year. Sanford and Mayr developed a close relationship. Mayr recal led on as if I was another son of his and he was absolutely marvelous to me. . And it was real ly 14 in Ornithological Monographs 5 8 (2005): 5. 15 Quoted in Haffer, p. 101. 16 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/118 Robert Cushman things which the other fellow did not have and partly because the other fellow did not have them. If he could acquire for us an excessively rare bird, that was splendid; but if he also knew that his frie nd Tom Barbour . could not get a Ornithological Monographs 58 (2005): 33.


74 absolutely marvelous how he . he . really I can say how he loved me and looked out after me. Well, in a way, this could hav e been a problem for me, because . when I m oved to Harvard [in 1953] . 17 Mayr further recalled how edical problem and on 13 th of April my left kidney had to be removed. Sanford could not have been more solicitous if he had been my own father. He continued to inquire about me, and as soon as I was mobile he invited me to his home in New Haven to spend so me days there to recover even more, also under the care of Mrs. Sanford, a lovely lady. After that he sent me to his trout fishing camp in the Catskills . taking care of all my expenses, etc. And in 1944 it was he who went to the director finding out h ow strange it was that I had never been made a full curator when several younger people with less distinction had been promoted to that rank. Needless to say, I was likewise 18 money to construct the American productive time and again, especially when Walter Rothschild wished to sell his private collection (the largest in the world) due to debts accrued under mysterious circumstances. Sanford was a friend of both Rothschild and Stresemann, and once he was able to secure the quarter of a million dollar donation specimen collection and had it packed and shipped to New York. 17 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/118 18 Quoted in Haffer, p. 101.


75 New Guinea, which Rothschild 19 With Hartert soon to retire, Rothschild considered Mayr a possible successor at Tring that is, until h is personal finances were compromised. At that point, hiring anyone was out of the question. In her essay describing Mayr at the American Museum, Mary LeCroy a research associate working with the AMNH, writes ale had to do with taxes that the British Government was demanding and that Rothschild did not have the cash to pay. Only after Miriam Rothschild published a biography of her uncle did we learn that 20 According to Miri am Rothschild, (herself an and abetted by her husband, had ruined 21 Apparently, Rothschild feared that living to the advanced age of ninety one, long enough for the blackmailer to ruin Walter almost entir 22 19 The Birds of Northern Melanesia: Speciation, Ecology, and Bio geography by Ernst Mayr and Jared Diamond, The New York Review of Books 49, June 27, 2002, accessed June 1, 2012, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2 002/jun/27/a birds eye view of evolution/ ; Miriam Rothschild, Dear Lord Rothschild: Birds, Butterflies and History (Philadelphia: Balaban Publishers, 1983), p. 302. 20 LeCroy, p. 40. 21 estrictions upon me as a biographer, identity of the blackmailing couple secret and I must reflect in silence upon the fact that retributio n on an 22


76 South Sea Islands, [and] Indonesia all these were areas that [the] American museum had nothing and . nobody on the staff there had any knowledge of this are a. So, lo and behold, all of a sudden, the American Museum was forced to hire me as a curator and in the second year of the non renewable contract I was appointed Associate Curator of the Rothschild Whitney 23 He ed at first as if the titled lady had prevented me from becoming curator of the Rothschild Collection, by a twist of fate she was ultimately the cause of my appointment as the curator of the Whitney Rothschild Collection, this time in New York, which is a university town [unlike Tring, the town where Rothschild held his collection]. And indeed, the presence of Columbia University was of great importance, not only for my own development, but also for the utilization of the Whitney Rothschild collection by ot 24 ordered collection . went far beyond ornithology. It represented a matchless material for the study of the origin of organic diversity. Realizing this, I took up contact with the Zoolo gy Department at Columbia University, 25 Tim Flannery, a prominent Australian paleontologist and environmentalist, described how over the himself in the specimens and records in New York, describing nearly 450 new species and subspecies of birds more than any other living 23 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/117 24 25 Ibid., 178. Haffer noted that it was through the University of Connecticut that Mayr came in regular contact nd birds, Mayr encountered several cases of conspicuous geographic variation in sexual dimorphism and corresponded about hormonal and/or genetic control of bird plumages with Walter Landauer at the University of Connecticut at Storrs who worked on such pro blems with chickens. He introduced Mayr to L. C. Dunn, geneticist at the Department of Zoology of Columbia University (New York), in late 1931 or early 1932, and from then on Mayr participated at first occasionally and later regularly, in the genetics semi


77 researcher. Indeed it was this unparalleled richness of material that led Mayr to his greatest discoveries in evolution 26 Mayr would also recall how his position at the AMNH likely saved him from a dark fate. He noted that during his early years at the museum, back in Germany he Communists and the Nazis were fighting, and the Weimar Republic was trying to han g on, and there was a lot of turmoil. I came to America in January of 1931 and although my position at the American Museum of Natural History was a temporary one, I was very anti Nazi. So there was no way I could return. Fortunately, the museum bought the greatest bird collection in the world from Lord Rothschild in England 280,000 bird skins and they needed a curator, so it immediately 27 Birding in the USA Among those mber two man in the department Robert Cushman Murphy, as ing specialist in In addition he was an outstandingly su ccessful speaker . He had a command of the English language, both in writing and in speaki ng, that is achieved by very few people. He had the great kindness to criticize my first manuscripts and I learned from him a 28 Mayr had earlier met Murphy at the Berlin Museum when Ernst was working there as a volunteer assigned to assi st Murphy during a visit. They had a lso corresponded while Mayr worked with the Whitney South Seas Expedition, as 26 A Passion for Birds: American Ornithology After Audubon (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998). 27 volution: An Interview with Evolutionary Skeptic 8 (2000): 77. 28


78 Mayr later recalled a humorous exchange between him self and Murphy shortl y after arriving at his new job: [Back at the Berlin Museum] surrounded by a gang of PhD candidates of about my age. At the AMNH I was by almost a generation, the youngest staff member. Af ter I had been there a week or two, Murphy came to my little cubicle and asked me jovially: At this, M urphy pulled himself up to the full 6 feet and 7 inches of his stature and As I later calculated, he was all of 44 years old, and seen from my present perspective [in 1997], he had every right to think he was still very young. 29 Mayr did meet people closer in age to himself among the graduate students and young professionals living at the International House, and among the naturalists at the Linnaean Society, a well established local bird club. It was there he met an enthusiastic group of birders who formed their own select group, the Bronx County Bird Club (BCBC). John Farrand explained in a historical essay published in the journal, American Birds unwritten membership requirements: you h 30 Mayr had his own memories of the BCBC: . [an] informal gathering of about seven young originally teenage, later in their early twenties orni thologists, bird watcher s, who . none of them was an academic, but they were having a wonderful time and they loved to get toget her. . And the Bronx had . [an] interesting reputation around the country and particularly in New York. Now, I was also a member of the 29 Ibid., p. 176. 30 America n Birds 45 (1991): 377.


79 Bron x County Bird Club, not having been born in the Bronx, but so I was made an honorary member. And another honorary member was Roger Tory Peterson [the famed author of Field Guide to Birds of North America ], and a third honorary member was Bill Vogt [who lat er served as editor for Audubon Magazine ]; we were the three honorary members. Well, we went toge ther for Christmas censuses and . [often] came together again. It was just a . somewhat rowdy 31 F New York was th e arrival of Ernst Mayr. . He was eager to learn about American birds, and leading evolutionary theorist, was soon out in the fiel The BCBC introduced Ernst to American birds, and he repaid them by introducing seminars for amateurs, where together they reviewed the ornithological literature chiefly of saying, by which he meant a research topic. Before long, Dick Herbert was studying Peregrines on the Palisades and Irv Kassoy was spending nights with the Barn Owls in the old Huntington Mansion at Pelham Bay. 32 M. Ross Lein noted that Mayr had a considerable impact on J oe Hickey, who expressed that 33 Though Hickey already had a history degree from New York University and a good job at Consolidated Edison, Mayr convinced him to return to NYU to study biology at night school. Hickey went on to complete iversity of Wisconsin under the direction of the modern pioneer of the American environmental movement, Aldo Leopold. He pursued his Ph D at the University of Michigan with the respected ornithologist, Josselyn Van Tyne. In 1947 Hickey returned to 31 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/156 32 Farrand, pp. 379 80. 33 Ibid., p. 380.


80 Wiscons devastating impact of DDT pesticides and their effect on Peregrine Falcon population s led to the early 1970s. 34 bird watching in the lower Hudson River 35 36 Recall ing his years with these young American bird watchers, Mayr later reminisced : I have always, somehow or other, been a tea cher. I love teaching, I loved . gathering people around me and teach. For instance, when I came to New York first, I went to the o rnithological society there . and I found that all they did was report on early arrivals and rare birds and so there was no real ornithology, it was all a game of bird watching. And so I established what I called an ornithological seminar for those who would like to attend, and this was mostly young people, and what I did at these s eminars, report on the current . o rnithological literature. . I . but I was so taken by the enthusiasm of these y oung fellows that this was enough of a reward for me. 37 Mayr was also involved with the New York Linnaean Society, a more formal outfit than the Bronx birders, though many of the BCBC were members of both. The Secretary of the Linnaean Society noted in his 1932 34 Long Natural Ornithological Monographs 58 (2005): 21. See also The Auk 111 (1994): 450 452. 35 Joseph James Hickey, A Guide to Bird Watching (NY: Oxford University Press, 1943), p. 80. 36 Ibid., p. 81. 37 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/155


81 monthly seminar for the abstracting and discussion of current papers concerned with field ornith 38 Mayr also served as officer and council member for the Society. Historian Mark 1941 iety for the Study of Evolution and began editing Evolution in the mid 39 Mayr also encouraged a noted ornithologist, Margaret Morse Nice, to produce the monograph Studies in the Life History of the Song Sparrow (1937, 1942) by raising support from the society to publish her two volume work that establish ed ornithologists. 40 handedly, initiated a new era in American ornithology and the only effective count ermovement against the list chasing movement. She early recognized the importance of a study of bird individuals because 41 Mayr began attending the American Ornithological Union (AOU) national meet ings as well, not long after he arrived. His initial impressions of the society inspired him to introduce reforms based on his experience with Stresemann and the German Ornithological Society. Over the next few years Mayr allied with younger like minded or nithologists to help revitalize the 38 Quoted in LeCroy, p. 45. 39 Barrow, p. 198. 40 41 Milton B. Trautman The Auk


82 42 In addition, during these years Mayr worked on a number of AOU committees. Among his interests was umber of taxonomic topics . in favor of life 43 Mayr recollected: The American Ornithologists Union is the biggest orga nization of American Ornithologists, founded in 1883, so quite distinguished and all that. But when I [first ] looked at their journal . I was rather appalled at the low quality, and then I went to their first annual me eting in the fall of 1931 . an d after I had sat through two or three or four of these lectures, one more uninteresting than the other, I decided I am wasting my time and I went to the library to read the current journals, or something like tha t. And . there was a lady sitting there and it turned out that she had been to the meetings and had exactly the same experience and she was just too utterly bored to attend any more, and this hi s how I met Margaret Morse Nice . So after a couple of years of the AOU, I was sick and tired of the way it was run. It was run by a clique in Washington DC, they were all federal employees in the Biological Survey or similar institutions and they had finagled the constitution in such a way that they could elect the treasurer and the secretary and the president and, and all the major fellows. And so I studied the constitutional aspects and I f ound a way to defeat them . [Then] at one of the particular meetings I suddenly had all the votes to defeat the Washington people and we certainly did defe at them thoroughly and the society was from that point taken over by the real ornithologists and not by these civil service people and Washington. A nd the AOU for many years . was an important force in ornithology. 44 In the late 1950s, Mary would serve th concluded that contributed ef 45 42 Haffer, p. 123, 124. In 1937, Mayr introduced an ambitious list of reforms to upgrad standing. See Barrow, 198 205, and Haffer, 122 126. 43 Haffer, p. 123. 44 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/158 In his recoll A Passion for Birds as offering a thorough history of events. 45 Haffer, p. 126.


83 Mayr later admitted that desk working very hard on these collections I probably learned a great deal m never had the opportunity think . that I . 46 On one outing in the New York area, Ernest Holt led Mayr and a friend on an excursion into the Ramapo Mountains. Mayr recalled how Holt, who had been on numerous birding expeditions to South the trails there, and we wou ld have a wonderful time. . The height of the fall coloring was already past because it was the middle of October, and it was quite sunny early in the morning. But toward noontime it clouded up and in the later afternoon it was obviously time to get back to the car. But Holt got confused with the trails and pretty soon was 47 As it got dark and began to rain, the three made a makeshift camp with a large bonfire started by matches borrowed e arlier in the day from a side and freezing in the back. . Poor Holt was terribly upset because he was married and he out to the road and eventually to our car. The story, of course, got around that the two famous and this finally led to a write up of our adventure even in the New Yorker 48 46 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/ 141 47 Quoted in Haffer, pp. 105 06. 48 Ibid., p. 106.


84 In a New Yorker Joseph Kastner and the famed James Thurber, the sophisticates of New York soon learned: Our snickering authority . says that he himself knows both principles. They are no less than Mr. Ernest Holt, who but recently resigned as Director of Sanctuaries of the National Association of Audubon Societies, and Dr. Ernest Mayr [ sic ], of the American Museum of Natural History. Both of these gentlemen are explorers of courage and acc omplishment. Mr. Holt has been way up the Amazon, and also fought his way close to the headwaters of the Orinoco. Dr. Mayr has browsed around in the middle of Africa and has spent a lot of time in lonely a nd unexplored Borneo and Samoa looking for strange birds. Well, these two distinguished adventurers went out walking in the Ramapos a few Sundays ago. The Ramapos, you must know, are our mountains, p oor things but our own . They are not very tall and not very mysterious or dangerous, but they razzle dazzled Mr. Holt and Dr. Mayr, who had become so interested in looking for chickadees and fox sparrows and goldfinches that they just plain got lost . The very next Sunday (they found their way out, o f course, when it got day), they started for the same mountains, undaunted by their distressing experience of the week before. This time, however, Herr Doktor Mayr had remembered to take his compass with him. As soon as the two explorers got well into the mountains, he pulled out the compass to get his bearings. Out of the compass case fluttered a little 49 While some of the details of The report might invite questioning t he story does not appear to suffer for it! In November 1931, Mayr took his first ornithological field trip outside the Northeast, to the Southeast to southern Geo rgia and Florida. Mayr befriended Richard Archbold, a wealthy research associate in the Department of Mammals, who subsequently invited Mayr, all expenses on a small airline that stopped in nearly every state along the way from New York. They 49 The New Yorker January 6, 1934, p. which would be The New Yorker published its essay, though the couple had been seeing each other for some time. Perhaps this is an instance of not letting de wedding, see Haffer, p. 102.


85 persuaded the pilot to fly low over the coastal salt marshes to see the wintering waterfowl, went on daily birding excurs ions, then a field trip to the Gulf Coast passing through Tallahassee on the way to Shell Point. Mayr commented on this trip soil and extensive pine forests, the region reminded me of the surroundings of Berlin. Ornithological tidbits included Aramus Anhinga and, at the Gulf of Mexico, pelicans and many 50 In 1933, another coworker from a wealthy family, Sterling Rockefeller, invited Mayr to partic ipate in a bird census on Kent Island, in the Bay of Fundy halfway between northern Maine and Nova Scotia. Rockefeller had recently purchased the island and intended to donate it to Bowdoin College as a nature reserve and field station. 51 Haffer reported th at could stay longer on Kent, but Mayr was anxious to get back to New York because Gretel Simon 52 Mayr first met Gretel at a Christmas party at the International House in 1932. Gretel was an exchange stu dent attending Wheaton College in Norton, Massachusetts S he also happened to be the niece of a well known Long Island family. Mayr proposed to Gretel the following year, not long after she returned to Germany from the Unite d States. They spent the summer in 50 Mayr to Stresemann, 12 November 1931, quoted in Haffer, p. 111. Richard Archbold was the grandson of John Dustin Archbold, an early American oil refiner and competitor of John D. Rockefeller who later became his business associate. Richard Archbold was a lifelong zoologist who funded numerous expeditions to New Guinea for the AMNH, and founded the Archbold Biological Station in bold: Patron of bold Biological Station, accessed June 1, 2112, http://www.archbold station.org/station/html/a boutus/r_archbold/archbold.html 51 Bowdoin Magazine (Winter 2008): 28, 30. See also, http://www.bowdoin.edu/bow doinmagazine/archives/features/004943.shtml accessed June 1, 2112. John Sterling Rockefeller was the grandson of William Rockefeller, the younger brother and sometimes business associate of John D. Rockefeller. 52 Haffer, p. 112.


86 Europe, where Mayr also attended the International Ornithological Congress held that year in Oxford and presided over by Stresemann as President. The following spring Mayr returned and the couple married in a wedding cere younger brother played the organ in the church where their father had previously been minister. After a short honeymoon in the Alps, Ernst and Gretel returned to America aboard the famous ocean liner, th e SS Bremen. 53 A close friend remembered the pair 54 Haffer reported that after the birth of their second daughter, Susan, in 1937 ( an older sister Christa arrived the previous year), Ernst and Gretel moved from their p ark side apartment in northern Manhattan to a modest home in a then still semi rural area just across the Hudson River in Tenafly, NJ. 55 Mayr and Gretel attempted a vegetable garden, but rabbits soon overran the project. 56 Mayr recalled: The natural surroun din gs were very attractive because . our ho use was in an old apple orchar d . and in our garden . a pair of flickers nested. There were barred white quails in the back yard. It was real nature, and furthermore, I had to drive only ten minutes or fifteen m inutes by car to get into . a big swamp, and other interesting areas and I could do a great deal of field work, ornithological field work, satisfying my instincts as a naturalist. [I]n these years that I was there in Tenafly raising my famil y . I really had a wonderful time with one exception: every morning I had to spend one hour to get from there to the American Museum, and every evening I had to spend one hour 53 Ibid., pp. 102 03. The Riband as the fastest passenger liner on the transatlantic sea route. It must have been an exciting return voyage for the young couple. 54 Evolution 48 (1994): 11. 55 Their apartment was on 55 Payson Street across from Inwood Park (Haffer, p. 103). 56 Haffer, pp. 103 04.


87 getting home again. So this seventeen years of commuting was something that I considered very much wasted time, which of course it also was. 57 w as a curator at the AMNH Department of Or nithology, also lived in Tenafly. A fellow ornithologist humorously recalle d visiting him in Tenafly 58 A Turn to Evolution time at the American Museum of Natural History the ir bird collections ost comprehensive and most representative in the world and the entire eight officially op ened in 1939 with the comple 1 million specimens 59 In 1993, while speaking at the 50 year Jubilee celebration of the founding of the Whitney W ing, Mayr reminisced of that stage of the history of the bird department are still as vivid as if this had happened only 10 or 15 years ago. What an exciting event this move was, what a challenge, and what an opportunity! It was the first time in history that a museum had a special wing only for its bird 57 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/123 58 The Auk 112 (1995): 756. Tenafly is also 59 Haffer, p. Contributions to the History of North American Ornithology, ed. William E. Davis and Jerome A. Jackson Jr., Memoirs of the Nuttall Ornithological Club 12 ( 1995): 113 Calypso Log 2001, pp. 30 35, Calypso Log 2002, pp. 12 15.


88 60 Summing up his years as an AMNH curator, Mayr stated achieved in my professional life I owe to the op 61 history and mechanism of speciation and that brought him in contact with a number of prominent geneticists. Haffer reporte d that while working Mayr corresponded about hormonal and/or genetic control of bird plumages with a geneticist at the University of C who worked 62 Mayr remembered : other aspects of birds. For instance, I discovered that there w as a geographic variation . in several spe cies of these island birds . [and] this could not be due to the sex hormones as was at that time believed by everybody, it has to have another meaning. So I got in touch with [the geneticists at UConn] . and they in turn got me . in contact with Professor L. C. Dunn at Columbia University, a geneticist who was interested in such questions. And Dunn invited me to come to s eminars, to Columbia University . and I became more and more friendly with the 63 At t his time Mayr began incorporating genetic information in to his own work. In 1941, L. C. Dunn invited Mayr to give the Columbia Jesup L ectures along with the botanist, Edgar Anderson. Beginning in 1943, Mayr began regularly attending the summer meetings wit h the geneticists at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island. 60 61 Ibid., p. 179. 62 Haffer, p. 132. 63 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/124


89 the famo us Russian geneticist and evolutionary biologist Theodosi us Dobzhansky, who he first met at a Columbia lectures series in 1936. Mayr reme rom California, from Pasadena . [where he] invited him to come to the Museum and study my wonderful cases of geographic speciation of b irds and he was quite excited about this, and I was excited about his lectures, and we became 64 Though he had earlier corresponded with Dobzhansky and had then felt he had found himsel f particularly affected when . 65 Genetics and the Origin of Species (1937), offered Mayr a perspective on genetics and taxonomy similar to his o wn In considering the significance of their friendship, philosopher of science Michael Ruse explained: . 66 It was Dobzhansky who invited Mayr to Cold Spring Harbor to discuss genetics and evo had got ahold of some finches and, with the help of an assistant, bred them to study pairing and imprint ing, but the care of the animals became too complicated and the experiment was given up. Mayr recalled: I told this to Dobzhansky my friend Professor Dobzhansky [now] at Columbia fly] 64 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/12 4 65 The Evolutionary Synthesis, p. 419. 66 Biology & Philosophy 9 (1994): 430.


90 we make this experiment? I in troduce [you to] Drosophila technique and you do what you want 67 Mayr returned the next summer when Dobzhansky was there, and Gretel and the girls became so enchanted the family returned every su mmer while they lived in New York. Mayr recalled that Spring Harbor was that this was the time when molecular biology was being born and Cold Spring Harbor was one of the major places where it develope 68 It was a few years earlier in 1939, not long after Dobzhansky moved from California (where he had Columbia that Dobzhansky asked Mayr to participate as a speaker in a symposiu m he was meetings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Columbus, Ohio, and jointly sponsored by the American Society of Naturalists and the Genetics Society of America. Haffer reporte d that this opportunity provided Mayr with 69 Of the meetings, Mayr recalled : T he person who t alked before me was a famous geneticists with the name Sewall Wright who was famous for being a terrible speaker. And there we were let into this . auditorium, the biggest one that Ohio State had, and the plat form was huge because they had . their orchestras played there and the audience seated three thousand people. And in front of that platform was a lectern with a fixed microphone. And Sewall Wright was the speaker just before me. He went to this microphone and he talked to it . into it a lit tle bit, but then after a very short time 67 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/159 68 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/160 69 genetics laboratory.


91 he left his place, he went to the other end, the back of the . big platform where a mathematical formulae there. Nobody understood a wo rd he said, and he talked to this blackboard all the time. Every once in a while he would go sort of halfway back to the . is time. Anyhow . it was about as bad a lecture as you can imagine, and however the people had heard the famous Sewall Wright and most of them left after that lecture, but those who stayed heard me. And I was glued to the lectern and the microphone, I had beautiful slides this was in the days be fore Kodachromes, but we had . an artist at the American Museum [of Natural History] who was very good at coloring glass slides, and he colored these beautiful glass slides of geographic variation in my s outh Sea Island birds. And I talked for only 25 minutes instead of, like Sewall be a marvelous lecture. And a very short time afterwards Professor Dunn came up to me and said would I be willing to give some of the famous Jesup lectures at Columbia University? 70 Mayr remembered but what else could I do but accept? Normally the four Jesup lectures are given by a single lecturer, but fortunately this time there would be two speakers, I to give two lectures on speciation in animals, and Professor Edgar Anderson of Washington University, to give two lectures on speciation in plants. I was to get an honorarium o f $500 but no royalties for my part 71 Fortunately for Mayr manuscript. So Columbia Univers ity Press came to me and they said could I expand my two 70 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/125 Haffer (Haffer, p. 189). Perhaps Mayr may have also resented the atten tion Dobzhansky paid to Wright, whose mathematical skills Dobhzansky prized. Further more as suggested by essay See John B. Cobb and David Ray Griffin, eds., Mind and Nature: Essays on the Interface of Science and Philosophy (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 197 8). For a comprehensive overview of the competitive relationship between Mayr and Wright in their scientific careers, see William Provine, Sewall Wright and Evolutionary Biology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 477 484. 71


92 System at ics and the Origin of Species 72 ne of the foundations of t he evolutionary synthesis . still considered a classic and s W hen I look back on it now, many people consider it a book on evolution and indeed it was also a book of evolution; but it was at the same time very much a book on the principles and methods of systematics. And in fact it was the first pronouncement . the first real . certainly in English language . presentation of the so ematics. And I introduced a lot of concepts which were certainly new to the American audience, even though some of them were things that I had learned from [Erwin] Stresemann and from Rensch a nd other European authors. . And the other half, of course was that I used this new knowledge of species and speciation to show how this contributes to an understanding of one of the two great areas of evolutionary biology . t he origin of . organic diversity, of biodiversity and that includes the whole t hing of species, speciation and a connection between that and macro evolution, that means the evolution of higher categories, of higher types, of evolutionary novelties of . all the things that go over long periods of time and that, for instance, also interest the paleontologists. 73 Walter Bock describe s in a similar way He explain s for example, that the into the title of Darwin s 1859 boo k and to synchronize it with the title of Dobzhansky s Genetics and the Origin of Species 74 Bock adds Systematics and the Origin of Species is a book written by a systematist for and about systematists. Mayr s primary objective in writing it was to exam of a zoologist 75 72 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/125 73 Systematics and the Origin of the Species Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/126 74 75 Ibid., pp. 296 97.


93 In s ummarizing the specific importance of th is work within the modern evolut ionary synthesis, Bock comments : In writing Systematics and the Origin of Species Mayr s primary intent was to bring decisively the ideas about the origin of organic diversity into the evolutionary synthesis. Mayr was interested in explaining a major set of phenomena on individual and geogr aphical variation in natural populations, geographic variation, the species concept, speciation, the action of selection on populations, and the role of species in major evolutionary changes, these being ideas central in the research of systematists and in dispensable for a full understanding of evolution. Variation in natural populations and population thinking were central Mayr s 1942 book. Mayr did not deal with genetic theory because this had been thoroughly covered by Dobzhansky (1937) just a few years earlier. Mayr felt that his book was a continuation of the thinking expressed in Dobzhansky s book, which is generally considered to be the beginning of the evolutionary synthesis (1937 to 1948). 76 Mayr summarized his own view of this scientific achievement in a 1984 Omni interview : anches of evolutionary biology the laboratory geneticists and the field naturalists and each was highly ignorant of what the other knew. As a result, they were both one sided in their explanations. The gene ticists had always concentrated on a single gene pool. They very much neglected what I call horizontal evolution; that is, species formation and geographic variation among groups separated by space and time. By contrast, the naturalist knew what happened t o the organism in the real world. Bringing the two branches together led to a broader, more sophisticated, more mature interpretation of evolution, though it was still within 77 76 Ibid., p. 297. 77 The Omni Interviews ed. Pamela Weintraub (New York: Omni Publications Int ernational, Ltd. 1984), p. 47. Mayr wrote a number of summaries analyzing the significance of the evolutionary synthesis. Good examples include his preface to the second edition of The Evolutionary Synthesis (1998), pp. ix Th 48, offered in both the 1980 and 1998 edition. Mayr also discusses the synthesis in The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1982), pp. 119 120, 567 Trends in Ecology and Evolution 8 (1993): 31 34.


94 Mayr considered it unusual that many of the leading pa rticipants, such as Dobzhansky, synthesis. We all had the same goal, which was simply to understand fully the evolutionary 78 rked in somewhat different areas of the field Dobzhansky in genetics, I in system at ics, Simpson in paleontology, and Huxley in various areas of zoology we approached it from somewhat different directions and therefore made the contribution that our par ticular specialized knowledge permitted. Prior to the synthesis, the people in various fields had specialized views that were often in conflict with those of others. By combining our knowledge, we managed to straighten out all the conflicts and disagreemen ts so 79 do this beca geneticists and naturalists. 80 Theodosius Dobzhansky was in New York to give the Jesup Lectures, I invited him to see th e beautiful series of South Sea I sland b irds . which demonstrated geographic speciation so 78 Ibid. 79 Betty Smocovit BioEssays Biology: the Evolutionary Synthesis and E Journal of the History of Biology 25 (1992): 1 65; Evolution (1939 Evolution 48 (1994): 1 ounding the Society for the Study of Evolution (1939 Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994): 241 309; and Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology ( Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996). 80


95 beautifully. He was greatly impressed and it contributed to his decision to discuss geographic speciation at length in his famous book Genetics and the Origins o f Species 81 you would have a list of the different fields of biology and evolution would not be included. There was no society for evolution; there was no journal dealing with evolution; most colleges and universities had no courses dealing with evolution, and those of us who were very much 82 Historian of sc ience Betty Smocovitis has pointed Genetics and the Origin of Species conse nsus that evolutionists shared this common ground there simultaneously came a consensus that the new practices should be secured, sustained, and institutionalized through a collaborative 83 s the following year at Columbia University. 84 a nother rn synthesis and was also credited with coining the term. 85 81 82 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/168 83 84 See fn. 69. 85 Dobzhansky, Mayr, G. G. Simpson, G. Ledyard Stebbins, and Bernhard Rensch, and others are also credited among the leading architects, with Ronald Fisher, Sewall Wright, and J. B. S. Haldane providing the mathematical foundation in population genetics.


96 The American Naturalist in 1941. 86 Alfred E. aged interdisciplinary cooperation in his capacity as editor of Ecology (1930 87 became support for a cooperative organization that would serve as an informal information service, distributing notes, news, and bibliographies on recent work from laboratories and museums 88 be no limitation on the inclusion of any phase of the ne ed [was] felt for an informal cooperative group of scientists willing to pass information 89 Emerson noted that there were many good ideas for developing the its of his time, will attempt to bring the constructive suggestions before the society for consideration and democratic 90 Unfortunately, the initial enthusiasm surrounding the society lost its momentum during 91 86 Ibid. 87 Studies, 1936 Isis 84 (1993): 6. 88 89 Alfred E. Emerson, The American Naturalist 75 (1941): 88 89. 90 Emerson, p. 89. 91


97 Other informal groups of like minded biologists with varying backgrounds also began to d in the San Francisco Bay Area and it kept in contact wi th biologists on the East Coast. A third initiative emerged in the New York area, centering on the American Museum and Columbia University. Historian Joseph Cain has noted that y to construct a common problems research 92 Leaders of this group included Dobzhansky, Dunn and Walter Bucher at Columbia, along with Mayr and Simpson from the AMNH. 93 up lecture series, and for edit ing the Columbia [University] Biological Series, which published these lectures in book form. 94 Walter Bucher, a professor of geol ogy and, in 1942, chair of the Division of Geology and Geography at the National Research Council, encouraged Simpson and Dobzhansky to submit a sponsored committee that would study common problems in paleontology and genetics and between 95 92 Cain, p. 10. 93 50. 94 Ibid., 250. 95 Ibid., 251.


98 of the National Research Council. It worked closely with biologists on both co asts. Ma yr explained: [The] organization established by the National Research Council, [was] a committee on t he common problems. . [Its] primary [goal] was . to bring together the paleontologists with the other evolutionists. And then, again the war broke out and in order to keep some contact on the members I suggested an informal news bulletin going around where people could raise evolutionary questions which somebody else in this group then would try to answer. And I was the editor of this and I brought o ut, I think, four issues during the war and by the Huxley having brought out a book and in Germany [Bernhard] Rensch having brought out a book, . and [George Gaylord] Simps on having brought out a book in 1944, it was becoming quite clear that this gap between the different camps of the evolutionists had now been closed, that they really were agreeing with each other, were talking the same language. 96 The Founding of the Socie ty for the Study of Evolution In 1944, George Gaylord Simpson returned from WWII after a two year tour of duty as an intelligence officer serving General Eisenhower in the Mediterranean Theater. For a period of in Sicily. 97 Until Simpson returned in 1944, much the actual head of the organization, 98 graphed bulletin, Simpson noted: This series of bulletins, compiled and edited by Dr. Mayr who continues this task, has accomplished a great deal more than the expression of a few facts and opinions, useful as these have also been. From the whole series of letters in the bulletin there has emerged concrete evidence that a field common to the disciplines of genetics, 96 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/168 97 George Gaylord Simpson, Concession to the Improbable: An Unconventional Autobiography (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press: 1978), p p. 121 126. 98 Ibid., 130.


99 paleontology, and systematics does really exist and this field is beginning to be clearly define d. 99 Smocovitis points out: books from Dobzhansky, Huxley, Mayr, Simpson, and others] was beginning to reach the wider biological audience to garner further support and belief in the emergenc e of a common field of evolutionary studies . . But it was only after the war that major moves could be made to redirect available resources to the planning of major conferences and the formation of new societies. It was the editor of the bulletins, Er nst Mayr, who began to play the most active role in facilitating the communication that would lead to the founding of the central organ of the 100 In his own recollections, concurred: I was active among the founders and was the first president of this society . Ernst Mayr was the effective leader in the group that initially (before the war) was the informal Society for the Study of Speciation but that broadened its scope and changed its name to include all aspects of (organic) evolution when it was formally founded in March 1946. The society has held annual meetings ever since, but its main activity is the publication of the quarterly journal, Evolution: International Journal of Organic Evolution This was started in 1947 with an enabling grant from the American Philosophical Society I did arrange that. Mayr was the first editor and continued in that onerous position for some years. 101 Mayr also recall ed: At the end of the war a group of evolution ists with Dobzhansky, myself [and others] . got together and managed, after overcoming numerous obstacles, to found the Evolution Society at the St. Louis meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) in June 1946. The found ing meeting was 99 53. 100 101 Simpson, p. 129. Simpson wrote own feeling is that Ernst Mayr is the ideal man for this job. I am sure that he would do it very well, and he has done more than anyone else in laying plans for the Society and for the journal and is familiar w ith the problems and needs 79, fn. 100.) The archives for the Society for the Study of Evolution are held at the Library of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.

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100 attended by 59 people . the promotion of the study of organic evolution and the integration of the various fields of biology A slate of officers, proposed by Dobzhansky and myse lf, was adopted with George Gaylord Simpson as president, and myself as secretary . . The new society voted to hold its next meeting during the December 1946 AAAS meetings. 102 lution society to give a little more prominence to the field. And this has been written up in great detail, the steps by which this was accomplished by Joe Cain and by Betty Smocovitis. To make a long story short, we founded the society, [and] I became the 103 And we got the journal go ing. We had a lot of trouble first to get enough manuscripts because this was 1947, right after the war, and everybody . nobody had done any . done much 104 Regarding the printing of the journal Mayr said The council voted it should be [a] printed edition of 500. And I was young and optimistic and idealistic and I know what much too few So I . without . well, actually in . in conflict with what the council had ordered, I ordered 1500 copies and everyone 102 65. 103 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/169 d Cooperative Solutions: Organization Activity in Evolutionary Studies, 1936 Isis 84 (1993): 1 Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994): 387 104 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/169 Mayr rece ived early complaints that his selection of articles leaned heavily to genetics, a situation he actively sought to resolve. As a sample of one response, Joseph Cain noted Mayr sent at least twelve versions of the following letter to various officers and co journal as broad as possible. The disproportionate representation of Drosophila in the first is due to a shortage of manuscripts in other fields. This will change since a considerable number of papers fro m the fields of anthropology,

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101 thought I was crazy. And about four years later these extra thousand copies had all been sold, because when the journal finally became well known, better established, all the li braries had to the founding of the evolution society and the establishment of the journal was a great success and now you will find that many of the old departments of biolo gy or zoology are called biologies of evolutionary and environmental biology, or something like 105 After the war, Princeton University hosted a number of colloquia as part of its Bicentennial Conferences series. One invitee was the International Confe rence on Genetics, Paleontology, and Evolution, which held its final symposium there on January 2 and 3, 1947, seem to be assure d. 106 Smocovitis notes conference was optimistic and cheerful, if not ebullient. Members of the committee had reason to rejoice as they brought in a new year: the brutal war was over, a new journal issuing society for the study of evolutio n had been established, and participants could finally agree that a 107 Smocovitis notes too that the edited r type through a process of synthesis: the synthetic type of evolutionist. What had begun as a disparate set of moves to reconfigure evolutionary practice and integrate paleontology, genetics, and systematics had led to the emergence of a synthetic evoluti onary practice. In fact, the 105 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/169 106 uoted in Smocovitis, d in Glenn L. Jepson, forward to Genetics, Paleontology, and Evolution ed s Glenn L. Jepson, Ernst Mayr, and George Gaylord Simpson ( Princeton : Princeton University Press 19 49), p. v ii i 107

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102 meetings were such a celebration of convergence of disciplines that they came down in the 108 volutionary biology in the United States. In January, the so called Princeton Conference took place, which wound up the work of the National Research Council Committee on the Common Problems of Paleontology, Genetics and Systematics. This meeting showed th at a synthesis indeed had taken place and that a real consensus had been achieved among geneticists, paleontologist and 109 On another occasion Mayr stated verybody at the meeti ng agreed with everybody. There . seemingly were no dis agreements anymore. In fact some people wrote to me and said there a re no more disagreements, . T 110 The Biology of Birds T akes Flight; Mayr Migrates N orth As a humorous aside in the history of science during these years Ernst Mayr wrote a scientific paper with a leading American ornithologist by the name of Bond James Bond, and the namesake of the famous British secret agent ( this will shortly be explained. ) In his humble life as a zoologist, Bond a uthored the definitive Checklist of Birds of the West Indies (1936, 1947, 1950, 1956). 111 Ernst Mayr collaborated with Bond f 108 Ibid., p. 285. Smoc Genetics, Paleontology, and Evolution ed. Glenn L. Jepsen, Ernst Mayr, and George Gaylord Simpson (1949; repr. New York: Atheneum, 1963), p. 422. 109 110 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/ 1 70 Mayr noted that through the 19 70s, geneticists continued to insist the gene was the 111 Auk 106 (1989): 718 720.

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103 112 primarily I guess their color . . And so I reorganized the swallows . [with] the help of a worker on American birds, and South America in particular, James Bond incidentally, he gave the name to the famous James Bond and between James Bond and myself we worked out the classification of the swallows primar ily on the nesting habits. . T his classification based on behavior has now been almost compl 113 Ian Fleming, t he creator of the fictional secret agent, was a life long bird watcher who Birds of West Indies, 114 He explained in a letter to James Bon had used her because Saxon and yet very masculine 115 The Bonds had begun to suspect the existence of an alter ego 116 Fleming apologized, writing to Mary that in only offer you or James Bond unlimited use of the name Ian Fleming for any 117 112 Ernst Ibis 85 (1943): 334. 113 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/p lay/140 114 The New Yorker April 21, 1962, p. 32. 115 The New York Times February 17, 1989, p. D19. 116 Parkes, st. 117

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104 after he had taken charge of tly built Whitney Wing. Frank Chapman, the chairman of the ornithology department, assigned Mayr responsibility for planning the Sanford Hall, an entire floor dedicated in honor of the AMNH patron to whom Mayr felt personally indebted. Mary LeCroy note s The Sanfo rd Hall of the Biology of Birds . specimens of birds of the world was plann ed, with alcoves presenting the latest results of studies of bird biology behavior, migration, morphology, nesting and so forth . Each member of the staff contributed material for the alcoves, but Mayr was responsible for coordinating it into a whole 118 Natural History museum of today wants to be not only attractive but also instructive. These principles are applied to the Sanford 119 Mayr concluded by saying : A trip to Sanford Hall is really necessary to appreciate the vast range of the exhibits it contains. Courts hip and display, reproduction and egg laying, parental care and feeding, birds and their environment are among the other topics presented [in addition to prehistoric species and their extinction, morphology, migration, and evolution] in an effort to acquai nt the student, as well a s the layman, with the principal aspects of bird life. For anyone already interested in observing birds, the Hall will provide a broad background of understanding, and [for beginners] . it 118 119 Natural History 57 (1948): 248.

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105 would be hard to recommend a more stim ulating introduction than these attractive, comprehensive, and skillfully designed exhibits. 120 Years later, Mayr would reflect of birds, to be dedicated to Doctor Sanford. ssion : This was one of the most thankless jobs that I ever had in my life, because nobody cooperated and I had much too small a budget and I had too tight a schedule. And everything always went wrong, and less and less money and less and less time was avai lable. And finally, by hook and crook on the 25 th May, or whatever the date was, of 1948, I opened the Hall. And it . it had a lot of very interesting things because I had all sorts of ideas to demonstrate how bir ds fly. I had good model makers . b ut my colleagues were hopeless. . And t here were many other aspects [of the] biology birds illustrated in this hall, but in a week after that I had I had really what . what was a nervous br eakdown and I had trouble with my heart, both tachycardia and arrhythmia. I felt weak and I took several years before I felt reasonably normal again, and I still have difficulties with my heart occasionally, but they all date back to that breakdown. It was the release after t his intense stress and so forth, and finally the thing was opened up and I must have l et myself go and, and had this . this breakdow n. So I always think back with . with sort of horror to the time that I was struggling with that hall. 121 related nervous heart condition expressing itself in irregular heart beat together with general weakness. He had to take a complet e rest for about a month. . Mayr eventually overcame the condition, but it took more then 5 years. After 122 In September 1948, Mayr wrote in a letter to Stresemann that 120 Ibid., 254. 121 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/149 Undoubtedly the stress of the opening could have led to strained relations. But Haffer also noted that Mayr could at times be quick to judgment when speaking of even older colleagues, to the point that Stresemann admonished Mayr mentioned to Delacour that you consider Wetmore a dry schoolmaster with a small mind . By this you help nobody, but you may harm yourself 122 Haffer, p. 302.

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106 had been among the possible con tributing factors to his health setback. 123 During that time Mayr had also been involved with the founding of the Society for the Study of Evolution and launching the journal Evolution as well as editing a volume (with Jepsen and Simpson) on the proceedings of the Princeton meetings ( Genetics, Paleontology, and Evolution 1949). Further, Ernst and Gretel were actively involved assisting and sending C.A.R.E. packages to colleagues and relatives in postwar Europe, while negotiating their own citizenship status with the US Immigration Department. 124 Months later Mayr would remark in another letter to Stresemann 125 As an authority on evolutionary biolog y, Mayr felt enthused by invitations from institutions and universities to serve as a lecturer or visiting professor. Mayr recalled that for the visiting professor . . B y that time Chapman was retired, Murphy was chairman, and most of the material of the Whitney collection had been worked out, so I got this leave of absence . A lso to pay for me during that time . [during a] l eave of absence to go to Minn esota where a Professor Minnich sort of 126 Dwight E. Minnich, an entomologist who was the chairman of the Department of Zoology at the University of Minnesota, assisted Mayr with his initial experience teaching a full semester. Of th 123 Mayr to Stresemann, 20 September 1948, quoted in Haffer, p. 30 2. 124 125 Mayr to Stresemann, 17 March 1950, quoted in Haffer, p. 302. 126 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/150 proper spelling, see Haffer, pp. 267 68.

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107 hrough three folders of mate rial in the first class with 18 20 yet to go, and wondering, Where am I going to get the mate rial for all these lectures ? Mayr looked to Professor Minnich e laughed an ing to a lot of beginners . e . in. 127 f you make the ri minutes and keep the Professor Minnich helped this young inexperienced first time teaching professor through a 128 the University of Minnesota in 1949 . [turned into] . the very first draft for a new book : Animal Species and Evolution 129 Mayr confided in a letter whether or not I should take up teaching more seriously. Life in a university town would certainly be more pleasant then in New York and far less strenuous than the daily commuting. 127 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/150 128 Haffer, p. 260. 129 Ibid., p. 275.

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108 present time to make any changes, even thoug 130 Mayr a lso ne of the reasons why I have been tempted to go into teaching . [is] I feel it is very necessary to provide some counterbalance against the strictly physiological, bio chemical trend in our zoolo 131 Mayr would also come to teach as a lecturer at the Philadelphia Academy of Science, and in the early 1950s, as an adjunct p rofessor at Columbia University (forty blocks north of the AMNH ) where he served on a number of graduate committe es. In addition, Haffer listed Mayr as a visiting professor at the University of Pavia, Italy in 1951. 132 In 1952, Mayr received an offer to teach a course on species and speciation from th e University of Washington, where he taught on alternating days with during the evolutionary synthesis. The two lecturers frequently presented differing views before a large lecture hall, whose audience ranged from remembere . Goldschmidt and I, we contradicted each other continuously and the professors and all the people really knowing something about the fi eld were immensely amused . in fact th at was the whole reason why they brought the two of us together at the same time. But 133 130 Mayr to Stresemann, 15 June 1949, quoted in Haffer, p. 260. 131 May r to Stresemann, August 8, 1949, quoted in Ibid. 132 Haffer, p. 402. 133 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/152 Mayr expressed concern that the undergraduates and you might even go so far as to say there was a

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109 134 of his atti tude toward never took personally any criticism of his work and maintained 135 While he was in Washington, Mayr received a telephone ca ll from Alfred Romer, the would later remember the e asked me whether I was interested in being appointed an Alexander Agassiz Professor at Harvard University. To say that I would be i nterested would be the understatement of the at Grand Central Station where he told me the conditions under which I would be working at Harvard. I agreed with every 136 Mayr later remembered the immediate aftermath of his decision to take the job at . we actually drove down from Seattle through the Redwood Groves, all the way do wn to sout hern California . [a nd] then back to New York . I went to the director of the American Museum to give him the bad news and he tried very hard to keep me 137 On another occasion Mayr continued the recollection: [the director] ow, what other condition . would you want? nyhow, I went there but . we parted quite amiably and I was appointed an honorary curator of the still asked by the bird department every year to submit my annual report to be included in theirs. 134 Haffer, p. 260. 135 Haffer, p. 284. 136 Haffer, p. 255. 137 Web of Stories www.webofst ories.com/play/154

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110 138 Mayr would also write to Stresemann shortly thereafter about for a pleasant and stimulating university town which perhaps has more of a European character than any other town in the United States. I will be able to walk to work, instead of standing for an hour in a crowded train or bus. I still plan to spend several months every year at the American 139 Mary LeCroy notes obli AMNH]. The Bird Department was settled in its new building, with its tremendous collection of birds well arranged; the bird halls were mostly completed; and Mayr had co ntributed enormously to publishing the results of the Whitney Expedition and of a great many other AMNH expeditions . And so, when Harvard University offered him an Alexander Agassiz Research Professorship, he decided to accept, and resigned from the A 140 Walter Bock provides further insight as to why Mayr decided to make this change: [At] the beginning of the 1950s, Mayr was becoming more and more frustrated with his lack o f contact with students. . Moreover, his interests were drifting from systematic and biogeographic studies of birds to more purely evolutionary work. The invitation in 1953 to join the MCZ . came just at the right time. . Although he had not be gun to exhaust the research 138 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/4242 139 Mayr to Stresemann, 25 March 1953, quoted in Haffer, p. 256. 140 LeCroy, p. 46.

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111 Rothschild] collection, it was time to move on to other work, 141 Mayr later explained that . is not tied to any particular department in the Museum of Comparative Zoology and I was definitely not a member of the bird department, even though my office was on the same floor of the museum. My major occupation, as they expected, was research and writing, but I was also expected to teach but primarily at the graduate level. I did give, occasionally, undergraduate courses and in particular there was a period of a couple of years where I gave six major lectures in o ne of the big Harvard 142 143 Perh aps one of the last times was in 1947, when as a Harvard graduate student John Greene had on the subject Greene Systematics and the Origin of Species Tempo and Mode in Evolution Genetics and the Origin of Species 144 graduate courses were Pri nciples of Evolutionary Methods and P offered biennially. 145 In 1955, Mayr offered another course, E volution 141 142 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/4243 143 Haffer, p. 260. 144 History, Humanity and Evolution ed. James R. Moore (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 8 9. 145 Haffer, p. 260.

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112 Mayr also occasionally guest lectured in more general courses normally taught by a colleague. e or less always given as a form of a seminar course with me teaching . the first six or so . occasions where we met, and then the students took over with term papers. And the main idea of the course always was a very active interchange between pro fessor and students . . I was lucky in some years that I would have students that would constantly try to contradict me, and the one who was most lively and I would have loved to have had him every single year was Roger Milkman who is now Professor at t 146 Mayr further recalled of his early days at Harvard: Eventually I developed a new way of giving a course . It was still the basic idea of a term paper being discussed, but what I did was that the first student scheduled for his term paper, I took his paper, had it . mimeographed, and then . a week before he was to perform . I gave a copy to each member of the class and each member . had to submit in writing to me three criticisms of the paper. And then the actual class consisted in the author of the paper just sitting there and defending himself against these critic isms. The result was . not only was the entire class immensely interested in what was going o n, also they all had read that . that term paper s o they knew about the particular subject, 147 The course and the new format were a great success. Mayr I had a lot of application s from other students, could th ey sit in, in the back of the room and watch the proceedings, and I said 146 Web of Stories www.webofst ories.com/play/4245 The interview took place in 1997. 147 Ibid.

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113 yes and we supplied about 20 chairs or so, but pretty soon this was not enough and we had to 148 Mayr further reminisced ents, including Professor Altogether . I think 19 students took their P hD under me, under . with a great variety of subjects, and, interestingly enough, the most common subject chosen by stu dents of mine were papers on behavior, v arious kinds of behavior. . But the other students took it on various aspects of systematics or evolutionary biology and so forth. All of them are now teaching, with the exception of one . [a] student who wen 149 During these years Mayr remained involved in ornithology. Among his numerous volume Check list of Birds of the World (completed in 1987), while also serving as President of the 59. 150 In 1962 Mayr served as President of the 13 th or 151 In 1959, Mayr actively participated in a variety of celebrations for the centennial of the publication of On the Origin of Species and the 150 th At the time Mayr wrote to J. B. S. Haldane, a leading evolutionary biologist whose mathematical work in population genetics helped establish a foundation for the modern evolutionary synthesis, remarking that 148 Ibid. 149 Web of Stories www.webofstories.com/play/4246 150 Haffer, p. 256. 151 Haffer, p. 138.

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114 year 1959. Traveling from one evolution conference to the next, I feel like the old time v audeville performer who traveled from convention to convention and from county fair to county fair. At least he had the advantage of showing the same tricks to ever new audienc es, while I am supposed to say something new each time because every word I utter is going to be 152 Mayr later explained that number of celebrations were organized, the most elaborate one was in Chicago and a series of three volumes issued from the symposia and lectures and what not that took place on that occasion. Julian Huxley gave a . famous speech that caused some eyebrow raising and everybody who was anybody in evolution attended. I attended it, too, on the way to Australia where in Melbourne I had to give a lecture celebrating the 100 th anniversary of The Origin of Species. 153 Thomas Junker, a historian of the biological sc iences, notes that much of the enthusiasm behind the 1959 Darwin centennial celebratio 154 Historian of science Richard Burkhardt Jr., adds historian, it was 1959. It was in this year, the centenary of the publication of the Origin of Species first referred to the work of Arthur O. Lovejoy, the founder of the discipline of the history of ideas. It was 152 Mayr to Ha ldane, 13 April 1959, quoted in Haffer, p. 342. See also Mayr to Haldane, 13 April 1959, Mayr Papers. 153 th anniversary of On the Origin of Species Web of Stories www.web ofstories.com/play/4286 Osiris 14, 2 nd Series (1999): 274 323. 154 Journal of the History of Biology 29 (1996): 39.

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115 think that history of science should be a hi 155 A much younger intellectual historian of science, John C. Greene, also attended the Darwin Centennial at the University of Chicago that year. At the time a professor at the University of Iowa, he had earlier taught at the University of C hicago w hile finishing his dissertation and knew many of the scholars there organizing the celebration. In a letter to Smocovitis (researching the Chicago celebration at the time), Greene noted he had previously been a [ in a ] graduate course in anthropology taught by Sol Tax, 156 In addition, Bert James Loewenburg, the director for the international Darwin Anniversary Committee, had been undergr aduate mentor at the University of South Dakota. It was Loewenburg who initially influenced Greene toward Darwin studies and entering the Harvard graduate program. 157 The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought, had been published just prior to the Chicago celebrations. Greene later note d centennial celebration in 1958 1959, Mayr turned his attention increasingly to the history and philosophy of biolo gy. His 155 Biology and Philosophy Evolution and An thropology: A Centennial Appraisal (Washington, D.C.: Anthropological Society of Washington, 1959), pp. 3 Harvard Library Bulletin 13 (1959), pp. 165 194. 156 Greene to Smocovitis, 13 March 1996, John C. Greene Papers, T homas J. Dodd Research Center, University of the University of Chicago celebration. Along with fellow anthropologists Braidwood, Washburn, and o thers, he had 90. 157 281. Loewenb American history and its reception of Darwinian theory. The Darwin Anniversary Committee, Inc. included prominent descendants of Charles Darwin as honorary members. Though initially formed in the mid oversee a Society, contains papers from the committee

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116 extensive researches culminated in a series of books and articles defining his position scientifically, philosophically, and historically with respect to the relations among science, philosophy religion, ideology, and world view and placing Darwin at the center of the intellectual r evolution implicit in twentieth century evolutionary biology. e added, I n those same years . I was moving from my earlier studies of the interaction of science and world view in the pre Darwinian period to an analysis of a similar set of interactions in the writings of twentieth century biologists. Not surprisingly, the trajectory of my research and 158 Mayr actively participated a t the conference synthesis and other leading evolutionary biologis ll Wright, and chaired 159 Mayr also spoke on nce of change in function and the fact that evolutionary novelties are in most cases acquired gradually 160 as a result of . structural modification a shift into a new ecological niche, by th 161 Immediately after the meetings, Mayr travelled to Australia, where he had been invited as the keynote speaker 158 John C. Greene, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA: Regina Books, 1999), pp. 17 18. 159 97. 160 The Evolution of Life: Evolution after Darwin volume 1, ed. Sol Tax (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 349 380. Also reprinted in, Mayr, Evolution and the Diversity of Life: Selected Essays (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1976), pp 88 113. 161 Ernst Mayr, Evolution and the Diversity of Life, p. 111

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117 December 7 11. 162 The organizers we the topic he had proposed to speak on: Accident and Design, develop this theme, it will have both objective experimental information and philosophical content. It is wide 163 as an honor to Oscar Werner Tiegs, the highly respected Australian zoologist who had recently passed away. Mayr activel y 164 The Centennial Symposium additionally celebrated the th anniversary, and the University of Mel bourne took the opportunity to honor their guest with a degree. Haffer noted that at the Australian conferences, by students and fellow scientists and often enlarged upon the respective subject matter for 165 During the previous spring, when Mayr had been still planning his trip to Australia, he wrote to Stresem commitments for the last 25 years which has made it impossible all these years to do expeditions and extensive foreign travels. I have just now reached the point to consider this and will start 162 Haffer, p. 314; Edmund D. Gill to Mayr, 21 October 1958, Papers of Ernst Mayr, Harvard University Archives, 163 Gill to Mayr, 7 May 1959, Mayr Papers. 164 Gill to Mayr, 21 December 1959, Mayr Papers. 165 Haffer, 303.

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118 166 The previous month, Haldane had written Mayr from his research institute in India asking for advice how to best solve a research issue some of his students were working on, and Mayr quickly responded: I have been planning to write you for the longest time and I am glad that you have shaken me out of my inertia . . I shall celebrate the passing of this trying [centennial] year by going to Australia and if all goes well, I hope to pass through India on the way home. This will not be until March or April 1960, and there will be plenty of time to discuss my forthcoming visit. I have long wanted to come to India where I have quite good friends and I hope this will finally be possible. Not the least reason again. The grapevine has it that you both are enjoying India and that you are well and prospering. It will be a pleasure to be able to confirm this in person. 167 Mayr concluded his letter by noting that he and retreat in New Hampshire where a beaver colony established itself within 150 yards of our house. There is where I would like to spend my time rather than down here in Cambridge. Too bad that one h ad official duties! 168 Mayr was also making plans to spend time with Loke Wan Tho, the wealthy Singapore businessman noted for developing the Malaysian entertainment industry. Of more significant int erest to Mayr, Wan Tho was a highly respected nature photographer specializing in ornithology. With tha rations, Mayr would spend much of January on ornithological expeditions with friends, often camping in the outback of New South Wales and Western Australia, followed by a trip in February to the Malaysian jungle highlands with Loke Wan Tho. Next, it was of (Calcutta) where he would tour the local zoological gardens, followed by birding and sight 166 Stresemann to Mayr, 27 Ma y 1959, quoted in Haffer, p. 319. 167 Mayr to Haldane, 13 April 1959, Mayr Papers. 168 Ibid.

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119 seeing expeditions in Bhubaneswar and rural Odisha ( Orissa ) His trip home in early March would include a stop in Frankfu rt to visit S tresemann and other associates before finally landing in Boston. his first letter plea hospitality. Not too much party life either, so that I could rest and relax. not wards 169 Ernst wrote that the weather was erfered with phot ography. . Saw again a wild Kangaroo yesterday. Parrots are everywhere. There are lots of intriguing birds and seeing them in life has solved some puzzles for me. Yesterday we visited the eucalyptus forest of the Otway Pen insula. Some real giants. . 170 Mayr wrote again to Gretel while in Canberra, that 10pm instead of celebrating [New Years] with strangers. Just had 3 very nice days in Western NSW where I studied the Mallee fauna and that of the sterile flats. Saw flocks of kangaroos and emus, and all sorts of interesting birds. . One night we camped in the open and it was amusing to wake up at 3:00 AM to find Orion upside down and Sirius directly ove rhead. . There is a real charm to sleeping outdoors. Even though we were in [the] desert there were some 171 169 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 27 December 1959, Mayr Papers. 170 Ibid. 171 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 7 January 1960, Mayr Papers.

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120 Shortly after arriving in Sydney on January 7 th Mayr reported that Keast [his Harvard graduate student]. Am now getting ready for an excursion locally, which, Australian Museum as the Curator of Birds, Reptiles and Amphibians. He was still working on On January 21 st Ernst expressed concern about the weather in Europe where Gretel had been travelling there were reports of severe snowstorms. He mentioned that similarly in Australia, at had been He told Gretel his next stop would be in Adelaide, for two d ays, and then off to Perth, Western Australia, to stay with the eminent Australian ornithologist, Dominic L. Serventy. 172 Mayr wrote on January 30 th to his wife overlooking Perth Harbor and reading your letters from Bremen and Holland. It all seems a bit unreal since I returned only 2 hours ago from the bush where I had not slept under a roof for a point the temp. inside our Land Rover reached 130!! . Yet, I stood it splendidly and enjoyed myself immensely. I now have a totally new conception of the Austr. eported wildlife areas and the Orissa temples. I need a min. of a week (in spite of Jack and Helen! you ager to be back with you as you may be to 172 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 21 January 1 960, Mayr Papers.

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121 173 Then on Feb. 9 th some time, but I have been in the bush for the last 5 days. Again we slept in the open air every night, camping wherever we f a forest of gigantic eucalypts. It was all very interesting ornithologically and otherwise. In the morning of the 11 th 174 There was mor e n ews from Singapore on the 13 th sit in my own apartment in the top floor of one skyscraper Cathay Building, overlooking Singapore. It is a bit steamy but not more so than NY on a sticky summer day. Yesterday afte rnoon I went birding with Loke Wan Tho to the mainland (Johor) and this afternoon I am 175 The Cathay Building, the first, and at seventeen stories, the tallest skyscraper in Malaysia, was built by Loke Wan Tho i n 1939 as a fashionable hotel. The building included the hi ghly regarded Cathay Restaurant and the famous Cathay Cinema, a plush 1300 seat theater (the first to be air conditioned) that served as a centerpiece to studios, and other business interests. Wan Tho was also known as a philanthropist. His wife, Christina Loke, shared his interests and skill as an accomplished nature photographer specializing in bird life Both had published book projects with Malcolm Mac Donald, an amateur naturalist better known as the high ranking British 173 of his intent to hurry back could have some connection to the following comments by Sahotra Sarkar, Professor of Integrative Bio the infatuation. Some forty years later, the episode still embarrassed Mayr. (Because I was working on a scientific biography of Haldane at the time, Mayr produced for me a four page typescript o f his encounters with Haldane it Journal of Biosciences 30 (2005): 416. 174 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 9 February 1960, Mayr Papers. 175 Ernst Mayr to Gret el Mayr, 13 February 1960, Mayr Papers.

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122 diplomat and son of the former British Prime minister, Ramsey MacDonald. 176 Loke Wan Tho was also a close friend of Salim Ali, a leading expert on birds in India. The two first met during WWII in Bombay where Loke lived in exile during the Japanese occupation of Singapore. 177 Ernst wrote to Gretel that that he h ad been invited by Loke Wan Tho on a 2 day visit to the mountains of the Malay Peninsula. This is a unique opportu nity. In addition, he really begged me to go with him. The poor fellow is in the midst of starting divorce proceedings against his wife and is all broke up and despondent. Birds seem a distraction for 178 176 There appeared to be a genuine, close friendship among the three parties if at least until Loke Wan Tho MacDonald, Angkor, with one hundred and twelve photographs by Loke Wan Tho and the author (London: Jonathan Cape, Ltd., 1958), reprinted as Malcolm MacDonald and Loke Wan Tho, Angkor and the Khmers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Malcolm MacDona ld and Christina Loke, Birds in My Indian Garden (London: Jonathan Cape, Ltd., 1960); Right Hon. Malcolm MacDonald and Christina Loke, Birds in the Sun. Photographs by Christina Loke (London: H. F. & G. Witherby, Ltd., 1962); Malcolm MacDonald and Christin a Loke, Treasures of Kenya (New York: Putnam [1 st American Edition], 1966, 1965). Kenneth C. Parks reviewed Birds in the Sun for The Auk 81 (1964): 102 Christina Loke, whose husband Loke Wan Tho is also a world famous bird photographer, is ranked by Roger Tory Peterson in a dust jacket ordinarily among the most gallant of gentlemen, was unnecessarily restrictive in his statement 177 Salim Ali dedicated a chapter of his autobiography to his relationship with Loke Wan Tho, in The Fall of a Sparrow (1985). Ali also worked closely with the Bombay Natural History Society, which recently helped reprint A Company of Birds (Mumbai, India: Bombay Natural History Society; New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008). Wan Th of the Congress that year. There is a group photo of the Executive and Loke Wan Tho visited Mayr at his New Hampshire farm (Haffer, 307). 178 T The Straits Times on May 16, 1961, as well as in subsequent articles.

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123 rumors of infidelity. The embroiled thi rd party was Malcolm MacDonald, whose reputation suffered as a result 179 Salim Ali offe red this telling description of the couple: Wan Tho had an eye for beauty beautiful mountains and natural scenery, be autiful flowers and birds . beautiful everything . His first wife Christina w as a very beautiful woman . I fear I was n ot pop ular with Christina . not being a courtier . Although Chris could be disarmingl y charming when she chose . their temperaments and outlooks on major issues had seemed to me so di fferent from the beginning . his so quiet and scholastic, hers so flashy and gaiety loving . 180 Despite the local intrigue, Ernst enjoyed himself. He 181 was real fun and the excursion to Kuala Lumpur, unplanned and unexpected, was one of the most worthwhile things I h ave done on my whole trip. And to get into real undisturbed tropical jungle 182 179 Clyde Sanger, Malcolm MacDonald: Bringing an End to Empire (Buffalo: McGill Queens University Press, 1995), pp. 316 318. 180 Salim Ali, The Fall of a Sparrow (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 125 of fashion was acknowledged in Vogue Vogue May 1965. See also D Designar Magazine : Design & Living April 12, 2012, p. 166, accessed June 1, 2012, http://issuu.com/debbykwong/docs/p166 designare d l_evolution of the cheongsam 181 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 13 February 13 1960, Mayr Papers. There are two letters from Loke Wan Tho to bject fauna endemic to the http://www.ecocameron.com/ Tho Sir Malco http://www.swctevents.com/index_art_03_smokehse.html 182 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 18 February1960, Mayr Papers.

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124 Ernst Goes t o India nes are quite the adventure I expected it to be. Greenwich Village at its oriental height. . The conversations are quite like at Basel, and yet I rather enjoy it. Tomorrow we all go on to Orissa, where we will be for 3 days. This is the real India. We will visit native villages of several crafts, temple[s] (ancient + more recent) etc. Our guide and mentor will be Prof. [N. K.] Bose, head of the will be an unforgettable experience! Susie in her letter wrote I should mix with the real Indians 183 tten es estuary and deltaic islands) 184 Haldane temp t ed Mayr with the following threads are arranged in rectangles. I bet they witness a famous sight: the return of the 10,000s of Whistle Teal [ducks] from their feeding 183 Internati human conference proceedings ( Acta XI Congr. Int. Orn. Basel, 1954: 340 349.) Perhaps Haldane attended as well. 184 Haldane to Mayr, 18 November 1959, Mayr Papers.

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125 places to a roosting lake in Calcutta Zoo (which occurs each morning at day break) and likewise 185 Mayr appeared to have his mind on Odisha ( Orissa ) the east coast state about two hundred miles south of Kolkata, known for its magnificen t temples and areas of natural beauty. 186 In a letter dated December 30 th Haldane wrote: We are delighted to hear that you are coming in February. It is the nicest month in Calcutta, though beginning to warm up in Orissa. A draft program for Orissa is: 2 h ours flight from Calcutta to Bhubaneshwar. See (a) large group of Hindu temples (no admission to largest, but lots to see elsewhere), (b) a group of Jain caves and a modern Jain temple. Car to Konorak [Konark]. Monstrous temple of Sun, completely covered in Puri. Bathe. See several temples from outside and possibly car[t] of Jagannath. Buy souvenirs (sculpture, textiles, playing cards for a very queer game.) Return Bhu baneshwar. We can probably do it all in two days [Mayr wrote on Feb. 18 th it would be 3 days]. If, as I hope, you want to do some bird watching, there are Bhubaneshwar (1) Low hills with deciduous trees, (2) Dry shrubby country, (3) permanent water near temples. Puri is a good deal moister, and Konorak intermediate. 187 Without a doubt, Haldane could be considered among the most exotic of scientists growing up as a B ritish aristocrat and how he then pursued a prominent career in population ge netics and evolutionary biology makes for an intriguing story. Ramachandra Guha, the noted journalist and historian wrote : 185 Ernst Mayr to Gretel Mayr, 18 February 1960, Mayr Papers. 186 Helen Spurway wrote to Mayr on February 8 th express interest in Orissa; we coming too. Spurway to Mayr, 8 February 1960, Mayr Papers. 187 Haldane to Mayr, 30 December 1959, Mayr Papers.

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126 The conventional wisdom is that Haldane left England af ter the Suez crisis, not science Francis Zimmerman has speculated that he wanted to take biology out of the laboratory and root it in the soil of the tropics. His sister, the n ovelist and travel writer Naomi Mitchison, thinks he was attracted to the decency and moderation of the Indian leaders of the day . After the Lysenko fiasco Haldane was also disillusioned with the Soviet Union, and the figure of Nehru seemed more appea ling than Stalin or Churchill could ever be. Anyway, when Haldane moved to Calcutta with his biologist wife he became totally Indian. He converted to vegetarianism and learned adequate Sanskrit to shame his Brahmin students. He wore Indian dress, even on his visits back to Europe. For a Royal Society reception in London in 1961 he put on a saffron dhoti with Naomi Mitchison inserting the safety pins. 188 Frderique Apffel Marglin, Professor Emerita of Anthr opology from Smith College offered an analysis of h positions: hough Haldane was one of the pioneers in applying statistics to population genetics, and therefore part of the classical, tough minded tradition in population genetics, the cent ral fittest . For Haldane the concept of diversity in Darwin was of far greater importance than that of evolution. Haldane ascribed the greater influence of Da challenge to Christian theology, which drew a sharp distinction between humans and other living beings. He recognized that such a division had not been made in Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain 189 Haldane expanded on this point which he noted he . could not have written . before [he] 188 Rama chandra Guha, Anthropology Among the Marxists (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001), p. 134. 189 Frderique Apffel Decolonizing Knowledge: From Development to Dialogue ed. Frdrique Apffel Marglin and Stephen A. Marglin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, in Decolonizing Knowledge pp. 279 305.

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127 achievement has been to convince educa ted men and women that biological evolution is a fact, that living plant and animal species are all descended from ancestral species very unlike themselves, and, in particular, that men are descended from animals. This was an important event in the intelle ctual life of Europe, because Christian theologians had drawn a sharp distinction between men and other distinction may well be a perversion of the essence of Christiani ty. St. Francis seems to have thought so. But in India and China this distinction has not been made, and, according to Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain ethics, animals have rights and duties. My wife has stated categorically that Darwin converted Europe to Hindu ism. This is, I think, an exaggeration, but is nearer to the truth than it sounds. Hinduism is not a religion as this term is understood by the adherents of proselytizing religions. It is an attitude toward the universe compatible with a variety of religio us and philosophical beliefs. 190 Apparently Mayr perspectives as he referenced the essay more th a n once in his own work For example, Mayr drew he noted, outstanding scientist even if he had never written a word about evolution. Indeed, J. B. S. biology is not the theory of evolution, but his great series of books on experimental botany nonbiologists 191 190 Cen tennial Review 3 (1959): 357 363; reprinted as What I Require From Life: Writings on Science and Life from J.B.S. Haldane (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. 211 216. For two recent studies on the relationship between Darwinian theory and Hindu thought, see Jonathan Edelmann, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Cheever Mackenzie Brown, Hindu P erspectives on Evolution: Darwin, Dharma, and Design (New York: Routledge, 2012). 191 Evolution from Molecules to Men ed. D. S. Bendall (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 39; reprinted in Toward a New Philosophy of Biology One Long Argument: Charles Darwin and the Genesis of Modern Evolutionary Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 2. Mayr re on page 358. See fn. 187.

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128 though Mayr did humorously mention in the Christian Science Monitor that: comfortable with the idea of Indian incarnations 192 M ore certain w in a heated debate about the prominence of the mathematical aspects of popula tion genetics, something he derisively termed defense of his mathematical work along with the contributions of Sewall Wright and R. A. Fis her, the two maintained a genuine friendship. 193 The zool ogist John G. T. Anderson wrote in Possible Worlds That about says 194 Mayr also admired his f riend as a born naturalist: I never knew Haldane was such a good outdoors man until one day when I visited him in Calcutta he took me to Orissa and we stayed ov ernight at the government guest house in Bubaneswar. The guesthouse was right at the edge of tow n, and right next to us were fields and a little native village and really untouched Indian nature. . In the morning at about 5am I was out there and there were the most marvelous birds, also a jackal feeding on mice, the natives came out of their h uts. It was a brilliant morning and I was just absolutely inebriated by the beautiful landscape. I came back to the guesthouse at 7 AM for breakfast and I was still full of 192 Christian Science Monitor August 17 2000. 193 For two recent studies on the scientific debate between Haldane and Mayr, see Veena Rao and Vidyanand Journal of the History of Biology 44 (2011): 233 281; Krishna Drona mraju, Haldane, Mayr, and Beanbag Genetics (NY: Oxford University Press, 2011). tter years while in India. See Krishna Dronamraju, Genetics 185 (2010): 5 Notes and Reco rds of the Royal Society of London 41 (1987): 211 237; Haldane: The Life and Work of J. B. S. Haldane with Special Reference to India (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1985). 194 Possible Worlds [paperba ck] (2001), accessed June 1, 2012, http://www.amazon.com/Possible Worlds J B S Haldane/dp/0765807157/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1337885852 &sr=8 1

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129 enthusiasm and I held forth on how wonderful it was and all that. Suddenly Haldane a So the next morning the arrangement was that he would knock at my door at 5 AM and he surely did and I took him o ut and we saw all these wonderful things again the next morning and he was just as enthusiastic as I was. We came home and we had the most wonderful outdoor excursion and ever since that time I realized that in addition to all his mathematics and physiolog y, how much he was basically also a naturalist. 195 Coincidently, Theodosius Dobzhansky and his wife, Natasha (also a biologist), had been seventh session of scientific meetings. Dobzhansky, however, doubted President Eisenhower would have time to do the same. 196 In his published travel accounts, Dobzhansky confided: To write more about the Congress and people I met there might be boring, but I must gossip a bit about J. B. S. Haldane. A year or so ago he wrot e me that he was he does. It is Benghali garb pajama pants and a loose white shirt. Other Indian scientists, including the very nice group of students who came from Cal cutta with Haldane, wear mostly nondescri pt western style clothes. . But Haldane has liked all his life to be cons picuous, and he continues to be. . Yet the variety of Indian dress he wears is perhaps the least attractive one. If I were to dress li ke an Indian I would rather choose the flaming red turban of a Maharashtrian peasant those are really spectacular. And Indian saris are, I feel, the most simple and beautiful feminine dresses invented, yet Mrs. Haldane does not wear a sari. 197 195 BioEssays 24 (2002): 963 64. 196 Theodosius Dobzhansky and Bentley Glass, The Roving Naturalist: Travel Letters of Theodosius Dobzhansky (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1980), p. 275. 197 Ibid., pp. 277

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130 Haldane arra nged for the couple to travel with his wife and some of his students to Darjeeling where they trekked in the Himalayan Mountains an enjoyable time for all. 198 In 199 Dobzhansky also lectured at the Indian Statistical Institute. Helen expressed anxiety about getting the Dobzhanskys to the airport on time to catch their flight to Indonesia Nikita Khrushchev was in town and many roads w ere blocked. She also wanted to 200 As his trip wound down, Ernst wrote Gretel that he had bought a ticket for the Thursday plane to Frankfurt, the only direct flight from Calcutta. He anticipated s pending five days in Germany before returning to Boston around March 2 nd or 3 rd He noted his timetable a Germany and confidentially Niethammer and Frank want to see me while I am in Frankfurt, 201 Stresemann . [who all] traveled in the tropics as young men and neve r visited these areas 202 Perhaps for Mayr, that intense year of Darwin celebrations in 1959 coupled with his return to the far East o n expedition, served as a bookend to his initial 198 Dobzhansky and Glass, pp. 293 297; Dronamraju, Life and Work of J. B. S. Haldane p. 147. 199 Dronamraju, Haldane: Life and Work of J. B. S. Ha ldane p. 147. 200 Helen Spurway to Ernst Mayr, 8 February 1960, Mayr Papers. 201 Ernst Mayr to Helen Mayr, 18 February 1960, Mayr Papers. 202 Haffer, p. 90.

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131 the midlife point. Coincidently, it was at this point that Mayr began a marked shift from practicing science towards an interest in the history and philosophy of that discipline the success and well being of which meant so much to him. A collection of correspondence was w aiting for Mayr back at Harvard on his return. Among the stack was a typewritten letter from John C. Greene. He wished to thank Mayr for . It is a splendid exampl e of the approach to the history of science in terms of general 203 myself to you at the recent meetings in Chicago . I hope the opportunity will present itself ag 204 This letter marked the beginning of the Mayr Greene epistolary exchange. 205 203 Greene to Mayr, 3 December 1959, Mayr Papers. 204 Ibid. 205 Greene did not begin to collect his letters w all the copies of the earlier correspondence between the two prior to 1979. As a result, perhaps Greene may have forgotten about some of these exchanges. For example, Greene would later com Greene epistolary dialogue . began in earnest in the summer and fall of 1979. It displays in bold relief the extent to which our differences in background, training, and interests and the different routes by which we had come to the stu dy of Debating Darwin p. 20.

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132 CHAPTER 4 Where Ernst Mayr was once [ to ] 1 According to Francisco J. Ayala, itten much and wisely about the 2 The historian of science James R. Moore noted evolution and to set evolutionary the orizing within the broad sweep of Western intellectual histor ed with leading evolutionists, his publications on race, social theory, early American science, and the histo riography of ideas, and his generous personal encouragement of younger scholars for over half a century made him one of the few most influential historians of the life sciences of his 3 long interest s centered on the interplay of science, ideology and world view, especially in the history of evolutionary thought. His most influential book, The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought (1959), analyzed the t ransformation of a static world view influenced by natural theology and Newtonian theory, Frank Sulloway to Ernst Mayr, 4 July 1974, Papers of Ernst Mayr, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1 Michae Skeptic New York Times, April 15, 1997; James McGeachie, review of History, Humanity and Evolution: essays for John C. Greene in Medical History 36 (1992): 117; Michael Ruse, review of Science, Ideology, and World View: essays in the history of evolutionary ideas in Annals of Science 39 (1982): 427. 2 Francisc o J. Ayala, review of Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar in Biology and Philosophy 15 (2000): 559. 3 Isis 103 (2012): 144.

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133 towards the dynamic evolutionary paradigm of the modern era influenced by Darwinian theory. The book sold over 200,000 copies. 4 Among the many other works Greene produced over a long academic career was a compi lation of essay s with the title Science, Ideology, and World View (1981), published by the University of California Press. He also served for many years as an officer and president for the History of Science Society, which in 2001 awarded him its highest honor, the Georg e Sarton Medal, for a lifetime of scholarly achievement. world view. Science attempts to describe or to discover relationships among phenomena in a value free way, whereas ideology is connected with social action and so involves values of all observation. The scientist as observer sets aside questions of religion and social val ues in order to understand nature as it is. At the same time, the same individual is heavily conditioned by the prevailing world view: by concepts of what science is, what nature is ideas one takes in like 5 Greene would conten d that ence, ideology, and world view will forever be 6 He felt that ists to draw all kinds of religious, social 4 Iowa S tate University Faculty Senate Memorial Resolutions http://www.facsen.iastate.edu/Policies/Memorial%20Resolutions20090505.pdf accessed August 15, 2012. 5 John Green History, Humanity, and Evolution: Essays for John Greene, ed. James Moore (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 5. 6 Science, Ideology, and World View: Essays in the history of evolutionary ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), p. 197.

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134 7 Potentially worse, it needlessly antagonized reli gious expect society to grant them the relative autonomy they have enjoyed in Western culture in 8 Green e discussed these concerns with both E rnst Mayr and Theodosius Dobzhansky two Greene brought to each conversation his classical training in the history of ideas, criticizing both for their casual interjection of metaphysical assumpti ons into their public presentations of evolutionary theory. Against Mayr (and others), Greene argued that progressive expressions of evolutionary humanism undermined scientific integrity, while against Dobzhansky, Greene argued that concepts of progress an d Christian metaphysics should be avoided in natural analyses. Both conversations began in 1959, On The Origin of Species Whereas a decade, his dialogue with his friend Ernst Mayr lasted nearly half a century. he Family A number of branches from lineage trace back to the New England Puritans suggesting a cultural pedigree with deep roots in the Americ an experience Coinci de ntly he shared Puritan relations with two of the leading architects of the twentieth c entury Neo Darwinian synthesis, George Ledyard Stebbins and Sewall Wright Though Greene would critique the views of both scientists during his ca reer, he was unaware of the fact they were cousins! Their shared forbearers were among the earliest European settlers in the 7 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 9. 8 Greene, Science, Ideology, and World View p. 197.

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135 Connecticut River Valley, where three centuries later Greene would spend much of his career at the University of Connecticut as a p rofessor of the history of science. 1670), Matthias (1623 1662), and Robert Treat (1624 1710), all first wave European settlers of the Hartford, Connecticut area. 9 More precisely, the Treats estab lished Wethersfield, a neighboring town along the Connecticut River. Ironically, Greene would later joke that when he began his graduat e studies at Harvard University old New England towns l 10 Perhaps she knew something about which Greene otherwise appeared unaware, or at least never referred to in his personal writings. A number of prominent American families claim lineage to the colonial Treats. Among financial supporters at the American Museum of Natural History, the patron couple Harry Payne and Gloria Vanderbilt Whitney in whose honor the Whitney South y Memorial Wing were named. T o put it another way Ernst M ayr owed a critical debt of financial support to ancestors! Another member of the Hartford colony, Thomas Wright (1610 167 0), was a Puritan ancestor of evolutionary geneticist, Sewall Wright. A cousin of the Puritan Wright the Deacon 9 propose Matthias could be a nephew or even a son of Richard Treat, best evidence suggests Matthias was a close relation. A notation dated from 1647 in rott a of the name at the time. See John Henry Treat, The Treat Family: A Genealogy of Trott, Tratt, and Treat (Salem, MA: The Salem Press 1893), p. 534; Donald Lines Jacobus and Edgar Francis Waterman, Hale, House and Related Families: Mainly of the Connecticut River Valley (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1978, or. 1952), p. 764. Many notable American lineages appear able to trace lineage to the Treats. 10 John Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution, p. 12. There were numerous genealogy books written in the late as descendants of a variety of Puritan family branches. Her grandfather, Robert Treat, who raised her, submitted an application on behalf of his grandfather, John Treat, as a Revolutionary War soldier to the Sons of the American Revolution. It was accepted.

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136 Samuel Wright (1606 1665), settled just to the north in Springfield, Massachusetts. The 1660), married Thomas Stebbins (1620 1683), in 1645. Not only did the famed evolutionary botanist George Ledyard Ste bbins directly descend from these two Wright grandmother, Sarah Louis Stebbins Treat (1834 1924). 11 I n another branch of prominent Springfield Puritans, the Quartermaster George Colton (c.1620 1699) lent his name to h is descendent John Colton Greene, though 1926). 12 The shared genetic connection between the three branches of Darwinian scholars can be found in the English g entry man Sir John Wright o f Kelvedon Hall (1488 1551). Sir John, who held peerage in the House of Lords during the reign of Henry VIII (1509 1547), could also claim of Springfield), as well as his descendants. Thus the early English Renaissance gentleman, Sir John Wright, who with the help of his good wife, Lady Olive, deserves acknowledgement for making this dissertation a his toric al possibility. 13 11 Thomas Stebbins was the son of Rowland Stebbins (1594 1649). Their descendent, Sarah Louis Stebbins Treat, the early 1890s. See Ralph Stebbins Greenlee and Robert Lemuel Greenlee, The Stebbins Genealogy in two volumes vol. 1 (Chicago, M. A Donahue, 1904), p. 584; John Harvey Treat, The Treat Family pp. 560, 563. 12 George Woolworth Colton, Quartermaster Georg e Colton: A Genealogical Record of the Descendants 1644 13 For information specifically concerning the connection of Thomas Wright (Sewall Wrigh biographical information See Curtis Wright, Genealogical and Biographical Notices of Descendants of Sir John Wright of Kelvedon Hall, Essex, England : in America Thomas Wright, of Wethersfield, Conn., Dea. Samual Wright, of Northhampton, Mass. 1610 1670, 1614 1665 (Carthage, MO: Wright, 1915). A less complete source is: William Henry Wright and Gertrude Wright Ketcham, History of the Wr ight Family . showing a direct line to John Wright Lord of Kelvedon Hall, Essex, England (Denver: Williamson Haffner Co., 1913).

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137 the Treats, while father traced lineage to the well known Puritan minister, the Reverend Thomas Carter (1608 1684). 14 At least two of her an cestors fought in the American Revolution, while a great grandfather became a noted early 15 grandfather, Robert Treat (1831 1911), established himself in Cleveland while securing Columbia Refining Company, New York City. 16 He eventually moved to New York with his 14 Clara A. Carter and Sarah A. Carter, Carter: A Genealogy of the Descendants of Samuel and Thomas, Sons of Rev. Samuel Ca rter 1640 1886 (Clinton, MA: W. J. Coulter, 1887), pp. 7, 11, 90 91. Consider B. Carter is listed as Class of 1660. in: Mrs. George I. Chaney, The Carter Family Reunion at Wo burn, Mass., June 11, 1884 (Boston: Coburn Bros. & hanging in the Winn Memorial Library in Winthrop, Massachusetts. arter (1832 building construction industry. Consider took an interest in writin g evangelical poetry and essays later in life, with appears to be at the current site of the Willis Tower (formerly Sears Tower). The family of a thi rd Carter brother in the construction business also had a home close by. 15 Treat, 548. See also Historical Society of Geauga County O. (Ohio), Pioneer and General History of Geauga County: with sketches of some of the pioneers and prominent men (Burton, Oh io: The Historical Society of Geauga drafted the Connecticut State Constitution. 16 Treat, 560 (page 563 mentioned Helen as Matthias Treat des cendent # 412); Greenlee, 584. Boston; Its Finance, Commerce and Literature (New York: The A. F. Parsons P ublishing Company, 1892), p. 127.

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138 and a unt). 17 Helen would later attend Barnard College at Columbia University, and after graduation taught high school in New York. 18 It is not entirely clear to what extent Greene was aware of his New England ancestral history. For example, while making arrangeme and see what records, 19 Nonetheless, these deep r oots in the Protestant American cultural experience surely held a latent influence. 20 Belle & Edward & Harvard & Helen John Green who m he knew as a young boy, was a noted author perhaps best comparable to a modestly successful feminine version of Mark Twain! A two the nine 17 with their maternal grandparents. Their father, Consider Carter, was about the same age as the grandparents as the girls were his children from a third marriage. Coincidently, Consider Carter and Robert Treat were also step 18 The Crescent of Phi Beta Kappa: A Quarterly Maga zine Vol. VII No. 4 (October 1907): 213. Helen is listed as an associate editor. 19 John Greene to Walter Bock, 20 February 1994, John C. Greene Papers, Archives & Special Collections at the Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut. B. Greene, husband of Belle C. Greene, became a successful printer and stationer in Nashua, as well as a prominent local Mason who could include among his associates a future governor of the state. (Greene employed the the young man graduated high school.) 20 e, eds. American Women: Fifteen hundred biographies with over 1400 portraits (New York: Mast, Crowell & Kirpatrick, 1897 rev. ed.), p. 337.

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139 short story writer whose career began in the early 1880s. 21 Among the national journals Belle frequently contributed to were , The Continent Weekly Magazine and as well as a number of newspapers. She enjoyed her greatest popularity during the last two decades of the century. The aforementioned encyclopedia of American Women reported that when Joh contributed to the newspapers a series of humorous sketches founded upon the phases of the in the cotton 22 Belle also wrote a A New England C onscience Though severely denounced by some of the critics, it was regard by others as a masterpiece of 23 Belle found her greatest success with her humorous novels, oft en compilations of previously published short stories involving reoccurring characters. For example, still in print is The Adventures of an Old Maid (1886 150,000 copies, featured a rustic though innately savvy character negotiating the perils and pleasures of the then modern world. 24 Perhaps it could also be said that Ruth tells the story of a 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. The Publishers Weekly s to set for the bigotry and narrowness of the New England Methodist, in a succession of rather clever sketches of the young The Publishers Weekly 704 (July 25, 1885): 133. Since there were hardly many Methodists villages in New England, perhaps it was a critique aimed more generally at religious excess in rural New England. See Bret The Overland Monthly 33 (Sept. 1885): 329. 24 The Bookman: A Literary Journal, vol. 1, no. 4 (May 1895), pp. 227 28.

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140 single Victorian woman in the city, so to speak. Her adventures included a trip out West, where at a Chica g o pet shop Ruth met a live with him. I t headed monkey, with a smooth face, that d I must confess. The Darwin man pinted to the monke dew see a resemblance does look enough like ye to be your twin brother tay long after that, and he let me alone. I guess he was satisfied ; he carried his pint anyway. 25 In a late r essay, Belle presented a question to her readers on the front page of the journal, The Writer: A Monthly Magazine to Interest and Help All Literary Workers : Let us suppose that a young girl, respectably educated in the schools, aspired toward authorship If you write, study and work faithfully, but also dream, feel, glow. Cultivate the emotions as well as the intellect. If you are interested in any one subject, think of it, live it, suffer it, enjoy it in y our own mind and soul; make it a reality, a part of your very self, if it is a principle, be ready to die for it, then write, and depend upon it, you will reach the hearts of your readers, and in time you will have what your soul craves success. 26 Joh wo uld travel extensively with her son Edward, after the death in 1893. Green e later recalled hearing how 25 Belle C. Greene, The Adventures of an Old Maid (New York: J. S. Ogilvie, 1886), pp. 172 73. 26 The Writer: A Monthly Magazine To Interest And Help All Literary Workers, vol. 10, No. 9 (September, 1897), pp. 125 26.

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141 during his ) years at Harvard Belle had decided that he needed a break for his and all that sort of thing. He 27 Edward would teach Romance languages at a variet y of prestigi ous Connecticut private schools before completing his Harvard degree in 1903, followed by a at the University of Wisconsin. Perhaps Helen Carter Chicago when she first met Edward, who was then living in the Midwest. Edward would later reveal to his former Harvard classmates: acquaintance with the West, take my word for it. It was in the West that I met and married m y 28 With a degree in one hand and a fianc in the other, Edward left for Indianapolis with Bell e and Helen soon to follow. In 29 27 John C. Greene, in an interview withdrew at the end of his junior year. 28 Edw Harvard College Class of 1903 Decennial Report June, commentary on political and popular culture, with a with dialect humor. It was a literary device popular at the time. 29 Ibid., p. 205. The 1922 23 Catalogue of the University of South Dakota listed Edward Greene worked at Butler College first as an Assistant Professor of Romance Languages between 1910 13, and then Professor from 1914 Drift calendar for the 1911 12 academic year noted that on November 23, suggesting Helen might have arrived toward the end of the semester. In another suggestion of student affection for raged on Turkey Day,

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142 1911, followed by Edward, Jr. in 191 5. Soon thereafter, John C. followed suit at the Greene family home, about a half mile from the old Butler campus. 30 Home on the P rairie: Vermillion, South Dakota In 1919, Edward, Helen, and Grandma Belle, along with little Robert, Edward, and John, moved Indiana ) to a small town along the wide Missouri seven hundred miles to the northwest, where Edward had position heading the Romance Language Department at the University of South Dako ta, in prove for the better in every essential way. I am glad to believe that wherever I am, I can continue to help interpret the ideals of a noble race such as the 31 32 The family initially moved to a rented house by campus. Not long after, they bought a h ome on the edge of town a block or so from the eighty foot bluffs that overlook the Vermillion River, where a broad valley stretches a few miles wide toward the hills of Nebraska beyond the Missouri River. 33 In Au gust 1904, had been the first explorers to make a record of their visit to that area They camped along the confluence of the Vermillion and Missouri Rivers ( in their time, would be located co incidently on 30 The March 5 th 1917 event was proudly announced in the April 1917 (Vol. VI, No 1): 55. The Greenes lived at 330 S. Emerson at the time. 31 Harvard College Class of 1903 Quindecennial Report June, 1920 (Norwood, MA: Plimpton Press, 1920), p. 122. 32 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 3. 33 Greene History, Humanity and Evolution from a U.S. Geological Survey map.

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143 Lewis St.) 34 The Corp of Discovery made note of their first buffalo hunt while in the area. John James Audubon, the famous naturalist, artist, and ornithologist, followed thirty years later birding along the Vermillion Ravine in the s pring of 1843. 35 Other notable Vermillion events included the founding of the Univ ersity of South Dakota in 1862 during the first session of the Dakota Territorial Legislation. But with no funding available for the next twenty years, classes fortuitously had to wait until after the disastrous flood of 1881 had washed three quarters of town down the Missouri River. Suffice it to say, the flood made a convincing argument for rebuilding on top the bluffs, with the University opening its doors the following year. It appe ere something of an attraction, as both William Henry Taft and William Jennings Bryan made whistle stops in Vermillion during the 1908 presidential election 36 Perhaps in a bit of the mood of the early American naturalist explorers Lewis and Clark and Audubon, a young John Greene took his turn scouting the Vermillion bluffs in what he later to time I would also go up to [the] small [University] museum and describe for Mr. [W. H.] vireo 34 y The conflue http://www.spiritmound.com/missouririver.htm accessed 20 September 2012. 35 Vermillion Area Visitor/Tourism http://www.vermillionchamber.com/history.shtml accessed 20 September 2012. 36 Vermillion Plain Talk (from excerpts originally published in the Dakota Republican ), http://www.plaintalk.net/cms/news/story 45563.html accessed 20 September 2012. For a DowntownVermillion.com, http://www.downtownvermillion.com/looking back/ acces sed 20 September 2112.

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144 37 As a p rospective young undoubtedly 38 As Greene remember ed high school, I read and memorized poetry Sometimes he would get before the summer heat set in. 39 He enjoyed high larly debating and singing. And . had some good courses in English 40 Though his father was a universit Greene remembere . something about going to church being th e 41 Congregational church, but Greene thought n my religious upbringing to recalled 37 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 14. grade education, Over possessed such a thorough understanding of the local natural history, that in 1912 the USD Museum offered him the position of assistant curator. The current natural history museum at the University of South arned South Dakota Magazine Vol. 16, No. 1 (May/June 2000), p. 33. 38 e old Dobbin, I should say Greene Papers ; See also Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 14. 39 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 14. 40 Ibid., p. 12. 41 Ibid., p. 13.

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145 of Bible study. In Sunday school we had little readers that would give us cases of . [m]oral is own inclinations, he wrote: always listened to the sermon. I found that the next thing to a really good sermon to make me 42 He considered of the Bible deeply moving and the Christian conception of human nature highly in 43 Greene also sang in the choir. Fifty years later he happily recall ed: 44 In political science professor Greene knew from his student days at the University of South Dakota, liked about your letter was to learn that you are still 45 In fact, as enjoyed throu ghout his life. 46 Greene spoke admiringly of his mother, Helen, and described her as wom a 42 Ibid., p. 12. 43 John C. Greene, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA: Regina Press, 1999), p. 18. 44 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 12. 45 Papers Farber added in his lett er that . doing well with a young, enthusiastic 46 e a singer. The author of her biographical essay published in American Women noted that when Belle asked a friend, one Mrs. Phelps was doubtless her one great gift, and, as mortals were seldom blest with two, she advised her to stick to music, but added, since she must give an opinion, that she considered the humorous sketch the better

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146 to the subjects I became interested in. . She never really had any feeling for intellectual history 47 Helen and her younger sister Alice Carter, childhood When Helen and Edward moved to Indianapolis in 1910, Alice enrolled at the University of Illinois a fe w hours away and visited on breaks. In 1915 Alice graduated with a B.A in of the University Presbyterian Church, which [was] essentially a college church whe re her work in Illinois. 48 Alice then taught home economics for a year at Baker University in Kansas before moving to Indianapolis after John was born. 49 The University of Illinois alumni magazine recommended that an with the influ [ sic ] while at Indianapolis should insist on being whisked to the city hospital, for 50 When the Greene s moved to South Dakota, Alice returned to New York to serve as the nning loose in the U. S., and is busily preparing to sally forth to study the lingo at Nanking for a year before starting to teach somewhere in Hunan province. Last good byes may be addressed to 16 E. 47 Gre ene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 12. 48 Presbyterian Church Alic located at 156 Fifth Avenue, New York City. See also The Alumni Quarterly and Fortnightly Notes Vol. 1, No. 2 (15 October 1915), p. 70. 49 Baker U niversity is a highly rated liberal arts college in Kansas founded in 1858 by ministers and educated advocates within the Methodist Episcopal (now United Methodist) church. 50 The Alumni Quarterly and Fortnightly Notes Vol. 5, No. 15 (15 April 1919): 286.

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147 51 Helen and Edward n Alice with the use of their home as an American base, but also vouched for her character on her passport application. Undoubtedly young John often heard news of his Aunt Alice, as the two sisters frequently corresponded d uring her years in China doing good works and spreading the good word. In fact, the Yale University archives holds two volumes of their 52 At that time 53 age School, Mission School in Siangtan, Hunan, she became involved with the local hospital. en and Edward announced in the Butler Alumnal Quarterly to the ir friends back in Indianapolis that Alice would 54 51 52 3, Guide to the China Records Project Miscellaneous Personal Papers Collection (Record Group No. 8), Yale University Library, http://drs.library.yale.edu:8083/H LTransformer/HLTransServlet?stylename=yul.ead2002.xhtml.xsl&pid=divinity:00 8&query=&clear stylesheet cache=yes&hlon=yes&big=&adv=&filter=&hitPageStart=&sortFields=&view=c01_1#c02.IDAHHSX accessed 20 September 2112. 53 Agnes Nasmith Johnston and Mary Nasmi th Means, eds. Letters from China, 1910 to 1925 (New York: Writers Club Press, 2002), p. xv. 54 The Butler Alumnal Quarterly Vol. 15, No.3 (October 1926): 196.

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148 John Greene was nine years old at the time of the cere mony held in Vermillion Undoubtedly his missionary relatives would leave an impression on the young boy before their return to China. 55 the Greene household was less dramatic Greene noted quiet family life. 56 perfectly able to amuse myself 57 His father faculty friends, furthermore, fo lk mostly . there was nothing hurly burly or avant garde about them. They were just nice 58 In other words, the Greenes represented a typical Midwestern Protestant American family. in our family and conventions can be very important was that we hardly ever talked about 55 China among the expatriate community of Protestant missionaries. Undoubtedly the children attended the wedding in Vermillion (where the couple filed their marriage certificate), redoubling an impres sion on young John. Before the untimely death (due to cancer) of their mother, a close friend of Alice Carter, they had, like John, also referred to A Golden Glow in the East so left that same year. She passed away while staying with her older sister in a village about thirty miles northwest of Chicago, where Belle had often spent her summers after moving with her son to the Midwest. The Cook County Herald stated in a front pag Cook County Herald (19 March 1926): 1. 56 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution Robert, was his senior by six years, which must have felt like a lifetime for growing boys. 57 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 13. 58 Ibid., p. 14.

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149 ctrinated in any 59 Life A mong The Coyotes South Dakota, which had about year study of the language. The 1938 while pursuing a majo r in Government with additional interests in Phi Beta Kappa and the d ebate and p hilosophy c lub s 60 It would prove to be a useful talent during his academic career at the university and actually finished as a political science major. The political science department was heavily practical at the time. But I had a theoretical bent. I can remember my professor suggesting topics about public utilities for my senior thesi s. I 61 South Dakota poli 62 59 Ibid., pp. 13 14. 60 Ibid., p. 12. 61 Ibid., p. 13. 62 of South Dakota Alumni Association, http://www.usdalumni.com/page.aspx?pid=399 accessed 20 September 2112. Tom Brokaw, the former anchor for the NBC Nightly News, graduated from the University of South Dakota in 1962. In 2010 he did a five minute the NBC News site at, http://www.educationnation.com/index.cfm?objectid=C07B669E CD73 11DF 8853000C296BA163 accessed 20 September 2112.

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150 Writing to Greene years later, Farber reminisced invited a number of pleasant memories. Vermillion in 1935 was a different world. . The number o f good students who have made a difference and have gone to USD is amazing. From the very 63 The 1937 Commencement Program noted that both Cliff Gross and John Greene won 64 Sherman Bennett submission became his formal senior thesis. 65 Greene recalled can remember about the thesis is my conclusion that I still did not know what sovereignty was and I interchange in writing it . with Professor Josey, the p hilosophy professor, who also taught 66 He continued couple of courses in philosophy one in the history of philosophy, the other in ethics where we Republic. Also, there was a little group that met in one of the churches 63 William O. Farb er to John C. Greene, 3 June 1997, Greene Papers 64 Fifth Annual Commencement, University of South Dakota, June 7, 1937, http://files.usgwarchives. net/sd/clay/school/usdgrad37.txt accessed 20 September 2112. 65 A copy of the University of South Dakota 1937 Commencement Program is viewable at, http://files.usgwarchives.net/sd/c lay/school/usdgrad37.txt accessed 20 September 2112. The USD Political Science Department describes the award on their list of scholarships on their department webpage, http://catalog.usd.edu/preview_entity.php?catoid=3&ent_oid=102&returnto=16 The University of Wyoming also offers the award (as do colleges in all fifty states) and presents additional information on the Philo Sherman Bennett Prize in Political Scien ce at, http://www.uwyo.edu/pols/bennett/index.html 20 September 2112. The history of this award is connected with the legacy of William Jennings Bryan, who administered the directives in Philo Sh erman 66 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 13.

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151 67 Likely Doc Farber attended as well, as he later ussions of the 68 The Advisor Professor Josey Dr. Josey was born in 1893 at Scotland Neck, North Carolina. He e arned his Bachelors cum laude at Wake Forest in 1913, followed by an MA and Ph.D. at Columbia University. In 1921 Josey published his 75 page dissertation, The Role of Instinct in Social Philosophy noting that the influential professor of philosophy, Fred 69 Josey expanded the thesis in his book, The Social Philosophy of Instinct (1922), published while received a favorable t hree and a half page review in the Journal of Philosophy from a fellow student of Woodbridge who at the time was an assistant professor at Columbia. 70 Race and National Solidarity (1923), hardly lacked a direct argument. To put it bluntly it was a racist tract promoting white supremacy In addition, the severe economic downturn following WWI coupled with a massive influx of immigrants likely of social programs involving eugenics. But whatever the situation may have involved if John 67 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 12. The finding aid for the Lewis Ellsworth Akeley Papers held at the University of South Dakota Archives & Special C ollections offers a short biographical sketch. See http://www.usd.edu/library/upload/AkeleyLE.pdf accessed 20 September 2112. 68 William O. Farber to John C. Greene, 3 June 1997, Greene Papers 69 The Role of Instinct in Social Philosophy (New York: The Chauncey Holt Company, 1921). 70 John Herman Randall, Jr., review of The Social Philosophy of Instinct by Charles Conant Josey, The Journal of Philosophy Vol. 20 No. 18 (Aug 30 1923): 494 497.

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152 Green e could be said to represent many of the better elements of Protestant American culture, it is d ifficult to find any sympathy for arguments presented It must now be apparent that the dominant cultural group is confronted with grave problems. 71 If we find that labor can no longer be exploited within our group on account of its growing power and our growing sympathies, there are other means available. . The preponderant might of the European group . is sufficient to impose our will on the world . [and] transfer the burdens of our own civilization from the backs of labor groups within, to the backs of labor groups without . There need be nothing unjust in this. 72 We must free our minds of our ethical and moral prejudices. . We have found reasons for believing that many of the c ultural values we deeply prize are possible only when there is a measure of exploitation. We have found reasons for believing that the exploitation of labor at home must shortly cease. We have found reason for believing that the good of the world will be b est served by the domination of the whites rather then the yellows. All these values are safeguarded by the programme suggested. 73 Then in his final paragraph, Josey reached a crescendo: Can the white races be persuaded to use their power to do this? . When the value of strong race and national feelings is appreciated we shall have a different attitude restored to the white races the old faith and pride . They will then be filled with zeal and enthusiasm to carry on the progress of man to higher and higher levels. When the consciousness of a high and noble mission dominates the white world, we may be sure . [to] expect another era of race expansion and creative fruitfuln ess that shall go a long way to satisfy the longings of all those interested in the welfare of man. 74 That summer, Josey received an appointment as Professor of Philosophy at the University of South Dakota. Perhaps this happened before Race and National Sol idarity left the press, as the 71 Charles Conant Josey, Race and National Solidarity 72 Ibid., pp. 207 08. 73 Ibid., pp. 213 14. 74 Ibid., p. 227.

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153 book was soon after reading such reviews from men of letters like the nationally renowned satirist and social commentator, H. L. Mencken, who st ated: In his Race and National Solidarity Prof. Josey not only proves that the benign economic and political oversight of the darker peoples is the manifest destiny of Nordic man; he also proves, in 117 pages of very eloquent stuff, that is it a highly mor al business, and unquestionably pleasing to God. . Specifically, the professor argues at great length that it is a foolish and evil thing to take the boons of civilization to the backward races without making sure that they pay a good price for what th ey get. . Prof. Josey, as you may have guessed, is without much humor, and so his book is rather heavy going. But I have read every word of it attentively, and commend his Message to all who desire to become privy to the most advanced thought of this era of Service. However, it will not be necessary to read his actual book. The great bond houses issue weekly and monthly bulletins, free for the asking. Ask for them, and his ideas will be set before you, backed up by a great moral passion and probably in more lascivious English. 75 John Farrar, the editor for The Bookman who would later establish the prestigious publishing firm presented are by no means complex; it must be the style that makes the book such ponderous 76 perhaps his academic peers preferred to consider Race and National Solidarity a youthful indiscretion as it appear s that Josey soon thereafter set aside the polemics. For example, during the years he advised Greene at USD, Josey published two essays in The Journal of Religion 75 The American Mercury Vol. 1, No. 1 (January 1924): 122 23. This was the inaugural issue of the American Mercury expression of intellectual taste during the 1920s. . Intellectually challenging, visual ly stark,and anxiously anticipated every mont, the American Mercury influenced the literary, political and cultural landscape of the Newsstand: 1925; a virtual newsstand from the summer of 1925 http://uwf.edu/dearle/enewsstand/enewsstand_files/Page1019.htm accessed 20 September 2112. Ironically, during the 1950s a series of right wing publishers gained control of the magazine, and i n 1972 published a Josey essay that promoted his views on race. 76 The Bookman Vol. 58, No. 6 (February 1924): 674 75.

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154 (published by the University of Chicago Divinity Schoo l) that exhibited a respectful moderate tone. 77 Possibly the rise of totalitarianism in Europe had a contributing influence. For instance, after leaving USD for a position at Butler University shortly after Greene graduated Josey published The Psychological Battlefront of Democracy (1944), in w hich he stated: The spirit of tolerance has reached maturity. We do not believe that we have all the answers, nor do we believe that anyone else has. As a result we are willing to discuss our problems in the hope of reaching a solution agreeable to all par ties not have the overwhelming desire to dominate others that is characteristic of more authoritarian ages. These are important causes of war. As we outgrow these attitudes the prospects of peace become brighter for nations as well as individuals. 78 But as Josey approached retirement in the early 1960s, during an era characterized by the rise of the Civil Rights Movement, Josey again took up the supremacists cause of race, a lbeit with more eloquence then when he started out as a young scholar. 79 had limits. Whatever the case anxieties about white supremacy did not appear to have an affect on ersity of South Dakota If anything, they might have been something of an intellectual stimulus given really good sermon to make me think was a really bad sermon, and I heard quite a few really bad 77 igion Vol. 16, No. 4 (Oct., 1936): 463 The Journal of Religion Vol. 18, No. 1 (Jan., 1938): 19 50. 78 Charles C. Josey, The Psychological Battlefront of Democracy (Indianapolis, IN: The Butler Uni versity Press, 1944), p. 10. 79 The Mankind Quarterly The Mankind Quarterly http://www.mankindquarterly.org/about.html accessed 20 September 2112. Though it is a peer reviewed Tucker, The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and The Pioneer Fund (Universi ty of Illinois Press, Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case against Brown v. Board of Education (New York: NYU Press, 2005), pp. 110 11, 192 194.

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155 sermons. 80 W itho ut sermon Though in 1959 Greene dedicated his most important book to Josey, Dean Akeley, his parents, and his wife Ellen, Greene would also admit fessor 81 In a biographical essay o n own intensive reading contributed as much to [his] intellectual development as [his] time s funded project, Bert J ames Loewenberg had 82 Bert James Loewenberg and Mr. Darwin Loewenberg was another thing altogether. Greene wrote: ancient history taught by a brand new Ph.D. from Harvard named Bert L oewenberg. A native of Brookline, Massachusetts, Loewenberg had recently completed a dissertation on the reception of far away South Dakota at a time when tea ching jobs were hard to find. The transition fro m Brookline to Vermillion . cannot have been easy. Loewenberg had had a course in ancient 83 80 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 12. 81 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 13. 82 Moore, p. 145. 83 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 4.

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156 Loewenb erg, was an excellent teacher, extremely energetic, roving up and down like a caged animal as he lectured, with an explosive mode of speech. We took to each other immediately because he was interested in ideas and the history of ideas, while I tended to 84 Greene wrote s [Loewenberg] admired greatly, he looked to Dar win as the prophet of twentieth century revolutions in science, philosophy, and world view. I knew little or noth ing about Darwin at the time, being immersed in writers like Henri Bergson and Alfred North Whitehead in my stimulating 85 Sinc university, I of course had a chance t o get to know him outside class. . I wrote a paper for him on Bergson, which he did not like at all, but he recommended me for scholarships at six different 86 E xcerpts at the time offer insight into the tone and tenor of his analyses. They also suggest themes that Greene would later explore in the interplay of ideology and worldview in the reception of scientific thought. For example, Loewe nberg noted, was not a struggle between reason and emotion; it wa s a struggle among complex psychological 87 84 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 15. 85 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 4. 86 Greene, Histor y, Humanity and Evolution p. 15. 87 The Mississippi Valley Historical Review Vol. 28 No. 3 (Dec. 1941): 357.

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157 because it was found to be false than because it was thought to be irreconcilable with larger 88 Loewenb of philoso phies associated with religion, . they were also actuated by the disintegration of the rural home, by the weakened status of pater familias 89 He he forces changing civilization . . Darwinism was the outcome of a long biological development, but although its scientific impact is traceable in a shift of interest and in the enhanced prestige of the scientific profession, the popular debate was not 90 Concerning the American experience, Loewenberg specifically noted controversy . delineates the remotest boundaries of the national mind . . Theism was the American common denominator, as important because of its s ocial as its philosophical and theological implications. The theistic substrata of American thought cannot be evaded by the 91 Loewenberg expanded on this topic in an earlier essay: fulminations . of the theological fraternity g radually forced the question of transmutation into the background in the presence of the graver issue of intellectual tolerance. The boastful certitude of the odium scientificum on the other hand, made every religious minded person an eager participant. A science which relegated affairs of the spirit to the limbo of myth and fable 88 Ibid., p. 356. 89 Ibid., pp. 344 45. 90 Ibid., p. 350. 91 Ibid., pp. 367 68.

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158 challenged these latter individuals just as a religion which stifled nascent learning provoked 92 And perhaps in what prov ed to be a prepossessions, are in danger of minimizing the emotional struggle which occurred in the latter 93 Loewenberg suggested t relegated to obscurity much of the spirit of the nineteenth century is still to be found . . [and] 94 Perhaps he was suggesting, in other words, tha t the past is never entirely behind us. Greene acknowledged offers, including one from Harvard; and since my father had a Harvard degree in 1903 I believe I chose to go there. So I owe a gr I wanted to do. I was interested in everything. I had some notion of going into law, but because Loewe 95 Greene dedicated his second book, Darwin and the Modern World View (1961) to his mentor : To Professor Bert James Loewenberg, a lifelong student of Darwin and his influence, I owe much more than acknowledgement of his assistance in connection with this book. It was he who first awakened my interest in intellectual history, who persuaded Harvard University to grant me a scholarship for graduate study, 92 Bert Loe The New England Quarterly Vol. 8, No. 2 (Jun 1935), p. 256. 93 Ibid. 94 Ibid., p. 257. 95 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 15.

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159 and who turned my thoughts toward Darwin and his role in modern thought. Throughout the years he has been a loyal friend and stimulating critic. I cannot hope that he will agree with all of the opinions expressed in these pages, nor perhaps even with my general point of view, but I know that he would be the first to bid me take my stand. 96 dedicating a book to me. It makes me very pr oud indeed. I am also delighted to hear of your 97 College. Meanwhile, thanks to his recommendation, I was launched on a career of graduate study 98 Harvard and The Society of Fellows About the next phase of his academic career, Greene r ecalled: American history because Loewenberg had studied under Arthur Schlesinger, Sr. The first year I history. He was, I must say, a trem endously impressive and loyal person with his graduate 99 Schlesinger would earn any othe r person in the first half of the century. He was also highly regarded as a staunch 96 John C. Greene, Darwin and the Modern World View (B aton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1961), p. viii. 97 Bert Loewenberg to John Greene, 4 June 1961, Greene Papers 98 Greene, Debating Darwin on Darwin and Dar The Post Darwinian Controversies. A Study of the Protestant Struggle to Come to Terms with Darwin in Great Britain and America 1870 1900 Greene, in a n interview with the author, May 19, 2008. 99 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution 15 16. Greene talks at length about his years at Harvard (in his introductory conversation with James Moore in History, Humanity, and Evolution pp. 15 24.

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160 100 101 On campus, politics were in the air, and though for a while Greene subscribed to the Socialist Party on the advice of a friend, as war appeared increasingly probable he soon relented Greene remembered w ar years at read Parsons, Durkheim, and Max Weber, none of whom had much to say about Darwin. The doo r that eventually led to Darwin was opened inadvertently when I walked into Professor topics for a doctoral dissertation. He offered quite a list of possibilities ranging from the study of immigrant groups to the history of state lotteries, but the topic that struck my fancy was . I suppose that my longstanding interest in relations between science and rel igion, and possibly my discussions with Bert 102 He quickly realized that there were numerous developments in natural science that challenged traditional views. But more seemed clear that the crucial Christian doctrine in relation to these sciences was the doctrine of the plenary inspiration of the Bible not the literal truth (although many Christians asserted this) but rather the idea held by leading [Christian] scienti sts . that 100 The New York Times October 31, 1965, http://www.nytimes.com/books/00/ 11/26/specials/schlesinger senior.html accessed 20 September 2112. 101 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 16. 102 Greene, Debating Darwin pp. 3 4.

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161 everything in the Bible, properly interpreted, was substantially true whether it concerned moral 103 [After] a year and a half of research I went to Professor Schlesinger and said that I thought I was ready to begin writing my dissertation, except that I had as yet done no research for the introductory chapter setting the stage for developments after 1820. I was eager to start writing as soon as possible, but he instructed me to do researc h for the introductory 104 Greene discovered that both the traditional Christian thinkers, as well as prominent Enlightenment era deists like rfect agreement in their view of nature as a Christian natural t He was how different this view of nature was from the one accepted in the 1940s, and I began to wonder how the change came about. I ceased to focus on the relations of science and the Bible and, instead, set out to trace the gradual breakdown of the static view of nature in astronomy, in geology, in paleontology in biology, in physical anthropology, and if possible philosophy 105 Greene found that he became less interested in the fortunes of the doctrine of biblical inspiration and more and more interested in the structure of the static view of nature and natural 106 103 Ibid. 104 Ibid., pp. 4 5. 105 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 24. 106 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 5.

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162 In the meantime, Green e had also been taking courses in intellectual history with Crane Brinton. Greene an economist and political philosopher in favor among many of the Harvard faculty at the tim e. Greene recalled, paper he liked it. I also wrote a paper on [a few] eighteen th century figures . Brinton was pleased with my quotations from Rousseau and Burke, which showed that some of the ideas Pareto wrote about were present . It was these papers, apparently, that gave him the idea that I might be timber for the Socie 107 When Greene showed an interest in the Society But Greene recalled that 108 1947) published in a private printing, described the history and purpose of t he fellowship: The Society of Fellows of Harvard University has as its members about two dozen Junior Fellows and nine Senior Fellows. The Junior Fellows are men between twenty and thirty years old, chosen by the Sen i or Fellows from among the recent gradua tes of American universities for their promise of excellent contributions to knowledge and thought. For terms varying in length from three to six years, they are given their board and lodging, paid a stipend, and set at liberty to pursue any intellectual a dventures that they find interesting and important. All courses, seminars, and laboratories in Harvard are open to them. Their expenses for necessary travel and equipment are met. They must fulfill no academic requirement but a negative one: during their t erms they may not be candidates for a degree. The hope is that they will feel free, free to follow their bent, free from academic anxieties. 109 107 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 18. 108 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 19. 109 George Caspar Homans and Orville T. Bailey, The Society of Fellows (Cambridge, Mass: The University, 1948): 2, 3.

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163 Credit for the impetus behind the society went to Lawrence Joseph Henderson, who coincidently helped establish the History of Science Society by assisting George Sarton in finding a Harvard home for his journal Isis (which beca ) and by 110 Among his many in tellectual activities, Henderson was a Professor of Biological Chemistry who became Though conservative. His method of discussion [was] feebly imitated by the pile driver. His passion was hottest when his logic was coldest. Yet if he felt a man had something in him, no one could be more patient 111 Coincidentl 112 For years Henderson had been sharing his thoughts about education in conversations with his academic friends as well as the president of the University, Abbot Lawrence Lowell. Th ey . that usually leads to [a Ph.D.] They felt that the heavy formal requirements . were so many encumbrances on the best young scholars, and trammeled the most productive years of their 113 Henderson continued to explore these ideas during the 1920s, and in particular during a long conversation while on a train ride to Boston with Alfred North Whitehead, the British mathematician and philosopher of 110 e, History and Science, and Natural Sciences: Undergraduate Teaching of the History of Science at Harvard, 1938 Isis Vol. 90, Supplement, Catching up with the Vision: Essays on the Occasion of the 75 th Anniversary of the Founding of the History of Science Society (1999): S272. 111 Ibid. 112 Homans and Bailey, p. 4. 113 Ibid., p. 5.

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164 science who had recently arrived at Harvard. Whitehead had, as a student, been a Fellow of Trinity College. That program corresponded well to the principles previously discussed by Henderson an er, and very soon thereafter . spent a long evening [ . going into the questions 114 A committee soon formed with additional faculty, but attempt s to secure a grant came to naught until an anonymous donor funded an endowment in 1932. That donor later proved to be none other th a n Lowell himself, who ad t took nearly memory of his wife. 115 Greene remembered his interview before the Harvard Senior Fellows as bein g [It] took place at a horse shoe table in Eliot House, where the Society met. I sat at one end the other senior fellows sat opposite. focused on the doctrine of plenary inspiration in the Bible. I had come to believe tha t everything in the relations of science and religion turned on this idea. So when asked to explain what I 116 Greene recalled that Greene, what do you know about Unitarianism? eighties but apparently Unitarianism and science remained an interest from his younger days. Greene recalled Greene explained that though he 114 Ibid., p. 7. 115 Ibid., p. 19. 116 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 19.

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165 another ten minutes when Lowell interrupted him aga in with the very same question. Greene later admitted 117 more intense. He recalled that S omewhere in my exposition I happened to mention Pareto. Henderson sat up str read clearly the next parry: Fellows were very sympathetic toward me on this quest ion. I said that, as far as I n him and Henderson. But Henderson was a very imposing figure. 118 year fellowship. According to Green e, something like th o in and 119 Though he initially felt a little eventually appeared right at home rubbing elbows with many of Ha yea r was however, 1941, and world events would soon take him to war 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid., p. 20. 119 Ibid.

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166 Spanning the Globe with Uncle Sam Greene recalled how d around recruiting people to do code work, which would involve learnin He signed up, but in the middle of the course received his draft notice returning to Vermillion be inducted into the Army . 120 al or physical exertion, no initiative, nothing but confor mance to a daily routine. . [It was a] pleasant change, this military regime, from the tense, competitive atmosphere of the Harvard Graduate School, where every man races against time and his fe 121 While at Camp Crowder in Missouri, Greene took up an offer for officer training in the signal corps, but due to po or testing for eyesight, was relegated to the administrative officer training corps. Greene wrote an engaging memoir of his army experience with the title, A Scholar Goes To War (2005). Much of it appeared taken from a diary, referencing contemporary event s in the present tense. 122 G 123 As an officer in training, awaiti ng deployment while at a variety of 120 Ibid., p. 22. 121 John C. Greene, A Scholar Goes to War (Clarem ont, CA: The Paige Press, 2005), p. 7. 122 after his tour of duty in Palestine and upon his return to Iran to serve as an aide de camp attached to the Persian Gulf Command. They married in 1945 in Cairo, Egypt. 123 Greene, A Scholar Goes to War, pp. 1 2. The Routledge Dictionary of Modern American Sl ang describes Dalzell, The Routledge Dictionary of Modern American Slang and Unconventional English (New York: Routledge, 2009), p. 179.

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167 camps, Greene had a chance to study a cross section of mid century America not readily schooling stopped at the eight h grade. A bare m ajority were high school g raduates and college men w ; it 124 But p erhaps unlike many of his Harvard cohorts Greene also possessed a genuine ap preciation of considered that while friendship requires similarity of interests, tastes, and values, democracy does not require that all men be friends; it requires only mutual respect and tolerance, and an absence of il 125 found it surprising that the average recruit held an of curiosity about other people. . Yet, unimaginativ e as most of them were, they were much more fretted by Army life than I, and this in spite of the fact that some 126 Moreover, he noted that [their] lives had been molded in a different pattern, and they had no that is a priceless democratic heritage. In Army life I found a living argument against totalitarianism, for in it I saw the regimen tation, the syst em of privilege . [and] the subordination to a master purpose . which we were fighting to destroy. And I was thankful that the average American detested this life despite its 127 124 Ib id., p. 10. 125 Ibid., p. 15. 126 Ibid., p. 16. 127 Ibid.

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168 He also recalled as a recently min ted officer waiting to ship out attempting to pacify a riot when racial tensions exploded between the white and black soldiers over access to the base P X store Green worked to pacify one crowd but : At the next corner I saw another group of Negroes starti ng off in the direction of despair. The next moment a stone caught me in the middle of the back and another flew over my right shoulder. I walked straight on, thoroughly frightened by this time but endeavoring to give no sign of it. 128 ot was a bitter disillusionment . and the first lesson of an education time in the military. 129 Bridge, his final destination the Persian Gulf Command via the South Pacific. A fter a short port of call in Australia, the ship met up with a small convey heading for India He remember well the gray September mornin g when we entered Bombay harbor, where upon debarking m any of the into tongas and set out to se Greene relished the . . All the things I had read about the beggars, the snake charmers, the cripples, the sacred cows, the banyan trees were here in front of my eyes and u nder my nose. It was some time before my delight in finding things over the squalor with which Indians had revul sion from the poverty . 128 Ibid., p. 25. 129 Ibid., p. 26 27.

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169 or frequented only the most Westernized parts of Bombay. As for me, I was as much fascinated 130 With no immediate ocean transport availa ble to Iran, Greene spent most of the next six weeks at a that elicited complaints from many of the GIs Nonetheless, aspects of the base were rather cosmopolitan, as the camp housed office rs and soldiers from all corners of the British Empire. Greene met friendly officers who had fought at Dunkirk, with one in particular leading West African troops. There were also officers from the upper classes of India, as well as a few visiting from Chi na. He was quick to strike up conversation s and learn more. Greene between the British and Americans that our officers became better acquainted with the Indian 131 He heard the jibe from the that their disparate backgrounds hardly unsettled a common agreement t hat the British must leave before India could eager to talk with the Americans what would come next, they were not clear. 132 Of this period Green would later have many distinct recollections, though at times m ixed with reservations of one sort or another: of my most vivid memories of India are of the scenes I saw on my daily walks to the village in the afternoon. Heavy wooden carts raised the thick dust of the road as they lumbered by. Barefoot women with dung baskets on their heads walked with stately grace . Bes ide the road sat a beggar with horrid blind eyes, his pretty wife 130 Ibid., pp. 34 35. 131 Greene, A Scholar Goes to War 45. Curiously, Greene seemed to take interest when an Indian argued against traditional Hindu vegetarian dietary pra ctices (p. 47, 48). 132 Ibid., p. 46.

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170 lying beside him. Farther on was a huge banyan tree with a passage cut through the middle of it. In the village a snake charmer attracted a crowd by waving a half dead cobra in front of a mo 133 Or, of another occasion: I remember, too, the night of Divali, the Hindu New Year, when I left the gayety in the bazaar and walked back among the native huts. There the darkness was relieved only by the tiny Divali candles burning in the windows or in niches in the mud walls. These flickering lights revealed the shapes of women sitting in the low doorways with their babes in their arms, their faces lighted with smiles, and round about them goats, dogs, and burros reposing peacefully. Something in this scene in the low, dark huts, the women with their loved ones, the sleeping animals, the calm, 134 Greene would also tour the holy city of Nashik, about twenty miles from his base cam p at the time. He recalled river Godivari [Godavari] . the life of the city. On its banks were hundreds of temples and shrines, large and 135 On one mor ning, he later remembered, I large rectangular p . . It was the season of pilgrims, and we were fortunate enough to glimpse t he interior of the temple of the goddess of the Godivari, which is opened for two weeks every twelve years. Outside the door of the temple were vendors of flowers, f ood, and other temple offerings . At each temple we were permitted only a glimpse from 136 Later that day, 133 Ibid., pp. 49 50. 134 Ibid., pp. 50 51. 135 Ibid., p. 51. 136 Ibid., p. 52.

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171 arrived at the oldest and most sacred of the temples to Rama. The keepers woul d not hear of our of five banyans where Rama and Sita are supposed to h ave lived in exile . A nearby temple contained marble images of Rama and his wife decke 137 Among a variety of excursions, Greene travelled with a detachme nt of men under his command to the air depot at Agra, where Green e sandstone fortress across a graceful curve of the Jumna [Yamuna] River, I sensed for a moment 138 He recalled that on a portion of the 139 In October 1943, a ship finally arrived to transport his detachment to Iran. He wrote that as uneventful, save for an oc casional encounter with a dhow, . the river was a fringe of date palms, beyond which stretched interminably the flattest, most 140 Green e noticed that the locals appeared They stared at me curiously, quite unafraid. If I 137 Ibid., p. 53. 138 Ibid., p. 41. 139 Ibid., p. 39. 140 Ibid., pp. 55 56.

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172 [would like] opinion, they wa nt nothing so much as to be left alone. But a country which forms the land bridge to the Far East and which contains some of the richest oil deposits can scarcely expect to 141 Greene was assigned to the Persian Gulf Command, but needed to wai t for the conclusion of the Tehran Conference meetings between Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill before entering the city. Upon arriving, he found the Allied war effort in high gear running supplies to the Russian eastern front. Greene reported to the Offi ce of Technical Information (OTI) with a fellow Since he was an author writing a dissertation, the Army considered Greene a potential newspaperman). 142 When it soon became apparent that Greene did not possess a journalist ic background, he fel l into a program arranging educational recreation for the GIs in Iran. Greene expressed given that everyone knew, or assumed, that he n April, 1944, it was decided to give the G.I.s a chance to visit Isfahan, and I was assigned the task of seventeenth c entury Persian capital famous for its Islamic and Iranian architecture and cultural monuments (many designated UNESCO World Heritage Sites.) 143 250 miles over rough roads fro m Tehran in the back of a truck and for those from the Gulf, an additional 400 miles in a boxcar. Greene had help from a staff that included the assistance of a 141 Ibid., p. 131. 142 Ibid., p. 63. 143 Ibid., p. 69. Saudi Aramco World magazine pub Saudi Aramco World (January 1962): 22 24. Also available at: http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/196201/.isfahan.is.half.the.world..htm accessed 20 September 2112.

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173 couple of American civilians with expertise in Iran, one being Donald Wilbur. In 1943, t he Persian Gulf Command published both Guide to Isfahan which he wrote with Wilbur, as well as A Sketch of Iranian History 144 As it turned out, Wilbur was not just a scholar of Iranian history and archeology but an American intelligence agent who would later play a critic al role as a CIA operative orchestrating the 1953 Iranian th at returned the Shah to power as a staunch ally of the U.S. and Britain. 145 The onset of the malaria season ended the Isfahan project, but Greene soon found him self . a rest and sigh tseeing camp in Palestine . Since fully half the visitors to this camp were expected to be from the Persian Gulf Command, it was thought best to send a liaison 146 The camp was a few miles outside Tel of pretty girls, sidewalk cafes, beaches, night clubs, shops and movies 147 The Red Cross already had organized tours to Jerusalem and Bethlehem, but Greene soon meant nothing more to them than Isfahan or 148 In response, American missionary who lived on the shores of Galilee and who took the men on a local tour. 144 Homans and Bailey, p. 81. 145 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution November 1 952 http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB28/#documents publications with Wilb er appear to be his first. 146 Greene, A Scholar Goes to War, p. 85. 147 Ibid., p. 86. 148 Ibid., p. 89.

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174 hundred and fifty miles in one day appeared to offer a genuine experience, as compared to the often business like tours in Bethlehem and Jerusalem. 149 At the time Greene also dated a Jewish girl affiliated with the famous Habima Theater that had originated in Moscow prior to WWI. During the late 1920s they established a troop in Palestine that eventually became the National Theater of Israel. 150 Greene recalled that his The Golem which rehearsed the terrible drama of the ghetto, a nd the new ones, which portray the struggles and the invincible hope of the cooperative settlements. Though I could not understand Hebrew, I could feel the 151 Greene noted, es I think I was the onl y gentile in the audience . people looked at m e a little curiously but . 152 little contact with each o ther. Jaffa and Tel Aviv, though as close together as Minneapolis and St. Paul, are separate worlds . . The Arabs, for their part, are greatly alarmed at the rapid influx of an alien people into the land they have cultivated for centuries. The newcomers are alien in race, 149 Ibid., p. 91. 150 http://www.hab ima.co.il/show_item.asp?levelId=64339 accessed 15 November 2012. 151 John Greene, in a n interview with the author, May 19, 2008; Greene, A Scholar Goes to War 108. Greene could remember the name of his friend, though it does not come through clearly in th e recording. He noted this was 152 with the author, May 19, 2008.

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175 in religion, in customs and mores and, worse still, they plainly regard the land as their own and 153 Nonetheless, he left Palestine with a strong conviction that, although the problem is enormously complicated and difficult, some solution must be found which encourages the aspiration of the Jewish people to Greene also had thoughts on how futur e relations between the Palestinians and Israelis might affect the United States: existing order and the forces of modernism? The answer is linked with another question: W ho 154 his narrative offer a fascinating first hand account of the history of the region during this critical, formative period. 155 As for him ine I fell quite in love. . E very view calls to 156 Not long after returning to Iran after the malaria season passed, Greene attended an eventful Christmas party. But first th de camp. Greene found the experience rewarding and would rise to the rank of Army Captain while serving under the General 157 But even more sign i ficant that holiday season was the Christmas 153 Greene, A Scholar Goes to War pp. 113 14. 154 Ibid., pp. 118 19. 155 Ibid., pp. 85 119. 156 Ibid., pp. 94 95. 157 Homans and Bailey, p. 81.

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176 dance as 158 Greene explained that we saw realized that I missed her. In November 1945 I obtained a leave of absence to go over and propose to her, and another to return and get married. After our honeymoon i n Cyprus, Ellen finished her work in Cairo and went back to her family in New York. I stayed on in Teheran 159 Greene concluded: Middle East. But I had a thousand p leasant memories, not the least of which was courting and marrying a Red Cross girl . 160 Back in the U.S.A. Before th Not afterwa He also noticed some new senior fellows, having Brinton instead of Henderson as the chairman. And by this time I realized that my major i 161 funding helped the young couple get established. Not long after, in 1947, their first child Ruth was b orn, with 158 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 23. 159 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 23. In an inte rview with the author, Greene remembered the close to her and we got married in Cairo . and [took] our honeymoon i Greene, in an interview with the author, May 18, 2008. 160 Greene, A Scholar Goes to War 145. A New York Times engagement announcement noted Ellen also Special to The New York Times (19 October 1945): 34. 161 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 23. Henderson died in 1942.

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177 162 Fortunately tal general education college at the University of Chicago came through looking for teachers, and I got hired. The college was the most intellectually stimulating place I have ever been. David Riesman [coauthor of The Lonely Crowd (1950)] was the presiding genius in the social sciences. For each course there was a staff of seven or eight; we taught entirely from original sources chosen by eventually wound up doing rather interesting 163 Notable among the intellectuals that Greene crossed paths with while at the University of Chicago was the famous physicist Enrico Fermi, whom Greene met through mutual friends at a 164 Greene would also recall (he began attending Episcopalian 162 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 6. 163 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 25. 164 John C. Greene, in an interview with the author, August 7, 2007. Greene m obtained his Ph.D. at Chicago during the late 1940s, and then went on to become a distinguished artist and professor at and similarly taught as an accomplished artist while working in the Chicago area for many years. That could explain a social connection. Though who appeared to be a scientist, but it is difficult to clearly h ear the name on the recording it sounded like

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178 services while at Harvard) 165 Of the choir W e had an excellen t director there, Richard Dixon [who led] a choir of about sixteen voices, I gues preaching from the pulpit . 166 Greene also remembered spending time during his Chicago days w ith Saul Levin, a Harvard Junior Fellow friend who became an important scholar of ancient languages and cultures. Greene mentioned how they were once 167 Greene no were poor as churchmice. The universities did not pay a nickel more than they had to. And now 168 In fact, when they first arrived in Chicago, the Greene in a converted Army barracks; the best they could offer lowly instructors and graduate students at 169 Ellen also worked for a time as a secretary. He recalled at I had planned to be a book, because I realized now that if I were going to get another job, I would have to obtain a Ph.D. I 170 Schlesinger, Brinton, and 165 Greene mentioned his growing preference for the Episcopalian tradition that began during his Harvard days was due more to an attraction to the services, than anything philosophical. 166 John C. Gre ene, in a n interview with the author, August 7, 2007. 167 John C. Greene, in an interview with the author, May 19, 2008. Once Greene learned I had grown up in a Jewish family, he seemed to make it a point to recollect his Jewish pastimes! 168 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 25. 169 John C. Greene, in a n interview with the author, August 7, 2007. 170 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 25.

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179 Oscar Handlin passed him upon exa 171 mater He admitted hich now had little to do with Americ an history was not easy. . H owever, I had managed to pull together my ideas about changing presuppositions of thought in successive historical periods and expressed them in a paper . [in which] I sketched the re sults of my researches to that date and charted my course for the future. Intellectual history, for me, was to consist in delineating the basic presuppositions of thought (dominant, subdominant, and incipient) in given periods and in explaining as far as p 172 The Second American Red Scar e, spurred on McC arthy. Ellen telephoned people in our neighborhood to ask them to vote against him, but she was not very successful. We lived on the wrong side of the tracks politically speaking. I was very anti Greene was a n untenured professor at the time 173 Nonetheless, an article in The Sheboygan Press reported that in May 1953 Greene gave the main address at danger of losing the freedoms guara 171 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 6. 172 Greene, Debating Darwin pp. 6 a meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, which published it as an article in its Review 44 (1957): 58 74. 173 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 28.

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180 newspaper editor. Greene that grea t men in history, although differing violently in theory on various matters, could agree war attempts to muzzle freedom of speech, freedom of press and to censor library books and other 174 175 H e later considered leaving the academic world. I talked with some acquaintances in the State Department, but fortunately I heard that Iowa State University was looking for someone in the history of science. And by now it had become clear that this really was my fi eld. . So I was interviewed, and Iowa offered me the job as an associate professor. A 176 decided that my re search had pointed me toward the history of science and that I might as well 177 The project had grown out of his disser tation research, but the work was not yet finished. The extra push he needed would soon come in 1958 there wa s a competition for the best manuscript from any source submitted to Iowa State University Press. I 174 T he Sheboygan (Wis.) Press Monday (18 May The Sheboygan (Wis.) Press (21 May 1953): 17. 175 oked dim indeed an opportunity presented itself to go to Iowa State University to introduce a course in the history of Debating Darwin p. 7. It is not clear why he was not retained at Wisconsin. 176 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution 25. special interest is intellectual history, came to Iowa State in 1956 from the University of Wisconsin to begin a program in the history of science within the department of history, government and ph Ames Daily Tribune (14 November 1959): 2. 177 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 7.

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181 178 branching out from books on practical subjects such as poultry husbandry, engineering, statistics, and the like, they decided to publish my manuscript handsomely with many illustration s. But the The Genesis of the Evolutionary Idea, did not seem sufficiently dramatic, and I was asked to suggest other title s. The choice fell on The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought a title that was to provoke criticism in conservative religious 179 The Ames Daily Tribune reported in an article on page 2 featuring a large photograph that Gree ease date in October 1959. The article noted winning manuscript traces the genesis of natural science in the 18 th and 19 th of evolution were present in the scienti fic world in 1818, although not yet comprehended by a . but rather to place his contribution in clear perspective by relating it to the contributions of earlie r 180 ice, where else can you get 178 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 25. 179 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 7. The Press requested Greene complete his manuscript t hrough Darwin, which Greene did by writing two additional chapters from materials he intended to use for a second volume. 180 Ames Daily Tribune (25 February 1959): 2.

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182 from the text, after looking 181 Phil [publication] of the in 1959, [and] a speaker was needed to discuss the topic He later recalled being: 1959, manuscript in hand, and there found myself surrounded by distinguished neo Darwinian scientists, founders of what Sir Julian Huxley ha 182 Greene would later clearly remember that, as previously mentioned, theory of natural selection, the famou s geneticist Theodosius Dobzhansky. By way of making conversation I told him that I was planning to say few words in criticism of the similes and 183 As a result of their conversation, Greene connection He later noted that Dobzhansky apparently . liked the paper, for he pra ised it warmly and urged me to call him and come for dinner at the Dobzhansky apartment in New 184 This initial exchange between the two opened a ten year 181 Ames Daily Tribune (21 November 1959): 4. 182 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 8. For the published ver Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society Vol. 103, No. 5 (Oct. 15, 1959): 716 725. 183 Ibi d. 184 Ibid., pp. 8 9.

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183 discourse involving the role of science, ideology and world view in l ight of a public discourse Dobzhansky . e late eighteenth century. 185 Ernst Mayr also contributed to the American Philosophical Society Darwinian celebrations, along with other leading architects of the modern evolutionary synthesis such as George Gaylord Simpson and G. Ledyard Stebbins biographer, Jrgen Haffer, noted that presentation 186 Among the many 1959 gatherings that celebrated the hundredth anniversa publication of O n the O rigin of Species t he festivities that to ok place late r that year at the University of Chicago are often ac knowledged as the largest. Greene crossed paths there once again with Dobzhansky and Mayr. Historian Betty Smocovitis explains the significance of these events: One critical important reason for the intensity and the number of 1959 Darwin celebrations had to do with the timing of the anniversary within the larger history of evolutionary biology. In the wake of the evolutionary synthesis of the 1930s and 1940s the anniversary of 1959 . was perfectly timed to reassess the state of the art by the communit y of individuals that had worked to create the synthetic, and unified theory of evolution. 187 185 Ibid., p. 11. 186 Jrgen Haffer, Ornithology, Evolution, and Philosophy: The Life and Science of Ernst Mayr, 1904 2005 (NY: Springer, 2007), p. 342. 187 Osi ris 14, 2 nd Series (1999): 278.

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184 The centennial was also the first prominent public demonstration championing evolution since the Scopes Trial of 1925, and was thus aimed at making a favorable impr ession while 188 In emphasizing that point, the title of an essay published during the 19 59 celebrations (and written by Nobel Prize winning geneticis t, Hermann J. Muller) proclaimed, 189 feller for delivering the sagacity of secular humanism as described in his popular book, Religion without Revelation (1927). Huxley was known for enthusiastically evangelizing his humanistic epiphanies as an alternative metaphysical paradigm destined to replace traditional Western religion. One Huxleyan pronouncement that Thanksgiving Day stated baldly that refuge from his loneliness in the arms of a divinized father 190 188 Vassiliki Betty Smocovitis, Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 23. 189 School Science and Mathematics 59 (1959): 304 16. 190 Evolution After Darwin also stated: transcendence. In their evolution, some [religions] . have given birth to the concept of gods as supernat ural beings endowed with mental and spiritual properties and capable of intervening in the affairs of nature, including man. Such supernaturally centered religions are early organizations of human though in its interaction with the puzzling, complex world with which it has to contend this, they resemble other early organizations of human thought confronted with nature, like the doctrine of the Four Elements, . or the Eastern concept of rebirth and reincarnation. Like these, they are destined to disappear in competition with other, truer, and more embracing thought organizations which are handling the same range of raw or processed experience in this case, with the new religions whi

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185 Smocovitis note s that shortly afterwards there began to appear a fresh barrage of The Genesis Flood 191 In later reflections, Morris noted that while the Scopes Trial had embarrassed the unifying effect in both galvanizing and bringing coherence to a fundamentalist response. 192 The Pulitzer Prize winning historian of science, Edward J. Larson, confirms 193 Howard L Kaye, professor of sociology argue s that it was precisely evolutionary synthesis view . popularized mo inflame the fundamentalists, and all the more so of millions and was incorporated into textbooks that helped inspire and train a generation of 194 For example, two days after the Da rwin Centennial Convocation Huxley presented a seminar on father figure who he has himself created, nor escape from the responsibility of making d ecisions by sheltering under the umbrella of Divine Authority, nor absolve himself from the hard task of meeting problems and planning his 191 John C. Whitcomb and He nry M. Morris, The Genesis Flood (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1961). 192 193 ism, Says Boston Globe, May 1, 2005. 194 Howard J. Kaye, review of Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology by Vassiliki Betty Smokovitis, The Americ an Historical Review 103 (1998): 858.

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186 Biology Teachers. 195 Julian a personal metaphysics with the science a tendency also found i n the writings of other architects of the evolutionary synthesis would concern Greene for much of his career. Greene was also invited organize a sessi on on science and religion . but ter recalled, I declined for reasons I did remember driving however. The session on science and religion was very lively, with some sharp exchanges between Julian Huxle y and a Catholic a nthropologist . secular sermon from the pulpit of Rockefeller Chapel (where I used to sing in the choir). I had accepted a luncheon invitation on the supposition that everyone would be going to hear Huxley, but lunch was just getting started when Huxley spoke. My friends told me that the Chancellor of 196 Greene added : . had recently finished reading the copy of Adam I sent him and wanted to know why I was so pessimistic about the future of homo sapiens 197 In the Greene had were to have led the way to a bright new future, have become increasingl y preoccupied with 195 Evolution After Darwin vol. 3 (Chicago, o National Science Foundation as a means of widening the influence of the Centennial Celebration and of this 196 John C. Greene to Betty S mocovitis, 13 Ma rch 1996, Greene Papers. In an interview with the author, Greene . forgotten, but I think it was partly what they wanted me to talk of discussion at the with the author, May 19, 2008. 197 John C. Greene to Betty Smocovitis, 13 March 199 6, Greene Papers

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187 devising new and more dreadful weapons of obliteration. [Though] T he historical Adam is dead, a casualty of sc ientific progress, but the Adam . lives on . [as] a moral being whose every intellectual triumph is at once a temptatio 198 Dobzhansky, in contrast, took a more cheery view of the future of humanity and science, while also often couching his conclusions with Biblical metaphors Dobzhansky and Mayr both participated in a session of the Chicago co nference entitled and chaired by Huxley and Alfred Emerson. Other participants inclu ded E. B. Ford, Everett Olson, G Ledyard Stebbins, and Sewall Wright. Mayr raised points concerning the relationship between genotype and phenotyp e and the formation of species, though he otherwise did not play a prominent role in the Chicago festivities. Greene could not 199 No netheless, he wrote Mayr shortly after returning from Chicago: science in terms of general in tellectual history which I try to use myself. I think I th accept also the enclosed reprints. I wish I could add a copy of my new book The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impa ct on Western Thought (Iowa State Univ. Press: Ames, Iowa) but my stock of free copies was long ago exhausted. 200 that Greene referred to analyzed the great nineteenth c entury y. In that essay Mayr proposed that 198 John C. Greene, The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought (Ames, IA: Iowa State University, 1996), p. 339. 199 John C. Greene, in a n interview with the author, May 19, 2008. 200 John C. Greene to Ernst Mayr, 3 December 1959, Papers of Ernst Mayr, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts. This letter appears to be their first exchange on record.

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188 period dominated by romantic ideas and by a largely metaphysical approach to nature, especially not religious scruples that prevented Agassiz from becoming an evolutionist but rather a framework of ideas that could not be combined with 201 Greene responded in his letter to Mayr omment intelligently on your analysis of his intellectual cast. I would take some exception, however, to your rather sweeping generalizations about 202 With this correspondence the Mayr Greene epistolary exchange began during that 1959 Da rwin philosophy of biology, and Greene established himself as a leading scholar in the intellectual history of evolutionary thought. 203 201 Haffer, p. 343. 202 Greene to Mayr, 3 December 1959, Mayr Papers. 203 In a short report to the Harvard Fellows publi shed that year, Greene summarized his accomplishments and conceptions in Western thought since the seventeenth century. My book [ Death of Adam ] a ttempts to survey the whole field of natural history geology, paleontology, biology, and physical anthropology and to demonstrate the interaction of science and world view. The American side of this story I hope to describe in the next year or two in a . My teaching has covered a wide range of subjects, beginning with American history and modern social science at the University of Chicago, proceeding to American constitutional and intellec tual history at Wisconsin, and presently [at Iowa State] embracing a survey of the history of science. In the future I expect to divide my time more or less evenly between the history of science and general intellectual history, both in teaching and resear The Society of Fellows ed. Crane Brinton (Cambridge: Society of Fellows of Harvard University, 1959), pp. 141 42.

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189 CHAPTER 5 CORRESPONDING COLLEAGUE S : MAYR AND GREENE assertions about the influence of Platonic thought on the opponents of Darwinian theory such as the prominent nineteenth century Harvard zoologist Louis Agassiz. Mayr dedicated his essa y one of his initial forays into the history of biology, to 1 Mayr described Agassiz as as a result it had . been claimed that his religious beliefs lay beh Mayr disagreed arguing rather that from his the seven teenth and eighteenth centuries, while claiming writings indicates strongly that he was never able to escape this conceptual world in spite of his All his life, Agassiz remained a 2 Acc was based on the implicit assumption that the universe obeys a set of rational principles, and that 3 He con framework for such a rational interpretation of the world was provi ded by Plato and his successors, while pointing principle of completeness of the existing world . the principle of the qualitative continuity of the series of forms of natural existence, and the principle of a unilinear ascending order of excellence. It is a combination of these three principles that resulted in a conception of the 1 Harvard Library Bulletin 13 (Spring 1959): 165 2 Ibid., 165 66. 3 Ibid., p. 166.

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190 universe designa 4 Mayr considered that have to keep this clearly in mind when, in the cosmologies o f writers from the Greeks to Goe the, f . Neither Aristotle nor Leibniz, nor, as is quite evident, even Goethe, was an pointed out a few philosophers . succeeded in 5 On this basis, Mayr here is a radical difference between Agassiz and the modern naturalist who derives his theories by induction from his facts. Agassiz, like the spec ulative philosophers of the eighteenth century, accommodates the observed facts in a 6 He e for one steeped in the great German zoologists of the first half of the nineteenth century failed so completely to solve the problem of evolution. They had been thoroughly indoctrinated in the concepts of In contrast to Agassiz Mayr considered that, since Darwin and Wallace had time watching birds, collecting insects, and reading Malthus and Vestiges of the Natural Histo ry of the Creation had remained . unaffected by the lofty fallacies of idealistic 4 Ibid. 5 History of the Philosophy of the Life Sciences 28 (2006): 149 174. fabricated between 1953 and 1968 by Ernst Mayr . opposition 6 Ibid., p. 168.

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191 7 time to be a leader and not enough ahead to be ignored. Agas absorbed in a zeitgeist during his youth that was unsuitable for mixing with the revolutionary 8 having received his essay on Agassiz that Mayr had sent him following the conclusion of the Chicago meetings. Greene terms of general intellectual his tory, but he added explanation of the failure of Agassiz and others to solve the species riddle correctly because of problem Instead, he asserted: I question your idea that the tendency to accommodate observed facts in a preconceived framework was the vice of a pre scientific age which we have now happily left behind us. Science and world view are in continual interaction, a nd significant breakthroughs in scientific thought will continue to be heralded by prescient speculations that outrun the available evidence. 9 While Greene Great Chain of Being influential mid twentieth century work on intellectual history, he did so with a warning ut I thi nk it must be used with caution . [as Lovejoy] tends to treat naturalists as if they were primarily philosophers and only secondarily naturalists. The emphasis should be the oth er way 10 7 Ibid., p. 173 8 Ibid., p. 193 9 John C. Greene to Ernst Mayr, 3 December 1959, Papers of Ernst Mayr, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 10 G reene to Mayr, 3 December 1959, Mayr Papers.

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192 Mayr responded in March after returning from Australia and India, in turn thanking the greatest interest to me No doubt you realize that I am a greenhorn as far as the field of the history of ideas is concerned, and I certainly would not want to be dogmatic in my views. Perhaps I am doing an injustice to old Plato by using his name as a l abel for all ideologies which do not admit of a real change but only of a change of the appearance . Yet he is the first I believe who has expressed 11 Mayr continued hat struck me in t he Pre Darwinian literature is that most of the authors . treat evolution not as a genuine change of the eidos but merely as an unfolding of previously hidden potentialities of the eidos or eidos . . The differenc e between the two types of concepts may not be conspicuous to a non biologist, but they are of the utmost importance to the Agassiz paper will stimulate some one to trace this conceptual revolution. It coincided with the emergence of population thinking in biology and is without question the greatest conceptual 12 Mayr therefore argued assessment of biological species as representing essential qualities in nature inhibited consideration that biological populations could genuinely change over time. It was only with Darwin that scientific thinkers outgrew such ancient concepts. Whatever the case may be, it is worth noting that a comprehensive empirically based definition for biological species remains a scientific challenge. Though Mayr rightly argued for the significance of population thinking in a mo dern biological species concept Greene felt that bla ming historically 11 Mayr to Greene, 10 March 1960, Mayr Papers. 12 Ibid.thoug

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193 lacies of idealistic philosophy thus questioned critique of Platonic thought as having a preconceived framework represented the vice of a pre Greene considered Mayr na ve to think that Their difference in perspective would arise again later in the decade when Stephen Gaubard, editor for the American Academy of Arts and Science journal, Daedalus requested ut the Greene manuscript. . I think the basic trouble is that Greene has a concept of Darwinism that does not have t oo much to do with Darwin. . And I must say, I am rather confused as to what Greene 13 Greene followed The Death of Adam with Darwin and the Modern World View his second book based on a s eries of Rockwell Lectures he gave at Rice University in 1960 that were then published by the Louisiana State University Press the following year. 14 Bentley Glass, the editor for The Quarterly Review of Biology reviewed both works. Of Adam Glass had said: He considered that the work 15 A few years later, Glass reviewed Darwin and the Modern W orld View commenting that in the author 13 Ernst Mayr to Stephen R. Gaubard, 15 June 1964, Mayr Papers. 14 Greene reported he was invited to give the lectures by the respected physicist and pres ident of Rice University, William V. Houston, who had been impressed by his presentation on Darwin and religion at the American Philosophical Society the previous year. See John C. Greene, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA: Regina Pre ss, 1999), p. 9. 15 Bentley Glass, review of Darwin and the Modern World View by John Greene, Quarterly Review of Biology 49 (1974): 335.

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194 Darwin and Natural Theology, and Darwin and Social Science. These topics may be treated more exhaustively elsewhere, but no finer introduct ion to such subjects exists. If at certain points one 16 Morton Fried, the influential Columbia University anthropology professor, also reviewed both works for th e American Anthropologist Adam he proved severely critical of the second book. Of The Death of Adam Fried he solidity of the presentation of the emergence of a scientific theory of evolution is mo st which the author has developed an argument in the very well chosen words of the original al approach of the emergence of biological evolutionism in the context of the major developments in physical 17 Darwin and the Modern World View He discontented with science as ideology, but these were interpreted (at le ast by me) as indications of a healthy critical skepticism such as leads to greater refinement of concept and a higher level By comparison, Fried wrote Darwin and the Modern World View dispels this notio n and presents us instead . the idea that there is more in heaven and earth than can be explained by science or, more specifically, that there is more to 16 Ibid. 17 Morton H. Fried, review of The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought by John C. Greene, American Anthropologist New Series 63 (Apr. 1961): 392.

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195 man than can be comprehended by a materialistic method. Given such an assumption, the failure of s 18 with his fluent style and intrinsic interest of his discussions, makes this book required reading for students of cultural evolution. Ref erence is to progress, particularly as it is used by Julian Huxley F . progress is change measured by some criterion of value. Anyone can erect criteria of progress; [the] con engraving invitations to the metaphysicians 19 Though Fried expressed profound reservations iated concern empirical investigation. Greene had explaine it : . C reeping into the literature of natural history in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, partly in connection with the evolutionary speculations of Erasmus Darwin, Lamarck, Lacpde, and others, partly in anthropological inquiries of Rousseau and Lord Monboddo, and partly in the idea of successive progressive creations advanced to explain the paleontological discoveries of Georges Cuvier and his contemporari es. After trying out my ideas on this subject on various biologists at Iowa State University and on a conference of botanists at Vanderbilt University, but without arousing any great interest in my auditors, I decided to develop my ideas more fully in a lecture to the History of Ideas Club at the Johns Hopkins University. This was a club founded and dominated by Arthur O. Lovejoy, a philosopher whose writings 18 Morton H. Fried, review of Darwin and the Modern World View by John C. Greene, American Anthropologist New Series 64 (Apr. 1962): 382 83. 19 Ibid.

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196 on intellectual history, and especially on the history of evolutionary ideas, had done much to in fluence my own thinking. Unfortunately, Lovejoy, then in his eighties, was not well enough to attend the lecture, but it generated sufficient interest to bring about its publication in The Johns Hopkins Magazine under the title 20 G reene further noted, philosophy of nature and natural science to make room for concepts of this kind. But I thought it 21 The Johns Hopkins Magazine began by stating literature of the modern evolutionary biologist is more striking to the intellectual hist orian than the pervasive and ambiguous role of the idea of progress. Belief in progress has been the 22 that the idea of progress should play an equivocal role 23 He continued often biological definitions of progress make implicit reference to man, even when an attempt is made to r ule out the human point of view, 24 and concluded n short, evolutionary biologists seem able neither to live w ith or live without the idea of progress. To what extent this confused state of affairs inhibits scientific progress in biology I am not in a position to say. In the past, scientific observation and scientific reasoning have been influenced by extra scient ific 20 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 11. 21 Ibid., p. 12. 22 The Johns Hopkins Magazine 14 (October 1962), p. 8. 23 Ibid., p. 32. 24 Ibid., p. 10.

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197 presuppositions and attitudes, and I strongly suspect that contemporary science is influenced by a 25 He then proposed : As a biologist, the student of evolution can say of the idea of progress what Laplace said of the seeking some motive of action beyond the needs of the moment he stands in hope is in progress. 26 Years l ater, Greene reflected scientifically, and there were a good many, collapsed into mere survival or li kelihood of survival. Yet the evolutionary lit and of figures of speech implying striving, purpose, and achievement. Was it possible, I asked myself, that these biolo gists, most of whom had discarded traditional religious and philosophical ways of giving meaning to science and human existence, had adopted 27 Greene also remember ed that the response to his lecture the History of Ideas Club came largely from professo rs of literature and philosophy. The published version received a U niversity of Illinois. Bock wrote to Greene that in 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid., p. 32. 27 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 14.

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198 In his own work, however, Bock chose to use scientific language that avoided the term. 28 Dobzhansky and Greene: Making Sense of Evolution Greene recollected that with expert or so the unsuspecting public thought. Whether I liked it or not, I had become involved in a scholarly enterprise which attracted young historians . [as well as] . distinguished scientists who had played leading roles in founding and extending the neo Darwinian synthesis of the 1930s and 1940s men like Julian Huxley, George Gaylord Simpson, Theodosius Dobzhansky, Ernst Mayr, and G. Ledyard Stebbins, all of whom looked to Darwin as their patron 29 Greene c what these scientists had to say about Darwin and Darwinism, I soon realized that their own interpretations were different in important respects from mine. I had come to Darwin, not from the perspective o f twentieth c entury neo Darwinism, but from my researches on the interaction of science and world view in the development of systematic natural history from the late time. 30 While Greene read many of the scientific works of the neo Darwinian synthesizers while auditing an evolutionary biology course as a Harvard graduate student, he only first came in personal contact with them at the April 1959 American Philosophical Socie ty Meetings held to 28 to John C. Greene, 7 May 1964, John C. Greene Papers, Archives & Special Collections at the Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, University of biol 29 Ibid., p. 13. 30 Ibid.

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199 Origin of Species He had been invited to speak on th e topic at the symposium with these scientists, a talk which was subsequently published in the October edition of the Pro ceedings of the American Philosophical Society Among the leading architects of the neo Darwinian synthesis participating at the American Philosophical Society meetings were Ernst Mayr, Theodosius Dobzhansky, George Gaylord Simpson, and G. Ledyard Stebbins along with prominent scientists such as Curt Stern, Wilfrid grandson, Sir Charles Galton Darwin, gave a dinner address filled with personal recollections. In his paper Greene argued [hardly] evolution of human nature from brute s apelike emergence in a long course of organic evolution. But Darwin converted the scientific community to his view. He thereby raised it from the status of a subversive speculation to that of a scientific theory strenuously defended by scientists in an a ge when the prestige of science was 31 He suggested, James as a means of deliverance from the mecha nical determinism of nineteenth century physical sciences 32 Greene then pointed out : Likewise . Henri Bergson, A. N. Whitehead, and others, each in his own w ay, found in the idea organic evolution the key to a new cosmology in which spontaneity, novelty, and purpose had a place, a place which had been denied them in the cosmology inherited from the seventeenth century. The influence of these 31 Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 103 (1959): 717. 32 Ibid., 720.

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200 new ideas may be s een in the writings of modern students of evolution, as when evolution overcame its own bounds; in giving rise to man, biological evolution transcended itself. Human evolution may 33 Greene defined three areas in which Darwin influenced relatio ns between science and religion Greene first claimed that : W ith respect to revealed religion to precipitate a reth inking of tradit : ith respect to natural religion, Darwin shattered its traditional basis by exhibiting the adaptation of structure to function in the organic world as a necessary outcome of random variation, struggle for existen ce, and natural s election . [though for] many of his contemporaries the blow was softened by the indomitable faith . Greene than concluded : W ith respect to the third stage . in which the methods of natural science were applied to the study of man and society, Darwin [also] played a in this area, no criterion of progress for a creature like man, and Darwin 34 Early in the meetings Greene met the prominent evolutionary biologist, Theodosius Dobzhansky, who Dobzhansky had grown up in the Ukraine. He would complete his studies at the University of Kiev in the early 1920s before moving to America on a Rockefeller Fellowship to work at in 1927 publication of Genetics and the Origin of Species (1937) led to his recognition as a leading architect of the neo Darwinian synthesis of Mendeli an genetics and Darwinian the ory. Michael 33 Ibid. Greene would repeat these comments toward the end of the co nclusion to his soon to be published, The Death of Darwin: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought p. 338 34 Ibid., p. 725.

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201 Ruse, the prominent p hilosopher of science, describes 35 Dobzhansky subsequently accepted a position at Columbia University in 1940. During this period, Dobzhansky and Mayr developed a close relationship, particularly after a few miles away from the American Museum of Natural History. Dobzhansky subscrib ed to a broad ly Christian world view, interwoven with evolutionary theory and concepts of progress. 36 For example, Dobzhansky explained that from his world view . [wi th] the fall of man . followed by a new ascent. Progressive revelation of 37 Creation, he continued ars ago; it is a process and not an act; it is not completed and it is going on before our eyes; there is hope for 38 In his view, Dobzhansky asserted, 35 Theodosius Dobzhansky a Biology and Philosophy 11 (1996): 445. 36 their views on evolution, See Michael Ruse, From Monad to Man: The Concept of Progr ess in Evolutionary Biology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996.) Ruse presents a focused analysis on the perspectives of both Dobzhansky (pp. 391 401) and Mayr (410 419). See also Theodosius Dobzhan The Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky: Essays on His Life and Thought in Russia and America, ed. Mark B. Adams (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994) 37 The Sewanee Review 68 (1960) : 288. Dobzhansky The Sewanee Review, John C. Greene and M Biology and Philosophy 11 (1996): 450. Copies of the es at the University of 38 The Sewanee Review 68 (1960): 288.

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202 ffirms that the meaning of history lies in the 39 It was not unusual for Dobzhansky to have such thoughts. He noted that other prominent e volutionists held similar views. Wallace, for exampl He evolutionary ecologists, is of the same opinion statement that A Christian, a has spiritual attributes, good and evil, that are not a result of this evolution, but are of supernatural origin. 40 It was in his book, The Biological Basis of Human Freedom (1956) that D obzhansky declared : rise to man, biological evolution transcended itself. Human evolution may yet ascent to a 41 Perhaps he felt that such an experience would be somet hi ng akin to that of Christ, whose 42 When examining such statements, Ruse considered that 43 39 Theodosius Dobzhansky, The Bio logy of Ultimate Concern (New York: The New American Library, 1967), p. 112. 40 Evolutionary Theory and Christian Belief (London: MacMillan & Co., 1961) published in 1957. 41 Theodosius Dobzhansky, The Biological Basis of Human Freedom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), p. 27. 42 43 The Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky ed. man of philosophical sophistication and deep religious convic tion, Greene nevertheless challenged the reading that Dobzhansky put on evolutionary theory, most especially the Teilhardian slant. Whereas for Dobzhansky, science

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203 James R. Mo ore notes metap that tone of Dobzhansky exchange which lasted through much of the 1960 s suggested that Greene was hardly wholl y impressed. 44 Christian sympathies, Greene still metaphysical language when expressing his . that the progre ss of intellect . s cie nc e and the scientific attitude Dobzhansky an represents the highest, most progressive, and most successf ul product of organic evolution, going so far as to sa y [ m an] may yet become Greene incredulously asked his audience: 45 Despite these statements Gre ene recalled that Dobzhansky appreciated his presentation at the APS meetings 46 Greene was, however, perplexed: in my paper I am not sure Greene note d that he and religion melded easily into one whole, for Greene in an almost positivist manner, truth in one area must be kept 44 Isis 103 (2012): 146. 45 ring to statements found in Theodosius Dobzhansky, The Biological Basis of Human Freedom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 87 88; Sir Julian Huxley, Evolution in Action (New York: Mentor Books, 1957). One obvious question would be what sort its future evolution. 46 The Correspondence Betwee Biology and Philosophy 11 (1996): 447.

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204 found in Dobzhansky [an] eagerness to work out an evolutionary world view compatible with Christian tradition 47 Sti ll, he felt that Dobz . ntific analysis should exclude value judgments, 48 A few months later Greene briefly saw Dobzhansky at t he Chicago Darwin Centennial The Death of Adam and 49 Presumably, Dobzhansky was tioning if scientific progress would be accompanied by the maturity to use it wisely. Shortly thereafter Dobzhansky wrote to Greene : I hoped that we might have a good unhurried conversation while in Chicago, but as usual on occasions like that celebratio n one sees too many peo cordial introduction, Dobzhansky got right to the point: What I want to say to you is, in brief, this: You should seize the initiative from fically informed philosophers. We, research scientists, can help you, but we cannot do it alone. A negative attitude is not enough. I take it that you are not a fundamentalist, and accept the fact that science is here to stay. I mean it is here to stay n ot as a collection of knowledge how to make gadgets acceptance of this fact by Christians is not enough. We need a synthesis. Scientific activity should become a charismatic activity. I realize that this is asking a lot, but it seems that nothing less will do. 50 47 Ibid. 48 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 9 49 p. 448. In his conclusion to The Death of Adam Greene questioned if human beings had the moral and ethical wherewithal to handle the powerful discoveries of modern s man in truth a kind of Prometheus unbound ready and able to assume control of his own and cosmic destiny? (p. 338). Greene utilized Biblical reference s in framing his argument. 50 Dobzhansky to Greene, 6 December 1959, in Greene and Ruse, p. 449.

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205 Greene responded the following summer, apologizing for his tardy reply by blaming it on a series of lectures that he had delivered at Rice University that spring and wa s now preparing for publication as Darwin and the Modern World View He sent a portion of the manuscript to Dobzhansky requesting his critique Greene included the warning: As you will see, I am baffled, astounded, and perturbed by the vocabulary which yo u, Simpson, Huxley, and others use in talking about evolution. It seems to me to be totally at war with your philosophical postulates. You should either abandon the vocabulary or revise your postulates. I put this very badly, as if I were sure of my own vi ews of the matter. Actually, I am not at all clear on many of the issues involved, but I do feel strongly that many biologists are trying to have their cake and eat it on the subject of teleology in evolution. I know that you distinguish your views from th ose of Huxley, but from the point of view of the intellectual historian you both seem to be in the same general camp. 51 Dobzhansky responded to Greene soon after returning from his trip to Asia e opportunity to sit down for a good hard to do so satisfactorily in a Even more I would like to convince you that Huxley, Si mpson and myself are not Huxley is militantly and virulently anti religious. Simpson can, I think, be fairly described as an agnostic. I happen to be a Christian. But I see no objection against Hux . Personally, I think that evolution (cosmic realize). 52 The two continued to correspond, all the while attempting to arr ange a meeting in New York. Dobzhansky, in the meantime, continued to wonder why Greene insisted biologists should After all, he reasoned, his is what they observe happening or i Dobzhansky also described his own affinity for the views of the French Jesuit philosopher, paleontologist and geologist, Pierre 51 Greene to Dobzhansky, 30 August 1960, in Greene and Ruse, p. 451. 52 Dobzhansky to Greene, 17 September 1960, in Greene and Ruse, p. 452.

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206 Teilhard de Chardin. 53 Though he admitted that many of the philosophical ideas Teilhard expressed in The P henomenon of Man [as] science . Teilhard Dobzhansky argued, He tried to . use science plus meta his attempt admirable, would like to cook up a bit different Do you take the standpoi nt that such attempts 54 Greene promptly responded first thanking Dobzhansky for his letter and then am sure we do not . you seem to take a positi on mor . Teilhard . [who] seems to recognize what I have called a creative ground or principle in evolution. Teilhard calls it 55 ou on the not help matters to say that the cosmic language is still an enigma. What would you say to a physicist who told you that it was a natural property of matter or ma tter 56 Greene also clarified one of his 53 John Grim and Mary Association, accessed 1 December 2012, http://teilharddechardin.org/index.php/biography Dobzhansky served as presid ent and member of the Board of Directors during the early years of the American Teilhard Association. 54 Dobzhansky to Greene, 13 November 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 457. 55 Greene to Dobzhansky, 17 November 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 458. 56 Ibid., pp. 4 58 59.

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207 as to ] no sense unless you assume that something or someone is trying to go somewhere or accom plish He then queried Dobzhansky : especially in regard to the relationship between a creative agent and nature. 57 Greene wrote in conclusion: he whole question [depends on] whether science can or s hould admit value concepts into its theoretical structure. The usual assumption in modern times medieval habit of nary vocabulary is loaded with expressions that imply value judgments in then asked Dobzhansky: What conclusion do I draw from this? The following: Either biologists should eliminate these words from the language of biology, or th ey should recognize frankly that biological theory requires concepts that can only be defined in terms of a general philosophy of nature, i.e., a philosophy of nature in terms of which these value loaded expressions make sense. If the biologist follows the first course, he will talk about change but not about progress He will speak of a change in the average character of populations, but not about an improvement in their character. He will, in short, adopt the ethically neutral attitude we associate with physical science. He may feel as a human being that these changes constitute progress in the long run, but he will ignore this because he cannot deal with it as scientist 58 Greene continued ons are absolutely indispensable to the biological enterprise, he will have to ask himself philosophical questions by the use of W hat must the think the latter course for developing a philosophy of nature that accommodates value loaded 57 Ibid., p. 459. 58 Greene to Dobzhansky, 17 November 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 460.

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208 go back to thinking of themselves as natural philosophers 59 In response, Dobzhansky again attempted to explain himself to Greene n (cosmic + biological + human) is going towards something, we hope some city of God. This belief is not imposed on us by our scientific discoveries, but if we wish (but not if we do not wish) we may see in nature manifestations of the Omega or your creat ive ground . 60 Dobzhansky appeared to be soliciting a sympathetic reading from Greene based on shared metaphysics. He also included some ruminations: I see no escape from thinking that God acts not in fits of miraculous interventions, but in all significant and insignificant, spectacular and humdrum events. Pantheism, you may say? I do not think so, but if so then there is much truth in pantheism. The happens. I am not foolish enough to think I can solve this. Perhaps Teilhard had a hint, very obscurely expressed. 61 He concluded his letter to Greene by stating everything else in the world, is a manifest as a scientist I do not observe anything that would prove this. In short, as scientists Laplace and Overall he resis tight 62 While Dobzhansky wished to reassure Greene that he considered himself a Christian who 59 Ibid., pp. 460 61. 60 Dobzhansky to Greene, 23 November 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 462. 61 Ibid., p. 463. 62 Dobzhansky to Greene, 23 November 1961, in Greene an d Ruse, p. 464.

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209 methodology could conclusively prove it or not (it rather appeared to Dobzhansky intuitive) he nonetheless aspired to find a synthesis between the two. Greene, meanwhile, maintained his tists, as scientists, should stick to the ideals expressed by scientific luminaries such as Robert Boyle and Pier re Simon Laplace who, during the Scientific Revolution and Enlightenment, proposed that a scientific investigation of the natural world should be pursued without a connection to metaphysics. Otherwise, Greene argued, scientists should introduce philosophical tools for dealing with a creative principle. He admitted his personal preference was for the latter as in his view, philosophically acknowl edging a creative principle made the more sense. Disciplinary Boundaries philosophical views and his science elicited another lengthy r t seems to me that the crux of our misunderstanding and disagreement is the question of the w hether natural theology is possible and, if so, of what kind is a question on which I have not made up my mind. . In any case, Christian faith does not depend on the possibility of a demonstrative 63 Greene continued; e propositions, and theories of evolutionary biology are scientific and the extent to which (degree to which) they involve philosophical presuppositions, and hence require explicit He pointed out 63 Greene to Dobzhansky, 1 December 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 465.

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210 not clear whether you regard this as a scientific fact, a philosophical interpretation, or an affirmation of religious faith . . As I read Huxley [and others] he seems to feel that the statement that evolution (cosmic, etc. etc.) is going somewhere is a statement of scientific fact, 64 It would be interesting to learn what sort of scientific experiment Huxley would propose for testing cosmic progress what to speak of its final destination Greene then argued render our experienc e meaningful philosophically and religiously, they pretend (and apparently fool themselves into believing) that they are only reporting scientific facts or highly probably scientific theories. At the same time they overlook the enormous difficulties involv ed in defining 65 Greene also offered a suggestion: Individu al organisms may try to survi ve . but a species does not struggle to much less scientific sense . . The whole thing smacks of vitalism, Lamarck ism, and others things which are supposed to be hideous to modern biologists. These personifications of varieties, species, life, etc. are not necessary for scientific purposes; they obfuscate science. They are only desperate attempts to make a mechanistic world meaningful. I conclude that the metaphorical vocabulary of modern evolutionary biologists is a poor substitute for honest philosophical problems deeply embedded in the structure of evolutionary theory. 66 Dobzhansky response came quickly. In it he a cknowledged right . is going towards somethi confuses religious affirmation 64 Ibid., pp. 465 66. 65 Ibid., p. 466. 66 Ibid., p. 467

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211 with scientific fact. In my letter I intended it to be the former . But I still want to insist that scientific gene ralization . leads to results compatible with the affirmation, and such compatibilities 67 But he also offered his own smal l criticism in return: u, but reading your books . I have an uncomfortable impression that in them there are some overtones of feelings that if the old Charles Darwin had not invented this business of evolution then philosophy and religion would have been better off. I ascribe this to the wholly justified evolution as a weapon to combat religion. For this reason, in every letter I write you I stress that H uxley is not the only biologist there also exist [Charles] Birch, and Teilhard, and even 68 In reply to thi s particular point, Greene referred to mentioned impression that I would be happier if Charles Darwin had never lived and evolutionary theory also pointed out to Dobzhansky : and [Alexandre] Koyr both think that enormous damage was done by the philosophical interpretation placed on the 17 th century revolution in physics. Does this mean that they wish Galileo, Descartes, Huygens, and Newton had never lived and never written? O f and by some of the attempts to carry the concepts of biology bodi I have no desire to hinder in any way the pursuit of truth, or to be shielded from truth once 69 67 Dobzhansky to Greene, 6 December 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 469. 68 Ibid., p. 470. 69 Greene to Dobzhansky, 5 Janua ry 1962, in Greene and Ruse, p. 478

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212 Greene again restated his now common criticism, emphas izing the consequences of the mechanistic approach: me to be the following. He approaches nature either consciously or unconsciously with a mechani stic philosophy of nature . derive d from Newtonian physics and cosmology. In his philosophy of nature, when pushed to logical conclusions, there is no room for levels of being, for progress, for higher and lower. There are simply displacements in infinite and uniform space o f particles of valueless matter. 70 Doubtless, Greene confusions and march on to new intellectual triumphs, but whether our civilization can survive confusion about the nature of science and its relation to philosophy, religion, art, politics, etc. is 71 After writing to each other extensively t he two scholars at arms finally found an deciding on a Friday with the Dobzhansky s added offer 72 Dobzhansky beforehand Dobzhansky The Death of Adam will feel that if Darwin never lived, or occupied himself as a country gentleman of his day was normally expected to be occupied, this would be a wiser and happier w orld. I fully He then suggested like to be an optimist, and to think that Darwin was a good boy; you are evidently more pessimistic. This reminds me of the definitions of optimist 70 Ibid., p. 477 71 Ibid., p. 478 72 Dobzhansky to Greene, 14 December 1961, in Greene and Ruse, p. 473.

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213 Dobzhansky 73 ecall pa ss that up. 74 His recollection of the meeting continued: Dobzhansky, in response to my criticisms of some of the writings of evolutionary biologists, kept pressing me to state my own solu tions to these problems. Unfortunately, I cannot remember o ur conversation in detail . [but] I came away with a lively impression of his eagerness to work out an evolutionary world view compatible with Christian tradition one which was philosophicall y, Greene 75 In a thank you letter to Dobzhansky he admitted on on the matters we have p lease give Mrs. Dobzhansky my sincere thanks 76 In remembering their exchange, Greene would later conclude: ar that Dobzhansky, like Huxley . wished to conceive science as a charismatic activity revealing how nature works and at the same time suggesting a world view capable of guiding and inspiring individual and social action. But both men came to the study of evolution with previo usly Dobzhansky as a believing Christian 77 Given 73 Dobzhansky to Greene, 11 January 1962, in Greene and Ruse, p. 479. 74 John C. Greene, in interview with the author, A ugust 7, 2007. 75 Ibid., pp. 447 48. 76 Greene to Dobzhansky, 2 March 1962, in Greene and Ruse, pp. 480 81. 77 his interview with the author:

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214 the views expressed in their correspondence, it seems only natura l Greene felt that b oth men were envisaging something which the norms of science established in the seventeenth century precluded, namely, a value laden, value achieving concept of nature . . Thus Dobzhansky, though horrified at the idea of being brack et ed with Huxley, an avowed atheist, nevertheless felt transcendence, trial and error, Moreover, sense philosophicall y, although not scientifically, from [his] theistic point of view than from 78 Dobzhansky and Greene continued their correspondence through the 1960s, often They also shared manuscripts for commentary and review. For example, Dobzhansky wrote Greene about one of be very u seful to me, I shall be waiting [ to re ceive it ] 79 At another time Dobzhansky am not afraid of friendly criticism even if this criticism is decidedly negative, and I am sure that 80 bzhansky] always said he was a Christian . [but] Francisco Ayala, you know, was a graduate student under Dobzhansky, and Ayala says he was no Christian. As Ayala had been a Catholic priest, you know, and he was [Ayala] said this, but ah, he certainly pooh poohed the idea Dobzhansky was a Christian. . I suppose [Ayala] had in mind what the elements of being a Christian are that was the so he obviously had something in mind. What it was, I am not with the author, May 19, 2008. communicant of t he Eastern Orthodox Church. According to his last student, Jeff Powell . Dobzhansky prayed 78 79 Dobzhansky to Greene, 14 January 1962, in Greene and Ruse, p. 480. 80 Dobzhansky to Greene, 27 March 1962, in Greene and Ruse, p. 482.

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215 When Greene was later asked what he felt motivated p rominent evolution ary biologist s like Dobzhansky, and then later Mayr, to engage with him in extended dialogues on the role of science and worldview, he admit t e . but I am eternally grateful to [Mayr] that he did take the trouble to keep the dialogue going. I felt the same way Though Greene confessed had arguments to press and [Dobzhansky] 81 he also n retrospect my only r egret is that I did not make a greater, more prolonged effort to 82 Darwin & Spencer: A s S een by Harris, Freeman, Mayr, Greene, et al hat James Moore described as Wanderjahre visiting professor at Berkeley, at "the time of t by the students on campus during the early 1960s. 83 Greene also recall ed that he had the opportunity one evening dinner group that included [the prominent geneticists] Michael 84 and others, and that biologists in the olden days w ere influenced by n otions 85 Greene later also recalled that the next stop in his academic career, at the University of Kansas offered better 81 John C. Green, in a n interview with the author, May 19, 2008. 82 448. 83 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 27. Garland Allen, the historian of biology, recalled a written exchange he had with Greene from this period in which Greene expressed dissatisfaction with some of the student protest activities (Garland Allen, in an interview with the author, March 27, 2010). Coincidently, photographs of Greene during the 1950s and early 60s suggest a persona with a square cut background. 84 Stern and Lerner also presented papers at the 1959 APS Darwin Centennial conferen ce in held in Philadelphia 85 John C. Greene to Michael Ruse, 10 March 1996, Greene Papers.

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216 library facilities and a chance to work with graduat e majors U nfortunately Greene also observed of the new environment, . the move has been less successful 86 When in 1967 an opportunity arose to teach at the University of Connecticut ometown where many of her relatives and friend s still lived, Greene and family made the move and stayed there for the next twenty years. 87 Though at the end of the 1960s his interactions with Mayr increase d In 1968, the influential anthropologist Marvin Harris presented a provocative analysis of the influence of Darwin the emerging discipline of anthropology in his acclaimed work The Rise of Anthropological Theory Soon thereafter, t he journal Current Anthropology published an analysis Prcis critical reviews from over a dozen scholars. While Harris discussed a variety of concerns engaging a nthropological theory, his severe criticism of Darwin specifically invited attention from a number of the architects of the neo Darwinian synthesis such as Mayr and Simpson, as well as historians and philosophers of science such as Greene and Michael Ghis elin. A few years later, Current Anthropology published a second extended lengthy critical response by Derek Freeman, a provocative anthropologist who would become best known for his severe critique of Marga 88 In summary of the views expressed in his book he explained that Darwin and An Essay on the 86 John Greene to Bert Loewenberg, 15 May 1965, Greene Papers. Greene mentioned that from a professional st andpoint, Kansas proved all he expected. He taught there for four years. 87 Their oldest daughter, Ruth, was also attending Barnard College in NYC at this time. 88 Derek Freeman, Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making an Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth (Cam bridge: Harvard University Press, 1983).

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217 Principles of Population (1798), calling it Quite provocatively, Harris wrote: D uring the first half of the 19 th century, the overriding issue was polygenesis versus monogenesis. It was the racist interpretation of history and society, combined with accurately described as Biological Spenceris m, transcended the Malthusian the form of racism reigned supreme. Spencer, Darwin, [T. H.] Huxley, [and others] were, all racists. They all believed that no fundamental sociocul tural change was possible without concomitant biological modification, which required the laps of many generations. Thus, as anthropology achieved disciplinary identity in the period 1860 90, its theoretical strategy encompassed at best an eclectic mixtur e of racist and cultural idealist proposals. 89 . an interpretation . in which D The principle aim of his own paper is to explore certain crucial differences between the evolutionary theories of Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer and to show that the history of evolutionary thought from the 1830s onwards does not 90 Freeman ed decisively 89 The Rise of Anthropological Theory Current Anthropology 9 (1968): 519. 90 Current Anthropology 15 (1974): 211.

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218 in the extent to which they depended on the supposed mechanism of Lamarckian inheritance and progressive biological development. 91 The editors of Current Anthropology to fifty scholars, sol iciting comment. Fifteen were published 92 During exchanges among the participants prior to publication, Freeman wrote Mayr for advice on how best to respond. While Freeman noted that he hoped to express a balanced view and tha t assist me in this task, nce again I have been struck by the marked divergence of opinion on basi c issues in evolutionary theory . To this, Freeman added Are you, I wonder, familiar with the writings of Professor J. C. Greene on evolutionary theory and Darwin? If so I would be grateful for a brief assessment of his competence. He certainly has a Holie r than thou attitude to the distinguished biologists who have written about Darwin and the history of his theory. Thus . not historians: they approach Darwin from an a hi appreciate some of the fundamental scientific issues involved, and, in general, tends to take an ideological stance. He is also (judging from his Dar win and the Modern World View 1961) a dualist with stro ng religious convictions. . I would . be most grateful for your judgment . as well as brief comments on Greene should you happen to be familiar with his writing on Darwin. 93 Mayr responded to Freeman : with him at a history of science meeting last November. On that occasion we disagreed quite He o n biology, I feel that Greene cannot be right when he disagrees with the consensus of the 91 Ibid., p. 218. 92 Ibid., p. 211. 93 Derek Freeman to Ernst Mayr, 24 March 1971, Mayr Papers.

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219 biologists, while adding ou probably know that Greene is a devout Christian, and I have a feeling that this has colored his views on evolutionary matters. I just see in your letter that you Mayr closed his letter to Freeman by stating: on rereading Spencer you will find your views substantiated contra Greene. I am looking forward to your manuscript and will hold it 94 published commentary did not appear ov ertly provocative. He did argue however that underestimate the common elements in [Darwin and Spence Though Green e Origin of Species The Descent of Man corresponded with many of claimed : Darwin and Spencer agreed that human progress resulted primarily from a gradual improvement in the intellectual and instinctual endowment of the human species, which, in turn, was caused chiefly by (1) natural selection and (2) the inherited effects of mental and mo ral training. Progress was a necessary long run outcome of these processes, however dubious specific short run developments might appear done and doing more for the progress admit. 95 Freeman responded to Greene in Current Anthropology that while he agreed with there were otherwise critique Spencers Spencer in stressing the importance of competitive struggle as the 94 Mayr to Derek, 29 March 1971, Mayr Papers. 95 Current Anthropology 15 (1974): 224 The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin Vol. 1 (London: John Murray, 1887), p. 316.

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220 by presenting contrary evidence that Spencer had, in fact, out Spencered Darwi n on many such points. 96 In a wrote a s natural selection works solely by and for the good o f each being, all corporeal and mental also made clear that he thought when change did occur it was for the better, suggesting a belief in progress. Simpson noted that 97 Meanwhile, commentary wanted to criticize anything, it would be a number of omissions. Mayr concluded: 98 Michael T. Ghiselin, who had previously at Harvard as a post doctoral fellow wrote that while arguing t he burden of proof lies with them, and they have given no legitimate evid 99 It is worth noting that a few years earlier Ghiselin ha d accused Greene of being not only under the influence of such externalist tendencies but also for writing accused biologists [of being] hypocritical in denying teleolog y, because their language gives . a 96 C urrent Anthropology 15 (1974): 230 31. 97 Current Anthropology 15 (1974): 228. 98 Current Anthropology 15 (1974): 227 28. 99 Current Anthropology 15 (1974): 224.

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221 100 : Ghiselin . was to say that his Triumph of the Darwinian Method [1969] was a religious tract. I have a broad vie 101 Around the time of the Current Anthropology exchange Greene present ed a report at the 75 th anniversary of the History of Science Society meetings His account was given the title Journal of the History of Biology wrote to Mayr explaining that Greene covered materials currently under way or recently published, and his paper seems to me in general to be an import ant contribution and assessment of the literature. I would appreciate any suggestions 102 presentation blown field of Darwin studies has emerged during the past fifteen or twenty years. About it, he asked : How is this phenomenon to be explained? Undoubtedly the centennial of the Origin of Species gave a strong impetus to Darwin scholarship, but this stimulus would have been ephemeral had it not been reinfo rced by accompanying developments of a more permanent nature. Among these I would mention particularly (1) the emergence of the history of ideas as an academic discipline in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950 s; (2) the crystallization of the modern synthetic theor y of evolution by natural selection in the same period; and (3) the rapid expansion and professionalization of the history 100 Michael Ghiselin, The Triumph of the Darwinian Method (Berk eley: The University of California Press, 1969), Darwin and the Modern World View (1961). 101 Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution p. 35. 102 Everett Mendelsohn to Ernst Mayr, 20 February 1975, Mayr P apers.

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222 103 He then offered a lengthy examination of e ach of these influences. Greene additionally of evolutionary biology has its limitations and biases, so, too, does that of the practicing scientist turned historian. And just as Darwi n became a hero to some intellectual historians and a villain to others, so, too, he has excited the polemical passions of modern evolutionary biologists caught 104 Greene added that his enemies. For Julian Huxley, Darwin is the patron saint not only of the modern synthetic theory of evolution by natural selection but also of evolutionary humanism, and the same could probably be said of Sir Gavin de Beer, George Gaylord Simpson, Michael Ghiselin, and other biologist historians a result, many of these scientist scholars feel called upon to show that Darwin was on their s ide of twentieth century controversies concerning 105 Greene suggested that these scholars were too often projecting their own views onto Darwin: Are they anti typo logists? So must Darwin have been. Are they Popperians in their philosophy of science? Darwin was too. Are they agnostics in religious matters? So Darwin must have been. Do they abhor the application of the concept of natural selection to social evolution? Darwin must have abhorred it too. The founder of modern evolutionary biology must be sans peur et sans reproche in every aspect. 106 103 Journal of the History of Biology 8 (1975): 247 48. 104 Ibid., p. 253. 105 Ibid., p. 254. 106 Ibid.

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223 Greene then dedicated the next few pages to Michael Ghiselin, using him as an example of this defensive, polemical approach commented that in . The Triumph of the Darwinian Method . [ he in ] effect . ter ms of the controversies raging among biologists and philosophers and historians of science 107 In contrast, Greene offered a more encouraging asses historians who have shown themselves capable of solid scientific analysis with a due appreciation of the complexities of intellectual history. Ernst Mayr, in his recognizes the need for further research aimed at placing Lamar h and early nineteenth 108 In summation of the broad scholarship on Darwin that developed since the centennial Greene concluded : In all these researches and publications, Darwin will continue to be a highly controversial figure to those w ho study him, and every student will necessarily be influenced by his or her own training, temperament, and intellectual and moral biases. But this diversity of approaches, far from being a source of weakness, should add variety, sophistication, and streng th to the enterprise if all parties concerned will consider seriously the limitations inherent to every approach to complex historical problems and enter into controversies that inevitably result from these differences in a spirit of friendly rivalry and m utual instruction. 109 Prior to publication when Everett Mendelsohn had asked May r to Mayr did not sound impressed. He replied to Mendelsohn sure that this is useful to those who are not in the midst of the Darwin research and this justifies 107 Ibid. 108 Journal of the History of Biology 5 (1972): 55 94. Mayr reprinted it in Evolution and the Diversity of Life (1976), pp. 222 250. dissention between May 109 Ibid., p. 273.

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224 that assertions by making u 110 Though Greene would enjoy extended scholarly correspondences with both Mayr and Ghiselin for now the three indulged in a variety of contested ory of science In a humorous recollection from the time, Frank Sulloway, wrote to his professor about having recently met Greene while on a research trip in England: [Greene] made a rather amusing comment to me about you . We were talking about Ghiselin, who he has not met, and Greene said that Ghiselin reminded him of historians of science should listen to what biologists had to say about the history of biology and not so muc science. What amused me was his apparent restriction of your attitude to your 111 Common Grounds Despite these differences areas of common interest arose between Mayr a nd Greene as the 1970s progressed While Mayr was writing an essay on that Greene had previously argued similar points in his own essay, 112 Mayr took the opportunity to write Greene: Perspectives in the History of Science and Technology. I would like to tell you how much I enjoyed your 110 Mayr to Mendelsohn, 3 March 1975, Mayr Papers. 111 Frank Sulloway to Ernst Mayr, 4 July 1974, Mayr Papers. 112 ural selection Science 176 (June 2, 1972): 981 989. Reprinted and revised in E. Mayr, Evolution and the Diversity of Life (Cambridge: Belnap Press of Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 277 296. Jo Perspectives in the History of Science and Technology ed. Duane H. D. Roller (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971), pp. 3 38.

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225 analysis which in many ways parallels my concl usions which I had arrived at in a different route. I dealt with the same subject in my Sarton Lecture which was accepted by Science and I presume will be published sometime this spring. . Like you I am rather dou btful that the paradigm concept . i 113 Greene enth usiastically responded to Mayr : letter indicating that my essay . met with your approval and that you had arrived at similar conclusions . . I h ope our 114 Mayr had written in the opening of his essay the ] road on which science advances is not a smoothly rising ramp: there ar e periods of stagnation, and periods of accelerated progress. Some historians of science have recently emphasized that there are occasional breakthroughs, scientific revolutions [Kuhn, 1962], consisting of rather drastic revisions of previously maintained assumptions and concepts. The actual nature of these 115 Mayr then this analysis. First, th e Darwinian and quite likely other scientific revolutions consist of the replacement of a considerable number of concepts . . Second, the mere summation of new 116 Mayr concluded: 113 Mayr to Greene, 27 March 19 72, Mayr Papers. The editors of Science George Sarton Memorial Lecture delivered at the annual meeting of the AAAS in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 28 114 Greene to Mayr, 5 April 1972, Mayr Papers. 115 Mayr Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); as well as, Stephen Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge Volume 4, Proceedings of the International Colloquium in the Philosophy of Science, London 1965, eds. Imre Lakatos and Alan Musgrave (London: Cambridge University P ress, 1970), pp. 39 48. 116

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226 It is now ev ident that the Darwinian revolution does not conform to the simple model of a scientific revolution, as described, for instance, by T. S. Kuhn. It is actually a complex movement that started nearly 250 years ago; its many major components were proposed at different times, and became victorious independently of each other. Even though a revolutionary climax occurred unquestionably in 1859, the gradual acceptance of evolutionism, with all of its ramifications, covered a period of nearly 250 years. 117 As Mayr no ted, Greene took a different tact ic to reach a similar conclusion. Greene had written: s of the formation and transformation of paradigms are drawn entirely from the history of the physical sciences, but he gives us no reason to be lieve his analysis is not applicable to the sciences generally. It may be worthwhile, therefore, to examine the developments leading up to the Darwinian revolution in natural history to see [to] what extent they fit the pattern of historical development de offered a suggestion: Perhaps the best way to begin the investigation is to ask: When did it arrive at a achievements that some particular scien tific community acknowledged for a time as unprecedented to attract an enduring group of adherents away from competing ende d to leave all sorts of 118 In an answer to his own question, Greene described the development of a static natural theology firmly established by Ray and others in the seventeenth century and sub sequently propounded to varying degrees by leading biologists such as Linnaeus and Cuvier. Nearly simultaneously, Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, Lamarck and others had speculated on a dynamic view of nature evolving. It should be apparent, Greene proposed, that K inquiry [does] not 119 He concluded that Kuhnian paradigm of paradigms 117 Ibid. 118 119 Ibid., 20

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227 can be made to fit certain aspects of the development of natural history from Ray to Darwin, but its adequacy as a conceptual model for th a At the same time, suggested that his own analysis as a tentative form ulation of some general ideas about the rise and development of concepts of analysis lacking. 120 Mayr soon wrote Greene a second time: results of your analysis, not surprisingly, are not too far from the results of my own analysis even though we employed entirely different Mayr s uspecting that the Kuhnian p aradigm is not particularly applicable to the Darwinian revolution, I deliberately refrained from fitting my analysis into the Kuhnian duplicated what you had do 121 On The History of Biological Revolutions During this period, Mayr was becoming increasingly fascinated with the intellectual history of science the biological sciences in particular For example, in 1970 Mayr wrote to his friend Dobzhansky: w e live in a forgetful world. that is more than 120 Ibid., p. 23. 121 Mayr to Greene, 12 April, 1972, Mayr Papers.

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228 attitude is, of course, merely a poorly concealed attempt to find an excuse for an appalling 122 Then Mayr solicited his friends . If you had to record for posterity what you consider your major scientific contributions, w hat would you single out? . Perhaps you have written an autobiography . If so, I hope you can make a copy availab 123 Dobzhansky wrote back to Mayr noting how 124 He also referred to his pioneering work . would also joke that the wild flies were still put in bottles and subsequently studied in laboratories! Dobzhansky then expressed his philosophical insights on human nature which grew out of his study of evolutionary biology: And the last idea, to which yo u may be even more skeptical: self awareness is an elusive, but nevertheless basic human trait, the adaptive value of which is unquestionable. It is the basis of the human forms of society, and as such was selectively advantageous. But self awareness is ac companied by another, also uniquely human trait, namely death awareness, the selective value of which is not so clear. What is, however, clear is that death awareness has important human ramifications, perhaps the most interesting of which is, following Ti llich, called 125 history of biology, he nonetheless sent a nother letter to Dobzhansky in May 1973: 122 Ernst Mayr to Theodosius Dobzhansky, 7 December 19 70, Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers, Series II: Correspondence with Ernst Mayr, American Philosophical Society Archives, Philadelphia, PA. The APS holds additional copies of correspondence between Dobzhansky and Mayr in Theodosius Dobzhansky Papers: Series I: Correspondence. Further correspondence is located in Dobzhansky, Theodosius 1970 1975, Ernst Mayr Papers, 1946, 1974 1979: Selected Inventory from Genetics Subject Guide. 123 Mayr to Dobzhansky, 7 December 1970, Dobzhansky Papers. 124 The American Philosophic al Society Archives in Philadelphia hold a copy of the 600 page transcript in their 125 Dobzhansky to Mayr, 15 December 1970, Dobzhansky Papers.

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229 The American Academy of Arts and Sciences is p lanning to organize a conference 1940 s. There is a feeling among the historians of biology that this was very much from those that Tom Kuhn has written about. You, Simpson and I together with Sewall Wright and a few others are among the remaining survivors of that exciting period. I am sure each one of us has his own ideas as to what was responsible for the sudden rem oval of all obstacles and what the real obstacles were . . Would you be willing to be co sponsor with me of a conference held under the auspices of the American Academy to reconstruct what exactly went on, who the architects of the synthesis were, and to show how this scientific revolution differed from, let us say, the Copernican or Darwinian revolutions. I think this would be an enterprise with a considerable amount of intellectual excitement. 126 Along with requesting the assistance of his good friend and fellow architect of the neo Darwinian synthesis to help with the conference, Mayr letter revealed his concern s about the influence of his own letter in August, sent to Dobzh stated once again: As you have no doubt gathered from the literature there is at the present time a very active interest in the nature of scientific revolutions. Tom Kuhn deserves credit fo r this interest and for having developed a concise theory of the nature of scientific evidence can also be interpreted differently and that scientific revolutions in fields other than physics may take a very different course from that postulated by Kuhn. I pointed this out, for example, for the Darwinian revolution ( Science (1972), 176: 981 989). Although rarely designated a major scientific revolution, the making of the evolutio nary s ynthesis in the 1930 s and 1940 s actually satisfies most of the definitions of a scientific revolution. The enormous controversies among evolutionists t hat raged from 1859 to the 1930 s suddenly gave way to a synthesis to which specialists in the most diverse areas of biology contributed. Curiously, one can find very little in the literature on the factors that brought about this sudden change and what one does find is biased or naively over simplified. Many of the architects of this evolutionary synth esis are still alive and active, and it has occurred to several of us in the Boston area that it would be meritorious to 126 Mayr to Dobzhansky, 30 May 1973, Dobzhansky Papers.

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230 bring these evolutionists together in order to work out a balanced account of the history of the evolutionary synthesis. I am enclosing a tentative and unavoidably rather biased statement outlining some of the objectives of such a conference . 127 Dobzhansky ent husiastically responded to Mayr: he survivin g members . all in their 70s or late 60 s it woul d seem urgently necessary to act as bute anything . I could give a sort of comparative reminiscence on the evolutionary thought in Russia in the nineteen twenties, and of the Morgan s chool in the twenties and thirties. This last I am particularly anxious 128 Mayr wrote back that He also noted : te someone coming to visit him at this home and making a tape recording of his recollections. In the end, however, he said that he would want to be present if the straightened out only, or at least best, by having everybody sit around the table and expose his one of the younger people is elected to be a record taker and travels from one person to the next he will never be able to even begin to straighten out 129 The following February Mayr reported to Dobzhansky on the latest developmen ts in e have now decided to hold the conference May 23 25 and to 127 Mayr to Dobzh ansky, 27 August 1973, Dobzhansky Papers. 128 Dobzhansky to Mayr, 5 September 1973, Dobzhansky Papers. 129 Mayr to Dobzhansky, 17 September 1973, Dobzhansky Papers.

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231 scrape the funds together somehow or other. 130 Not unexpectedly not everyone is able to come in the spring and we will be forced to hold a second c onference next fall (presumably mid October) primarily in order to include G. G. Simpson and B. Rensch, neither of whom could make it this spring. We shall try to have as many of the participants as financially possible also come to the October conference, also mentioned a questionnaire that he had sent to all the principal attendees, including Dobzhansky, to who m I hope you can answer [the questionnaire] 131 In the let ter, Mayr also went over In his introduction to the questionnaire sent to the leading participants Mayr described the desirability of face to face discussion facilitated by a conference. He wrote: One of t he major objectives of the proposed conference is to compare the recollections of different participants, and to resolve whatever contradictions are discovered. It is only too human (and happens every day) for scientists to remember only when they were rig ht and to forget when they were wrong. The same is true for fields. The ego strength of each field requires that it stress its constructive contributions to the development of a field and to ignore those of its earlier stands that have since been refuted. By having all the fields represented around a single table we hope to be able to achieve a balanced picture. 132 Mayr also wrote that historians of biology crucial years What factors were responsible . What important insights were c ontributed by specialists . What misunderstanding had to be removed? Why were the thirties and forties so 133 In later clarifying the goals of his undertaking, Mayr remarked, [One of the] major object ives of the conference was to elicit as much information as possible 130 Smocovitis offers a comprehensive overview of both on the Conference of the Evolutionary Synth esis and the historiographical issues surrounding it, in Unifying Biology pp. 27 33. 131 Mayr to Dobzhansky, 25 February 1974, Dobzhansky Papers. 132 133 The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology eds. Ernst Mayr and William Provine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), p. xv.

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232 about any factor, scientific or otherwise, that had had a positive or negative influence on the occurrence of the synthesis. Some participants had prepared formal papers; others presented their views informally. All of them made major additional contributions in response to questions in 134 John Greene was listed among the historians studying the evolutionary synthesis that Mayr (who served as conference chair man) had invited to participate. Greene attended the second session in October 1974. 135 Anthropology, Ideology, and World View Greene participated in at least two workshops held at the conference hosted by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences which too k place not far from the Harvard campus It material from the conference for publishing a comprehensive historical account of the neo Darwinian synthesis It was later titled The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspectives on the Uni fication of Biolog y, and published in 1980. During an initial session, Greene participated in a short exchange with Mayr, Michael twentieth century ) 136 and Irven Dev ore ( a Harvard anthropologist who would later serve as In the midst of a lengthy discussion Greene raised the following point: 134 135 A full list of con ference participants are listed in The Evolutionary Synthesis attended the first workshop in May. 136 Biographical Memoirs Volume 74 by the National Acade my of Sciences (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1998), p. 241.

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233 anthropology seems to be totally missing from the evolutionary synthesis. Is that because it 137 Mayr suggested that one reason physical anthropology appeared to lag behind in contributing to the synthesis was that 138 Olson admitted that anthropology as a whole into this has been very diffi to which Mayr added t hat . was that the anthropologists had pointe d out ssil men and races 139 To these points been told that morphology . paleontology . 140 He stated that it now appeared physical anthropology also did not contribute as well a purely negat ive point of view . nature were [considered] the chief stumbling block to his acceptance of Lamarck and, later on, 137 edited their own statements on the transcripts, while Ernst Mayr and William Provine crafted the whole into The Evolutionary Synthesis questionnaires answered by the various participants. t the time this listing was prepared, May 1994, the audio tapes themselves have not been donated to the American Philosophical Society Library and remain the property of the Ameri 138 Ibid., p.18. 139 Ibid., p.20. 140 Ibid., p. 21.

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234 Darwin, [so] I just wonder whether some feelings about man of this sort may no t have played 141 d hampered ] 142 Mayr then deferred to De vore, who [ down comfortably ] with the notion that natural selection and evolu tionary history were something that took over; cultural evolution, which is a mess conceptually to this hour, took over and physical processes, natural sel ection in that se nse, was just over natural selection is not even a phrase which could be used in terms of human behavior . . T 143 Simpson, Ideology, an d World View Greene proved to be more engaged in the session dedicated to paleontology. After the participants had been introduced Mayr offered regrets ove r the absence of G. G. Simpson and Bernhard Rensch, two of the leading architects he had hoped could attend Though Simpson had made on again, off again commitments in the end he missed both the May and October sessions fortunately wo of lleagues, Everett Olson and Bobb Schaeffer, agreed 141 who famously authored the three volume Principles of Geology (1830 33). 142 Ibid. 143 Ibid., pp. 22

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235 the current Modern Synthesis 144 Mayr also produced a biographical essay of Simpson that was included in the volume based on quotations taken fro answers to the questionnaire Mayr had sent to the participants Mayr opened with a fifteen minute summary of the May meetings. Upon completion, that it was of yo ur point of view of what went on in the conference than a lot of the things that actually did go on. For example, I will argue that the synthesis was not a revolution, To this, Mayr acquiesced, giving d transcript I had hoped would be available . . B to it but if one reports in such a summary every cross current that happened in a preceding meeting I think the report would be a 145 Greene would later explain an idea that came to him while he listene was greatly struck with the parallel to the so called Newtonian revolution. Talk about long delay in the appearance of the syn really take place until 17 50. (O ver six decades after Newton had published the Principia ) Greene would also point out that the rival theories of Des . among the leading m He way . 144 The Evolutionary Syn thesis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology eds. Ernst Mayr and William Provine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), p. 468. 145 America n Philosophical Society Archives, Philadelphia, PA, p. 6. This session was described and dates as:

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236 evolutionary synthesis Greene concluded Darwinian syn thesis] sounds vaguely familiar to the historical experience of the reception of the Newtonian Synthesis. 146 Garland Allen, a historian of biology who had worked on his graduate degree at Harvard under Mayr and Everett Mendelsohn during the early 1960s then spoke on what he viewed as [an] obsession with the question of hy the delay? M aybe another way of asking the same question . 147 think one has to ask those questions . p to the people sitting around this table to see that To that 148 in the synthesis, Gr during which he had the opportunity to lay out his concern for t he role of philosophy and world view in influencing the careers of a number of the architects of the evolutionary syn thesis. Notable is the feedback elicited from the scholars of the synthesis participating in the workshop, many of whom were leading biologists and historians of science. 149 Greene : Before we leave Simpson [and his role bringing paleontology i nto the neo Dar winian synthesis ] I would like to raise a more general question. My training is more in intellectual history than in science, and the way this symposium is set up makes an intellectual historian cringe. Here we have all these people, Julian Huxley and Sim pson and Rensch, etc, who come from different backgrounds, different countries, different intellectual traditions, presumably with different philosophical ideas and backgrounds. [We also] have people like Simpson and Huxley and Waddington who have written what I would call the Bridgewater Treatises of the 146 Ibid. 147 Ibid. 148 Ibid. 149 Ibid., pp. 74 89. What follows are excerpts of transcript discussions i nvolving issues that Greene raised. An otherwise blank line with an ellipsis denotes a section edited from the conversation in favor of maintaining the flow of the discourse, while page numbers (in parentheses) note where comments are located in the origin al transcript.

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237 twentieth century, books like The Meaning of Evolution Evolution in Action and The Ethical Animal etc. Yet this is regarded, so far as I can see from the materials you sent me, as absolutely irrelevant to the origins of the evolutionary synthesis. Now, did all these people have the same conception of what science is or ought to be; did they all have the same conception of nature? The approach to the history of science implied in the way this symposium i s set up, is that the history of science is strictly a matter between the scientist and nature, and between scientists and other scientists. For example, was there delay in arriving at the evolution synthesis? If so, how is this to be explained? As you say in the materials you handed out, was it ated quite clearly enough? These are all obviously important factors, but are these all the dimensions of the problem? Note s when I began to accumulate the material that became Tempo and Mode I had reached a philosophical and theoretical point of view that seemed to me to have some originality and some Schaeffer and others who know Simpson, what was this philosophical and theoretical point o f vie w that he is talking about? (72 73) Schaeffer . I think he was gradually becoming aware of genetics, particularly, population genetics and the possibility of interpreting some of the things he was seeing in the fossil rec ord in a way that would be comp atible with genetic theory. (73 74) Greene . Ghiselin : Simpson discussed philosophy in his book This View of Life The question is did he 30 s and d id he come to this late in life and did it a ffect his thinking? (74) Greene Olson : From his published work through the 1930 s I would judge that some of his concepts developed later. His philosophy seems to have matured ove r the years. (74) Mayr : Let us remember that he worked at the time at the American Museum and a lot of his thinking may have been a reaction to Henry Fairfield Osborn. 150 He 150 Henry Fairfield Osborn (1857 1935) was the long time president of the American Museum of Natural History, better known for his organizational skills and as a great popularizer of science, than for his theorizing. Mayr joined the AMNH towar d the end of Osborn

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238 al most heard him say this. (74) Schaeffer first is description, and he turned out a new paper once a week and a great bulletin at to some kind of Ghiselin : Sounds like Baconian induction to me. (75) Greene : Are you going to say the same thing of Julian Huxley then, that all these general ideas about nature and what science ought to b e, are feeble minded products of his old age that . had no in fluence on his work in the 1920s or 30 s? (75) . Gould philosophical essays late why is it that . he w ould ch o ose to do that? Can it be irrelevant to his beliefs about things? Probably not. [Gould then commented that 151 (75 ) Schaeffer things until he writes about them, unless you have personal communication with him. We sort of have to go on the basis of his written record. (75) . Mayr : John, I th ink you raised such an important point that, if you want to, maybe up questions? (78) Greene : I just want to bring to the attention of the group the fact that this whole dimension of the history of scientific thinking has been left out of this symposium as far as I can see. When we talk about Darwin or Newton, we bring all of these things in and we point out that Darwin and Wallace and all the other people who came up with natural selection were Englishmen and they were brought up in an environment that stressed the competitive ethos, (and Ernst Mayr has a nice essay 151 nal comments . And Aldous Huxley wrote [blank space in transcript] are some largely because of these conversations with Julian about

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239 training in the German universitie upbringing in the British empiricist tradition etc.). Now what are we to say? We say science used to be like that, science used to ists confronting nature and each other and all these things of national peculiarity, etc. institutions. But intellectual traditions . for example an animus against either the natu re of scientific development has changed or else we ought to consider these factors as part of the whole development because we do when we talk about Darwin and his predecessors. (78 79) lowed. Participants included Olson, William Coleman (historian of biology), Schaeffer, and Mayr. (79 81)] Provine sing from the no matter how important it might be in their personal approaches to their science . . [F]or example, when Dobzhansky was here for the May conference, he neve r mentioned Teilhard de Chardin . He did mention, just in one sentence, that some in his life up until the present, but we saw very little of that dimension here in the conference. I think what historians have to do is ask people a bout questions like that. . (81) Mayr : I was going to answer something else to John, and that is that there still was, when the conference started, so much uncertainty about what had actually taken place during the synthesis so that the feelings we had when we organized the confe rence is really a sort of follow up. Now we can talk about Darwin and these philosophical things because the factual situation is pretty much straightened out and we can begin to lo ok at the philosophical aspect. (81 82) Gould epiphenomenal John is trying to argue stuff first and then talking about [it ]. . Scientists see the speculative essays of a George Gaylor d Simpson as something

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240 talking with Bill Darlington [who also] specula ted . and he said, oh well I would zy Mtn. [Basin speculat . king scientists is the predominant view Greene : I agree entirely with what Steve says and I know Michael Ghiselin here has called my book Darwin and the Modern World View a religious tract, which I ink I was writing w hen I wrote it. In the same way . The Triumph of the Darwinian Method ou can eliminate this dimension, and I strongly suspect it that George Gaylord Simpson quite early in life had some very strong feelings about nature and religion and science and that his reaction to Osborne was connected with this, and t hat his desire to write a book was, as he says, connected with this. In other words, he was very much concerned about the meaning of ll talk about these things. (82 83) . Allen : I think the point Will Provine was emphasizing was a good one. One way are here to find out what they read, to who they talked etc. Eventually we may be able to dig it out of their recollection; if not we have to resort to the usual methods conference like this other than the actual pursuit of it right here in the room if we can nail the old him what he read or by whom he was influenced. (84) At this point in the discussion, Mayr explained how his readings likely influenced hi s own career. He specifically mentioned works by Bergson and Driesch that he brought on his expedition to New Guinea during his youth. Participants in this exchange included Viktor Hamburger (developmental biologist), Frederick B. Churchill (historian of e mbryology), Allen, Provine, and Greene. The final pages of the transcript involve a discussion between Frank f the so

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241 on the establishment of the neo Darwinian synthesis. A notable feature of these exchanges was the extent to which Greene proved successful introducing the significance of ideology and worldview in a scientific endeavor. Though perhaps it should be less surprising to hear such talk from the historians, the biologists also appeared willing to engage the subject. Particularly fascinat ing was ability to apply the concerns to his own career, while sincere were limited to a few books discussing topics like vitalism that he read as a young man. Overall, Mayr appeared open to all the participants, and especially gracious to Greene in particular. There is no question that Mayr wholeheartedly cared for the scientific discipline he worked so hard to develop and realized proactivel y engaging the concerns of historians and philosophers of science would be important t o its legacy. And of course he had his own role to consider within that legacy. A Response f rom G. G. Simpson Mayr had made a concerted effort to encourage Simpson at the conference. At the bottom of a general invitation sent to a number of the leading participants Mayr added a handwritten postscript to Simpson: I had hoped to see you in Boulder, but gather that you were unable to attend. confidentially I want to counteract the pres ent historiography which gives just about all the credit to the geneticists. They should have all the credit they deserve, but not more. As ever, Ernst. 152 152 Ernst

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242 In Simpson respon se he wrote that he agree[d] that it would be of great current interest and historical importance to record the origins and nature of the evolutionary synthesis while many of those active in onetheless, after giving it [ha d] some doubts as to whether a conference is the best, or even an 153 theoretical bias could overshadow an objective examination. y belief that your presentation is incomplete could be an argument in favor of getting people conference is the way to gather such material. What is wanted is a trained interviewer an d reporter, preferably but not necessarily a professional historian, knowledgeable in this field, to sit down for a day, a week, or a month with each of the relevant people, to tape a personal discussion of these matters, and to combine the interviews into a book length report. Someone 154 D espite 155 which included his Simpson wrote that [d] to at tend 156 and 157 After the New Year, Mayr wrote to Simpson describing how the conference organizers were developing a questionnaire to address some of the concerns Simpson had expressed. Mayr 153 Simpson to Mayr, 8 September 1997, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Syn thesis. 154 Mayr. 155 Ibid. 156 Simpson to Mayr, 22 September 1973, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. 157 Simpson to Mayr, 8 September 1973, Mayr Papers Ev olutionary Synthesis.

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243 o ading questions 158 Simpson responded with a few suggestions anized by 159 After the conclusion of the first session, active participation sending a letter to his friend on June 20 th now you are probably more misunderstandings, let me repeat that you are cordially invited to the second Conference of the New Synthesis which will take place in the h ouse of the Academy [AAAS] on October 11 th and 12 th He added: answer to the questionnaire, but if you should decide to come to the October meeting, it would be helpful if you could try to analyze the very special problem of the paleontologist with respect to evolution and particularly with respect to the mechanisms of evolution. Why have such a large percentage of paleontologists rejected the Darwinian interpretation for such a then expressed additional topics he wanted the workshop participants to consider in adv ance. The first conference he explained to Simpson, was a success, so far as I can judge from letters received from various of the participants. The di scussions will not be published . but an effort 160 conference, appreciate the invitation, and hope to [could] not now be 158 Mayr to Simpson, 14 January 1974, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. 159 Simpson to Mayr, 19 January 1974, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. 160 Mayr to Simpson, 20 June 1974, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis.

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244 [it] will be difficult to determine the views of most paleontologists on evolutionary causal theory in the crucial period because most of them among ] Fre nch and Spanish paleontologists . with whom I am in close touch, I do not know even one who [would consider themselves] fully what they wo uld call most informed evolutionists are syntheticists (or Neodarwinians) or that finalism is a dead issue 161 Simpson appeared to suggest that certainty in the neo Darwinian synthesis as a victory complete within the scientific community could be misplaced. Simpson may have also been carping Mayr replied with typical confidence in the strength of his position while avoiding a sensitive to pic : Conferenc e. . I doubt very much whether any of the historians of biology were aware of the long delay and extreme slowness of the victory of the Neo participation at the October He also assured Simpson that the Academy would be able to pay for his expenses but added that there was not enough money in the budget to pay for Simps accompany him. 162 In September, Mayr wrote a follow up letter: from you, I still hope th at you might be able to attend. . Rensch [ u nless he has a set back in 161 Simpson to Mayr, 15 July 1974, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. Simpson cited a work by Joaquin Templado titled Historia de las Teoras Evolucionistas (Madrid, Editorial Alambra, 1974), in which the author Dobzhansky, Fisher, Ford, Haldane, T. H. and J. 162 Mayr to Simpson, 29 July 1974, May r Papers Evolutionary Synthesis.

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245 health 163 ] and Olson wil l also be there. But without you the 164 interesting ti n ow that we ar e back, I find it quite difficult to catch up impson admitted: purposely leading up to the statement that I really cannot plan to attend your October conference in spite of your kind an d indeed flattering urging . . It is also true that Anne is extremely reluctant to have me g o off without her again, and that this hardly could be avoided in this instance. Surely my rather full answers to the questionnaire will sufficiently represent m 165 After the conference, Mayr reported the results to Simpson in a long hand written letter : I think [the conference] was quite illuminating, even though we missed you. As far as paleo is concerned, one interesting fact that emerged was the minimal inte rest among the paleontologists of the 1920s 30s in evol. generalization . . One of the gratifying aspects of the recent conference was the keen interest of the young historians: [William] Coleman, Fred Churchill, Mark Adams, Gar Allen, [Camille] Limoges etc. Michael Ghiselin also was there with his usual combination of keen insights and brash overgeneralization. The working up of the conference will have to be postponed until I get back to Cambridge. In the meantime the tapes of the discussion will be transcribed. I think Bill Provine will be co editor with me. He is an enthusiastic and very perceptive young historian (Cornell). 166 The following summer, Mayr contacted Simpson again, requesting his comments on the paleontology workshop transcript. Perhaps more than a little bluntly, Mayr wrote: 163 Ibid. 164 Mayr to Simpson, 10 September 1974, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. 165 rereading them, I note only two points to am 166 Mayr to Simpson, 27 October 1974, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis.

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246 Dear George, I am herewith sending you those pages of the transcript of our workshop on the evolutionary synthesis that particularly concern you. As you recall, you were unable or unwilling to participate but, of co urse, it would have been absurd to discuss the coming of the evolutionary synthesis without mentioning morphology and paleontology. As a result, we had to speculate about G. G. Simpson, but it is only G. G. Simpson who knows how right or wrong we were in o ur speculations. You state . I had reached a philosophical and theoretical point of view . 73), what this philosophical and theoretical point of view was and where it came from. Sch aeffer, Gould, Olson, Ghiselin, and Mayr attempted (I, 73 77) rather unsuccessfully to answer this question. Surely, you could do this much better than they. Wou ld you be willing to try? . I do hope you will correct any misconceptions you find in the enclosed pages of the transcript. If you have previously answered some of these questions in print, we would appreciate having a bibliographic reference. Please return the enclosed pages with your comments and corrections because we have only two cop ies and must use the same pages for circulation among the members of the workshop. . With best regards, Ernst 167 Simpson was nonplussed. He wrote to Mayr a few days later: It is both interesting and disheartening to read what some colleagues think of my thoughts and work in what I suppose is a fair report of frank and informal have understood what in fact I thought and wrote, and indeed do not seem to have made an honest effort to do so before sounding off. It would be arrogant to tell them what they should think, and asinine to try now in marginal comments to make them understand what I have already devoted fifty years of work and hun dreds of publications to. . Perha ps, however, if my views had been better understood and represented they would be even less appreciated. 167 Mayr to Simpson, 22 July 1975, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis.

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247 And yet, Simpson acquiesced : ess of speech and transcription. Following this comment, he added a page and a ha lf of detailed critique concerning the discussion commentary. 168 Mayr diplomatic: discussion, but I have had similar experiences with discussions at other conferences. The participants were extr emely carefully chosen, as I can assure you, and if you had been able to He also suggested to Simpson, ions we asked at our conference. When they do so, John Greene is, perhaps, an example, they are apt to be even more off the mark than the working paleontologist s in their off the cuff remarks 169 Despite this tense exchange, Simpson and Mayr shared a decade s long collegial relationship out of which this interaction was but one short episode. In a letter to Mayr a few years later, reading the recently published Evolutionary Synthesis Simpson wrote : will surely be a rich, indispensable source for historians of biology 168 Simpson to Mayr, 26 July 1975, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. some unhappy (but I trust not unkind) things about Ole, Bobb, and Steve, [while critiquing the transcript,] I think it only courteous to send them copies. . With cordial regards (to all four of e your discussions which contains the material about G, and I am sorry to say that it seems to me to have been r ather less than worth the time and effort, not to say the money that went into that particular meeting. To publish what A thinks that X had in mind whenever can, to be blunt about it, be misleading even when it is not downright incorrect. . I do hope y of course, had written Simpson earlier that the transcripts were not intended for publication, a point perhaps forgotten by Simpson after his initial reading. Bob while catching up on correspondence. Schaeffer wrote that he did not have a clear recollection of his own mechanism. I regret that I did not see a transcript of my remarks before they were sent to George, but I assume that my absence abroad made the timing difficult for you. . As you well know, George is extremely sensitive in regard 169 Mayr to Simpson, 7 August 1975, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis.

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248 in general and evolutionary theory in particular. There are of course some gaps of coverage and But he [did] not really mean to stress only the fla 170 Mayr wrote to his colleague : regretted that we seemed to have somewhat drifted apart, but perhaps I had merely imagined things. It pleases me that, on the whole, you like The Evolutionary Synthesis and I agree with most of your criticisms. . 171 Mayr closed his letter reflecting on the limitation of the book with something of an invitation, and perhaps one directed more generally than to George Gaylord Simpson: To come back to the Evolutionary Synthesis Its main objective was to stimulate thought and to correct some widespread misconceptions . Those who find gaps or errors should writ e supplementary accounts. . Maybe you want to write something on paleontology? It would only please me, if you did. I am totally aware that the Evolutionary Synthesis is not a definitive work, but will serve to attract the historians to this area and period of time. 172 170 Simpson to Mayr, 2 March 1981, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. Simpson also more or less wished to now been out quite a few months. 171 Mayr to Simpson, 17 March 1981, Mayr Papers Evolutionary Synthesis. 172

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249 CHAPTER 6 WORLD VIEWS IN CO LLISIO N The Correspondence Thickens Mayr retired as director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology in 1970. He wrapped up his formal teaching career five years later in 1975. Both moves facilitated his growing interest in the history and philosophy of biolo gy. While Mayr continued his work with Will Provine on the materials accumulated from the evolutionary synthesis conference held at the American Academy of Arts and Science, he developed that would evolve into The Growth of Biologica l Thought (1982). Mayr also published Evolution and the Diversity of Life (1976), a lengthy compilation of his essays to date, including quite a few on the history and philosophy of biology. During this time, Greene continued to teach history of science at the University of Connecticut while also serving as an officer at the History of Science Society, culminating with a term as President during the years 1975 1976. Along with publishing a variety of essays, Greene was at work on his own book, Science, Ideo logy and World View (1981). The two authors exchanged manuscripts with each other [ so a s to ] confided to him that two years earlier he had attended a symposium where [it] so happened the majority of participants were physical scientists and they very much acted as if cosmic evolution was the s ame thing as organic evolution. Frankly, I had never before realized quite as acutely how ambiguously the term 1 [knew] of any general paper or book devoted to 1 Ernst Mayr to John C. Green e, 4 March 1976, Papers of Ernst Mayr, Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

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250 the concept of evolution in the broader sense, adding thought about this topic. Also there must be efforts in the literature . to discriminate between To support this thought, Mayr pointed out that [neither the ] change in the we ather from day to day nor that of the seasons through the year is evolution. 2 any good secondary discussion [ on the ] distinction between evolution i n general a nd organic evolution. But he offered some thoughts on the matter anyway: terize the cosmic process in all its aspects, but in First Principles (1861) he of his and held to ] the same broad usage of t Greene passages . Huxley attributed to Spencer, adding that T. H. Huxley ] confines his own belief to the demonstrated in this undertaking. I shall be interested to see what you come up with. It should be useful to 3 The following year Mayr sent Greene a draft for his chapters on the intellectual history and philosophy of science, in what would become his major work on the history and philosophy 2 Mayr to Greene, 4 March 1976, Mayr Papers. 3 Greene to Mayr, 13 March 1976, Mayr Papers. Mayr wrote a variety of notes on his copy of the letter, including a nu e not appear available in either May

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251 of biology, The Growth of Biological Thought ( GBT ). o Mayr was that it was enlightening before adding s you know, I have never read extensively in the philosophy of science and hence am not the best person to critique a manuscript of this kind. Nevertheless, I em: Page 1. (and elsewhere) Your conception (both historical and philosophical) of the relations between science and religion seems to me the weakest element in your argument. You should either say nothing about religion or take the trouble to acquire th e same command of the intricacies (historical, epistemological, and philosophical) of the relations of theology, philosophy, and science as you have of the relatio ns of philosophy and science. Suggested readings: Historical : R. Hooykass, Religion and the R ise of Modern Science Michael Foster, article in Mind v. 43 (1934), 446 R.N. Ausben, ed., Science and Man (1942). 4 In addition, Greene also proposed: te proof in natural philosophy and on the relations between reduction and deduction, see the last part of Query 31 in Optics He then questioned Mayr How do you know that there is no cosmic teleology, or that the kind you describe is the only c onceivable kind? I would recommend Whitehead on this point. See also Ian Barbour, Issues in Science and Religion In the marginalia to this paragraph, Mayr wrote 5 Mayr responded by thanking Greene ting that my view of the relation between science and religion is one sided. I was vaguely aware of this having read Max Weber and Hooykaas. But of course, one can neither consider science or religion as a homogeneous entity. As far as the theory of evolut ion and the theory of natural 4 books: (1) Jacques Maritain and Bernard Wall, Science and Wisdom (New York: Scribner, 1940), and (2) Ruth Nan Science and Man (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1942). Mayr cited the reference on page 928 of the first edition of GBT 5 Greene to Mayr, 30 December 1977, Mayr Papers. Other not es written by Mayr on his copy of the letter include,

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252 He also criticized Whitehead for being It is perfectly obvious from his discussions that he might have been a good mat 6 A few months later Greene replied to Mayr thanking him for sending a nother Mayr planning to pub lish a volume on my essays in the spring of 1979 . under the title Science, Ideology, and World View: Essays on the History of Ideas. be reprints, but there is a n To this he added a playfully handwritten note: . which will infuriate 7 In the following year, 1979, of essays which at that point had been submitted to the University of California Press to be conside red for publication. Greene requested collection in pri 8 He then men to . d Press is about to publish As to Darwin and religion, I have never published an essay on this subject, 9 though I have referred to it from time to time. My most extended rem arks in this enclose. Please do not circulate it, but you are welcome to make a xerox copy, if you li ke, for private reference . The best thing I have seen lately on Darwin and 6 Ma Eccles? I am not asking you whether or not you agree with them but I find it most interesting how far Popper has moved away from his original Vienna back The Self and Its Brain (New York: Springer International, 1977). 7 Greene to Mayr, 10 November 1978, Mayr Papers. 8 Greene to Mayr, 24 August 1979, Mayr Papers. 9 Curiously, Greene did in f Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 103 (1959): 716 725.

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253 10 a thorough and well balanced way) but also its influence on his scientific world. I think religious views. I should hate to see the enormous prestige of your name thrown on the side of the view that Darwin was an atheist or agnostic in 1859 or any time previously. 11 Greene added American Science in the Age of Jefferson hope to finish the whole thing by the end of my sabbatical year 1980 1981, after which I plan to retur n to Darwinian themes. I hope to see you at the HSS [History of Science Society] meetings in New 12 Mayr promptly replied (perhaps in a slightly sardonic tone ) apparent agreeing to some of : What a good friend you are! I admit, frankly, that for quite a while I considered ow one could combine the purely materialistic process of natural selection with a belief in a supreme being, as the French would have called it. I was, of course, fully aware of opposing statements by Darwin himself, but we know how careful he was not to o ffend the feelings of his friends and his family. You know also how many statements there are in the autobiography which can be shown not to be true. This is what makes it le ss come to the conclusion that he had not gone to the last extreme. 13 10 At the time it was a manuscrip t in submission, and eventually published in the Journal of the History of Biology 13 (1980): 169 194. 11 Greene to Mayr, 24 August 1979, Mayr Papers. 12 Greene to Mayr, 24 August 1979, Mayr Papers. 13 Mayr to Greene, 28 August 1979, Mayr Papers. There may be letters. nce can be found yet conc erned with systematically saving his correspondence. Meanwhile, letters after 1987 are primarily located in

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254 In conclusion, Mayr wrote material you have sent me . I 14 e, Ideology, and World V iew A few years earlier, in 1974, Greene had th e opportunity for a sabbatical year as a visiting scholar research ing Darwin materials at Cambridge University H e recalled : was eprints, annotated in his own hand! As I examined his in British belief in competition between individuals, tribes, nations and races as an engine of progress in 15 Greene added: B y this time I could see the outlines of a general world view common to the members of the great quadrumvirate of English Darwinists Darwin, Spencer, Huxley, and Wallace winism conflicting definitions of Darwinism as being, alternatively, the idea of organic evolution, the theory of natural selection, the ideological position know as social Darwinis m, etc. etc. Spencero Darwinism, I argued, was compounded of several historical currents of thought: (1) Cartesian mechanism, (2) evolutionary deism fading into agnosticism, (3) British empiricism verging toward positivism, and (4) belief in progressive de velopment through competitive struggle and the inherited effects of habit and mental and moral training. 16 Darwinism as a world view into the twentieth century, and more generally, of seeking to Greene also published a collection of excerpts from their exchange from the years 1979 to 1997, in his book, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (1999). collection. ead note at the 14 Mayr to Greene, 28 August 1979, Mayr Papers. 15 John C. Greene, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA: Regina Press, 1999), p. 15. Greene noted that materials fr Journal of the History of Biology 10 (1977): 1 27. 16 Ibid.

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255 discover the presuppositions of thought in the scientific literature of that period, beginning with 17 In September, Mayr sent Greene his comments on the Science, Ideology, and World View (1981). Mayr wrote: It is a very illuminating analysis, but, as I am sure you expected, I am not entirely in agreement with your conclusions. I have a number of minor misgivings which I have indicated on the margin of the manuscript, and two major ones. 18 These were : . [but] I k now your answer would be that for you an ism must mean a broad philosophy, and not merely a concrete theory. But I would think that even that approach is vulnerable, and t his brings me to my other : (2) Obviou sly, all of us absorb, and accept without thinking, a great many contemporary beliefs. The 1979 definitions of progress, equality, freedom, etc., are by no means the same as those held 50 or 200 years ago, nor will they remain the same 50 years from now. T here were quite a few contemporary ideas which Darwin accepted without asking questions but, in my opinion, they were not crucial for his basic paradigm, nor do we need to insist retaining them if the term Darwinism is used at the end of the 20 th century. Most of these concepts were not at all typical Darwinian anyhow, and, as you rightly say, could be and probably should be called Spencerianism. You may make a few sociologists happy by inflicting that package of Spencerian concepts upon Darwin, but those w ho probably use the word Darwinism the most will simply ignore it. I think you are too far committed to you r thesis to give it up, so I will do no more than state my own opinion. 19 Mayr also clarified his own opinion: he greatest philosophers. He never went through the hocus pocus of the professional logicians, etc., but 17 Ibid. p. 16. 18 Mayr to Greene, 6 September 1979, Mayr Papers. 19 Mayr to Greene, 6 September 1979, Mayr Pap ers.

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256 many of his mature epistemological propositions were subsequently accepted and are now And he offered a suggestion: R eread once Current Anthropology adding the warning article will be loved by people like [Marvin] Harris, but this strikes me a little like the famous 20 Mayr concluded by stating: The basic issue really is, whether it is legitimate to keep a package intact as it may have possibly existed in the 1870s (if your const ruction is correct). . No matter what you write, I am quite sure that everybody will continue to define Darwinism as the theory of evolution, in which all 21 It appears that Greene swift He typed the following on a postcard and sent it to Mayr less then a week and will respond to them when I have had a chance to reflect and to see your annotations on my MS. I am scheduled to read that MS at the History Colloquium here [UConn] next week, and I 22 A fuller and more thoughtful response came from Greene six weeks later the nub of were several distinct questio ns that ought those questions, Greene asked Mayr : W what should it be called? Did other biologists in the late nineteenth century share them, and do 20 Mayr to Greene, 6 September 1979, Mayr Papers. 21 Mayr to Greene, 6 September 1979, Mayr Papers. [Patrick] Matthew, Wallace, and Darwin than (unbeknownst to Darwin and Wallace) nearly thirty years prior to the publication of On the Origin of Species in the appendix to his own book, On Naval Timber and Arboriculture (London: Bla ck, 1831). 22 Greene to Mayr, 12 September 1979, Mayr Papers.

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257 they still a ffect thinkers in the twentieth century? On the other hand, should only those ideas f Darwin did not hold the world view descr ibed in the manuscript, 23 Greene expanded his arguments t o describe a world view shared among some of the asked Mayr s a great grasped these perspectives philosophically . . Whenever Darwin philosophized explicitly about ethics, God, the scientific method, etc. he was invariably unoriginal and often confused. state them? I would be interest 24 Greene then asked Mayr how And he ncero Darwi we resort to Darwinism No. 1, Darwinism 25 Greene then argued : assert that this definition is the one assumed by most 20 th century biologists. But there are several difficulties in this. First, Darwin himself did not believe that all direction change was caused by natural selection. 23 Greene to Mayr, 22 October 1979, Mayr Papers. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid.

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258 ally had in mind something much broader than the scientific theory of evolution by natural selection when they spoke of Darwinism. Third, historians of ideas have usually distinguished between scientific theories and the isms connected with them. Furth er, for many 20 th century biologists Julian Huxley, Simpson, E. O. Wilson, and others one I have delineated but related to it through a process of descent with history of ideas, the only sensible approach is to try to define the original sense or senses of the term, explain how they were related to each other, and trace the subsequent history of the term. 26 Greene summarized his position as follows: differences between us. First, there are disagreements as to questions of his torical fact . and on these I presume we might hope eventually to arrive at some agreement. Se condly, there are differences in point of view arising from the circumstance that you are first and foremost a Greene continued, s seems most valuable today from the point of view of science and the philosophy of science. But I think that you should recognize that, as a human being, you have a strong desire to make Darwin conform to your ideal of what a scientist 27 Greene then presented his appreciation of his own scholarly interests : As a historian, I seek to understand Darwin as concretely as possible within the context of his times and in relation to the currents of thought that converged upon him. To me Darwin is a ve ry great scientist, a mediocre amateur philosopher, and a warm and admirable human being struggling (in his later years) to reconcile his passion for science with his growing realization that the deistic faith that sustained him during the long years of wo rk on the Origin of Species has slipped away, leaving as its remnant the bare hope that he and Lyell and Hooker will some day be 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid.

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259 selection and the inherited effects of mental and moral training. 28 considering reworking the essay . to take he concluded his letter in a way that would become a pattern when ever arguments between the tw o became intense, and that was to engage a statement culled from Bibli cal literature, g enerally presented without citation T his time Greene referred to 29 He appear ed to be insinuating that such faith is hardly unique to traditional religious beliefs Mayr wrote back immediately and once again cordially (perhaps in part to avoid inflaming religious sensibilities) y comments responded that to [ evolutionary biologists ] He also mentioned that he nonetheless mostly not offend the personal beliefs of others. As for parsing the [the] perspectives, Mayr wrote t hat, though the [to] a scientist . 30 In a similar style, Mayr a Darwin and his contemporari es appeared more in tune with a contemporary scien tific outlook 28 Ibid. http://www.darwinproject.ac.uk/entry 2782 accessed 12 January 2013. There could be other instances of Darwin 29 Ibid. 30 Mayr to Greene, 26 O ctober 1979, Mayr Papers.

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260 th a he wrote that volving social theory and world influe nce. As Mayr offered, [it] now has . a well defined meaning 31 win as a philosopher : Now to your other point: whether or not Darwin was a great philosopher. This almost requires first a definition of what is a philosopher. For me a philosopher is a person who develops new concepts, which I admit is an unorthodox definition. Darwin had the intellectual strength to reject many of the philosoph ical straitjackets of his age, and develop new ways of thinking. Much of the modern thinking in regions way beyond evolutionary biology ultimately go back to Darwin. This is why I called him a great philosopher. To be a great philosopher it is not necessar y for the author to say loudly and in public I am a philosopher 32 Mayr did admit that: hat evolutionary biologists now call Darwinism is not identical h istorian[s] obviously must bring out all these uncertainties, contra h e nonetheless insisted that w hen it comes to using terms that are common coin in modern science we cannot load t hem down with the 33 ecommendation I t was in the middle of this exchange that Greene mentioned he had submitted his collection of essays to the University of California Press and asked Mayr for a favor: think i t would be useful to have such a collection in print, perhaps you will drop a line to the Editor, Ms. Sheila Berg, to this effect. I have no idea whom they are consulting about the 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid.

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261 34 In December, Berg wrote to Mayr th anking h im for his . Science, Ideology, and World View: Essays in the History of Ideas. manuscript, along with details concerning Committee will be particularly interested in learning whether the earlier pieces have withstood the passing of time and whether the collection presents a coherent theme and, if brought together, would m ake a contribution to the field. She also encouraged Mayr to submit 35 Mayr responded to Berg enthusiastically, though with some pointed critique: ent husiastic. Greene is one of the rather few historians of science who has a good understanding of the science about which he writes. Also he is a writer of great integrity. Finally, he is not a bandwagon writer, and by his occasional dissent he is often del ightfully stimulating. All my anticipations were strengthened when, some time ago, I saw the titles of the seven essays to be included. 36 Mayr then published and that they wou ffort on the part of the author. He suggested that since d its 10 it would be only appropriate to propose that On this po int, Mayr concluded, [Since] 34 Greene to Mayr, 24 August 1979, Mayr Papers. 35 Sheila Berg to Ernst Mayr, 7 December 1979, Mayr Papers. Mayr circled the date in pencil with a question 36 Ernst Mayr to Sheila Berg, 8 January 1980, Mayr Papers.

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262 Greene has done excellent bibliographical work concerning Darwin literature, he should have 37 ggestions for individual essays . in a series of short critical stat he offered particularly interesting on the relationship between scienc e, ideology, and world view, a phrase that Greene used as both the title of the first essay in the collection as well as the book it self Mayr called the essay, p rovocative, not unjustified in principle, but unwise to attempt to turn the clock back 100 years, when there is now complete unanimity about the meaning of the word Darwinism This essay is really an abstract of the other six and in particular the sixth essay with the title Mayr He then re stated his concerns Darwinism as a world vie modern biologists consider the term then expounded on this point: applies to a Weltansch aung [ sic ] while Darwin was a he is best known, which (as one no one would deny) is the theory of natural atholic Weltanschanung [ sic ] antiquarianism with which he tries to transfer a technical term to a set of ideas, that as a paradigm, have been obsolete for nearly 100 years. This essay would be qu ite worthwhile if it had a different message, for instance: disagree with Greene on individual points, but one would no longer have to battle the thrust of his present principle message. There are a lot of interesting 37 Ibid.

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263 observations in this essay and, if properly modified, I would like to see it published. 38 an essay on Kuhn for which Mayr had previously I like [d] this essay very much when I first read it and I still like it. It was pioneering by being the first attempt to test the Kuhnian concept of scientific revolutions against a biological revolution. Not only that, but Greene made some very telling po that references to other recent analyses should be added in 39 Particularly interesting, and especially considering the opinions in private with Derek Freeman before all three (Freeman, Mayr, Greene, as well as many others) participated in the 1974 Current Anthropology analysis of the relationship between Darwin and Spencerian social theory were the Ev This is a modern, up to date paper which might be considered a useful antidote to y ignored as seeming not to fit the picture everyone has of Darwin. But we must paint participated more in the spirit of his times than is usually admitted. 40 38 Ibid. The Oxford English Dictionary n .: A particular philosophy or view of life; a concept of the world held by an individu al or a group; = world view December 2012. Oxford University Press. http://www.oed.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/view/Entry/227763?redirectedFrom =WELTANSCHAUUNG#eid (accessed January 12, 2012). 39 Ibid. 40 nt, particularly since it takes the opposite view point, is a paper by Derek Freeman, originally published in Current Anthropology

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264 In his recommenda tions to the editor Mayr concluded 41 dations to Sheila Berg when he wrote him in March 1980 about what his book would include : . T hose essays you are alread y familiar with in printed form . [as well as] an long and hard about revising this essay to take full account of your criticisms, but I found it rn of ideas I describe in the essay is uncertain. 42 if you have no objection, to add a footnote at the end of the Greene enclosed t from the quotations. He also offered Mayr an opportunity to decline: [If you] rather that I 43 Not know ing that Mayr had already commented to Berg on collection all be very glad to have them, especially since I know that we view some of these matters very Mayr that his essay [described] the general ideas of 41 Ibid. 42 John Greene to Ernst Mayr, 20 Mar ch 1980, Mayr Papers. 43 Ibid.

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265 nature, man, society, and history to be found in the writings of Julian Huxley, George Gaylord 44 Then Greene signed off: to the publication of your own book and of the results of the symposia on the origins of the 45 nuscript for The Growth of Biological Thought as well as the book on the AAAS conference they had both participated in which was scheduled for publication that year as The Evolutionary Synthesis: Perspectives on the Unification of Biology Mayr quickly re plied to Greene: evaluation of your essays, and I presume you realized that I was one of the consultan And h e of his older essays up to date. Regarding the use of his comments in a footnote whatsoever 46 On a friendly note, Mayr confessed : When co rresponding with you, John, I always have the pleasant feeling that we can disagree quite drastically and yet manage to keep on good terms. This is as it ought to be. I should be glad to read your Huxley essay, even though as you predict, I will probably d isagree with some of your conclusions. 47 He closed by sharing a status report on his own projects: GBT 48 In return, Greene thanked Mayr for his permission to quote from their correspondence and for his agreeing to read and comment on the final essay in the collection. On a more personal 44 Ibid. Mayr had commented to Berg on the 7 th been written on progress and evolutionary progression since that date. . t 45 Ibid. 46 Ernst Mayr to John Greene, 27 March 1980, Mayr Papers. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid.

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266 note, Greene Darwinian themes w ithout any personal rancor. You have no idea how helpful it is to me to receive criticism from one of the leading evolutionary biologists of the 20 th century, even when I decide to reject or qualify some of the criticisms. I am well aware how much I owe yo 49 Greene added that while he had [Mayr had been] probably one of the referees and . in [his] idea of making major revision, or even extensive minor revisions, of the essays, he at the end of each chapter so that readers 50 Greene then made a suggestion to May r: that my objection is not to the values Huxley and Simpson espouse (they are pretty much my own) or to science itself properly conceived, but rather to their notion that these values can and should be derived from evolutionary biology. These are the hard earned values of Western ci vilization, derived from Greek and Roman culture, the Judeo Christian tradition, and the his friend: rejecting these sources of our values in favor of an illusory and self defeating derivation of them 51 [ the 49 John Greene to Ernst Mayr, 31 March 1980, Mayr Papers. This is the first letter Gre ene reproduced in his Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (1991). A majority of their correspondence through the rest of the 1980s can be located in both of their a 50 Ibid. 51 Ibid.

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267 well known early nineteenth century e xposition on natural theology], should have taught us that, 52 Mayr responded en thusiastically : Interestingly enough, he added, while forcefully presenting his contentions point by point with his contentions (to which Greene would later respond) : in presenting the excerpts from the writings of the Huxleys, Simpson, Darlington, and Wilson. They are all valiantly trying to arrive at a non 53 Mayr continued : I regret that your critique is so negative. One continuously reads between the lines claims of these evolutionists but I fail to see that you p ropose anything else instead. 54 Mayr [when he said] that as modern scientists we reject escape into non material causations and if we look for the science that can serve as the basis for our interpre tations we find that the only one that is suitable for this purpose 52 known natural scientists and theologians of the day, each of whom authored one of eight treatises with William Prout, William Kirby, and William Buckland, while Charles Babbage wrote an unofficial ninth treatis e in response. The project had been organized by the Royal Society of London on the instructions in the will of a prominent patron. Perhaps Greene raised the issue to suggest complexity of the relationship between science and religion and the natural world while anticipating his statement would raise the ire of Mayr. . is that they try to get sermons from stones. But it is one thing to say . that the human mind demands some explanation of the order and harmony of the universe; it is quite another thing to say that geology or palaeontology or some other History, Humanity and Evolution, p. 35. 53 Mayr to Greene, 8 April 1980, Mayr Papers. 54 Ibid.

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268 is evolutionary biology (broadly defined to include psychology and sociology, as far as they are 55 Mayr responded that First he said that Greene considered science to be th Mayr, in contrast, emphasized a ll conclusions of science are tentat ive, they are what at this moment is most was that he obviously [took] little stock in natural selection. This is alright, for someone who always has God to fall bac k on when he encounters something puzzling, but if you are obliged, on the basis of looking at all aspects of this world, to deny the existence of a supreme being, and if one then looks at all the phenomena of living nature, one has no choice but saying th at natural 56 But then Mayr made an intriguing acknowledgement : of course entirely right . that faith in science is no le ss a religion than faith in God, adding automatically be produced by science. All a modern evolutionist claims is that ethical principles are indispensable for the harmonious functioning of society and that any society that lacks such then malign you with the epithet of an author of religious tracts unless you produce a better balanced version of the religion of Greene versus the religions of J. Huxley and G. 57 This is a particula rly interesting statement. Perhaps it was a slip by Mayr a suggest ion to shift the 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid.

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2 69 debate from a critique on the intellectual history of ideas to a contes t of religious world views Greene vs. Huxley & Simpson Greene immediately replied with a long double spaced response : your letter with its forthright criticisms, especially so since two of the faculty here at U Conn (one a philosop her and certainly not a Christian, the other a historian of ideas whose philosophical and religious views are unknown to me) whom I asked to criticize my essay came pful in 58 Following this introduction, Greene stated: As I suspected, there are fundamental conflicts in point of view and basic premises that make it difficult for us to understand each other, let alon e agree. Let me t ry to make my own point of view clearer. You are wrong in thinking that my objections to the Simpson Huxley Darlington Wilson line of argument are essentially religious. They are philosophical. My basic method is to take what these writers say at face valu e, juxtapose what they say at different times and places in their writings, and show that they become involved in contradictions and paradoxes. To me this suggests some error or omission in the premise of their argument. 59 He proposed (Greene) of logical response to the charge Greene argued supernatural basis of human ethics and bel He stated: place, it assumes without proof that a supernatural basis for ethics is to be avoided at all costs a nd that any amount of illogicality may be excused if it rests on some other basis. In the second place, it assumes that all non scientific systems of ethics rest on a supernatural Greene 58 Greene to Mayr, 11 April 1980, p. 1, Mayr Papers. Greene wrote Mayr a seven full page double spaced typed letter. Greene published nearly the entire lette r, (though not all, with additional excerpts included here,) in his book, Debating Darwin pp. 223 29. 59 Ibid.

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270 [That] is obviously not true witness the ethics o f Plato, Aristotle, Epicurus, Aristotle, Epictetus, the Confucians Kant, and a host of ethical systems proposed by modern philosophers. He argued that no one forgi . on the ground that they valiantly seek a non supernatural b 60 escape into non material causations, and if we look for the science that can serve as the basis for our interpretations, we find that the only one that is suitable for this pur pose is evolutionary In support of this he wrote : scientists a s scientists must reject non material causations or that scientists as philosophers must also reject non material causations. The first proposition would seem easier to defend, . [but] in any case it does not settle the question of what the scientist a s philosopher is bound to exclude, unless you take the position that science and philosophy are the same thing, and I think 61 Greene also addressed what Mayr had claim ed ion scie . his colleague science, though I hope that scientists will continue to strive to be strictly logical in their 62 He further added t hough I am no biologi st, I can see that natural selection, as a scientific theory, sheds a great deal of light on events in the biological world, both past and present. But many of the claims made for the efficacy of natural selection in the biological and human worlds go far added w e are 60 Ibid., p. 2. 61 Ibid., p. 1. 62 Ibid., pp. 3 4.

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271 might conceivably be the cause of the phenomena and that the evolutionary biologists who propose these explanations cannot conceive of any other explanation, or that the other material causation, which is a no no. 63 t. There is also a deep seated fear that to admit the validity of metaphysics and theology as intellectual disciplines would be to undermine the security of the scientific enterprise by opening up the door to non material causation. It is this fear that un derlies your belief that I must be motivated by religious Greene thus that he was not only attempting to subsume metaphysics and theology within contemporary biological theory, but that he otherwise fe lt threatened if they were to remain independent intellectual interests. It appeared to Greene that Mayr sensed a threat to the autonomy of science in any suggestion that the positivistic world view associated with much (though not all) of modern evolution ary biology is open to question. Your mind conjures up fanatical creationists crusading to force creationist biology on school children. The threat is a real one, but it is generated in considerable measure by the insistence of Huxley, Simpson, Darlington, Wilson, and others on palming off evolutionary biology as the only safe guide to human 64 Greene continued in a similar vein: permit ethical systems. It is quite another to claim that evolutionary biology (and only it) can discover human duty and destiny. If evolutionary biologists go around making claims of this kind, they should not be surprised if parents decide to 65 He also 63 Ibid., p. 4. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid., p. 5.

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272 expresse [d] that faith in science can be no le ss a religion than faith b ut who would pretend the world views prom ulgated by Julian Huxley, preach faith in science and make use of scientific discoveries in building their picture of the world, but they are essentially philos ophical interpretations of the results of scientific 66 Greene then conclude d once again with a Biblical warning, throwi ng down the gauntlet : If ultimate reality is truly as Simpson, Huxley, and Wilson represe nt it, the rational et al. that biology confirms the Biblical injunction to do justly, love mercy, and has revealed himself to us in his son, then we know beyond a shadow of a doubt that we ought also to love one another. 67 In a postscript, Greene added add a brief postscript to the last chap ter making my own views plain (as in the above); otherwise many readers (including our friend Michael Ghiselin that sturdy ideologue) will form And he requested to use additio nal extracts from their correspondence for that purpose. 68 Green followed up a of some matters that deserve comment, including some indication of my own philosophical, ethical, and relig ious views. If you have suggestions for modifying or adding to this addendum, I shall be glad that he wanted the postscript to be brief, as it was 66 Ibid., p. 6. 67 Ibid., p. 7. Greene is likely paraphrasin g Micah 6.8 and 1 John 4:9 Christian metaphysics. 68 Ibid.

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273 important to him that the essays stand or fall on the ed Mayr: appreciate greatly the assistance you have given me with respect to these essays, if only by forcing me to state my views more clearly and take some account of opposing views. I shall, of 69 Mea nwhile, Mayr had written a letter to Greene ; the two letters crossed paths in the mail. Mayr noted that previous letter had not answered all his objections. Still, he relented: . b ut it will of course be up to the reader to make that decisio Mayr agreed that a an your other discussions . that you see a contrast between scientist and philosopher, a contrast I do not see. You also seem to think that all science is positivistic science, and I would like you to define this 70 was too critical: [You concentrate] too much on criticizing others without making sufficient of an effort to replace it with positive state ments of your own. Perhaps this is the reason why I, and I am not alone, have concluded that your attitude is governed by religious commitments. . Somewhere the reader will want to know, if ethics cannot be based on the findings of evolutionary biology what should 71 It appears that much like Dobzhansky, Mayr had difficulty distinguishing which he found inspiration for in science, from his professional career as a scientist. The day af ter Greene had sent Mayr a four and a half page draft of his proposed postscript (dated April 24), he received this last let ter from Mayr (dated April 21). He responded immediately: position with respect to science, eth ics, metaphysics, etc., and perhaps I will attempt to do so 69 Greene to Mayr, 24 Apri l 1980, Mayr Papers. 70 Mayr to Greene, 21 April 1980, p. 5, Mayr Papers. 71 Ibid.

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274 later on both in correspondence and in print. But I shall not go any further in this direction in th e (1) the validity of the implied criticism of Huxley, Simpson, et c. in my essay does not in any way depend on what my own philosophical or religious position may be; one does not answer logical criticism by point ing out that no alternative has been proposed; and (2) an extended presentation of my own ideas is neither n ecessary nor particularly appropriate in a collection of essays which are historical in nature, though I agree that I ought to give the reader some impression of my general point of view, and I 72 Greene then plainly outlined own views are based both on philosophical reflection on human experience and on faith in God as He has revealed himself in Jesus Christ. As to metaphysics and cosmology, I h ave no science and epistemology, I feel strongly that positivism, by which I meant the position that science (exemplified in modern physics, biology, chemis try, etc.) exhausts the field of rational inquiry and is our only means of access to knowledge, is a pernicious doctrine, 73 Greene also contended Huxley and Simpson is derived, not from science, but from the very philosophical and religious f 72 Greene to Mayr, 25 April 1980, Mayr Papers. 73 Ibid.

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275 74 Greene clearly appeared empirical verification personal inclinations come into play outside of strict science. For were a part of this human condition, with the larger question involving where the individual cho se to place them The next month Mayr wrote to Greene replying that he was glad Greene Mayr still had concerns whether or not ween adopting an ethics that is based on (or argued ure one can easily argue agains t the former, but I would find it rather vulnerable to do th 75 Word s and Things regarding which he wrote 76 ( To this particular comment Greene would respond: out 77 y objections to positivism apply to positivistic world views claiming validation b science itself. History shows plainly that excellent scientific work can be and has been done 74 Ibid. 75 Mayr to Greene, 12 May 1980, Mayr Papers. 76 Ibid. 77 Les mots et les choses (1966) English edition, Words and Things (1970) was published in Social Science Information 6.4 (August 1967): 131 138.

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276 within a great many kinds of world view e. g. Aristotle, Kepler, al Battani, Einstein, G.G. 78 Greene continued: But mo st scientists have had sense enough to recognize that science per se does not dictate any particular world view (theistic, non theistic, idealistic, materialistic, etc.) simply because science excluded a priori all those aspects of experience that are not amenable to its techniques and presuppositions, i.e. value judgments, reference to non empirical entities, etc. Only when a scientific theory is (as a philosophical outlook Civilization and Its Discontents or Totem and Taboo is a positivistic world view. 79 Greene then elation to the natural sciences: all relevant knowledge of what is But that is quite a different thing from saying that scientific knowledge of those aspects of reality that are amenable to scientific inquiry ca n yield an adequate ethics derived from Furthermore, he e illusion that this is possible only because they come to the study of science with their values already derived from the philosophical and religious tradit ions of Western civilization, just as the authors of the Bridgewater treatises found in nature and natural science what their Christian upbringing had 80 Apparently Greene considered that the natural world would reflect back w hatever metaphysical value an eth icist wished to project upon it, whether it was the traditional natural theology found in the Bridgewater Treatises, or the progressive evolutionary humanism The following year Mayr sent Greene an enthus iastic handwritten letter explaining, how 78 Ibid. 79 Ibid. 80 Ibid.

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277 Cambridge was unattended) . book. Mayr wrote, Very many thanks. I have, o f course, read these essays previously, but I am very glad to have them in book form. They will be particularly valuable to me where they jar my views and where 81 To this Mayr added: Darwin, as does almost any au thor, causes often difficulties because, as [handwriting unclear] stated years ago, he frequently contradicts himself in different paragraphs or publications. Which, then is the true Darwin? In case of conflict, we select what fits best into our preconcei ved ideas. I think your book will be widely read and, on the whole, be well received. It will also evoke some furious rejoinders. I am sure you are prepared for this. With thanks and best wishes as ever Ernst 82 The Growth of Biological Thought A copy of Science, Ideology, and World View was also sent to Jacques Roger, the French intellectual historian of science. Roger wrote to Greene: which I just received yesterday. I have already re read the first three articles an d I will read the others very soon. You know that I am particularly interested in evolutionary theory, and deeply 81 Mayr to Greene, 11 June 1981, John C. Greene Papers, Archives & Special Collections at the Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut. The special collections of the Ernst Mayr Library at the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology includes Science, Ideology, and World View P age 133 alongside the text at the end of the first paragraph has an especially interesting note increasingly conceived as the search for laws governing the phenomena presented in sense experience, the hope of knowing a reality behind the veil [ Mayr underlined] of sense experience diminished as the prestige of science grew. ism should be reserved for general views of reality (nature and social) connected with scientific theories instead of being used to denote the theories to designate a world view [Mayr underlined] that see Mayr 82 Mayr to Greene, 11 June 1981, Greene Papers. While Mayr could appreciate that others might project views upon Darwin that Darwin never actually held Mayr appeared less able to consider how he might be doing the same projecting his own views upon Darwin.

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278 convinced that it is impossible to deal with it without taking into account its ideological components. After that, I need not tell you how mu In addition to this statement of solidarity, Roger made the request: book because it give me the opportunity to ask you for some help. Perhaps you know that I am now responsible f or an old review, the Revue de Synthse first published in 1900 as Revue de Synthse Historique by Henri Berr . I have decided, with the editorial board, to go back to the Roger explained that the plan was to re launch the journal the following year. He What we would like is something about the current situation of the history of ideas in the United States, together with your own view of th be appropriate, and that Greene could only add something abo Roger something from the United States and, in my opinion, you are the most qualified American 83 Greene was delighted he admitted, that you should ask me to write an article for the reorganized Revue de Synthse Historique and I should like very much to be able to agree to do so, but I cannot. I am devoting every spare moment to revision of my big book A merican Science in the Age of Jefferson and will be explained that he also had and that he felt he would need to do a few months research to write on the current situation in American intelle ctual history. Greene concluded: 83 Jacques Roger to John Greene, 3 juillet 1981, Greene Papers. This is the only letter to Greene that Roger wrote in English.

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279 can only add that I am looking forward longingly to the time when my current project is out of the way and I can return to my first love, the history of ideas. I am delighted to know that this 84 Over the next few years, all was quiet on the evolutionary front as Greene worked toward publishing h is book American Science in the Age of Jefferson (1984), a project that grew out of research th at had begun when he was a graduate student in American history. 85 Greene sent a copy of the book to Mayr, who wrote Mayr admitted to me, but I was mistaken. In fact I am quite fascinated with your very well written account. That I am also learning a lot is not surprising since my previous knowledge of the history of American science 86 I he making, Greene replied to Mayr. With the book finished, Greene would begin researching the intellectual development of modern evolutionary biology, a project for which he had already submitted a grant proposal. Greene also mentioned, ave been mining your Growth of Biological Thought in connection with two of In a post script, he added, es a new 84 abandon Darwinian researches for the next 15 months to finish work on my American Science in the Age of Jefferson 1980, Mayr Papers. 85 History, Humanity, and Evolution: Essays for John Greene, ed. neo Darwinists [G reene] was able, with the help of a Guggenheim Fellowship, to augment and transform the unused chapters of his Harvard dissertation into American Science in the Age of Jefferson since 1984 a standard text on the Isis 103 (2012): 148. 86 Mayr to Greene, 16 July 1984, Greene Papers.

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280 ethics. It would be asking too much to request that you spell this out in a letter, but I do hope to 87 Coincidently, Mayr had recently written about the subject of ethics to William Provine, his coeditor fo r the book on the ev olutionary synthesis conference After thanking Provine for sending him his recent reprints, Mayr noted that the article I never had any problems with being an atheist and I think it forced me into an ethic al stance that is distinctly superior to that of the average church goer. However we scientists have things in which we believe and which make it easy for us to cope with life. T Mayr asserted is why I consistently abstain from religious controversies. This of course gives all the advantage to the fundamentalists, a 88 87 Greene to Mayr, 20 July 1984, Greene Papes. 88 cience a question and that is not a scientific question. It is certainly a value laden question. Mayr further developed his ideas on human ethics in a lecture delivered the following year at Cornell University where Provine taught, as part of Messenger Lecture series. Based on those presentation s he subsequently Toward a New Philosophy of Biology (pp. 75 91). The essay described how the traditional ethical norms of West und basis for the development of an ethical system that is appropriate for . Toward a New Philosophy of Biology (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard, 1988), pp. 86, 89. Cornell University Dr. Hiram Messenger [1855 1913], a Cornell graduate of 1880 and a longtime teacher of mathematics. The terms of course of lectures on the Evolution of Civilization for the special notions of Spencerian progress during his career at the turn of the l ast century. The contemporary series engaging a http://theuniversityfaculty.cornell.edu/lectures/lectures_main.html accessed 12 January 2012. and Messenger Lectures (1960 http://theuniversityfaculty.cornell.edu/lectures/historic.html accessed 12 Ja nuary 2012.

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281 Perhaps this was in part an expression of qualities, that when sharing a set of metaphysical ass umptions with a fellow advocate a sense of superiority often it he never made a public career out of such proclivities, even when faced with adversity. Nonetheless, it is likely such views reflected in his then recent work, The Growth of Biological Thought. Prior to publication, Greene had assisted Mayr as a critica l reader for some of the early chapters on the intellectual history of biology and Mayr acknowledged his help in the preface. 89 As previously noted Greene had offered a few pointed concerns involving view 90 Published on the GBT earned ac colades as a . widely credited with playing a major role in raising the biological sciences onto the same intellectual plane as more quantifiable scientific disciplines, such as physics and 91 92 No one in this century can speak with greater authority on the progress of ideas in biology than Ernst Mayr. And no book has ever est ablished the life sciences so firmly in the mainstream of Western intellectual history as The Growth of Biological Thought Ten years in preparation, this is a work of epic proportions, 89 an immense debt of gratitude . [they] have read drafts of various chapters, have pointed out errors and omissions, and have made nume rous constructive suggestions. I did not always follow their advice and am thus solely The Growth of Biological Thought (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 19 82), p. viii. 90 needed more background to write a balanced essay on the relationship between religion and science. He also asked 91 The Boston Globe February 5, 2005. The article ran on the front page of the main section with a photograph of Mayr. 92 lasting Undoubtedly The Growth of Biological Thought proved profitable, enjoying its 12 th http://www.hup.harvard.edu/about/history.html accessed 12 January 2013.

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282 tracing the development of the major problems in biology, from the ear liest attempt to find order in the diversity of life, to modern research into the mechanisms of gene transmission. philosophy of biol ogy with chapter titles su ch as ain section with three headings ( described as e long 327 93 r titled his concluding chapter The book received over thirty reviews in prominent scholarly journals, penned by many of the leading evolutio nary biologists and historians and philosophers of science. T he noted evolutionary biologist Douglas Futuyma wrote in Science : One cannot help standing in awe of the Germanic capacity for vast, all embracing synthesis: consider the lifelong devotion of Goe the to Faust integration of the arts into a Gesamtkunstwerk in which all of human history and experience is wrought into epic myth. It is perhaps in this tradition that Ernst The Growth of Biological Thought stands : a history of all bio logy . complete with leitmotivs such as the failures of reductionism, the struggle of biology for independence from physics, and the liberation of population thinking from the bonds of essentialism. 94 Futuyma also remarked: nd debatable points in any work of this 95 This, perhaps, suggested from the book, Mayr openly d the 93 The Growth of Biological Thought by Ernst Mayr, The Quarterly Review of Biology 57 (1982): 441. 94 Douglas J. Futuyma, review of The Growth of Biological Thought by Ernst Mayr, S cience 216 (1982): 842. 95 Ibid., p. 844.

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283 opposing viewpoints in categorical, sometimes almost one sided, terms in order to provoke rejoi nder, if such is justified. Because I hate beating around the bush, I have sometimes even 96 [his] mind on However, it is true that my tactic is to make sweeping categorical statements. Whether or not this is a fault in the free world of the interchange of scientific ideas is debatable. My own feeling is that it leads more quickly to the ultimate solution of scientific problems than a cautious sitting on the fence. 97 scheme of thesis antithesis professional scientists and academics, than for a less familiar public hardly adept at unweaving often personal perspectives, from tested scientific doctrine. Moreover, in perhaps a telling choice of w ords, there are no olutions to scientific problems no matter the concern about fe nce sitting, as science remains an open ended investigation seeking new evidence and a more powerful explanatory hypothesis. could suggest a latent philosophical aspiration bordering on the metaphysic al, and perhaps something Mayr himself had difficulty desentangling from his otherwise scientific agenda For example, even G. G. Darwinian synthesis, titled his revi He claimed of close set pages it kept recurring to [him] This book is an unconventional and highly unusual way an autobiography. In it Mayr is seeking out, cleverly and successfully, the roots of his own accomplishment and opinions. It is an intellectual, psychological, and conceptual 96 Mayr, Growth of Biological Thought p. 9. 97 Ibid.

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284 98 Simpson also asserted: 99 Apparently, according to S impson, it was not only an untrained public that could fail to make such distinction s In a comparatively caustic review, the AMNH anthropologist Ian Tattersall remarked, The Growth of Biological Thought as history as opposed to a catalogue of facts, is an opinionated work by a practicing scientist with a large axe to grind . opinions, as those of one of the formative influences of modern evolutionary biology, are not without interest, even compelling interest. But they should not be mistaken for balanced 100 David Hull, the prominent philosopher of science, expressed something similar, The Growth of Biological Thought a bit too obviously and pervasively, but primary literature. After all, Mayr himself is an actor in 101 In a New York Times erns over 102 the P rinceton evolutionary biologist James L Gould wrote that while he certainly admired The Growth of Biological Thought its of the ideas that led to 98 99 Ibid., 437. 100 American Anthropologist 86 (1984): 88. 101 Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994): 381. 102 GBT manuscript.

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285 the theological background as it affe i ll informed and tasteless . attack. He repeatedly and with little or no qualification identifies Christianity, past and present, as the chief enemy of scholarship in general and science in pa 103 A thoroughgoing skeptic myself, I find it odd to be placed in a rather different role by Gould proposed an alternative approach : It was not . that Christianity . smother[ed] the development of modern science: It was essential to it. The original Judeo Christian ethos, focusing as it did on the individual and his relationship to God and the world around him, produced generation after generation of intellectuals the natural theologians who found their calling in reading the works of God in the book of Nature. Until less than a century ago, it was precisely this group of Christian scientists who discov er most of the laws of nature. 104 Mayr would propose his own idea for an appropriate relationsh ip between science and religion which he provocatively stated in The Growth of Biological Thought : biologists are religious, in the deeper sense of the word, even though it may be a religion without 105 In another essay that he wrote no t long after, 103 The New York Times May 23, 1982, pp. 7, 32 34. 104 Ibid. 105 Mayr, Growth of Biological Thought, Religion Without Revelation, I found it on th e whole quite congenial. I have always insisted that I have religion, perhaps a stronger religion than most church going people, but it does not fall under the word religion in so reiterated his view previously e Debating Darw in pp. 231 32.

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286 pastoral people of 106 As a replacement he proposed nary humanism, which serve as a sound basis for the development of an ethical syste m that is appropriate for . a 107 Greene would later comment on the nature of the relationship between Mayr and ical views : Like Huxley, [Mayr] looks to science, and especially to evolutionary biology, to loosen the grip of traditional religi ons and idealistic philosophies on modern thought and to provide a scientific basis for a new ethics, a new secular faith, and a new image of humans. But whereas for Huxley this ethical religious motive dominated nearly everything he wrote and did, in Mayr impulse toward discovering and expounding a new version of the theory of evolution by natural selection, giving pride of place to the naturalist systematist, has been the driving force. 108 The International Congress of History of Scien ce at Berkeley It is likely that had crossed the minds of other scholars concerned with the relationship between science and religion, such as the intellectual historian Jacques Roger He again wrot e to Greene in February 1985: remember that I asked you once for an article on the history of ideas, as you design and practice. I return today with the same request, hoping you have a little more freedom to respond favorably. We want to publi sh several articles on this topic in the Revue de Synthse. Would it be possible, 106 1985; See also fn. 85. 107 Ibid., p. 89. 108 Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994): 312. Greene asked Mayr to critique the manuscript prior to publication, and Mayr responded an intent has been far from my mind, indeed I have been quite careful to avoid anything that might be offensive to rather ridiculous. And, the conflict September 1989, Debating Darwin, pp. 234 35.

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287 in France, and 109 In his reply to Roger, Greene admitted it was a ise to receive your letter . Revue H e briefly described the current demands on his time and attention, and suggested a rough timeframe for producing his submission to the Revue : [I am] teaching full time this semester but managing to find some time for work on the interrelations of science, ideology, and world view in the rise and development of the modern synthesis. (I am concentrating for the moment on the writings of Ernst May r). I should like to illustrate my essay with some examples from this research, but I shall need at least four months to trace out the clues I have discovered and develop a convincing general analysis. Indeed, a general analysis will require perhaps four y ears, but I can probably make enough headway in the next four months to be able to illustrate my method in the history of ideas with reference to the modern synthesis in evolutionary biology. Please let me know: will a mid July deadline for receipt of my e ssay leave time . in connection with the September issue of the Revue ? 110 In conclusion, Greene noted that he also hoped 111 Roger wrote back subject on which you are currently working seems to me very exciting, and we would be very pleased to have an article about the history of ideas, which is illustrated by this study. What we are preparing is a special issue of th e Revue de Synthse that would bring together a few studies on the history of ideas by the 109 Jacques Roger to John Greene, 6 February 1985, Greene Papers. Roger wrote Greene in his native French from handwritten. 110 Greene to Roger, 15 February 1985, Greene Paper s. 111 Ibid.

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288 undisputed masters of the discipline, French and foreign, but actually especially foreigners because as you know, currently the discipline is hardly practiced in Fra nce. However, there are 112 In his reply, Greene expressed He admitted: being regarded as a master of that field . I Greene also reported to Roger that he had recently submitted the International Congress in Berkeley before I was entirely sure what direction the paper would take, but it hand and the reductionists on the other will be the main theme. It is curious that, although Mayr insists that the evolutionary process is not goal directed, he neverthe less uses highly teleological 113 Greene also wrote an update to a younger historian of science whom he had become close to over the previous decade, Jim Moore. 114 Greene wrote that international meetin g in Berkeley this summer . explained: that and on the modern synthesis generally this summer in connection with a piece I have promised Jacques Roger for the Revue de Synthse The History of Ideas Revisited. 115 A few weeks later, just prior to leaving for the conference, Greene wrote to Moore again: [I have been consideri ng] researches on science, ideology, and world view in the rise and development of the 112 Roger to Greene, n/d February 1985, Greene Papers. Translated from French. There is a second copy in 113 Greene to Roger, 18 March 1985, Greene Papers. 114 So much so that Green Moore, 4 June 1998, Greene Papers. 115 Greene to Moore, 12 June 1985, Greene Papers.

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289 . In my paper for Jacques Roger I argue that the inclu sion of man and mind in nature a la Darwin, combined with the 20 th century revolution in physics and cosmology, has disintegrated our ideas about nature. The ensuing confusion is all too apparent in Evolution and the Diversity of Life [1976], which I will analyze in my paper at Berkeley both as to their substantive and their metaphorical content. His arguments and his figures of speech vary widely depending on whether his is arguing against creationists, finalists, and vitalists o 116 Greene had also recently written Frank Sulloway ( one of s ) thanking him for sending him reprints. Greene again reported: [I am] working madly on the architects of the modern synthesis Mayr, Simpson J. Huxley, etc. from my own idiosyncratic point of view, and I have produced a d raft of an article . on the evolution of evolutionary ideas from Aristotle to Ernst Mayr a high flow macro history to set alongside the micro history you are presently engaged in. But I am worried on two scores: (1) have I gone completely off my rocker in babbling about science, ideology, and world view, and (2) will highly; he and I have always been able to agree to disagree without loss of good feelings. But can this last if I set out to show the interaction of science, ideology, and world view in his writings? 117 Greene then asked Sulloway, [Could you] take a look at the enclosed draft a nd give me your 118 The International Congress for History of Science, held at the University of California, Berkeley, and organized with the International Union of History and Philosophy of Science based in Paris, took place during the first week in August 1985 with close to nine hundred participants attending its twenty one Symposia and seventy nine scientific sessions. The Spanish 116 Ibid. 117 Greene to Frank [Sulloway], 28 June 1985, Greene Papers. While the letter offered no last name in the students who remained in close contact. 118 Ibid.

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290 language history and philosophy of science journal Theoria noted ess had a high 119 One scholar who fit that description was the i nfluential historian of science John Hedley Brooke, who had been scheduled to chair a section at the conference. 120 Brooke becam e particularly well known for advocating a sophisticated histori c al relationship between science and religion. Gary B. Ferngren, editor for the encyclopedic The History of Science and Religion in the Western Tradition (2000), writes of Brooke in his introd uction to the abridged volume: reflecting local conditions and particular historical circumstances, has led John Brooke to speak traditional view remains strong elsewhere, not leas t 121 After returning fr om the conference, John Brooke had written to pleasure to exchange a few words in Berkeley and a privilege to hear you r paper on Mayr quite the most original and far reaching contribution to the congress I witnessed. When you deci de 122 s about my Berkeley paper . I was 119 Theoria: Revista de Teoria, Historia y Fundamentos de la Ciencia 1 (1985): 606. no. 2 606 608. The exact dates for the 17 th International Congress of History of Science, held in Berkeley, California, were 31 July to 8 August, 1985. 120 Moore to Greene, 25 June 1985, Greene Papers. Likely section had to do with topics concerning Unfortunately, for a variety of reaso ns, Moore was unable to attend that year. 121 Gary Ferngren, ed., Science and Religion: A Historical Introduction (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University The History of Science and Religion in the Western Tradition: An Encyclopedia (New York: Garland, 2000), that Ferngren edited with fellow scholars Edward J. Larson, Darrel W. Amundsen, and Anne Marie E. Nakhla 122 John Brooke to John Greene, 27 August 1985 Greene Papers.

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291 greatly encouraged to find that my very tentative entry into t he world of ideas of the founders of told Brooke that he had written to Mayr with a copy of the presentation, to which he added reacted to the paper with c haracteristic spirit and good nature, asking only that I cite chapter and verse when I quote him which, of course, I shall do when I prepare something for publication. My broader thesis that the tensions, ambiguities, etc. I thought to find in Mayr are c haracteristic of evolutionary theory from the beginning as a consequence of trying to expand the mechanistic view of nature to embrace life and mind will be developed with appropriate Revue de Synths e 123 Greene had written Mayr shortly after returning from the conference noting he did not contradictions I found (or thought to find) in your essay were not pecul iar to you but seemed that he was resently working on an article [ for Roger ] which will outline this analysis more fully than I could in my extemporaneous remar ks at Berkeley As I told Frank Sulloway and others, I value your friendship highly and would not wish to do anything that might impair it. Thus far we have been able to agree to disagree without hard feelings, and I fervently hope that we shall always b e able to do so. My thoughts about the substance and forms of linguistic expression in the modern synthesis are still very tentative and I shall welcome your criticisms of them. I have learned a lot of biology from reading your essays and your Systematics and the Origin of Species and I expect to learn much more as I read further in your works and those of Simpson, Huxley, etc. When I next get to Cambridge I hope we can get together for an exchange of ideas. 124 123 John Greene to John Brooke, 3 September 1985, Greene Papers. 124 Greene to Mayr, 14 August 1985, Mayr Papers.

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292 Mayr responded to Greene in a handwritten lette GBT I feel than fence sitting. Anybody has the right to respond to my sticking my neck out, if needed by your completed draft to someone perhaps have a little more familiar with my work than you are, to protect yourself against misrepresentations. (I thought I found quite a few in your short M S.). . Your thinking, throughout, is more that of a philosopher than that of a scientist. Having just finished through the books of two philosophers of biology ([Elliot] Sober, [Philip] Kitcher) I am amazed at the difference in thinking (even with re 125 Greene replied to this note ow relieved I am to know tha t our dialogue about evolutionary theory can continue in it s accustomed groov e with mutual respect and enjoyment. In introducing my paper at the congress I stressed that I had only just begun to wade in the waters of the modern synthesis and that I expected my ideas to change and develop as I plunged deeper. I was pleasantly surpri sed by the amount of interest the paper generated among both the biologists and the historians of science who heard it, but I do not suppose that this wanted to assure Mayr: misreprese 126 125 Mayr to Greene, 28 August 1985, Greene Papers. It appears that Mayr might have been leaning on his authority in scientific mat ters to sidestep a critique of his philosophical inclinations that inspired much of his scientific career. Mayr seems to be having difficulty distinguishing between the two, taking a challenge to one as a challenge to both. 126 Greene to Mayr, 3 September 19 85, Mayr Papers.

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293 The next week latest Mayr wrote Michael Ghiselin offering a critical analysis of a recent philosophy of bio lo gy publication by You may have heard that our dear friend John Greene has now chosen me as the target of his attentions and has read a paper to the International Berkeley Congress abo ut my ideology and inconsistencies. I deny neither the one or the other, yet it is evolutionary theory. And as you said in that wonderful crack of yours of a few years ago, his reli gious commitments ultimately control his thinking. 127 Undoubtedly Mayr was looking for support, a nd at the time Ghiselin apparently upheld a reputation for sporting in competitive punditry. 128 He had certainly enjoyed a few such exchanges with Greene. Ghiselin responded to Mayr a few weeks later: I wish someone more competent than John Greene were criticizing your views. the appropriate response to the man would be to ask him to justify his own ideology. Of course those who argue in his fashion pretend that they themselves, being professional historians, have no ideology, no preconceptions, no metaphysics, no social or pol itical bias, etc. 129 Jacques Roger and the Revue de Synthse for not giving you a sign of life since June. I had some health problems this summer that ma de me lose a lot of time. . I read your article with great interest and pleasure. What interested me most is, of course, your analysis of the presuppositions of the synthetic theory of evolution. I understand that your Regarding the article itself, Rog er reported that it but we think, my colleagues and I, it has a unity and an 127 Mayr to Ghiselin, 10 September 1985, Mayr Papers. 128 Mayr and David Hull would discuss this tendency in a set of exchanges the following year. See Mayr to Hull, 11 June 1986; Mayr to Hull, 21 May 1987; Hull to Mayr, 1 June 1987, Mayr Pape rs. 129 Ghiselin to Mayr, 4 October 1985, Mayr Papers.

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294 overall structure that would be a shame to change. We are ready to publish it as is, unless you 130 Greene responded that imperfect in its present form, but I have been waiting to receive you r reaction before doing that he planned to make a few additional revisions, and could get the had much more time to develop the analys is and test it against the sources, but I suppose that there is some merit in sending up a trial balloon. Apparently my paper in Berkeley did stir up considerable discussion. I sent a copy to Ernst Mayr afterward, and he replied promptly with his usual spr it and good humor Greene suggested he could bring soon to occur History of Science Society meetings, and that they could discuss it there. 131 Roger was already in the United States teach ing at the University of Virginia that fall Though, academically, he had initially delved in the classics, he focused in French literature and intellectual history in the seven teenth and eighteenth centuries and in particular, the life of the great Frenc h naturalist and mathemat ician Comte de Buffon. In 1963, Roger published The Life Sciences in Eighteenth Century French Thought first major synthetic and interpretive work in the history of life sciences as s ophisticated as the writings of Alexandre Koyr on the physical sciences. Comprehensive, synthetic, and penetrating, his analysis of the issue of organic generation in the early modern period brought to 130 Roger to Greene, 16 septembre 1985, Greene Papers. (Translated from French.) 131 Greene to Roger, 19 September 1985, Greene Papers.

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295 bear his training in classics, literature, the histor y of science, and intellectual history, making this 132 Phillip Sloan, historian and philosopher of science, also characterized writing had been pra cticed before Roger; [but] a deep penetration of the structure of the biomedical sciences and the underlying assumption of these sciences in their full intellectual context. At the same time, it was a foundation study on the origins of the Enlightenment it 133 Greene once again wanted to assure Mayr that he was . not to misrepresent or ] broad minded tolerance for [his] idiosyncratic approach to modern evolutionary biology re assured . 134 Mayr Greene included a lengthy analysis In turn, Mayr noted attempted to encourage you, in a number of marginal notes, to be more precise in your statements and to give actual references in the cases of claim s that strike me as improbable. . I would wish that my comments could have 132 I sis 82 (1991): 692. 133 Ibid. while Roge play [a role] either as an obstacle, or as a moving force for scientific thinking, by separating cautiously its motivations and its rational effects. Without doubt . he was willi ng to show that the Christian religion had not Pour Une Histoire Des Sciences Part Entire by Jacques Roger (Paris: Albin Michel, 1995), pp. 463 64. Professor Gayon kindly assisted with an English translation of his French text. 134 Greene to Mayr, 27 September 1985, Mayr Papers.

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296 been kinder, but your delibe rate neglect of the conceptual developments of the last 50 years, 135 Greene graciously thanked Mayr, while also sending him a point by point response defending the relevancy of his historical analysis. Greene acknowledged : As always, I enjoy crossing swords with you about the fundamental ideas of biologists and other scientists, and I fervently hope that nothing I write will ever be interpreted as aimed at diminishing your stature as one of the leading biologists of our century. I thi nk that we are undergoing a sea change in conceptions of nature in our time. If so, it is not surprising that the language in which scientists talk and write about nature should display ambivalence, paradox, and even contradiction from time to time. To the historian of ideas these manifestations are meat and drink and clues in unraveling the movement of thought. At the same time I enjoy the pleasure of learning much good science and exchanging ideas with those who produce it. 136 Nonetheless, Mayr responded sh arply: around to determine what the prevailing views on nature and science will be in the 21 st century. Your wishful thinking that the synthetic evolutionary theory, so seemingly distasteful to you, will no lo . Since you never quite understood what 137 Whereas Greene could lean on Biblical metaphors when feeling seriously challenged Mayr appeared to interpret a heavy criti que of the h istory of idea s as an attack on the science itself and hid behind it 135 Mayr t o Greene, 8 October 1985, Mayr Papers. Greene commented in a letter to the historian of science, . on the final draft of my essay . trying to take account of Ernst rs out of date in my understanding of evolutionary biology, but I am not 136 Greene to Mayr, 18 October 1985, p. 3, Mayr Papers. 137 Mayr to Greene, 21 October 1985, Mayr Papers. The f Mayr appears to refer: and his contemporaries took for granted are no longer viable, altho ugh they linger on in the biological community as convenient sticks with which to beat creationists, finalists, and vitalists. New views of nature and science, of man and society, of reality in general are in the making. What dominant view of nature and ma appropriate figures of speech) will emerge in the twenty Revue p. 227.

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297 At the end of October, Greene reported to Mayr that the essay was finished and ready to be submitted to the Revue While he mentioned he had made further adjustments, some o f them maintained the essence of his views : I am sorry that you do not think better of it, for I value your opinion highly, but I have concluded that our conception of what science is, how it develops, and how it is related to ideology, philosophy, and world view are so far apart that the gap cannot be bridged. You seem to think that science has ceased to be influenced by extraneous factors such as ideology and world view and that science can answer questions of human duty and destiny that are (in my opinion) philosophical and religious. I regard the former view as nave and unhistorical and the latter one as unsound and dangerous dangerous to science as well as society. I assure you I have no brief for structuralism or for d ialectical biology in the Marxist style, nor do I have any animus against the modern synthesis insofar as it is truly scientific. But when Huxley, Simpson, etc. begin to tell me that evolutionary biology is an all sufficient guide to the meaning of life, r ight conduct, social pol icy, the interaction of science, ideology, and world view. As I said in my collection of essays on the subject, the ultimate intelligibility of thin gs, if there is one, is not scientific in any modern sense of that word. 138 Science yields a limited type of intelligibility which can be used for good he insisted that s cience knows nothing of wisdom Greene carried o n in what was obviously a patronizing tone so much so that even he had to acknowledge it at the end of the 139 Perhaps this was part of a calculated tactic. Roger Recruits Mayr At this point, Mayr felt he needed to express himself di rectly to Roger. He apologized for a variety of topics, saying that it was 138 Greene to Mayr, 29 October 1985, Mayr Papers. 139

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298 140 Then he got to the point: John Greene has now sent you hi s chapter which he had first sent to me for criticism. Frankly, I own opinion, he wrote, eems to evaluate everything o . It is said that John Greene is a very devout 141 Roger promptly replied that recent act ivities at Cornell, and that he had hoped to see Mayr at the History of Science Society meetings later that month Then he too got to the point : all feel that he seeks t o attack Darwin, much less you. What he thinks is that there is a difficulty inherent in any theory of evolution, and that is, it needs to reconcile a mechanistic explanation (which is the only one scientifically acceptable) and the indisputable fact of ad aptation and the progress through its history. But your letter gave me an idea: would you write a few pages to explain your views in response to Greene? I will publish in the same issue of the magazine, immediately after his article. If you approve, I migh t even ask other evolutionary biologists to give their opinion. . This would make an exceptional volume, which might interest many people. . Tell me what you think of this idea. Obviously, the project is only realized if you accept yourself, to wri te a few pages. 142 explaining that now know whether it is worthwhile to answer him until I have seen what t is very difficult to deal with John Greene. He 140 These lectures coincidently formed the basis for a formal essay on his views of human ethics published in Toward a New Philosophy of Biology (1988), which he claimed to base on his scientific appreciation of evolutionary theory (see fn. 85). 141 want to correct some of your unpleasant remarks on my terminology ul timate proximate. This was the terminology of John Baker and David Lack, from whom I took it over, as I have repeatedly stressed in my writings and as is 142 R oger to Mayr, 11 November 1985, Mayr Papers. (Translated from French.)

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299 is such a nice person that one is quite reluctant to attack his ideas. Furthermore, there is no Mayr noted an example from a recent exchange with Greene, stating s from an uncommitted scientist 143 It God and Darwin In ot her words, it appears Mayr had made a perhaps latent psychological connection between a scientific appreciation of Darwinian theory, and an exclusively positivistic world view as the only justifiable conclusion. Roger sent Mayr the manuscript while continu ing to encourage him. He then reported to Mayr that because we want to develop this kind of history in our magazine. But I did not know what he would say. Anyway, I thin k the issue he discusses is interesting, even if I am not entirely in agreement with the way he puts it. Furthermore, although I have met him several times, we never 144 R oger time to discuss it with you here in detail. Still, he noted : Briefly, I see two different issues: first, the use by some biologists of apparently teleological mechanisti c formulas. That seems to me what John Greene discussed. This is not new. Even Franois Jacob lent Lamarck teleological ideas he never had, on account of expressions of this kind. Darwin complained, and rightly, to have been misunderstood for the same reas on. It would be necessary each time to say . but we know that . and that would be unending. The answer seems to me that easy. 143 Mayr to Green, 21 November 1985, Mayr Papers. 144 Roger to Mayr, 2 dcembre 1985, Mayr Papers. (Translated from French.)

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300 But what appears to me more delicate is the use of teleonomic reasoning to determine the adaptive value of a character, especially in the past. Perhaps there is this risk if you are not very careful. I wonder what you think. If you want, I can give you more t an offprint from a lecture I gave in Strasbourg a few years ago and where, drawing my not, please tell me and I will sent it. I very much hope you will agree to write a few pages on the article by John Greene. It would be an honor for our journal to publish. 145 Mayr shortly sent back to Before I start polishing it up and adding all the footnotes etc. I would like to h ave your reaction to this draft. My major objective inability to understand the evolutionary theory. It would be a pity if readers would think that 146 The following month, Mayr reported to his biological com patriot Michael G hiselin the latest news of his Revue experience. Perhaps with the passage of time, portio ns of the letter can be considered with good humor Mayr wrote : him on the history of ideas, that he asked me to write a rebuttal to John Greene. Although I have surely more u rgent things to do, I finally obliged Jacques Roger, 145 Roger to Mayr, 2 dcembre 1985, Mayr Papers. (Translated from En ce qui concerne le fond du problme, je regrette de n'avoir pas le temps d'en discuter ici avec vous en dtail. Sommairement, je vois deux questions diffrentes: d'abord, l'emploi par des biologistes mcanistes de formules apparemment tlologiques. C'est, me semble t il, ce que discute John Greene. Ce n'est pas nouveau. Mme Franois Jacob a prt Lamarck des ides tlologiques qu'il n'a jamais eues, cause d'expressions de ce genre. Darwin s'est plaint, et juste titre, d'avoir t mal compris pour la mme raison. Il faudrait chaque fois dire : "tout se e. La rponse me semble donc facile. Mais ce qui me parat plus dlicat, c'est l'emploi du raisonnement tlonomique pour dterminer la valeur attentif. J'aimerais savoir ce que vous en pensez. 146 Mayr to Roger, 13 December 1985, Mayr Papers.

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301 10 years old, I presume) but so that readers of this volume, particularly those outside of biology, get a stop look liste n signal. 147 Roger next wrote to Mayr a few months later, asking his forgiveness for the noted : I received your response to John Greene. I am ready to publish as it is, but if you want to send me I do not know enough to determine whether John Greene is fundamentally hostile to Darwinism for religious reasons, because he has never spoken to me [about it.] Perhaps you could discuss a little further what he is saying of teleology and its role and relationship to mechanism within the synthetic theory. But without removing from what you are saying otherwise. 148 Roger also updated Mayr on his plans for the rest of that issue of the Revue: I have permitted myself to provide the text of Greene and yourself to Franois Jacob, who like you responded with great liveliness, and to Charles Devillers, who with more nuance, clearly expressed his agreement with you. I think [Stephen Jay] Gould will also send me his reaction. I will publish it all together with a presentation that I will write myself. When I asked Greene for an article on the history of ideas in general, I did not foresee that it would come to this! But it is clear that all of the evo lutionary biologists responded like you, and that is something Greene does not understand, or does not understand the same way as the biologists. It will be necessary to be careful as I am writing my own text! 149 M ayr shortly wrote back to Roger: 147 Mayr to Ghiselin, 7 January 1986, Mayr Papers. 148 Roger to Greene, Le 24 mar 1986, Mayr Papers. (Translated from French.) 149 Roger to Greene, Le 24 mar 1986 Mayr Papers. (Translated from French.) Franois Jacob is a French biologist who shared the 1965 Nobel Prize in Medicine with Jacques Monod and Andr Lwoff. Charles Devillers was a French biologist, among whose other publications coauthored with Jean Cha line a work translated into English as, Evolution: An Evolving Theory (Berli n; New York: Springer Verlang, 1993). Stephen Jay Gould was an influential Harvard paleontologist and historian of science. follows: Je me suis permis de communiquer le texte de Greene et le vtre Franois Jacob, qui a ragi avec beaucoup de vivacit que vous, et Charles Devillers que, avec plus de nuances, exprime clairement son accord avec vous. Je pense que Gould va auss i m'envoyer sa raction. Je publierai le tout ensemble, avec une prsentation que j'crirai moi mme. Quand j'avais demand Greene un article sur l'histoire des ides en gnral, je ne prvoyais pas que j'en arriverai l Mais il est clair que tous les biologistes de l'evolution ragissent comme vous, et qu'il y a quelque chose que Greene n'a pas compris, ou ne comprend pas de la mme manire que les biologistes. Il va falloir que je fasse attention en rdigeant mon propre texte

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302 all of his claims. His misc onceptions are not worthy of more of an expenditure of time on my had Indulging in a strident tone, Mayr argued that Gre ene aimed to undermine the Darwinian revolution. He also sent Greene a copy of his short, sharp essay. 150 In early June, after receiving a manuscript of the essay, Greene once again attempted to explain to Mayr his position which Greene felt Mayr consistent ly missed. Greene glad that you have had an opportunity to expound your views and to comment on those of Julian Huxley as well. I cannot say that you have resolved the paradoxes and contradictions I thought to point out in your writings and th ose of Huxley, but perhaps the readers of the Revue de Synthse will perc eive the resolution where I do not. I leav e the matter to their judgment. My only regret is that you have misunderstood my own position with respect to Darwin, to evo 151 He then listed the tion of [his] that he same hardly on beau idal of rrel with the idea that populations of 150 Mayr to Roger, 11 Apr il 1986, Mayr Papers. For the text of the essay published in the Revue See Ernst Mayr, Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 229 235. Mayr also republished the essay in his own compilation, Toward a New Philosophy of Biology: Observations of an Evolutionist (1988), pp. 258 264. 151 Greene to Mayr, 4 June 1986, Mayr Papers. This letter was subsequently published, See John C. Greene, The Journal of the History of Biology 22 (1989): 357 59.

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303 figures of speech as er did he . all changes in scientific theory to ideological forces, as any reader of The Death of Adam knows. Nonetheless ture, natural s election, 152 while concludin g that flourishing in an astonishing variety of forms (scientific and otherwise), some which make more sen se than others. Whatever the case, Greene added, I beg you to rest assured of my high personal regard for you and for your outstanding contributions to biology and to the history of 153 Greene would also respond that he Christian who [could not] adopt Darwinism because he sees God nature, and as a result, 154 On these points, Greene wrote to Mayr : ian (though of the intellectual rather than the practicing kind), but no one except you has ever next responded with a few Biblical allusions : But if I prefer to worship the true God rather than evolution, natural selection, science, humanity, fate, or any other inferior being, what of that? It does not, as you seem to think, require that I believe (as you indicate) progression . is . That Origins but it is not mine. I am not privy to the thoughts of the Creator, not having been present when he laid the foundation of t he 152 Greene to Mayr, 4 June 1986, May r Papers. 153 Greene to Mayr, 4 June 1986, Mayr Papers. 154 Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 232.

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304 earth while the morning star s sang together and the sons of God shouted with joy. 155 concluding riposte can be attributed to none other than the Biblical Creator Himself, as paraphrased at the beginning of Job 38. But even without a traditional testimonial perhaps there is a wider point that can lacking an omniscient perspective a broadly experienced human condition there is little possibility of empirically securing a definitive understanding of the nature of time and space, and perhaps biological theory as well. In other words, natural met hodology lacks facility for ascertaining an ultimate conclusion as Mayr c ould readily agree Nonetheles engaging a biblical reference added something personal ly relevant to the intellectual exchange. Mayr reacted favorably or at least diplomatically again a sign of his preference to avoid religious controversy There was no need whatsoever for you to justify yourself to me. However, I am very glad to have your letter, because it tells me far better what your real thi nking is than your recent essay. . As far as the major point of your letter is concerned, the influence of ideology on science, I actually share it with you totally, and this should be o bvious enough from my Growth of Biological Thought I have constantly stressed the influence of essentialism, 156 He then added: But of course as I made clear in one of my Messenger Lectures at Cornell, n o research program or whatever you might call scientific Darwinism, is ever final, it is always being modified, enlarged, revised, etc. I am now working on a new essay volume of mine in which I will include a few unpublished essays, [Mayr appeared to be re ferring to Toward a New Philosophy of Biology: Observations of an Evolutionist (1988)], one of them dealing with the unfinished business of the 155 Journal of the History of Biology 22 (1989): 357 359. 156 Mayr to Greene, 11 June 1986, Mayr Papers.

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305 evolutionary synthesis. I think you will like these discussions, because I emphasize in them the open endedness of science. 157 Mayr finished his letter with a personal note: fundamentally. It has always been m y principle to try to stay on good terms with those with whom I disagree. . Nothing has been as inimical to progress in science or intellectual thought as bringing personal attitudes into a discussion. 158 With warmest personal regards, yours, Ernst M oving Toward s P ublication Prior to this exchange, and shortly after Greene had Death of Darwin? Greene sent Roger a second letter addressed to the editors of the Revue de Synthse similar to what he had written direct ly to Mayr as a response to rejoi nder. Greene admitted to Roger: incomprehension of my point of view. I saw him recently at a meeting of the Darwin Correspondence Committee, and I am happy t o report that his manner, though showing some signs of strain of controversy, was cordial. I should really hate to lose his friendship and 159 Greene also wrote Jim Moore, primarily about the F estschrift project Moore was organizing, and in particul ar about arrangements Moore was making for a biographical interview 157 Mayr to Greene, 11 June 1986, Mayr Papers. 158 159 Greene to Roger, 1 Jun e 1986, Greene Papers.

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306 with Greene when they planned to meet in England that summer. 160 In the same letter, Green e confided to Moore : wi ] I am labeled as being simultaneously a Christian, an essentialist, an anti Darwinian, and a promoter of the idea that the development of Like he had to Roger, Greene also described to Moore his cordial, though strained exchange with Mayr at the Darwin Correspondence Committee meeting. And, once again, Green e referred to the effect he hoped his latest work would not have on his relationship with Mayr: I should hate to lose his friendship and respect. His misrepresentations of my views are not from malice or spite but from his total incomprehension, as a good scientist, of the point of view of an intellectual historian. He cannot separate science and world view and hence insists on regarding any questioning of his version of the Darwinian world view as an attack on science itself. In addition, he insists on im a real historical anachronism. 161 Soon there after Roger sent a handwritten letter to Greene with an update on the project: In principle, everything is ready for publication of your article and the co mmentaries it germinated: after the reply by Ernst Mayr, there will be a brief note from Franois Jacob (which is going in the same direction as Ernst Mayr,) plus two commentaries that are longer and nuanced by Stephen Jay Gould and also from a French (Dar winian) biologist Charles Devillers. And what is left for me is to write a few page presentation of the debate. I think it will be useful to publish your response, or maybe at least some excerpt. It seems clear that Ernst and Jacob did not understand what you wanted to say, Gould and Devillers did understand a lot better, and my presentation will be such that the reader will appreciate it. In this condition it may not be necessary to publish your response. But I will think about it after reviewing everythi ng together. Be certain your article is going to be taken more seriously then, and I fear for him, the too 160 History, Humanity and Evolution: Essays for John Greene ed. James R. Moore (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 1 38. 161 Greene to Moore, 6 June 1986 Greene Papers.

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307 abrupt response from Ernst Mayr. You did the right thing by writing to him, but he is very difficult to convince. As soon as I will decide, I will w rite to you. In any case, this letter is only for you. Please believe in my cordial devotion Jacques Roger 162 On June 17 th Greene wrote both Mayr and Roger. To Roger he mentioned how s o much attention from . you and four eminent biologists bove all, he wrote, I am delighted that the issues I have 163 [stood] and how th . to know that we are still on terms of friendship and 164 The Revue in Print During July, Greene travelled to England, France, and Italy on a to ur with Ellen, as well as to catch up with old aca demic friends such as Jim Moore and attend 165 While in Paris, Roger invited John later appreciated in a letter saying how th ey had that I am afraid that I forgot to thank you properly. I always enjoy talking intellectual history 166 R eturning to America Greene also sent a short letter to John Hedley Brooke (who he likely cros sed paths with while visiting Oxford) 162 Roger to Greene, Le 9 juin 1986, Greene Papers. (Translated from handwritten letter in French.) 163 Greene to Roger, 17 June 1986, Greene Papers. 164 Greene to Mayr, 17 July 1985, Mayr Papers. 165 Greene to Mayr, 8 July 1986, Greene Papers. W hile in England, John and Ellen met up with James Moore and family, and it was during this time that Moore and Greene engaged in a discussion eventually published as the 40 History, Humanity and Evolution (1989), a fests chrift Moore organized and 166 Greene to Roger, 14 August 1986, Greene Papers.

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308 told Brooke: Jacques Roger in Paris and learned that my will be pu blished in the Revue de Synth se this fall with commentaries by Mayr, Gould, Jaob, Devillers (a French biologist), and Roger himself. The commentaries will outweigh the article! At any rate I seem to 167 I n the introduction to the July September edition of the Revue de Synthse dedicated to how the theory of evolution described in that edition presented 168 He wrote: This confrontation was not premeditated. Initially, we asked John Greene, a well known specialist in intellectual history to write an article about his discipli ne. Since his article ended with a discussion of some contemporary issues involving the theory of evolution, John Greene sent his manuscript to Ernst Mayr, who was not pleased. We proposed that he write a reply that we would publish, and we also submitted the case to three other biologists, who were kind enough, despite all their other activities, take the time to read them and send us their feedback. They are warmly thanked. It turns out that Ernst Mayr, Franois Jacob and Stephen J. Gould have also publi shed important works on the history of biology. This fact adds to the interest of the debate, implicitly posing the question of two possible readings of a century of Darwinian evolutionism. But the fundamental problem, as posed by John Greene, remains that of mechanism and teleology and their place in the modern theory of evolution. 169 Roger completed his int roduction with an admission: 170 167 Greene to Brooke, 19 August 1986, Greene Papers. 168 Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 199. (Translated from F rench.) 169 Ibid. 170 Ibid.

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309 The editors had asked Greene (and presumably the other authors as well) to present in English, a short abstract of his essay that would be published at the end of the issue. Part of follows : The mechanical view of nature was a fusion of P ythagorean Platonic, Atomist, and Judaeo Christian conceptions of nature. In its dynamic Cartesian form it undermined the static Christianized Aristotelianism of Linnaeus and Cuvier and the Platonism of Naturphilosophie and gave rise to the idea that livin g forms, including man, were products of a law bound system of matter in motion. But evolutionary theory introduced ideas of progress, struggle, chance, individuality, and mind in nature that were incompatible with a mechanistic conception of nature, thus creating a tension in evolutionary thought that remains unresolved to the present day. This tension is illustrated from the writings of Darwin, Julian Huxley, Ernst Mayr, and others, including some Marxist biologists. 171 In contrast, f his es say, misunderstandings. In philosophy and in the history of ideas Darwin was a great innovator and it completely misinterprets his thought to consider him a re presentative of the Galilean Cartesian tradition. By introducing population thinking Darwin liberated us from the Platonian essentialism. Evolutionary progress for the Darwinian is not a teleological process, but the description of the adaptive elaboration of organisms from the simplest bacteria to highly complex multi cellular organisms with a central nervous system and parental care. h alive. 172 Franois Jacob, the prominent French biologist who in 1965 won the Nobel Prize in Physiology with Jacques Monod and Andr Lwoff for their 173 contributed a short, sharp p aragraph offering enthusiastic support for essay (translated from French): 171 Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 335. 172 Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 335. 173 The Official Site of the Nobel Prize, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/medicine/laureates/1965/press.html accessed 25 January 2013.

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310 Surprising is this text by the American historian John Greene because it goes against everything a biologist can think about the role of Darwin in the evolution of ideas. How Darwin and Huxley thought of themselves as simply extending to the world of life and history the conception of nature . as a law bound system of matter in the thinking of Darwin with that of Spencer is hardly serious. Then, because it is Darwin who had probably done the most to replace the mechanistic and deterministic view of life with a probabilistic and populationist view. It is impossible not to be amaze d by the suggestion that nature is due to matter in motion. I agree with most of the criticism made by Ernst t. 174 Stephen Jay Gould, the Harvard paleontologist and historian of science, attempted a middle course by writing [the] exchange between Greene and Mayr is a double pleasure to read because it represents a commentary about history by two men who have, through the excellence of their own works, helped to shape the history of evolutionary thought. Yet I find that both men are talking largely past rather than to each other. Mayr writes to defend the specific mechanics of natural selection; Greene is quest ioning the philosophical underpinnings of Gould further noted that Mayr ventured due to his 175 174 Revue de Synthse ides. Comment, par exemple, peut on crire : To a considerable extent, Spencer, Darwin and Huxley thought of themselves as simply extending to the world of life and history the conception of nature . as a law abord parce que mlanger la pense de pour remplacer la vue mcaniste et dterministe du monde vivant par une vue probabiliste et populationis te. selon lequel tout dans la nature est d la matire en mouvement. Je suis en accord avec la plupart des critques formules par Ernst Ma 175 Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 239.

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311 And yet, h e hile I think that Mayr speaks past Greene (t hough making not consider emma faced by modern Darwinians . 176 and added a lth ough Green is correct in describing a tension between old 177 Char les Devillers wrote the third essay commenting on the Greene Mayr exchange. Devillers, a Professor Emeritus from the Univ ersity of Paris known as a specialist in zoology and evolutionary theory, was likely best known to English speaking readers as t he coau thor of Evolution: An Evolving Theory (trans. 1993), written with the French paleon tologist Jean Chaline. Deviller s argued that d fifty years of research to build a contradictions, ambiguities, and inconsistencies, all against the backdrop of anthropomorphic 178 Nonetheless Devillers admit use and abuse of a certain vocabulary with anthropomorphic connotations are worth the use of such words, as often indulged in by Julian Huxley, invited replacement with better 176 Ibid., 241. 177 Ibid., 242. Perhaps Gould was also confusing Darwinian theory as science, with Darwinism as a worldview. 178 Revue de Synthse comprends, et p artage, l'irritation, la colre d'E. Mayr. Selon J. C. Greene, cent cinquante ans de recherches pur difier une mcanique volutive matrialiste n'auraient produit qu'un horrible mlange d'incompatibilits, de contradictions, d'ambiguits, d'incohrences,

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312 concluded that in spite of these concerns, for theory of the evolutionary mechanics . being built . on the sound foundations as e stablished 179 The concluding analysis, written by Roger and titled offered by far the most nuanced argument, and one that was diplomatically sympathetic to Greene. He no ted that when Greene and Mayr spoke to a variety of issues according to historical and scientific context. 180 He similarly pointed out that while he agreed o nfuse Darwin and Spencer . this was 181 Roger also offered an English summary of his critique of the exchange : The author [Roger] follows J mechanical philosophy and teleology. In the second section of the paper, he tries to he discusses the problems of progress, hu man values and teleology in evolutionary theory. As a conclusion . [Roger considered] one, but the fate of a scientific theory depends on scientific work, not on historical analysis. 182 T wo Old Intellectual Troopers In November 1986, both Mayr and Greene received copies of the published Revue and both subsequently thanked Roger for sending them. Mayr also thanked Roger for sending his congratulations, as Mayr had recently been awarded the History of Science Society Sar ton Medal 179 Ibid., 336 37. 180 62. 181 Ibid., 262. 182 Revue de Synthse 3 (1986): 337.

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313 for a lifetime of scholarly achievement (Greene would earn the same award in 2002). Mayr also wrote of the present state of his relationship with Greene: much upset about my criticism; I suspect he feels that in the end he will turn out to be considered 183 Greene would write to Mayr again later that month, in turn thanking his friend in y inscription. It was awfully good of you to send it personal feelings about their Revue important questions about evol utionary theory and its historical development, I shall be more than satisfied. The commentaries I have received thus far in response to . my article and the rejoinders by you, Jacob, and Gould have impressed me with the variety of opinions possible on 184 Greene then referred to a long letter he had received from Peter Bowler, historian of science and evolutionary thought. 185 Greene told Mayr what Bowler ou and I are both barking up the wrong tree on these issues [ in considerin g that ] Darwin was the central figure in the growth of 19 th also written to Greene: and Mayr started off from a less Darwin centered view of the 19 th century, I suspect t hat you might be able to debate the issues o Greene also reported to Mayr that the Cornell anthropologist Davydd Greenwood much more sympathetic to my line of had 183 Mayr to Roger, 5 January 1987, Mayr Papers. Perhaps Mayr and Greene also crossed paths at the History of Science Society meetings that year, usually held in early November. 184 Greene to Mayr, 28 January 1987, Greene Papers. 185 Bowler to Greene, undated, Greene Paper s. Bowler sent a copy of the letter with additional comments to Mayr. The probable date is sometime in December 1986.

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314 book The Possible and the Actual (1982) have laid 186 Their relationship continued to unfold as they exchanged news and views, with Mayr offering Greene a quick update : e in p lease convey my greetings to Shirley science professor upon his retirement at the University of Connecticut. 187 The following December, Mayr sent another with you? Presumably you are living up to the sayi that 188 At the time, Greene was working on an essay world view, and he inquired from Mayr about his experience working with Huxley. Interestingly enough, Mayr responded: I greatly admired [Huxley] more for one quality of his than any other, his infectious enthusiasm right up to his old age. There must be an extraordinary number of you ng people who were inspired by him. . [B ut the] trouble with Huxley was that he had such a fertile mind that he rarely succeeded in settling down and doing a th o rough job. His Evolution: The Modern Synthesis is rather chaotic in its organization. It is full of excellent individual thoughts but it has always been my 186 Greene to Mayr, 28 January 1987, Greene Papers. Franois s on evolutionary theory and the ph ilosophy of science, reminiscent in tone of presentations on the subject. Interestingly, Jacob also offered a critique of sociobiology and scientific dogmatism. 187 Mayr to Greene, 4 October 1987, Greene Papers. 188 Mayr to Greene, December 1987, Greene Papers. cern that Mayr was attempting to make inroads to steal Roe away from the University of Connecticut! Mayr pleaded ignorance though apparently Roe had accepted opportunities to interview at Harvard and the University of Wisconsin. See Greene to Mayr, 23 De rd is the last one Mayr kept as an archival copy.

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315 feeling that they did not hang together. He of course was much more interested in the broader, man connected issues than I. 189 all future publication, From Monad to Man: the Concept of Progress in Evolutionary Biology (1996). 190 To this, Greene responded: certainly ad mire him as a humanist and, s eparately, as a scientist . but I think that his attempt restated his long held argument on biology and progress: human affairs is possible and devoutly to be hoped and worked for, but I do not see how concepts of progress and improve ment can be introduced into biological science unless biologists revise their concept of nature to admit the idea of levels of being and their concept of science to admit value concepts. Until they do so, they will continue to be unable either to live with or to live without such ideas. Thus, your discussion of the idea of progress in The Growth of Biological Thought is left hanging in the air by your admission that biologists cannot agree on a definition of the term that is scientifically acceptable. 191 Mayr often criticized Greene for his reluctance to show his own hand when criticizing others, to define how 189 Mayr to Greene, 5 April 1988, Greene Papers. 190 Ibid. Ruses offers a comprehensive survey of the history of evolutionary thought, pinpointing in tellectual and Ruse, Monad to Man: The Concept of Progress in Evolutionary Biology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996). Ruse offers an analysis of Mayr on pp. 410 410 (with excerpts from personal interviews) in a chapter examining the views of many of the architects of the evolutionary synthesis. on progress are a function of the biological milieu in which he grew up in Germany and that which he entered America, spliced with the influence of Julian Huxley and with his present cultural convictions, especially those about scientific and technological Monad to Man p. 419. 191 Greene to Mayr, 10 April 1988, Greene Papers.

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316 offered as a superior alternative. Greene, of course, would demure that the extent of his critique involved the philosophical basis of the idea of progress as construed by a number of evolutionists promoting the concept as a component of the biological sciences, and not on the idea itself. Nonetheless, he would admit that on a personal level, a Christian based concept of human nature a personal a ffinity hardly amenable to scientific investigation. view He pronounced think you got him largely right. Reading what you say strongly reinforced my recently published Greene a page full of critique, though mostly minor. Greene responded with a revised ma nuscript for Mayr in May, requesting from him permission to use excerpts from their correspondence in the footnotes of the article. In 1990 it would be published in the Journal of the History of Biology with the title 192 At the end of the month, Greene thanked Mayr for sending him a copy of his recently pri Toward a New Philosophy of Biology (1988). But then Greene added: I was surprised to ] in the Revue de Synthse included, for reasons set forth in the letter I wrote you immediately after reading your essay. But since you insist on regarding my interpretation of Darwin and Darwinism as tot ally mistaken, we can only leave it to posterity to decide between us. The truth is great and will prevail whether it turns out to be my interpretation or your interpretation or something quite different from 192 Journal of the History of Biology 23 (1990): 39 56.

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317 either. . The world is so full of a number happy as kings at least if we are students of the history of ideas. Greene concluded saying he was about to leave for a n academic engagement overseas. He cheerily signed off: 193 Mayr responded b y more or less not responding. T hough he did write to remark on po ints raised by Greene, he avoided the main one. Greene however, did not leave it at that, deciding over the summer to approach Everett Mendelsohn, editor for the Journal of the History of Biology He described the backdrop of his correspondence with Mayr, and how Mayr had made a conciliatorily gesture expressing that he now possessed a better unders position tha n what he had before the publication of their Revue articles Su r prisingly, Mayr then context. 194 In response, Greene wrote to Mendelsohn: most o f them will have had no occasion to read my article in the Revue de Synthse views), I am sending you a copy of my letter of June 14, 1986, explaining my true views to Profess or Mayr after I had received an advance copy of his commentary. I send it in the hope that you will publish it and the present letter in you r journal by way of setting the record straight. I know of no better way to reach a large number of readers likely t that he would have any objection to my making this request of you. I value his friendship highly, and I would certainly not want to mar that friendship in any way. 195 Mendelsohn replied in Septemb 193 Greene to Mayr, 31 May 1988, Greene Papers. As it turned out, Greene was unfortunately unable to follow through with his travel plans. 194 T oward a New Philosophy of Biology: Observations of an Evolutionist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), pp. 258 264. 195 John Greene to Everett Mendelsohn, 28 July 1988, Greene Papers.

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318 of the readers of the JHB confirming publicat 1986 letter to Mayr describing and his letter to Mendelsohn requesting to publish them both in the JHB 196 Greene al so wrote Mayr explaini ng his current course of action I am somewhat concerned lest the readers of your book take your account of my views as gospel truth. (You will remember that I wrote you on June 4, 1986 to explain my views mo Greene explained why he approached the editor of the JHB and how Mendelsohn agreed to something behind your b ack, however hence this letter. . I hope you will understand my concern for the correct presentation of my views. I could think of no better way to get them 197 not to mention that Greene had taken the high road, it was quite a few months before Greene received another letter from Mayr. But the fol lowing spring, Mayr again wrote 198 It is difficult to sa y what Mayr anticipated would be the response when he sent Greene the copy of his new book. Fortunately, their vibrant correspondence soon rebounded once again. N early three quarters of their letters date from after the Revue exchange up until the year bef Though their correspondence served primarily as an exchange of views, manuscript s and 196 Journal of the History of Biology 22 (1989), pp. 357 359. 197 Greene to Mayr, 25 September 1988, Greene Papers. 198 Mayr to Greene, 2 April 1989, Greene Papers. September 1988, though it is possible there were other letters ex changed in between.

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319 updates on the latest publications they each found interesting, there were also instances when Greene made noticeable references to recently published works with theological or philosophical critiques of evolutionary theory, or otherwise commented upon the growing intelligent design perspective. In all such inst ances, Mayr would soon noticeably cool off by not responding f o r several months In fact, Walter Bock, a former graduate student who spent considerable time with him during this period, once responded to a query as to how he viewed the nature of the friendship betwe en the two men was it genuinely without hard feelings in such circu mstances? Bock s reply: about religion or world view or th not. And I think this caused a problem. John kept wanting to have more interaction with Mayr 199 historian of science critiqu e s that Mayr appreciated, albeit with mixed feelings. In a thirty six page essay titled antiteleologist, antitheist, and anticreationist. . .[who] looks to Charles Darwin as a thinker who developed a scientific worldview fatal to bot h mechanistic reductionism and creationist finalism, and who lai d the groundwork for a historico organ icist conception of evolutionary 199 think John was really interested in discussing this more fully . debate about it and so forth. And Mayr simply, I think af . his comment all that anymore this debate with Greene. And he said it in a fairly definite way, a

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320 200 Mayr respond ed in a long handwritten letter: le, I think you have done a remarkable job of representing my then made a claim of himself : S t has been far from my mind, indeed I have been quite careful to avoid anything that might be offensive to my orthodox friends. However, religions rather ridiculous. And, the conf lict is not between religion and science, how much of an atheist he may be, has religion. 201 Growth of Biolo gical Thought Greene described a rationale for his analysis of Mayr as a historian of science: priorities and ientific activity ( GBT 17). The same 202 Greene argued that while prior attempts at examining the history of biology could be accused of be 200 Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994), p. 312. 201 Debating Darwin (1999), pp. 234 235. The full version contains a list of critiques May manuscript. Greene provides in Debating Darwin a good selection of excerpts from their correspondence during the 1990s. JHB Mayr would regularly give Greene permission to quote from their correspondence in his essays. 202 The Growth of Biological Thought Journal of the History of Biology 22 (1992), p 258.

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321 biology against old fashioned creationists, vitalists, and teleologists on the o ne hand, and 203 In contrast, Greene claimed: My own stance as a historian is quite different. I have no commitment to a particular position with respect to the issues currently agitating biologist s a nd I see no reason to believe that the interaction between science, philosophy, and worldview (including religious attitudes) came to an end with Darwin or anyone positiv e that this interaction continues in our day. The result is that, although I have learned much from studying his Growth of Biological Thought I cannot accept some of his i nterpretation of key developments in the transition from Aristotle to Darwin. 204 One of the last formal essays that Greene would publish in a prominent academic journal appeared to bring the Mayr Greene exchange full circle recalling its beginnings in 1959 when Greene development of evolutionary thought. Titled This is Biology published in Biology and Philosophy in 1999, Greene argued that history of science seems str iology as [Mayr] conceives it . was prevented from emerging in Western culture partly by ignorance of crucial facts but largely by the pernicious influence of a seri es of false ideologies beginning with Platonic Aristotelian and er in support of a static world view at odds with dynamic pop ulation thinking. Greene slyly remarked: 205 Fortunately, in 203 Ibid., p. 283. 204 Ibid., p. 283 284. 205 This is Biology Biology and Philosophy 14 (1999), p. 104.

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322 of these false ideologies . could not prevent, the triu mph of true 206 As in the past, Greene appeared particularly eager s present ation of modern biology as the most desirable wellspring from which to draw enlightened human values. But then Greene also graciously concluded: Those who kno w Ernst Mayr also know that he is, in addition to being one of the leading biologists of the twentieth century, a warm, sensitive, courageous human being as devoted to the welfare of humankind and the other denizens of the planet Earth as he is to the welf are of biology and the scientific enterprise. If, in defending his chosen calling, his way of life, he has claimed more for science in general and for biology in particular than a balanced view of human history, aspiration, and achievement can justify, we may perhaps forgive him. H e is, as he himself has said, a fighter. 207 H appy Birthday Ernst In May 1992, Greene wrote to Patricia Williams, the philosopher of science organizing the International Society for the History, Philosophy, and Social Studies of Biol ogy (ISHPSSB) meetings to be held at Brandeis University the following year. Greene suggested that Mayr . She suggested it li ke to do that. She acknowledged: est, if not the greatest figure in 20 th century biology a remark able man. We really ought to have a session on his work, and with 206 Ibid., p. 106. 207 Ibid., p. 115.

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323 love a session on Mayr [ for the next conference ] 208 Over the summer, Greene got in contact with fellow sc holars such as Walter Bock, Steph en Jay Gould, John Beatty, and Michael Ghiselin, as well as of course Mayr, all of whom were interested in the project. Perhaps Greene f elt inspired in part by a sense of guilt, as he 209 Mayr was naturally pleased to forts, and remarked in a letter: slightly amuses me to be able to attend a session normally dedicated to recently deceased persons. Wel He close d with a handwritten postscript: prepared to consid 210 Greene and Mayr also discussed potential speakers for the ou are a magician to have conjured up such a powerful panel for the Ernst Mayr session next July! I very much appreciate you 211 Biology and Philosophy the journal for which Ruse served as editor. 212 Ruse 208 Patricia Williams to John C. Greene, 28 May 1992, Greene papers. 209 G reene to Ghiselin, 14 July 1992, Greene papers. Ghiselin was also arranging for a celebration for the 50 th Systematics and the Origin of Species at the California Academy of Sciences, and the two were interested in coordinating efforts. 210 Mayr to Greene, 2 July 1992, Greene Papers. Mayr and Greene were also conversing on potential speakers for the session. 211 Gould on to Williams, 14 August 1992, Greene Papers. 212 Greene to Williams, 24 September 1992, Greene Papers. Gould notified Greene in advance he would not be ab short of expectations.

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324 the following year (July 1994). 213 The session went well, with Mayr participating in the commentary review in betwe en presentations. Bock recalled: work with Greene by helping organize the pap ers for the special edition of Biology and Philosophy as well as arrange for the follow up presentation of the journal to Mayr on his birthday the following year. During the actual event, Mayr offered Greene his special thanks in And last, but not least, I want to thank my good friend John Greene. He has been responsible for getting this together . and he has continued to be my good friend in 214 One historia n of science, Sherri e Lyons reminisced about the event in a letter to Greene the following year, the nasty things he had written about you. I can tell you it wa s a very moving moment and was 215 Fortunately the symposium issue was ready in time for Greene and his wife to bring to ion at his New Hampshire farm. There were also p lans for Greene t o make a presentation speech. 216 unfortunately just prior to John and Ellen leaving Connecticut, Greene became ill and had to 213 Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994). Bock expanded his paper in lieu of Goul 214 Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994): 374. 215 Sherrie L. Lyons to John C. Greene, 11 October 1994, Greene Papers. 216 John C. Gr letter.

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325 postpone their visit until October. 217 He would later amusingly recall th at finally making the trip w as quite an adventure! We had directions for driving to the farm and first we turned into a wrong place think this is the right [road], so we went down to the next road leading off to the left, and there was Ernst sitting on a rock waiting for us! 218 Green e also remembered that during a ] nary biology should be trained in f the farm. Greene was When later speaking about this vi sit, Greene would point to a photograph of Mayr with himself eir autumn walk. At the time he recalled that al and ornithological knowledge . he knew [all] 219 Returning to Connecticut, Greene reported to Bock: [The] trip to New Hampshire to visit Ernst and Christa (and Stasha) was a great success. The fall weather was perfect, the foliage beautiful, and our hike in the foothills interesting and a good workout . Ernst seemed indefatigable and Christa supplied us with two delicious lunches. All in all, it was a very pleasant weekend. 220 217 Bock had initially intended to be there with Greene, but wrote that he needed to attend an important meeting at the University of Zrich that July w eekend. Bock to Greene, 21 April 1994, Greene Papers. 218 John C. Greene, conversation with the author, August 7, 2007. Mayr had sent Greene a handwritten letter with directions, and likely a hand drawn map as well. 219 Ibid. Greene kept a picture on his apart ment wall of the photograph with Mayr he would also publish on page 116 of his book, Debating Darwin Though the book reports it was taken in 1992, the correct date would be on the mid October weekend of the 15 th and 16 th in 1994. 220 Greene to Bock, 17 Oct with you and Christa (and Stasha) was as enjoyable as could be: perfect weather, beautiful foliage, good food, and plenty of exercise! . Thanks again for the wonderf ul weekend. We hope you will visit us here in Storrs when the e but also that the climb to the 1994, Greene Papers.

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326 Mayr similarly wrote to Greene: t to my 221 Greene and Mayr kept in regular contact over the next decade with a volumin ous scholarly issues and current events, as well as personal experiences such as moving into a Debating D arwin which featured a chapter of excerpts from their correspondence, Mayr . To be frank, me. However, when I got into it, I fo und some of it quite fascinating. I write letters on the spur of the moment and now I find that I had revealed in my letters a lot more than I have never told 222 As time passed, their let ters during the early 2000s became less frequent, especially whenever Greene attempted to prod Mayr with a discussion on religious theme s Nonetheless, in Mayr at his New Hampsh ire farm, initially intending to honor him on his birthday with the symposium volume. Now he wished to once again offer his friend his ninth birthday. 223 Ernst subsequently replied in a hand written letter thanking Greene for his birthday greetings, while also interestingly adding: 221 Mayr to Greene, 17 November 1994, Greene Papers. 222 Mayr to Greene, 2 April 1999, Green e Papers. 223 Greene to Mayr, 6 July 2003, Greene Papers. Mayr would reach his one hundredth birthday the following year, though his health began to decline after. Mayr passed away on February 3, 2005.

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327 You are quite right in criticizing my statements of the contributions of science, and is well illustrated by contributions of medical science, as illustrated by infant mortality, small pox, and by genetics to agriculture. For worse is illustrated by industr. pollution, the population explosion and its impact on the environmen t, etc. Several books are published each year describing the adverse impact of applied science on the environment and indirectly of human well being. I hope you are well! I had a [case of ?] severe bronchitis recently which set me back rather badly! As one gets older one becomes more fragile! With my best wishes for your health and happiness. 224 Yours, Ernst It is worth noting, perhaps even i ntriguingly, that in short handwritten note to Mayr from July 6 th he had not expressed anything concerning contribution of science being for better or worse 225 What Greene did mention was that he paragraph in The Death of Adam written in 1959: 224 Mayr to Greene, 14 July 2003, Greene Papers. 225 At the risk of upsetting a heart warming ending Canterbury Tales 35 (Spring 2003), p. 6. Canterbury Tales appears to have been the newsletter for Scientific American: sent Mayr a copy or not, Greene discussed similar themes in his conclusion to The Death of Adam as well as elsewhere in his work.

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328 Is man in truth a kind of Prometheus unbound, ready and able to assume control of his own and cosmic destiny? . Science and technology, which were to have led the way to a bright new future, have become increasingly preoccupied with devising new and more dreadful weapons of obliteration. The historical Adam is dead, a casualty of scientific progress, but the Adam in whom all men die lives on, the creature and th e creator of history, a moral being whose every intellectual triumph is at once a temptation to evil and good. 226 It was to be their last exchange. 226 John C. Greene, The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western Thought (Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1996), pp. 338 39. Greene, of course, wrote this passage during the height of the Cold War. He similarly wrote on pages 336 37: that man might perish from the face of the earth, not by some natural catastrophe, but by his own hand, because the progress of his intellect had outrun the progress of human sympathy and understanding. That this possibility did not occur to Darwin is high ly significant. It shows how implicitly he assumed that scientific and technological progress would be

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329 CHAPTER 7 UNDERSTANDING THE EXCHANGE AND SUMMING IT ALL UP Was Stephen Jay Gould right in thinking Mayr and Greene talked past each other in their Revue de Synthse exchange? 1 Possibly, but not to the degree Gould suggested Greene for example, appeared more comprehensively aware of the issues involved, and drove the exchange istorical analysis and philosophy of biology. Greene also appeared to know more about what motivated Mayr, perhaps more even than Mayr himself as strange as that may sound. 2 Mayr, on the other hand understood the specifics of the science in greater detai l than Greene, something which Greene would have readily admit ted Curiously, though, on many occasions when Mayr criticized Greene, he would express bewilderment as to how a theist (as compared to being a layman or non scientist) could come to terms with evolutionary theory ( a likely reflection on his own philosophical experience ) In any event, philosophical sentimentality was an attribute hardly conducive to building a prestigious scientific discipline i n an intensely positivistic mid twentieth century i ntellectual environment, out of the 1 See the introductory Chapter 1, pp. 8 9. 2 Greene consistently analyze d cerns fairly well, but Mayr w ould often lash out at Greene stating his concerns as a historian were religiously motivated. issues and reached opposite conclusions. . unclear] writing to and answering my letters. He had a very kind personality. . I disagreed with him quite early, ckles], but he certainly was capable of counter attacks. The remarkable hat he said. I am an amateur philosopher n interview with the author, May 18, 2008). Here Greene c ontinued to emphasize that their disagreements were not personal, but he does interestingly point out that his own concern involved metaphysical interests that transcend science, and this concern was not derived from a professional background in biology or philosophy. . I was more or less just reacting to what I read . and I had developed my own ideas about science, ideology, and worldview . I guess I fe lt I had a truer idea of how things worked, than with the author, he had commented upon the previous entirely clear.

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330 seemingly disparate elements that went into the making of a unified science of evolutionary biology Mayr was not the only biologist to ; many scientists all too often embed more th a n just science into their public presentations of evolutionary theory. that reaction was published in an open forum such as the Revue was a perceived need to lead a counterattack with a show of philosophical force. By comparison the specific argument employed would be less important in this context Perhaps his arguments were intended more to impress leading scientists su ch as Fran ois Jacob, which they did, even though historians of science, such as Jacques Roger, had quickly pointed out to Greene (and more tactfully to Mayr) th n a direct historical analysis indic ates as much in admitting that essay pointed out areas of concern regarding the use of metaphysical language Nonetheless, Devillers shared idered the evolutionary synthesis resting on a foundation ke the Nobel laureate biologist Franois Jacob had expectations to be met , viewing it as an attack on the integrity of science. 3 orthodox scientist with an international reputation, especially since Mayr felt a tremendous responsibility to defend the orthodox credentials of the neo Darwinian synthe sis that he had worked so hard to establish over a long career. The Revue interests were otherwise sincere. Over the decades he appeared genuinely interested to engage 3 surely was aware there were a number of pr ominent scientists who shared such views. Since Mayr could productively engage with Greene in private, the question here is what motivated his seemingly over the top attitude expressed in this public presentation? As brash as Mayr could be in print, this e ssay far exceeded his norm.

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331 the issues raised by the if at least according to his capacity which far exceeded that of Jacob in his response. 4 Foremost among interest s was his long standing desire to build the discipline of evolutionar y biology. 5 Though Greene admired the science, he also questioned all th e metaphysical projects They were a problem to maintaining the value neutrality of science For example, Mayr would write that his naturalistic worldview expressed through his science was his religion and it offered for him an experience superior to traditional religion Greene meanwhile, honestly admitted that he found the Christian tradition the best so urce of human ethics and value, but he did not make that issue central to his career at least not overtly. Greene argued evolutionary humanism was little more than a cooption of the traditional values of Western culture package d in a veneer of evolutionary theory. Perhaps it i s no surprise that Huxley authored an essa 6 Greene had a difficult time 4 the practicing scientist to the intellectual history approach to the history of science. Mayr, at least, has been d oing history long enough to know that things are not as simple as Jacob believes. My chief hope is that I started some Archives & Special Collecti ons at the Thomas J. Dodd Research Center, University of Connecticut, Storrs, Connecticut. 5 Journal of the History of Biology 24 (1992): 1 65; Joseph Launching the Society for the Study of Evolution and the Journal Evolution Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994): 387 of the Society for the Study of Evolution and Evolution (1939 Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994): 241 309. 6 Julian Huxley, Essays of a Biologist (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1923), p. 235. Undoubtedly Greene would challenge this essay as w s Perhaps they should be considered not so much as compared to essays of a thoughtful person devel oping a philosophical outlook based on personal experience. An unfortunate irony concerning Huxley as a progressive visionary was his reputation for suffering from severe bouts of depression.

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332 rationalizing such visions of progress (or any vision of progress) as science if only modern science as a profession al discipline The first two components of this study presented an exa mination of the personal histories of Mayr and Greene to better understand the influences that shaped their worldview s and ideological commitments and more specifically, the intellectual proclivities they each brought to the ir pur s uit of the history and philosophy of sc ience. German cultural ideals, the American Midwe st with a family background going back to the early New England Congregationalists. Both grew up in educated families was a Harvard educated college professor, while was a high court magistrate from a family of medical doctors. Bo th pursued advanced studies that led to Darwinian theory, and in particular focused on the intellectual and cultural influences that facilitated its s uccess Beginning in 1959, they each began to publish in fluential works analyzing these concerns. It also happened to be the year marking the hundredth On The Origin of Species The third component of this project examined professional backgrounds. Greene was initially interested in political science and American history, but during his time at Harvard, his curiosity piqued in what he saw as a profound shift in worldview from a static perception prominent through the European Enlightenment and Early American Republic, to the dynamic contemporar y worldview entwined with Darwinian theory. While technically he wrote his dissertation on American history, its emphasis was in intellectual history, and in particular the intellectual history of evolutionary thought. This same dissertation research provi ded the basis for his influential book The Death of Adam (1959), which established

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333 Greene as one of the leading intellectual historian of science and became a foundatio n for his academic career. His historical interests thus took him to science. Mayr, as m entioned came in contact with a number of respected European naturalists through his early interest in ornithology. Most notable among them was Erwin Stresemann, who subsequently encouraged the teenager to pursue his interest professionally, and facilitat ed his early career. While at the AMNH, Mayr came in contact with a variety of leading biologists, including a number who would prove fellow pioneers in helping establish the neo Dar winian synthesis. Together they establish ed the professional infra structur e for a highly respected scientific discipline. During the early 19 50s Mayr changed course and moved to Boston, where his trajectory toward the history and philosophy of science manifest ed itself as a highly accomplished zoologist brough t him to the history of science Thus, Greene came to his study of the history of biological thought with a broad appreciation for historical context, and with specific interests in intellectual and cultural history. Undoubtedly he had a comparative lack o f practical experience with the technical scientific details. Mayr, of course, came to the history and philosophy of biology as an elite scientist with a achievements The weakness of this historical approach was a tendency to look at the past in terms of its relative contribution to the present. That tendency was all the more problematic given own participation in the historical events under study. Greene however, appeared significantly more aware of this concern, influenced as he was by his training as a historian. In addition, Greene continually professed that he was not critiqu ing Darwinian theory as science but rather critiquing its intellectual hist ory by suggesting that leading scientists, and often

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334 without conscious intent, too often used metaphorical language that reveal ed ideologies and worldviews held close to their heart s but that otherwise had little to do with professional science. Other hist orians, such as Jacques Roger, found value in analysis, in part inspiring him to orchestrate the 1986 exchange between Mayr and Greene, as the editor of the Revue de Synthse Mayr appear ed to have a surprising ly difficult time perceiving a distin ction between h is achievements as a scientist and his personal view of the world. He could be dismissive even when discussing divergent worldviews (from his perspective) held by other leading scientists, such as Dobzhansky 7 Though Mayr claimed his procliv Hegelian better got to the heart of problem and its subsequent solution perhaps there is more to be considered indulgence in such strategies Mayr also appeared deeply influence by a positivistic appreciation of a naturalist exclusively perceived through empirical scientific on all such matters could be revealed 8 At the same time, Mayr enjoyed the company of people, and would admit that hi s tendency to be blunt could at times be probl ematic. Ironically, Mayr w ould also argue that scientific methodology lacked access to an u ltimate metaphysical conclusion, and rightly so. Nonetheless, on a personal level, he projected a certainty that his ow n perspectives on all matters were as close to right as right could be ( even though he also admitted to changing his mind on occasion!) This is a familiar human proclivity undoubtedly shared by many, most of whom are not professional scientists. 7 For a summary of the variety of worldviews held by many of the leading architects of the neo Darwinian th 62, http://etd.fcla.edu/UF/UFE0015739/kreitzer_s.pdf 8 Although in his last letter to Greene and likely elsewhere, Mayr could also admit there were things about the natural world that might never be known.

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335 In contras t was responsible for his focus not just on the history of evolutionary though t but on an intellectual critique of what he viewed as an all too frequent and often inadvertent presentation of worldview as science b y prom inent scientist s such as Mayr Mayr interests in science, on the other hand, and in particular his interests in his own science, led to his study of the history and philosophy of biology. It could be argued that focused appreciation held a kind of tunnel vision that challenged a broader historical examination of science The common interest shared by these two scholars was the history of biological thought, though they each brought a signific antly different academic toolkit to the ir study. The four th component of this project examined the specifics of the religious beliefs of Mayr a nd Greene, and how those belief s shaped and contributed to the dispute between them. Though Mayr grew up in a cultured European family that identified with Protestant val ues, Greene similarly grew up in an environment of Protestant valu es, though in contrast to Mayr family w as mildly theistic Though neither Mayr nor Greene recalled being victimized by ideological or metaph ysical indoctrination involving metaphysical commitments, Mayr did pa rticipate in a program of state sponsored religious education during his public school days. Ironically, an anti clerical tradition was also prevalent on the Continent at the time. In con trast, though Greene would attend a Sunday school program and regular church sermons, he commitment to Christian metaphysics wa s left to him as a personal choice. Interestingly, to the degree that Greene admitted feeling something he claimed he found not that unusual, he appeared to take it more as an intellectual challenge than a personal affront. Greene maintained he found something experiential within the tradition, specifically concerning its description of human natu re, despite

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336 otherwise admitting he was unable to intellectually reconcile various dogmas with a modern understanding of the natural world. Though Mayr also professed respect for affinities to traditional religion he could not find enough su bstance in it to reconcile the dilemmas he experienc ed while growing up. He broadly described theology as the problem of evil He made it cle ar his difficulty was with the revealed aspect of theistic religion, and he claimed to have little attraction for inherited dogmas that demand fealty. His attempt to achieve certaint y through scientific exploration offered far more potential, and that was something his personal experience appeared to justify. Both Greene and Mayr were thoughtful about their philosoph ical views and expressed much about them in their personal correspondence. 9 For example in one particularly revealing exchange from 1994, Curiously I did not uncover much [in your essay] that I would disagree with. When is so much in this world I do not understand. That is why I claim that I have religion! (Even though I do not believe in a personal god. There is so much evil and awfulness in this world that I could not believe any god would tolerate it!) What I do say is that all that can be interpreted, [handwriting unclear] the Darwinian explanation remar kably well. But there are things we will never understand. And for me to invent supernatural explanations would be no help at all. It would mean sweeping all riddles under the rug. 10 It is interesting that Mayr a self professed atheist, would equate the id ea that about this world I do not understand the declaration at is why I say I have religion. 9 In contrast t o Mayr, Greene did not publish essays describing his metaphysical inclinations. 10 Ernst Mayr to John Greene, 18 September 1994, Greene Papers. Mayr would also write that overall his personal life had been very good, and that he had few serious complaints o are a few things where I am still changing my mind, for instance, my former enmity against philosophy has as its target teleological empiricism. Now that we have a new philosophy of biology, which is not l

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337 argument! 11 In any event, his argument leaned on sympathies that could be identified with certain schools of natural theology an appreciation of religion as an attempt to reconcile human experience with the empirically unknown. Mayr bluntly admitted, and with reasoning Darwin had used durin g his later years, that the idea of a personal God was too difficult to reconcile with a rational explanation of the numerous challenges overwhelming life on Earth. All the same, resolving the so called problem of evil is not a scientific question An in trospective inquirer should not expect a conclusive answer from Darwinian theory to any such questions unless, of course, it is a testament of faith that all unanswerable questions can be exclusively, and successfully, directed to the natural sciences Th at sort of faith in natural science is something other than the practice of professional called supernatural, suggested a faith in a positivistic analysis. 12 Mayr at times accuse d Greene of having difficulties with Darwin ian theory because of a theistic sentiment that placed all unanswered questions in the hands of God, a proclivity Mayr could be said to have replaced with affection for Darwin. A polemical attack like this could suggest that Mayr perceived, on some level, a potential challenge from a competing metaphysical ideology. The fact of the matter is that Greene never claimed to deny the veracity of Darwinian theory, but rather that his critique concerned nonscientific ideologies too often hidden behind it. He addit ionally criticized Dobzhansky for doing just that same thing, though with a Christian sympathetic ideology of evolutionary progress. Greene held a broad 11 in other words, metaphysical naturalism. 12 a long history in western intellectual history. But if something were beyond the capacity of a natural explanation, as Mayr suggested in a letter to Greene, then such a y. Whether or not that is evidence of a Platonic ideal or revealed religion is another matter.

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338 apprec iation of religious expression with the so called revealed religion s not the only source of diff iculties Mayr concluded his 1994 epistolary exchange with Greene with a genuinely endearing message, as he w cement our friendship! This is all due to your tolerance, because I susp ect I was sometimes rather aggressive. I guess I have been a fighter all my life. Very many thanks for your friendship! 13 Once again, it is difficult not to admire that no matter how hard nosed Mayr could be, there was also something very sincere and human, and almost, ironically, humble about him. to was just as interesting, It was written while he was finalizing arrangements to visit Mayr at his New Hampshire farm in October 1994. Greene wrote: In regard to . your letter, I, too, am less confident of the truth a nd adequacy of my assertions tha n might appear. At times I think that I should call myself an challenging but who has intellectual dif ficulties in arriving at interpretations of basic Christian doctrines compatible with accepting science as a valid way to studying nature . . On the philosophical level, moreover, I find that the intellectual difficulties presented by Christian doctrine are no greater than those s 14 Green e in response to which he admitted can it be that a creature produced by the struggle for existence should stand in judgment on that 13 Mayr to Greene, 18 September 1994, Greene Papers. 14 Greene to Mayr, 22 September 1994, Greene Papers. Greene added as a personal testimonial of his Christian f in Christ, but when I reflect that Christian faith is not primarily an intellectual quest but rather a challenge and invitation to attempt an experiment in living after the model and teaching of J esus, and when I recognize further that (as Ellen continually reminds me) I have made no such attempt but have devoted myself almost exclusively to the devices and desires of my own heart, namely the study of intellectual history, I then realize that I hav e no right or reason to expect to attain experiential knowledge of God in

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339 teful, blundering, low, and horribly 15 H ow could Darwin, or anyone, Greene seemed to wonder, consider them selves in a position to offer a selection, while at the same time admitting to bei ng enmeshed within that very same process. In other words, the experience of the intellectual inquirer would be limited to a relative perception from within the matrix, so to speak, and thus lack ultimate objectivity for examining the phenomenon. 16 P erhaps Darwin, and subsequently Mayr, could be accused of indulging in a claiming that the evidence suggested chance as an ultimate reality. But there is a difference between utilizing naturalistic meth odology in an empirical investigation and indulging in metaphysical naturalism by claiming chance is the final cause. 17 In such a scenario, Darwin admitted all a human could do was find meaning wherever he or she could, which in a sense is prescribing huma n values based on his own metaphysical conclusion s Undoubtedly Darwin, as a thoughtful human being, was interested to seek out the greatest good for the greatest number. Nonetheless, is it the responsibility or natural conclusion of evolutionary theory, a s a natural science, to determine human values based on 15 Ibid. 16 In The Evolution Creation Struggle (2005) Michael Ruse points out ed down version adaptations that lead to knowledge of ultimate reality or nonreality. As Richard Dawkins of all people has so rightly sai human mind, evolved as it was to cope with medium sized objects moving at medium speeds through medium things beyond forever beyond The Evolution Creation Struggle (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), p. 284. The Dawkins quotation is taken from: Richard Dawkins, and Love (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2003), p. 19. 17 e or design are philosophically analyzed in terms of human experience and value.

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340 metaphysics ? Whatever the case may be, it is not clear how it would be expected that an empirical scientific study should reach final conclusions in response to speculative questions about ultimate ca usation and human ethics. An irony her e is that no matter what metaphysical convictions a scientist upholds the testable scientific evidence remains the same, as does the methodological criteria for judging a scientific result. Greene would argue that the much like their Bridgewater Treatise predecessors, to bring their sense of teleology with them to the study of the natural world thus rather th a n find ing sermons in stones, they brought them to the stones. 18 Of historical interest, famous treatise Natural theology, or, Evidences of the existence and attributes of the Deity collected from the appearances of nature (1802) the 18 th century German philo sopher, Jakob Friedrich Fries, explicitly argued in Knowledge, Belief, and Aesthetic Sense (1805) that human beings bring metaphysical purpose, or teleology, to their observations of the natural world. 19 Perhaps that is what they metaphysically find, refle cted back at them 20 Whatever the case may be concerning attempt s to empirically capture an ultimate reality, Mayr and Greene offered a number of direct perspectives into 18 History, Humanity, and Evolution: Essays for John Greene, ed. James Moore (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 9 10 19 Jakob Friedrich Fries, and Frederick Gregory, Knowledge, Belief and Aesthetic Sense (Kln: J. Dinter, Verlag fr Philosophie, 1989). For additional analysis of J. F. Fri es philosophical per spectives, s Romanticism in Science: Science in Europe, 1790 1840 eds. Stefano Poggi and Maurizio Bossi (Boston: Kluwer Academic, 1994) p. 93. 20 Mayr presented arguments for dealing with teleology and purpose in a scientifically manageable form in an Methodological and Historical Essays in the Natural and Social Sciences eds. Robert S. Cohen and Marx W. Wartosfsky (Boston: Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, 1974), pp. 91 Toward a New Philosophy of Biol ogy (1988), pp. 38 66. He also discussed The Growth of Biological Thought (1984), pp. 47 51.

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341 their sense of a religious worldview. Interestingly, M [their] furthest limit to which he wished to pursue the topic 21 Whereas Greene could compartmentalize his religious worldview as something distinct from his academic career (though hardly distinct from his sense of self) it was less clear that Mayr could make a similar distinction between his psychologica l proclivities as a human being and his interests and responsibilities as a scientist. Greene directed exactly this compl aint at ristian influenced presentation of Darwinian theory that it is difficult to distinguish whether Dobzhansky considered himself speaking as a philosopher, a theologian, a scientist, or just a generally thoughtful human being. Are May that this was a likely probability Greene admitted in his critique of t hat he and Huxley shared a number of values experience of western civilization in its Greco Roman heritage, Judeo Christian theology, and in the experience of the European Enlightenment. Huxley, m eanwhile, only recently coopted these values and wrapped them within a revelation he claimed was exclusive to an evolutionary perspective 22 Though Greene admitted he found challenges in his personal allegiance to a worldview influence d by Christian theolog y, he claimed to see similar yet more problematic philosophical dilemmas in Huxl e was dismissive when confronted by a philosophical worldview different from his own (and all the more so if that person was a leading evolutionary biologist like himself) he nonetheless wished 21 Mayr to Greene, 18 September 1994, Greene Papers. 22 Religion without Revelation (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1927).

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342 to remain respectful when others at least according to his perception suffered from excessive sentimentality. Even though Mayr was hardly shy (or perhaps never shy) about expressing hi s personal opinion s he was not unlike like Huxley an enthusiast for evangelizing metaphysical views. Protestant values left him with a respect for a voluntary and genuine religious co mmitment, a commitment he personally found at first in the Congregational tradition and later in the Episcopalian service Though Greene did not consider himself a standard bearer for these traditions, he felt they had something significant to say about hu man nature and values that he did not find elsewhere There is no evidence that Greene felt societal pressure to make any such personal commitments. Mayr could not find resolut ion between what he had experience d in his own life and the concept of a personal God. A pparently while amo ng missionaries in New Guinea he had made the attempts a young man to renew his religious commitment, but he found himself unable to rationally re concile the intellectually challenging aspects of Christian dogma. Though he was hardly reserved about expressing his own views and occasionally wrote about his own sense of values based on his experien ce as an evolutionary biologist he did not make it a career to evangelize his metaphysical views claiming he also respected the personal commitments of others (though on occasion justifying his own commitments in a way that would appear patronizing ) Nonetheless, in Mayr published essays on human ethics in works like Toward A New Philosophy of Biology (1988), it is difficult to find a distinction between Mayr the scientist and Mayr the ethical philosopher. Greene argued that that was the crux of his critique that Mayr could not understand the problemati c nat ure of his regular use of value laden metaphors within

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343 his presentations of evolutionary biology. Mayr, meanwhile, could appreciate there was intellectual but with metaphysica l views so intimately enme shed with in his scientific career, it was difficult to compartmentalize one from the other. When feeling challenged, especially in a public forum, he could lash out in defense of a critique of one view as an attack on all In that sense, there was cross talk going on in the Revue exchange ; Mayr argued against Greene as if Greene were attacking Darwinian theory as a science, where as Greene claimed to limit his critique to the intellectual development of the theory that included a fo rm of Darwinian worldview that to the exclusion of other traditions, proposed to have answers to all the problems of humankind. Though Greene felt he found on a personal level a superior sense of values in his understanding of Christian theology, promoti n g that appreciation was not a noticeable part of his academic career The fifth component of this study explored the historical details of the relationship between Mayr and Greene, and how their exchange brought the issue of science, ideology, and worldvie w into sharp focus. Mayr and Greene first crossed paths during the 1959 Darwin Centennial Celebrations of the publication of On The Origin of Species Mayr, as well as many of the architects of the synthesis, saw the event as an opportunity to celebrate th e establishment of a wide consensus on Darwinian theory and the mechanics of natural selection. At the same time the event also proved itself to be a platform for advocates wishing to promote something more philosophically ambitious a synthesis of evolu tionary and metaphysical thought. The on evolutionary humanism from the pulpit of the Rockefeller Chapel at the University of Chicago celebrations Greene rightly saw an increasing tendency among le ading b iologists to incorporate teleological language within their

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344 public presentations of evolutionary biology, and he pointed out as examples not just Huxle y but also Dobzhansky and his writings that promoted evolutionary progress laden with constructs sympath etic to a Christian worldview Greene felt that while many of these scientists were not entirely awa re of their tendency to mix scientific analysis with language that suggested something more, they nonetheless had the potential to create serious difficulti es. The first correspondence between Greene and Mayr occurred shortly after the conclusion of the Chicago celebrations. As the 1960s came to a close, Mayr and Greene crossed paths once again detrimental influence of Darwin and Spencer on early anthropological studies. Mayr subsequently found himself which suggested that a bette r fit for the physical sciences, than they were for the biological sciences. Mayr then invited Gr eene to participate in the AAAS sponsored conference that he had organized to study the history of the evolutionary synthesis. The two also began to exchange cop ies of their manuscripts soliciting comments from the other while Mayr was working on The Growth of Biological Thought in the late 1970s, and Greene was working on Science, Ideology, and World View At this p oint, their exchange began to focus sharp ly on For obvious reasons, Greene was more keen than Mayr was to solicit his ding evolutionary biologists, and he was now working in the history and philosophy of science. Suffice it to say, Greene found many instances where Mayr incorporated personal meaning in metaphorical language into public science, and in ways that Mayr appeared genuinely oblivious to with whom Mayr philosophically aligned himself concerning his own

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345 worldview, inspired an interesting response from Mayr, not all of it critical. 23 Arguably it was Greene who drove this exchange forward, particularly since Mayr was a living exa mple of a prominent scientist who genuinely appreciated the importance of the history and philosophy of science, yet who could also genuinely confuse the role of science, ideology, and worldview in his ly appreciate there was something philosophically motivated by a religiously motivated aversion to Darwinian theory. Nonetheless, Mayr offered a strong re continued to actively correspond with Greene throughout their senior years. Coincidently, with the publication The Growth of Biological Thought (1982), Greene red oubled his focus on the use of teleological metaphor in due to growing importance in the field Greene would also soon retire from teaching and thus have time to pursue his intellectual interests in ideology and the evolutionary synthesis. Greene spoke on the topic at a history of science conference held in Berkeley in 1985, which led to an offer to Revue de Synthse an important French journa l exploring intellectual history and the sciences. Roger also solicited Mayr and other leading scientists engaged with evolutionary biology, for comments and a rebuttal Mayr responded History of Ideas Revisited bar lashed out at on the intellectual history of evolutionary thought as if it were an attempt to undermine the scientific legitimacy of Darwinian theory. But in his role as a leading evolutionary s cientist, Mayr would have perhaps better served the cause by instead defending 23 In particular, in Mayr to Greene, 18 September 1994, Greene Papers.

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346 evolutionary biology as a scientific discipline, rather than by leaving the impression of having defended Darwinism as a comprehensive worldview itself all too often evangelize d as ideology. Greene would summarize the crux of their dispute as follows: To me . it seemed obvious that science as conceived since the seventeenth century ignored the value aspect of reality in its attempt to discover how nature works and hence was in no position to provide a basis for ethics of any kind . . In return, Mayr denied that evolutionary biologists were trying to derive ethics from science. They contended only that ethical principles were indispensable to the functioning of societies an d that natural selection had produced in the human permitted the development of ethical beliefs. In my view, this line of argument conceded what I had been insisting on, namely, that science by its self definition is confined t o the study of what is and has no way to ascertain what ought as a scientist might choose to reject this idea a priori but that in no way constrained him to do the same in his investigations as a phi losopher unless science and philosophy were the same thing (which, I suggested to Mayr, seemed to be the nub of the issue between us.) The rules governing science should not be conceived as embracing the entire field of rational inquiry. To do so would ma ke it impossible to say why science itself is valuable or important. 24 Fortunately, despite some bumps along the road, their relationship soon rebounded. Among the highlights, Greene proposed and organized a 90 th birthday symposium dedicated to plishments as an important ornithologist and one of the leading evolutionary biologists of the twentieth century (if not the leading evolutionary biologist ), along with his subsequent influential career exploring the history and philosophy of biology. Year s later, Greene would mention seeing Mayr sitting in the front row at the symposium. A fter the last presentation, Mayr indicated to Greene (who had presided over the festivities as mas ter of ceremonies) that he would like to say a word. me, and then he came over and embraced me. I tell you this story just to emphasize the fact that throughout our whole deb 24 John C. Greene, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA: Regina Press, 1999), p. 23.

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347 Greene concluded traded some pretty sharp blows . 25 Around the time of the Revue exchange, Greene reveal ed in an exchange with James Moore concerns that he also eng aged in his dispute with Mayr : All science has ideology overtones and elements of worldview, but there is a strong element of honest inquiry inspired by th e desire to know for the sake of knowing. ideological context in which they arose. 26 Moore replied: is no guarantee that the knowledge produced will be a non contingent reflection of some plato nic world of natural truths . . There is always and inevitably mediated by the conditions under which we organize ourselves into societies. 27 T o which Greene concluded: You comment . bottom I think that human beings transcend in some degree, however, both nature and society. True, we are conditioned in our thinking in many ways e.g. by prevailing ideas and feelings about nature, human nature, etc. But I do not believe that we are absolutely conditioned (which may make a mockery of freedom) or even t 28 Greene appeared to consider that there was autonomy to human being as individual s and that perhaps individuals thus h ad the potential to transcend conditioning societal and otherwise Thus, in the end, he found real value in scientific endeavor that idealized objective inquiry 25 John C. Greene, in an in terview with the author, August 7, 2007. 26 Greene to Moore, 24 October 1985, Greene Papers. 27 Moore to Greene, 5 November 1985, Greene Papers. 28 Greene to Moore, 10 November 1985. Greene Papers.

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348 guided by rational analysis in a pursuit of knowledge for the sake of knowing. It appeared he felt there was a part of the human experience that could, theoretically, step outside the cultural box that was the conditioning of the times, so to speak, and then look back in. So in one sense Greene and Mayr were not at all talking past each other, as t hey shared a high esteem for the potential of both history and science. Thus it was not science, but something else promoted in its good name that Greene wished to contest. He would later write in a letter to Sharon Kingsland, the Johns Hopkins historian o interdependent variables influencing each other. I still like my description of science . as a prolific but cruel mother, forever spawning scientisms and forever abandoning her ill egitimate 29 He would further explain in his autobiographical essay published in Debating Darwin : I encountered the evolutionary humanism of Julian Huxley, George Gaylord Simpson, Ernst Mayr, and other founders of the neo Darwinian synthesis, a secular faith which regarded Darwin as its prophet and imputed to him the positivistic beliefs and unbeliefs that characterized their own thinking on religious, philosophical, and historical topics As an amateur philosopher I found their efforts to derive knowledge of human duty and destiny from evolutionary biology unconvincing. As a historian I found their ideas about the role of religion in the rise of evolutionary concepts dubious. [By great go od fortune 30 ] in due course my 29 Greene to Sharon Kingsland, 25 February 1997, Greene Papers The quotation referenced by Greene is from his book, Science, Ideology and World View p. 87. Green e Monad to Man [1996] and Betty Unifying Biology the ambivalent status of the concept in evolutionary biology more than thirty y The Norton Dictionary of Modern Thought inductive methods of the natural sciences are the only source of genuine factual knowledge and, in particular, that they alone can yield The Norton Dictionary of Modern Thought (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), p. 775 30 Greene, Debating Darwin p. 17.

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349 published thoughts on these subjects drew me into the correspondence with Ernst Mayr. 31 In his postscript to Science, Ideology, and World View written critical correspondence goading Greene to directly st ate his personal views, Greene offered an interesting definition of how he viewed his role both in their exchange and in his career: The historian of ideas cannot be expected to be a profound metaphysician and moral philosopher, but his search for presuppo sitions underlying the thought of an age and the factors responsible for changes in those presuppositions must eventually bring him face to face with the deepest qu estions human beings can ask. . If I have been strongly critical of the claims made for evolutionary science as the best and safest guide to human duty and destiny, it is as much out of concern for the integrity and autonomy of science as for the interests of philosophy and religion. 32 Greene then presented a quotation from his second book, Da rwin and the Modern World : this way are not themselves sci 33 This statement preceded Greene concluding paragraph t he following excerpt previously offered in the introduction to this study It also presents a summary of one of the argument s Gr eene wrote : To ignore the difference between science, philosophy, and religion and roll them all into one evolutionary gospel claiming to disclose the meaning of existence is as dangerous to science as it is to philosophy and religion. If scientists aspire to be prophets and preachers, they cannot expect society to grant them the relative autonomy they have enjoyed in Western culture in recent centuries. The current evolutionary b iology is sufficient evidence of that. The hard won ideal of disinterested inquiry guided by insight and logic but rigorously controlled by 31 Ibid., p. 19. 32 Greene, Science, Ideology, and World View (B erkeley: University of California Press, 1981), p. 196. 33 John C. Greene, Darwin and the Modern World View (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1961), pp. 132 133.

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350 generally accepted methods of empirical testing is too precious an acquisition of the human spirit to be sacrificed by grandiose but delusory and self destructive dreams of an omnicompetent science of nature history, society, and human duty and destiny. 34 intertwined and interac ting. As a citizen concerned for the welfare of science and of mankind generally, however, I cannot but hope that scientists will recognize where science ends and other 35 The relationship between science and religion is a complicated one, par ti cularly in recent history. But the needless evangelization of metaphysical concerns in the name of scientific achievement unnecessarily inflames the competitive passions of other ideologues who may well be misrepresenting their own traditions in a manne r similar to evangelical scientists 36 Science, as well as modern intellectual culture, has enjoyed relative autonomy in the West with an ideal of scientific facts those with an agenda insist on implying the relevancy of their empirically unprovable metaphysical paradigms, and perhaps worse, aspire to write them up as required reading in government funded educational textbooks, society runs the risk of undermining the integrit y of science, and likely religion as well, if at least among certain sections of the American public. 37 34 Ibid., p. 197. 35 Ibid., p. 197. 36 English philosopher Richard Braithwaite said that the price of the metaphors to send a message, others surely will take them up and make more of them, deliberately, especially people in the public realm. One can write about evolutionary biology for general readers without sending a message, and often people do. But just as often others write about evolutionary biology precisely because they do have a message a message about progress and the virtues of modern society and they look to evolutionary biology to The Evolution Creation Struggle (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 285 86. 37 Not to make a m ajor case of this, but the author recalls many years ago reading a stirring introduction to evolutionary humanism in an accelerated biology course textbook as a public high school sophomore. In addition, while attending a respected preparatory school in th e Berkshires for the last two years of high school, the school

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351 The philosopher of biology, Michael Ruse, offered a n interesting summary of this dilemma in his book, The Evolution Creation Struggle (2005) : Evolution ists, by virtue of being scientists, tend toward progressivism, and they have in their hands a theory that lends itself precisely to such a philosophy. The slide from epistemological progress to the social and moral progress is quick and easy . My anal ysis is that we have no simple clash between science and religion but rather between two religions. The outcome of the conflict is not obvious. 38 Those of us who love science must do more than simply restate our position or criticize the opposition. We mus t understand our own assumptions and, equally, find out why others have (often) legitimate concerns. This is not a plea for weak kneed compromise but for a more informed and self aware approach to the issues. First understanding, then some strategic moves. 39 A recent article in national British newspaper The Guardian suggested there are a number of prominent scientists who do appreciate that simp le message. In a published interview Peter Higgs, the famed Higgs boson theorist, discussed his views regarding Ri chard Dawkins s disdain for religion Although he appreciated some of Daw kin s s criticism o f consequences that have resulted with the dealing w ith believers He also agreed with tho se who found Dawkin s that although he himself was not a of his fellow scientists then criticized Dawkins in his interview as follows: e his attack on fundamentalists. . Fundamentalism is another problem. I mean, Dawkins in a way is almost 40 headmaster addressed a convocation performance with a speech that sounded like Sir Julian Huxley wrote the script! Fortunately, no permanent damage was done, though the author defers to the rea confirmation. 38 Michael Ruse, The Evolution Creation Struggle (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), p. 287. 39 Ibid., p. 288 40 O ver Anti The Guard ian December 26, 2012, http://www.guardian.co.uk/science/2012/dec/26/peter higgs richard dawkins fundamentalism

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352 While Dawkin s s ideological stance is surely a source of enthusiasm to those who share his philosophical attitudes, it is no mo re scientifically verifiable tha n those of the religious fundamentalists he justifiably criticizes. Undoubtedly his opponents are just as vehemently self assured of their own metaphysical views as he is. What is the cost if this kind of exchange ? Perhaps the ultimate casualty may be the ideal of disinterested inquiry guided by insight and logic. That would indeed be a loss no student of the history of science would want to make accessed February 15, 2013. Jha, The science correspondent, reported that the Spanish newspaper, El Mundo http:/ /www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2012/12/27/ciencia/1356611441.html accessed February 15, 2013. deserved reputation as a polemicist on behalf of his secular humanist belief. Of course he is hardly the only polemicist promoting an ideological agenda while debating the alleged metaphysical relevance of sermon having a galvanizing effect on the scientific creationists in the early 1960s, more recent proponents for the scientific relevancy of the intelligent design position, such as Phillip Johnson, have claimed inspiration from reading The Blind Watchmaker (1986), and The God Delusion (2006). The concern her e is not that these are fascinating books t o read, but rather that Dawkins has use d his celebrity status based in good part on his credentials as an evolutionary biologist, to promote his metaphysical musings with the appearance of being a natural conclusi on of a scientific investigation. That in turn inspires other metaphysicians with an agenda to do the same through forums such as creationist science or intelligent design theory. The argument presented in this study is that speculative philosophical debat extraneous to evolutionary theory as a professional biological science. Natural science, after all, forever remains an open ended investigation.

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353 APPENDIX ADDITIONAL GREENE FAMILY HISTORY As Greene would describe, formative influences such as these, can 1 A number of Puritans. In fact, he shared Puritan relations with two of the leading architects of the 20 th Century Neo Darwinian synthesis, George Ledyard Stebbins and Sewa ll Wright. ritan relatives were Richard (1584 1670), Matthias (1623 1662), and Robert Treat (1624 1710), all first wave European settlers of the Hartford, Connecticut area. 2 community of sett lers that founded New Haven, CT, and then another group that established Newark, NJ. In the 1670s, Robert Treat eventually returned to Connecticut and served as the elected Royal Governor for nearly fifteen years. 3 Treat was also a leading participant in t he the Connecticut colony was hidden (allegedly in a hollow tree) from a recently appointed Governor General sent by King James II, who wished to revoke it. Trea t resumed his elected This account offers historical informati on in addition to what is presented in Chapter 4, though short sections may overlap in order to maintain the narrative flow. 1 History, Humanity and Evolution ed. James R. Moore (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 5. 2 or even a son of Richard Treat, best evidence suggests Matthias was a close relation. A notation dated from 1647 in a of the name at the time. See John Henry Treat, The Treat Family: A Genealogy of Trott, Tratt, and Treat (Salem, MA: The Salem Press, 1893), p. 534; Donald Lines Jacobus and Edgar Francis Waterman, Hale, House and Related Families: Mainly of the Connecticut River Valle y (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1978, or. 1952), p. 764. 3 A brief, comprehensive essay describing the life of Robert Treat is offered by the Connecticut State Library at: http://www.cslib.org/g ov/treatr.htm accessed 15 Sept 2012.

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35 4 duties after the English also had had enough of King James, forcing him to abdicated and flee for France during the Glorious Revolution. 4 Another member of the Hartford colony, Thomas Wright (1610 1670), was the Puritan ancestor of th e evolutionary geneticist, Sewall Wright. A cousin of the Thomas Wright, the Deacon Samuel Wright (1606 1665), settled just to the north in Springfield, Massachusetts. The 1660) married Thomas Stebbins (1620 1683) 5 in 1645. Not only did the famed evolutionary botanist George Ledyard Stebbins directly descend from this grandmother, Sarah Louis Stebbins Treat (1834 1924). 6 The Quartermaster George Colton was another important Springfield resident. John Colton Greene (1841 1926). 7 Coincidently, during his senior years the Quartermaster married Hannah Wright Stebbin s a brother in law, the Connecticut Valley Coltons, Wrights, and Stebbins were all more or less 4 General Amdros, who had presided over an expansive region called the Dominion of New England, had been arrested in 1689 during an uprising in Boston, an event that perhaps set a prec edent for the more famous uprising nearly a century later. Massachusetts would receive a new charter in 1691 as Nantucket, and other islands off Cape C od. The new charter lacked provisions for theocratic government, which effectively ended Puritan rule with its lack of toleration for the Church of England and other Christian denominations. 5 Thomas Stebbins was the son of Rowland Stebbins (1592 1691) and Sarah Whiting. 6 Sarah Louis Stebbins Treat and her husband Robert Treat raised Helen and her sister Alice, following the death 7 George Woolworth Colton, A Genealogical Record of the Descendants of Quartermaster George Colton (Philadelphia: J. M. Colton, 1912), p. 318. See record #2235.

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355 Puritanical family members! 8 All the same, most of the Puritan ancestors in question shared a more orthodox genetic lineage with the sixteenth century English gentry couple, Sir John Wright (1488 1551) and Lady Olive Hubbard Wright (c.1486 1560), as described in Chapter 4. 9 The Treat Family of Helen Carter Greene among his many American branches are a number of Revolutionary War veterans. 10 For hn Treat (1745 1832), enlisted as a wagoner and State Legislat ure in 1800, and in 1802; appointed justice of the peace 1804, 1808, 1816; [and] was a member of the Constitutional Convention in 1818, which drew up the present constitution scribed Representative Treat as tution, and his countenance showed that he was possessed of a firm will. He was rather sour and Puritanical in 8 9 Genealogy information was culled from a variety of New England family genealogy works published around the turn of the last century, as well as online genealogy sites such as Ancestory.com. In addition, numerous historical city directories and US census records were available online or through digital repositories such as Google Books. right that includes additional historical information See Curtis Wright, Genealogical and Biographical Notices of Descendants of Sir John Wright of Kelvedon Hall, Essex, England : in America Thomas Wright, of Wethersfield, Conn., Dea. Samual Wright, of Nor thhampton, Mass. 1610 1670, 1614 1665 (Carthage, MO: Wright, 1915). A less complete source is: William Henry Wright and Gertrude Wright Ketcham, History of the Wright Family . showing a direct line to John Wright Lord of Kelvedon Hall, Essex, England (Denver: Williamson Haffner Co., 1913). 10 There are also Revolutionary War records for another Greene ancestor, Moses Stebbins (1750 c.1825), who was ted as a . Detachment of Hamp. The Stebbins Genealogy in two volum es Vol. II (Chicago, M. A Donahue, 1904), p. 1185; see also Greenlee and Greenlee, Vol. I, pp. 236 37, record #473. There are similar references for Elias Carter (1737 1821) having fought in the French and Indian War and the American Revolution. Eli Colto n (1737

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356 his appearance, yet full of humor and fun; was a man of strict integrity, well informed, of sound 11 Congregational church; colonel in the militia; postmaster; member of the Ohio 12 It appeared Chester also was an accidental archeologist. The Pioneer and General History of Geauga County (1880) reported: d in a solid sandstone rock. . On being 13 In other areas of interest, Colonel Treat voted Rep ublican during the years leading to the Civil War. 1897) in 1857, brought to the relationship a grown son named Consider B. Carter (1832 1910). As it turned out, Carter Louisa Treat (1852 grandfather Treat, as well as the stepbrother of his grandfather Carte r, who in turn became his great gra son in law. Victorian family life hardly lacked for complexity! 14 11 Treat, p. 540. 12 Ibid., p. 548. 13 The Historical Society of Geauga County, Pioneer and General History of Geauga County: with sketches of (Burton, Ohio: The Historical Society of Geauga County, 1880), p. 391. 14 her were stepbrothers for twenty

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357 The stepbrother in grandfather Robert Treat, both found success in the business world. As a young man, Robert Treat initially worked in the lumber trade while living by the family farm in northern Ohio. He eventually 15 Meanwhile, Consider B. Carter moved to Chicago with his siblings and established a construction business p their office in the historic Chicago Loop, and government center Each of the brothers had a house close by that the W illis (formerly Sears) Tower now stands as the tallest office building in North America. 16 17 the We partner, Marshall, was similarly elected president of the Master Masons & Builders Association In addition, veral published evangelical poems, as well as an 18 page pamphlet with the title Religion and Philosophy 15 Treat, pp. 560 Boston; Its Finance, Commerce and Literature (New York: The A. F. Parsons Publishing Company, 1892), p. 127. 16 17 The Lakeside Annual Directory of the City of Chicago 1885

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358 (1906). 18 Perhaps unsurprising, then, was that Consider B. could trace an ancestry back to the early Puritan Reverend Thomas Carter (1608 1684), who bec ame the first pastor of Woburn, Massachusetts in 1642. 19 A 19 th st forty, with all them leaving young children. Alice Louisa Treat, wife number three, died in 1893 as the mother of two young daughters, an eight year old Helen and one year old Alice. The two sisters soon moved to New York City to live with their Grandfa ther Robert and Grandmother Sarah Louisa Stebbins Treat, at their place on Fifth Avenue. 20 Consider also moved east to live with the editorial cartoonist working New York American 21 18 I http: //search.library.utoronto.ca/UTL/index?N=0&Nr=p_oclc_id:219554896 accessed 12 February 2013. In addition, Consider B. Carter wrote evangelical themed poems published in a variety of journals. 19 Clara A. Carter and Sarah A. Carter, Carter: A Genealogy of the Descendants of Samuel and Thomas, Sons of Rev. Samuel Carter 1640 1886 (Clinton, MA: W. J. Coulter, 1887), pp. 7, 11, 90 91. Consider B. Carter is listed as d in the title was Harvard College graduate, Class of 1660. 20 address of 2066 5 th Avenue. The 1910 US Census (as well as two 1907 editions of The Crescent ; see fn. 20) listed their address at 138 W. 129th Street. The two addresses are within a block and a half from each other and only a couple of miles of Barnard Co section of late 19 th and early 20 th century residential and church architecture representing all of the various eclectic styles associated with the Gilded A http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/mxb/mxsite11.shtml accessed 20 September 2012. 21 The 1900 cens us listed Consider B. Carter a living with his son Robert Carter (1875 1918) and family in New York Times March 1, 191 8. It appears the Philadelphia Inquirer Washington Post as well as other respected papers published similar articles on March 1. Two memorial essays, one with a photograph, were published in Cartoon Magazine: with selected editorial comment form the leadi ng journals of the world ed. H. H. Winsor, vol. 13, no. 4 (April 1918): 573 and vol. 13, no. 5 (May 1918): 713. The Rochester http://artoncampus.rit.edu/artist/33/ accessed 20 September 2012.

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359 home She earned her degree in 1907 as a Phi Beta Kappa honor student, and worked the following y 22 Greene s Gree n Family Ancestry There are certain family records 23 going back to at least the American Revolution when in 1779 Jeremiah and Elizabeth Woolson Green moved to Hillsboroug h County, New Hampshire. 24 Jeremiah and family were noted as sic ]. Massachusetts in a family tracing its ances try to the Puritan Thomas Green e but the rep ort also mentioned that somewhat 25 Even more curious, the New Hampshire birth certificates for Jeremiah and apparently died later that year. And in a particularly curious coincidence, a New York Times article dated from May 19, 1888 reported on the move of the Bloomington Asylum from Manhattan to White Plains, NY. It also prominently mentioned efforts to at its former site in Manhattan, which the article http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archiv e free/pdf?res=F50615FC355C10738DDDA00994DD405B8884F0D3 accessed 20 September 2012. According to the Documents of the Senate of the State of New York, Volume 5 th and 116 th and t hus next to Barnard College. This particular Greene in whose honor the building was named s board of governors. Surely Helen did not name her own John C. Greene after a beautiful brownstone by Barnard? 22 The Crescent of Phi Beta Kappa: A Quarterly Magazine Vol. VII No. 4 (October 1907): 213. Helen is listed as an associate editor. 23 Records su ggest that early nineteenth century. 24 Their names show up on property tax records the following year. The city of Nashua is located in Hillsborough County. 25 George Waldo Browne, The History of Hillsborough New Hampshire 1735 1921: Volume 2 Biography and Genealogy (Manchester, NH: John B. Clarke Company, 1922), pp. 269 271, 290; See also Browne, History of Hillsborough, Vol. 1 History and Description (Manchester, NH: John B. Clarke Company, 1921), pp. 39, 43, 53. alleged biographical and genealogical information (about which he expressed reservations) with the information provided by: Samuel S. Greene, Genealogical Sketch of the Descendants of Thomas Green[e] of Malden, Mass

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360 hiding from the British Empire during the early years of the American Revolution? 26 But in another Green family scenario, there is a 1763 marriage ce rtificate from Middlesex County, Massachusetts mentioning a David Green with a similar birth year as Jeremiah who married the same woman at the same place and subsequently had a son with the same name v ery coincidental! Th at David Green (born c1740) fought during the Revolutionary Wa r at the Battle of Bennington His father, Col. David Green, Sr. (1715 1781), even more notably Multiple genealogical accounts link this line the previously mentioned Elizabeth Woolson, who in turn is mentioned in a variety of accounts as the ancestor of 27 This Green lineage offers an established li neage to Thomas Green e a well docu mented early Puritan settler. 28 (Boston: Henry W. Dutton & So n, 1858), pp. 18, 29 30. Though both account report similar information for the e Jeremiah recognized in the Descendants of Thomas Green[e] account. History of Hillsborough account also listed a Jeremiah Green who was a creditor in Boston involved in a variety of Hillsborough land transactions during the latter eighteenth cen tury. This Jeremiah Green was also noted as a respected Boston merchant and distiller. Historical documents appear to show that he spelled his last name 26 If so, it would offer an intriguing historical twist to the draft dodging take place along the border nearly two centuries later. 27 Mrs. Thomas Martin Egan of the Indiana Daughters of the American Revolution, offered biographical information for the two veteran Greens in her work, A Roster of Revolutionary Ancestors of the Indiana Daughters of t he Revolution (Evansville, IN: Unigraphic, 1976), pp. 352 Nashua] militia, with otherwise many of the same biographical dates and other information offered for Jeremiah fought in the Battle of Bennington as part of the Saratoga campaign along the New York Vermont border. Eagan The History of Hillsborough account appears to offer a reliable version for the descendants after orted appearing on the Hillsborough tax records in 1780. Especially beginning reputable author and historian who lived in New Hampshire and thu s had physical access to extant historical

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361 In another interesting twist, the 1789 marriage certificate of David Green (born c.1760) hometown church in Malden, Massachusetts, where t he Greene Puritan ancestry initially settled. 29 This David and wife 1876), was a War of 1812 records. For more information on Brown, See Brown, George Waldo, http://www.ulib.niu.edu/badndp/browne_george.html accessed 20 September 2012. B ut that does not settle the issue for the eighteenth century. There is a Middlesex County, Massachusetts marriage certificate with the same name, Elizabeth Woolson (born 1839), as the woman Browne reported as having been married to the N.H. Jeremiah Green. Woolson rather wed someone named David Green on April 21, 1763, also onary War veteran, as well as perhaps a Revolutionary hero who led a Green as having a father na med Colonel David Green Sr. (1714 1781). Coinci dently, there was also a Col. David Green mentioned on several occasions in the book Massachusetts Society of the Sons of the American Revolution: Register of members, records of revolutionary ancestors, proceedings of the Society and Board of Managers Con stitution and By laws (Springfield, MA: F. A. Bassette Co., 1916), pp. 128, 131, 139, 140, 158, 174. Col. David Descendants of Thomas Green[e]. Suffice it to say, it is difficult to reconcile all the details offered by these reports, but synthesizing Samuel intellectual historian John C. Greene back to the Revolutionary W ar Col. David Green to the Puritan Thomas Greene, named his grandson David Green as a beneficiary. There are consistent accounts of David Jeremiah and Elizabeth having a son named David.) Still, thi s does not explain why the N.H. birth certificates of so many of David Jeremiah Another oddity: Egan listed David Green, husband of Elizabeth Woolson, as having died in May 5, 1778 in Hillsboroug h. But Browne listed Elizabeth Woolson appearing in Hillsborough in 1779 with a husband named Jeremiah Green (more specifically, Green appeared on the tax records in 1780) a curious detail. Browne suggested they might have previously lived in the town of Amherst in Hillsborough County, and that is something confirmed by other accounts though for the alternate name of David Greene, with his wife Elizabeth Woolson and son David. Discrepant detail s such as these could be the result of faulty recollections, o r perhaps suggest something dire. Even that is the exact same date Samuel Greene reported that Col. David Greene, Sr. signed his will with the n ame of his great great grandmother. Her name was included in both Col. David Green (1714 hical lineage tracing back to the invest place to check is the Hillsborough County tax records beginning with the year 1780. 28 Puritan Thomas Greene is reported to have spelled his name with 29 The marriage certificate noted that the church was located in Malden, Massachusetts.

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362 veteran who worked in the carpentry trade 30 He was also an enthusiastic supporter of Jacksonian democracy! During the President V an Buren Greene was still a small toddler when his namesake won election for his own term as President of the United Sta tes. 1893) worked as a in law was likewise llwrights, and painters. 31 1876), began to his own Main St. operations, where Martin in turn wor ked as a clerk while boarding around the corner. In time, Martin established his own business. The 1868 Nashua Directory listed Martin 32 Their establishments were located directly across the Nashua River from each other on either side of the Main St. bridge. 33 (Fortunately the competition appeared to be all for the good since their families lived as next door neighbors.) A railroa 30 As mentioned, 19 th century documents begin to consistently 31 This information was offered in the 1860 census. 32 33 There appea rs to be a small waterfall flowing over a dam built by the bridge since the early eighteenth century.

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363 mile to the east the Nashua River entered the Merrimack, where eighteen mil es downriver it flowed by the famous textile mills of Lowell, Massachusetts. 34 Martin also served as a member of the Rising Sun Lodge No. 39 of the Free and brilliant to form a new lodge. The board granted approval, with Martin V. B. Greene becoming a charter member of the new Ancient York Lodge No. 89. In 1872, the York Masons elected Martin their leader for the following year with the title 35 Likely Martin met the future N ew Hampshire Governor George A. Ramsdell ( who held office 1897 1899 ) as a brother Mason. Coincidently, Martin earned a long term contract p Clerk of the Court from 1864 1887. 36 Martin also did business with the City of Nashua and other local municipalities. worked seven years for Martin Greene expanded his book selling and stationary operations. 37 be found in the New York City Public L ibrary archive 34 35 Nashua Telegraph accessed 20 September 2012, http: //www.ancientyork89.org/History.html 36 subsequently heard appeals, while the new Superior Court handled trials. The New Hampshire Supreme Court is currently located in Concord, the state capital. Each county has a Superior Court, though Hillsborough has two. 37 Genealogical and Family History of the State of New Hampshire (New York: Lewis Publishing Company, 1908), pp. 369 70. See also Nashua Telegraph March 30, 1953, p. 12.

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364 viewing card. 38 Along with young Ramsdell, here was another notable Nashuan who worked for a time with Greene b publishe The Gazette 39 1926) on August 5, 40 As a young death of her m other. Though her family could trace their ancestry back to the Puritan s of 41 hild Edward Martin Greene. As mentioned in Chapter 4, John national reputation A two the lives and achievements of American women during the nineteenth ce described Belle as 38 http://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Special%3ASearch&profile=default&search=M.+V.+B.+Greene &fulltext=Search&uselang=en T wo photographs offer views of the downtown area where Greene had his business. 39 Nashua Daily Telegraph February 23, 1903, p. 5. 40 History of Hillsborough County (v. 2, Hampshire, where the Souhegan River meets the Merrimack River. Coincidently, the Souhegan runs through the 41 Fran ces E Willard and Mary A. Livermore, eds. American Women: Fifteen Hundred Biographies with over 1400 Portraits mother, Lucy F. Baker, also had Puritan root s.

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365 an acclaimed humorist and short story writer whose career began in the early 1880s. 42 Among the national journals Belle frequently contri buted were The Continent Weekly Magazine and as well as a number of newspapers. She enjoyed her greatest popularity during the last two decades of the century. The July 1881 issue of l 43 named Hiram both in the essay and in brother, who coincidentl both girls were still quite young. In a stroke of good fortune for the Isabel, h spirited young daughter. These prosperous relatives were able to provide Isabel with a proper education and an introduction to the good things in life. Unfortunate ly, for a time, the father and daughter must separate. Isabel grew up to marry a successful gentleman (perhaps much like her husband Marvin van Buren Greene), and she invited her father to live with them in their beautiful home, fulfilling her prayers. At conclusion, the father and daughter realize that the old man was most happy not living among the city folk and their modern ways, but living with his hardscrabble New England farming kin. Old Hiram decided to return to his home in the country w ith the intention to share some of his essay proved to be an authentic Victorian tearjerker, complete with illustrations! 42 Ibid. 43 vol. viii no. 8 (July 1891): 1 2.

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366 In addition to the books and essays mentioned in main text, Belle wrote another work that appeared to reflect her motherly experience. Titled The Hobbledehoy (1895), it was advertised in The Dial The Bookman reported in its review (May . with a measure of success hitherto unreached, the difficult task of drawing the boy as he moves, lives, and has his awkward being when he is passing into young manhood. . Mrs. Greene, of whose New England idyll, The Adventures of an Old Maid sold 1 50,000 copies, is staying in Rome with her son, whose age would suggest 44 It would have been interesting to learn what Edward tunate that he had recently moved to Boston and the two subsequen tly traveled to Europe. At the time Belle was likely living on her own since Martin passed away about a year prior shortly before Christmas. 45 . to the opera and all that sort of thing. He had some German as well as French. French was his 46 Soon thereafter, Edward spent 1896 47 44 The Bookman: A Literary Journal, vol. 1, no. 4 (May 1895): 227 28. The Merriam Webster 45 It appeared that Edward completed his junior year, in which case they may have left for Europe during the Hobbledehoy had a dependency prob lem involving brandy, though in true Victorian fashion, fortunately he was on often associated with college life. The mother and son charact ers in Hobbledehoy had a trusting relationship. 46 John C. Greene, in an interview withdrew at the end of his junior year.

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367 Belle and Edward travelled quite a bit. 48 The 1900 US Census (dated June) found the two staying with the family of the Reverend Evan L. Davies in Lake Forrest, Illinois, a college town along the shores of Lake Michigan about thirty miles north of Chicago. Information entered by the census worker provides insight into the social circles Belle and Edward moved. For ex ample, the Reverend Davies daughter, Alice, was the same age as Edward and a fourth guest, Frank R. Page, who coincidently also graduated from Harvard, Class of 1896. 49 Both Frank and Edward worked for the public schools Frank as a principal and Edward as a teacher. 50 That year, Frank became Superintendent of the Watertown public schools ten miles west of Boston, where Edward would hold a position as German instructor at Watertown High School. In 1907 Page became headmaster of the Staten Island Academy, whi le earning a national reputation as an advocate for progressive education reform. 51 47 The Drift activities (approximately p. 22) over the preceding dozen or so years. It also includes 48 According to the Cook County Herald ity: Cook County Herald March 19, 1926, p. 1. 49 50 In an alternative account, the Delta Upsilon Decennial Catalogue headmaster of the Lake Forest High School between 1899 1901, which would coincide with his stay at the Davies home prior to teaching at Watertown High School while also completing his Harvard degree. The Catalogue also noted that Greene had previously taught at the Suffield Academy in Connecticut between 1896 99, dates that would overlap with other accounts of Greene being a student in France during 1896 97. Perhaps such discrepancies were attempts to simplify his early academic re sume, though curious that his headmaster position at Lake Forest was not reported elsewhere, and in particular on the 1910 US Census. In Melvin Gilbert Dodge, ed., Delta Upsilon Decennial Catalogue, (Ann Arbor: The Richmond & Backus Co., 1903), p. 767. 51 M any in Watertown for a time before settling the Connecticut River A Glimse [ sic The School Journal, Volume LXX: From January 7, 1905, to June 24, 1905 (Boston: United Educational Company, 1905), pp. 732 34. Also available at: http://books.google.com/books?id=Kf9KAAAAYAAJ&lpg=PA732&ots=xFDzNJS97D&dq=%22Frank%20R.%20 Page%22%20watertown&pg=PA732#v=onepage&q&f=false accessed 20 Septemb er 2112.

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368 Their hosts, the retired Reverend Davies and family, had previously been active developing congregations in southern Illinois and along the Midwestern prairie during the wav e of settlement that followed the Civil War. A historical account of Union County, Illinois, described that though the Reverend was affiliated with the Presbyterian Church, the Plymouth or minister to their Cairo where the Ohio River meets the Mississippi. The Cobden Congregationalists considered He was a fine scholar, a close student, and well 52 Their daug hter, Alice J. Davies, attended Lake Forest College during the 1890s. Alice would take a position teaching English at the Logansport (Indiana) High School for a number of House in Philadelphia. completed his degree in 1903 with a ma jor in French. After teaching at Watertown High for two years, Edward secured teaching positions at two of Connecticu 53 1907] . and later at 52 William Henry Perrin, ed. History of Alexander, Union and Pulaski Counties, Illinois (Chicago: O.L. Baskins & http://www.cobdenpresbyterian.org/index.php/worship and fellowship/fellowship building project/81 who we are/church histor y accessed 20 September 2012. 53 The Drift

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369 the Hotch kiss School [1907 54 In a report to his fellow Harvard alumni, the Cheshire School 55 he held a teaching fellowship in Ro mance languages. He shared an apartment with Belle close by for it. It was in the West that I met and married my wife, who, after my travels, has made of me, 56 iting her Carter family relations in the fianc in the other, Edward left for Indianapolis in 1910 when he took a position at Butler College as an assistant professor t 57 54 Harvard College Class of 1903 Decennial Report, June, 1913 pp. xi, 204 ection of the 1912 Butler College yearbook, The Drift 55 E. Greene, Decennial Report p. 204. The Cheshire School is about seventeen miles north of New Haven. 56 for his http://myloc.gov/Exhibitions/hopeforamerica/politicalhumor/artofridicule/ExhibitObjects/DooleyAndRoosevelt.aspx accessed 20 September 2012. 57 Ibid., 205. The 1922 23 Catalogue of the University of South Dakota listed that Edward Greene initially worked at Butler College as an Assistant Professor of Romance Languages between 1910 13, and then as Professor from 1914 1919. The Greenes subsequently moved to USD in Vermillion, South Dakota The 1912 Butler Drift

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370 Association . to foster and improve the study of French in the State would be counted an honorable recog 58 The students at Butler College appeared to receive him well, fondly offering insider jokes about the Professor and family in their yearbook commentary for the 1911 12 academic year. 59 Greene also served as a faculty advisor for the French Club, described in the 1917 Butler College Drift ability at finding English translations of French texts assigned for class reading, an d [a] capacity 60 Soon thereafter, John C. followed suit at the Greene family home about a half mile from the old Butler campus. 61 But before the two younger boys could present themselves, Helen and Edward travelled to France a year before the Great War with toddler Robert i n tow. Edward had secured a leave of absence from Butler to calendar for the 1911 96), suggesting Helen might have arrived toward the end of the semester. In another account suggesting student affection for Greene, the Drift 58 Edward Harvard College Class of 1903 Quindecennial Report June, 59 Sounds like you had to be there! 60 1917 edition of the Butler College yearbook The Drift 61 The March 5 th 1917 event was proudly announced in the April 1917 (Vol. VI, No. 1), p. 55. The Greenes lived at 330 S. Emerson at the time.

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371 Rennes that Edward had met through his Harvard contacts. 62 The young family enjoyed time in Brittany 63 In 1919 Edward, Helen, and Grandma Belle, along with little Robert, Edward, and John, m oved from their Indiana home to a small town along the wide Missouri seven hundred miles to ted in his way. I am glad to believe that wherever I am, I can continue to help interpret the ideals of a noble 64 John Greene later 65 The family initially moved to a rented house by campus. Not long after, they bought a home on the edge of town a block or so away from the near eighty foot bluffs overlooking the Vermillion River. A broad valley stretched a few miles across toward the hills of Nebraska beyond the Missouri River. 66 were the first explorers to make a record of a visit in August 1804. They camped along the confluence of the Vermillion and Missouri Rivers (at the 62 Barnard Bulletin Greene this fall. Prof. Greene is absent on leave from Butler College, Indianapolis, to spend the year studying at various French U 63 E. Greene, Quindecennial Report, p. 121. 64 Ibid., p. 122 65 John C. Greene, Debating Darwin: Adventures of a Scholar (Claremont, CA: Regina Books, 1999), p. 3. 66 J. Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution, p. 14.

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372 67 The Corps of Discovery made note of their first buffalo hunt while in the area. The following day, Lewis and r umors of short devilish beings inhabiting the mound. Seaman, unfortunately, turned back due to heat exhaustion, though undoubtedly the pooch was otherwise fearless! Meanwhile, upon reaching the Vermillion peak (reported at seventy feet), the rest of the co beautiful landscape; Numerous herds of buffalo were seen feeding in various directions; the 68 Following in their footsteps thirty years later, John J ames Audubon, the famous naturalist, artist, and ornithologist, also explored the region while birding along the Vermillion Ravine during the spring of 1843. 69 Perhaps in a bit of the mood of Lewis and Clark and Audubon, a young John Greene took his turn ex small [University] museum and describe for Mr. [W. H.] Over, the curator, some bird I had 67 The 1930 and 1940 US C The confluence of the Vermillion and Missouri is now about 3.5 miles southeast of Cotton Park. Lewis and Clark http://www.spiritmound.com/missouririver.htm accessed 20 September 2012. first home was listed in the 1920 census as rented on 16 East Dartmouth. 68 http://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/lewisandclark/spi.htm accessed 20 September 2012. In good part due to the changing course of the Missouri, Spirit Mound is consid . readily 69 Vermillion Area Visitor/Tourism http://www.vermillionchamber.com/history.shtml accessed 20 September 2012.

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373 vireo 70 H istorical records suggest that may well have been the high water ma career as a field naturalist 70 J. Greene, History, Humanity and Evolution, p. 14. The USD curator William H. Over had a colorful personality Though he only had an eight grade education, Over possessed such a thorough understanding of the local natural history that in 1912 the USD natural history museum offered him a position as assistant curator. A accomplishments by granting him the honorary degree of doctor of science. After 35 years of service to the university, [he] retired in 1948 at age 82. The following year the regents named the Univer sity Museum the W. H. South Dakota Magazine Vol. 16, No. 1 (May/June 2000), p. 33.

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374 LIST OF REFERENCES Ali, Slim. The Fall of a sparrow: the Illustrated Slim Ali. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985. Anshen, Ruth Nanda, ed. Science and Man New York: Harcourt, Brace and Compan y, 1942. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology 20 (1998): 18 20. Apffel Marglin, Frderique, and Stephen A. Marglin. Decolonizing Knowledge: From Development to Dialogue. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. by John C. The Quarterly Review of Biology 75 (2000): 37 39. Ibis 115 (197 3): 284. Barrow, Jr., Mark V. A Passion for Birds: American Ornithology After Audubon. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998. Biographical Memoirs 74 (1998): 240 263. Bock Biology & Philosophy 9 (1994): 267 327. Journal fr Ornithology 142 (2001): 94 108. ______ Ornithological Monographs 58 (2005): 2 16. Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 52 (2006): 167 187. Ernst Mayr: 5 July 1904 Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 151(2007): 357 370. Brown, Cheever Mackenzie. Hindu Perspectives on Evolution: Darwin, Dharma, and Design New York: Routledge, 2012. Browne, George Waldo. The H istory of Hillsborough, New Hampshire, 1735 1921. Manchester, N.H.: John B. Clarke Company, printers, 1921 Bullock, Allan and Stephen Trombley, eds., The Norton Dictionary of Modern Thought New York: W. W. Norton, 1999. ayr: Biologist Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994): 359 371.

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375 Evolutionary Studies, 1936 Isis 84 (1993): 1 25. itect: Launching the Society for the Study of Evolution and the Journal Evolution Biology and Philosophy 9 (1994): 387 427. Carter, Clara A. and Sarah A. Carter. Carter: A Genealogy of the Descendants of Samuel and Thomas, Sons of Rev. Samuel Carter 1640 1886. Clinton, MA: W. J. Coulter, 1887. Chaney, Mrs. George I. The Carter Family Reunion at Woburn, Mass., June 11, 1884 Boston: Coburn Bros. & Snow, Printers, 1884. Cobb, Jr., John B. and David Ray Griffin, eds. Mind and Nature: Essays on the Interfa ce of Science and Philosophy. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1978. Colton, George Woolworth, Quartermaster George Colton: A Genealogical Record of the Descendants 1644 1911. Philadelphia: John Milton Colton, 1912. Iowa State University Faculty Senate Memorial Resolutions, May 5, 2009. http://www.facsen.iastate.edu/Policies/Memorial%20Resolutio ns20090505.pdf August 15, 2012. Dalzell, Tom. The Routledge Dictionary of Modern American Slang and Unconventional English. New York: Routledge, 2009. Darwin, Francis, ed. The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin vol. 1. London: John Murray, 1887. Dawkins Richard. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2003. Theoria: Revista de Teoria, Historia y Fundamentos de la Cienc ia 1 (1985): 606 608. Revue de Synthse 107 (1986): 243 253. Devillers, Charles, and Jean Chaline. Evolution: An Evolving Theory Berlin : Spring er Verlag, 1993. Boston Globe May 1, 2005. Dobzhansky, Theodosius. The Biological Basis of Human Freedom. New York: Columbia University Press, 1956. The Sewanee Review 68 (1960): 274 288. ________. The Biology of Ultimate Concern. New York: The New American Library, 1967.

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376 Dobzhansky, Theodosius and Bentle y Glass. The Roving Naturalist: Travel Letters of Theodosius Dobzhansky Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1980. Dronamraju, Krishna. 1985 Haldane: The Life and Work of J. B. S. Haldane with Special Reference to India Aberdeen: Aberdeen Un iversity Press, 1985. Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 41 (1987): 211 237. India (1957 Genetics 185 (2010): 5 10. ________. Haldane, Mayr, and Beanbag Genetics. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. Edelmann, Jonathan. Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Egan, Mrs. Thomas Martin. A Roster of Revolutionary Ancestors of the Indiana Daughters of the American Revolution: Commemorative of the United States Bicentennial, July 4, 1976. Evansvill e Ind.: Unigraphic, 1976. The American Naturalist 75 (1941): 86 89. Shaped American Bird American Birds 45 (1991): 372 381. The Boston Globe February 5, 2005. Ferngren, Gary, ed. Science and Religion: A Historical Introduction. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2002. The American Biology Teacher 68 (2006): 163 166. The New York Review of Books June 27, 2002. http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2002/jun/27/a birds eye view of evolution/ June 1, 2012. Freeman, Derek, Carl J. Bajema, John Blacking, Robert L. Carneiro, U M. Cowgill, Santiago Genoves, Santiago Genovs, Charles C. Gillispie, Michael T. Ghiselin, John C. Greene, Marvin Harris, Daniel Heyduk, Kinji Imanishi, Nevin P. Lamb, Ernst Mayr, Johannes W. Raum, and G G. Simpson. The Evolutionary Theories of Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer [and Comments and Replies]. Curr ent Anthropology 15 (1974): 211 237. Freeman, Derek. Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making an Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983. The Death of Adam: Evolution and Its Impact on Western T hought American Anthropologist 63 (1961): 392 393.

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386 Simpson, George Gaylord. Tempo and Mode in Evolution New Yor k: Columbia University Press, 1944. ________. The Meaning of Evolution: A Study of the History of Life and of its Significance for Man New Haven: Yale University Press, 1949. ________. This View of Life: the World of an Evolutionist New York: Harcourt, B race & World, 1964. ________. Concession to the Improbable: An Unconventional Autobiography. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1978. The Growth of Biological Thought The Quarterly Review of Biology 5 7 (1982): 437 444. Isis 82 (1991): 691 693. Smocovitis, Vassiliki Betty. Journal of the History of Biology 2 5 (1992): 1 65. the Study of Evolution and Evolution (1939 Evolution 48 (1994): 1 8. Evolution (1939 Journal of the History of Biology 27 (1994): 241 309. ________. Unifying Biology: The Evolutionary Synthesis and Evolutionary Biology. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996. Osiris 14, 2 nd Series (1999): 274 323. Essay Review: The Tormenting Journal of the History of Biology 32 (1999): 385 394. Journal of the History of Biology 38 (2005): 609 614 Steams, Ezra S. ed. Genealogical and Family History of the State of New Hampshire New York: Lewis Publishing Company, 1908. Journal of the History of Biology 40 ( 2007): 327 361. Stresemann, Erwin. Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography accessed May 1, 2012, http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2 2830905353.html Sulloway, Frank J. Born to Rebel: Birth Order, Family Dynamics, and Creative Lives. New York: Pantheon Books, 1996.

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387 American Anthropologist 86 (1984): 86 90. Telhard de Chardin, Pierre, Julian Huxley, and Bernard Wall. The Phenomenon of Man New York: Harper, 1959. Templado, Joaquin. Historia de las Teoras Evolucionistas. Madrid: Editorial Alambra, 1974. The Auk 111 (1994): 450 452. oes the Distinction Between Normal and Revolutionary Science Hold Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge edited by Imre Lakatos and Alan Musgrave, 39 48. London: Cambridge University Press, 1970. The Auk 94 (1977): 430 441. Treat, John Henry. The Treat Family: A Genealogy of Trott, Tratt, and Treat. Salem, MA: The Salem Press, 1893. Tucker, William H. The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and The Pioneer Fund Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2002. The Auk 112 (1995): 756 757. Waddington, C. H. The Ethical Animal New York: Atheneum, 1961. o Australasian Notornis 23 (1976): 138 167. Bowdoin Magazine (2008): 26 33. Whitcomb, John C. and Henry M. Morris. The Genesis Flood. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishi ng Co., 1961. Willard, Frances E and Mary A. Livermore, eds. American Women: Fifteen hundred biographies with over 1400 portraits. New York: Mast, Crowell & Kirpatrick, 1897. History of the Philosophy of the Life Sciences 28 (2006): 149 174. Wright, Curtis. Genealogical and Biographical Notices of Descendants of Sir John Wright of Kelvedon Hall, Essex, England: in America Thomas Wright, of Wethersfield, Conn., Dea. Samual Wright, of Northhampton, Mass., 1610 1670, 1614 1665. Carthage, MO: Wright, 1915. Wright, William Henry and Gertrude Wright Ketcham, eds. History of the Wright Family who are descendants of Samuel Wright (1722 1789) of Lenox, Mass with lineage back to Tho mas Wright (1610 1670) of Wethersfield, Conn. (Emigrated 1640) and showing a

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388 direct line to John Wright, Lord of Kelvedon Hall, Essex, England. Denver: Williamson Haffner Co., 1913. Decolonizing Knowledge: From Development to Dialogue edited by Frderique Apffel Marglin and Stephen A. Marglin, 279 305. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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389 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH gree in the history of science developed while completing his Bachelor of Arts in history at the University of Florida (cum laude, 2004). He began to focus on the life and career of Ernst Mayr for his Master of Arts Thesis, titled, While Defending a Faith (2006). Through his research on Mayr, Kreitzer became fascinated with world view He rece ived his Ph.D. from the University of Florida in the summer of 201 3