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Constructing a Christian Community

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0045199/00001

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Title: Constructing a Christian Community the Sermons of Chromatius of Aquileia, 388-407
Physical Description: 1 online resource (415 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Mceachnie, Robert J
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2013

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: antiqutiy -- aquileia -- christianity -- chromatius -- empire -- religion -- roman -- sermons
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: History thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: The sermons of the late Roman bishop Chromatius of Aquileia were only rediscovered in the middle of the last century. Taken with other documents relating to Chromatius and in light of substantial archaeological scholarship, the sermons offer a window into the Christianization project which Chromatius attempted to carry out in the northern Italian city of Aquileia, a port on the Adriatic where he served from 388-407. My dissertation explores the nature of his Christianization project in terms of the construction of a Christian Roman identity and the conversion of wealthy elites.The dissertation also includes an appendix with the first translation of Chromatius’s sermons into English. Born around 335, Chromatius of Aquileia witnessed one of the greatest cultural paradigm shifts in history. He entered a world in which the first Christian emperor had recently died, disputes about gods raged, and pagan temples still dominated the landscape. By the time of his death in 407,the empire could legitimately claim to be Christianized. Temples were closed,sacrifices ended, orthodoxy enforced. Chromatius’s extant works testify to the nature and goals of his Christianization project.  In his effort to create a clearer identity for his church he constructed a history of heresy which positioned his church as the normative standard for Christianity. He contrasted the Jewish community with barbarians so as to redraw a traditional definition of Roman identity on Christian/Jewish rather than civilized/barbarian lines. The results were an isolation of Judaism as an essentialized ethnicity. Finally, Chromatius framed Christianity as an heir to Roman views of virtue and vice. He posited Christian virtues as the solution to the vices of excess—avarice, luxury and ambition—which had been deemed responsible for the downfall of the Roman Republic. Chromatius fashioned an argument about virtues which was aimed at elite women in particular. Their conversion to his form of Christianity, one centered in the basilica instead of a house, presented the church new wealth and power. The sermons, when read within the local context, reveal a project of Christianization designed to construct Nicene Christianity as the only legitimate center of the cosmopolitan city.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Robert J Mceachnie.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local: Adviser: Sterk, Andrea Louise.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2015-05-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID: UFE0045199:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0045199/00001

Material Information

Title: Constructing a Christian Community the Sermons of Chromatius of Aquileia, 388-407
Physical Description: 1 online resource (415 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Mceachnie, Robert J
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2013

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: antiqutiy -- aquileia -- christianity -- chromatius -- empire -- religion -- roman -- sermons
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: History thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: The sermons of the late Roman bishop Chromatius of Aquileia were only rediscovered in the middle of the last century. Taken with other documents relating to Chromatius and in light of substantial archaeological scholarship, the sermons offer a window into the Christianization project which Chromatius attempted to carry out in the northern Italian city of Aquileia, a port on the Adriatic where he served from 388-407. My dissertation explores the nature of his Christianization project in terms of the construction of a Christian Roman identity and the conversion of wealthy elites.The dissertation also includes an appendix with the first translation of Chromatius’s sermons into English. Born around 335, Chromatius of Aquileia witnessed one of the greatest cultural paradigm shifts in history. He entered a world in which the first Christian emperor had recently died, disputes about gods raged, and pagan temples still dominated the landscape. By the time of his death in 407,the empire could legitimately claim to be Christianized. Temples were closed,sacrifices ended, orthodoxy enforced. Chromatius’s extant works testify to the nature and goals of his Christianization project.  In his effort to create a clearer identity for his church he constructed a history of heresy which positioned his church as the normative standard for Christianity. He contrasted the Jewish community with barbarians so as to redraw a traditional definition of Roman identity on Christian/Jewish rather than civilized/barbarian lines. The results were an isolation of Judaism as an essentialized ethnicity. Finally, Chromatius framed Christianity as an heir to Roman views of virtue and vice. He posited Christian virtues as the solution to the vices of excess—avarice, luxury and ambition—which had been deemed responsible for the downfall of the Roman Republic. Chromatius fashioned an argument about virtues which was aimed at elite women in particular. Their conversion to his form of Christianity, one centered in the basilica instead of a house, presented the church new wealth and power. The sermons, when read within the local context, reveal a project of Christianization designed to construct Nicene Christianity as the only legitimate center of the cosmopolitan city.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Robert J Mceachnie.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2013.
Local: Adviser: Sterk, Andrea Louise.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2015-05-31

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2013
System ID: UFE0045199:00001


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1 CONSTRUCTING CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY: THE SERMONS OF CHROMATIUS OF AQUILEIA, 388 407 By ROBERT MCEACHNIE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2013

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2 2013 Robert McEachnie

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3 To Katherine

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS During the writing of this dissertation many people have contributed to the project. I would like to thank my dissertation committee beginning with my chair, Andrea Sterk. Without her countless hours poring over my ideas and correcting my style this work would not exist today. Howard Louthan and Nina Caputo also read chapters and and Victoria Pagan have both been wonderful all ies in the process Molly Lester and Ralph Patrello both read chapters at crucial stages and offered their frank thoughts on the subjects. My colleagues Amy Hughes, Anna Lankina and Reid Weber also offered encouragement and the opportunity to give voice to abstract ideas over many, many cups of coffee. And without the prodding of Gary Poe, Perry Hildreth and Thomas St. Antoine I would never h ave embarked on such an intellectual journey. The Center for European Studies provided me the chance to complete this project thanks to a fellowship in 2012 2013. Parts of this dissertation were presented at the American Society of Church Historians and th e Oxford International Conference on Patristics. Thanks to the commenters and questioners alike for their observations and suggestions. Personally, this work would have been impossible without the support of my family. My children, Bobby and Juliet, deser ve special thanks for putting up with my being absent (both physically and mentally) far too much. And Katherine, my partner in every facet of life, deserves a thanks which I cannot begin to give words to. I offer to her this project.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ............................. 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 8 CHAPTERS 1 AN INTRODUCTI ON TO CHROMATIUS OF AQUILEIA ................................ ........ 10 Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 13 Organization ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 26 2 PATRON, PEACEMAKER POLITICIAN, PREACH ER: CHROMATIUS IN AQUILEIA ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 32 Family and City ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 33 Chromatius the Aquileian ................................ ................................ ........................ 39 The Community of the Blessed ................................ ................................ ............... 46 Bish ops and Emperors ................................ ................................ ............................ 52 Leader and Envoy ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 58 Patron and Friend ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 61 Chromatius the Builder and Preacher ................................ ................................ ..... 66 3 MEMORIES OF HERETICS PAST: ARIANS, AQUIELA AND AUTHORITY .......... 72 A History of Pre Gothic Western Arianism ................................ .............................. 73 Heretics in Aquileia? ................................ ................................ ............................... 80 References to Heresy in the Sermons of Chromatius ................................ ............. 84 Memory, Heresy and Forgetting: Heresiological Discourses ................................ .. 88 ................................ ................................ .............. 95 The Author(ity) of Orthodoxy ................................ ................................ ................. 104 4 BARBARIANS IN A CHRISTIAN WORLD ................................ ............................ 107 Enemies at the Gate: Barbarians in Aquileia ................................ ........................ 108 ............ 113 Non Christian Authors ................................ ................................ .................... 115 Ch ristian Authors ................................ ................................ ............................ 121 Rufinus ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 127 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 131 Chromatius and the Gentes ................................ ................................ .................. 132 Glimps es of barbarians ................................ ................................ ................... 133

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6 Barbarians as Markers of Roman Identity ................................ ...................... 136 5 ................................ .................. 145 Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity ................................ ................................ ... 146 ................................ ................. 156 Jews in Aquileia ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 165 Anti ................................ .................. 169 Jews and Ritual ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 176 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 183 6 ADAPTING ROMAN AND CHRISTIAN IDEALS: SPIRITUAL VALUES FOR A NEW AQUILEIAN ELITE ................................ ................................ ...................... 185 New Modes of Being Christian: The Creation of Ascetic Communities ................. 1 86 Chromatius on Perfection ................................ ................................ ..................... 193 Chroma tius and Origen ................................ ................................ .................. 194 Origenism Applied in Aquileia ................................ ................................ ......... 198 Christian Virtues in the City ................................ ................................ ................... 202 Avarice vs. Liberality ................................ ................................ ...................... 202 Luxury vs. Denial ................................ ................................ ............................ 207 Ambition v s. Modesty ................................ ................................ ..................... 212 Creating a Christian Community ................................ ................................ ........... 215 7 CONCLUSIONS: THE AFTERLIFE OF CHROMATIUS ................................ ....... 221 APPENDIX A TRANSLATION OF THE SERMONS OF CHROMATIUS OF AQUILEIA ............. 226 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 395 Primary Source Bibliography ................................ ................................ .... 395 Secondary Source Bibliography ................................ ............................... 397 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 415

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7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AAA D Antica Altoadriatico CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina CTh Codex Theodosianus JTS Journal of Theological Studies PL Patrologiae Latina PG Patrologiae Graeca NPNF Nicene Post Nicene Fathers Series SC Source s C hr tiennes

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8 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philos ophy CONSTRUCTING CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY: THE SERMONS OF CHROMATIUS OF AQUILEIA, 388 407 By Robert McEachnie May 2013 Chair: Andrea Sterk Major: History The sermons of the late Roman bishop Chromatius of Aquileia were only rediscovered in the middle of the last century. Taken with other documents relating to Chromatius and in light of substantial archeological scholarship, the sermons offer a window into the Christianization project which Chromatius attempted to carry out in the northern Italian city of Aquile i a, a port on the Adriatic where he served from 388 407 My dissertation explores the nature of his Christianization project in terms of the construction of a Christian Roman identity and the conversion of wealthy elites The into English. Born around 335, Chromatius of Aquileia witnessed one of the greatest cultural paradigm shifts in history. He entered a world in which the first Christian emperor had recently died, disputes about gods raged, and pagan temples still dominated the landscape. By the time of his death in 407, the empire could legitimately claim to be Christianized. Temples were closed, sacrifices ended, orthodoxy enfo rced. project. In his effort to create a clearer identity for his church he constructed a history of

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9 heresy which positioned his church as the normative standard for Christi anity. He contrasted the Jewish community with barbarians so as to redraw a traditional definition of Roman identity on Christian/Jewish rather than civilized/barbarian lines The results were an isolation of Judaism as an essentialized ethnicity Finally, Chromatius framed Christianity as an heir to Roman views of virtue and vice. He posited Christian virtues as the solution to the vices of excess avarice luxury and ambition which had been deemed responsible for the downfall of the Roman Republic. Chromat ius fashioned an argument about virtues which was aimed at elite women in particular. Their conversion to his form of Christianity, one centered in the basilica instead of a house, presented the church new wealth and power. The sermons, when read with in th e local context reveal a project of Christianization designed to construct Nicene Christianity as the only legitimate center of the cosmopolitan city

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10 CHAPTER 1 A N INTRODUCTION TO CHROMATIUS OF AQUILEIA For a millennium and a half Chromatius of Aquileia was just another name in a Aquileia. Mentioned every few years in the repetition of names when a new man ascended to hold the office, Chromatius was just a historical footnote, a contemporary of luminaries but not important enough to be remembered in his own right. It was only as a result of the diligent scholarship of two French priests in the middle of the twentieth c entury that his works were returned to their rightful author in a single corpus. Some 1550 years after his death, his name and his writings were recoverd and began to be reintegrated into the historical narrative of the later Roman Empire. This study will contribute to that project. The sermons of Chromatius of Aquileia offer a wealth of material that can shed light on the changing religious and cultural landscape of the Italian city in late antiquity. I will examine the nature of the Christianization proje ct in Aquileia in terms of the construction of intertwined Christian and Roman identities and The study will examine the sermons of Chromatius of Aquileia during his tenure as bishop from 388 to 407. Born around 335, Chromatius witnessed one of the greatest cultural paradigms shifts in history. He entered a world in which the first Christian emperor had recently died, disputes about the number of gods raged, and pagan temples still dominated the physical, if not mental, landscape. By the time of his death in 407, the empire could legitimately claim to be Christianized. The claims of the Bishop of Rome were expanding, and the emerging religious landscape pointed to a worldwide ascendance of Christianity. Temples were closed, sacrifices ended, orthodoxy enforced.

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11 In short, Chromatius watched the world change, and his sermons reveal a new vision for Christianity in a new century. Not content merely to strive after more converts, C hromatius presented success for Christianity as nothing short of utter dominance. Anyone who would mark off his or her own space for religion apart from the corporate Nicene Christian body threatened the whole. Jews and heretics who worshipped in their own separate gatherings ought to be countered. Barbarians who sought to maintain their distinctive identity had to be tamed. And private Christian worship, beyond the control of the bishop, needed to be curtailed. Chromatius was interested in nothing less tha n the community being whole and homogenous in respect to its religion. Other than Chromatius himself, the most important element of this story is the city of Aquileia. The seventh city of the empire with a population of perhaps 100,000 around the year 400 Aquileia was a bustling port city on the north end of the Adriatic Sea and a major center of trade between east and west. 1 A cosmopolitan city, Aquileia accommodated soldiers and barbarians, Greeks and Syrians, merchants and farmers, and thus served as a meeting place for diverse cultures and beliefs. It was also home to a substantial Jewish population 2 Moreover, the city faced the reality of civil war on multiple occasions. Battles wh ich ultimately determined the course of the empire were waged at 1 Claire Sotinel, Identit civique et Christianisme: Aquile du IIIe eu Vie sicle (Rome: Ecole Franaise de Rome, 2005), 10 13. 2 David Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe: Volume 1: Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain and Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1993), 11 13; Lellia Cracco Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 184 185. The Jewish community in Aquileia has been well re searched and is explored fully in C hapter 4

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12 a crossro ads enabled Chromatius to maintain correspondence with friends and contacts throughout the empire including such late antique Christian luminaries as Jerome, lens through which t o view the changing religious dynamics of the late antique city and empire Forty three sermons ( thirty one complete) have been attributed to Chromatius of Aquileia. The sermons were rediscovered about fifty years ago by Joseph Lemari and Roger Etait. A partial commentary on Matthew can also be traced to Chromatius though I will not be focusing on it in this project. The commentary, written for a small audience, would not have been influential The sermons have not previously been translated into English though a French translation and edition appear in two volumes of Sources chrtiennes 3 one Latin edition. 4 The sermons have been edited and reconfigured at various points over the first three decad es of their publication. Discoveries of new manuscripts have caused certain sermons to be re evaluated or added over time. Yet the corpus of sermons has held steady since the early nineties. 5 I present in an appendix to this 3 Sermons, ed. Joseph Lemari, SC 154 and 164 (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1969 1971). 4 Chromatii Aquileiensis Opera eds. and trans. R. taix and J. Lemari, CCSL 9A (Turnholti: Brepols, 1974), 184 498; Spi cilegium ad Chromatii Aquileiensis Opera, eds. and trans. R. taix and J. Lemari, CCSL Vol. 9A Supplementum (Turnholti: Brepols, 1977), 624 636. 5 The Sources Chrtiennes translations were published first and can still be used for reference. In the CCSL publication, sermons 33 and 36 were altered to reflect the new discoveries. In addition, a sermon 42 (On the Passion of St. Peter) was added, though the editors (and I) find the sermon to be likely spurious. The CCSL supplement, published in 1977, added yet another dubious sermon. This one was a compilation sermon from an early medieval homilarium a greatest hits of ancient preachers including Ambrose, Jerome and Chromatius. More useful was the updated version of Serm ons 21 and 22 in: Revue

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13 dissertation a full English tra nslation of the extant homilies for the first time. The new translation, coupled with this study of the sermons, offers a new window on Chromatius and thus on his period of late antiquity. Hopefully, this study will promote more engagement with Chromatius and analysis by scholars around the world. the cha nging dynamic of civic life in n orthern Italy at the beginning of the medieval period as well as a window into the culture of Aquileia. The new emphasis on a stronger, more corporate identity for the Christian community could have numerous consequences, not least of which was the relegation of other groups to minority status in the city. The increasingly direct control of the bishop not just in religious but also in urban life would make him not merely the head of a church, but the only just arbiter of any and all power in the city. Fears of barbarian attack, justified or not, fears of corruption, monetary or religious, and fe ars of outsiders were all joined together in the sermons to point to a single answer: the salvific power of the church of Chromatius. His words reveal the attempt of a local elite bishop to consolidate hard won power in a single institution an attempt whic h reveals the shifting attitudes towards the urban environment and the emerging model of cities in northern Italy at the time. Literature Review have published on various aspects of his thought. Primarily in French and Italian, the scholarship reflects many of the concerns of a theologically trained scholarly Bnedictine 92 (1982): 105 110. All of these changes are well summarized in: Joseph Lemari, Revue Bnedictine 98 (1988): 258 271.

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14 community. 6 Yet several scholars have presented excellent work on the historical implications of his writings. Most notably, at the beginning of the last decade on Aquileia and northern Italy in antiquity has done more to advance the relevance of Chromatius for non specialists than any other published work. 7 She succeeded in placing Chromatius into a histo rical context better than any previous scholar. Since that time, the two major anthologies published in the wake of the 1600 th future research. 8 What follows is a brief attempt to outline the major scholars of Chromatius and their individual contributions to the field. No study of Chromatius would even exist without the work of Joseph Lemari, so it is only fitting to begin a rev iew of the relevant literature with him. Lemari was a French Benedictine who spent countless hours wading through manuscripts, transcribing and cross checking. He was the first to recognize the similarities between a group of sermons in the manuscript Par is Bibliothque Nationale latin 742 and 5132 9 These two groups of sermons contained the beginning of a sermon on the martyrs Felix and Fortunatianus and a reference to Aquileia. Lemari then compared the sermons in 6 Vetera Christianorum 26 (1989): 5 22; Flavio Placida, Aspetti catechistico liturgici dell'opera di Cromazio di Aquileia (Soveria Ma nnelli: Rubbettino, 2005). The most recent English dissertation on Chromatius also Nothern Italy (360 erica, 1996. See also the essays in: Aquileia e Il Suo Patriarcato, AAAd 35 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 2000); Chromatius episcopus: 388 1988, AAAd 34 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1989) 7 Sotinel, Identit civique 8 Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocev ia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008); Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, eds. Pier Franco Beatrice and Alessio Persic (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011). 9 Sermons, 9 11.

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15 terms of language, style and content to Matthew. From this initial discovery, the first seventeen sermons were identified and published. 10 The rest of the sermons were compiled from other monastery manuscripts, most notably Mondsee at Salzburg. 11 Th is relatively stable collection of 41(at the time) sermons has been the basis for the works on Chromatius which have been published since that time, and without the work of Lemari none of what follows would have been possible. rship was not limited to transcribing and translating. His introduction of Chromatius also set the tone for later studies. He presented Chromatius as an ascetic, embracing a life introduced by Athanasius in 345. 12 Ambrose looms large as well throughout the introduction and in the marginalia. The fact that he consecrated Chromatius suggests that Chromatius was his disciple. Consistently, issues of Christianization. 13 Finally, the threat of barbarians, most notably in the person crumbling of the imperial structure seem ed represent ed a former glory stru ggling to survive in a new threatening world. 14 A French monk writing in the 1960s must have identified strongly with this man who embraced an ascetic life, learned from his elders in the region and then watched as his world was 10 Ibid 12 14. 11 Ibid, 14 16. 12 Ibid 43. 13 Ibid, Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, eds. Pier Franco Beatrice and Alessio Persic (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 193 226. 14 51.

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16 trampled by barbarians out t three forces Athanasius, Ambrose and Alaric frame his presentation of Chromatius. Yet the bulk of Lemari work on Chromatius focused on his style, doctrine and liturgy. 15 Perhaps most interesting are his comments on the style of Chromatius. It is simple and never abstract. The Latin betrays his classical training, but he never rises to classical heights in the sermons (the commentary on Matthew is different in this respect). The sermons maintain a mor e literal style, grounded in analogies drawn from daily life in what seems an attempt to connect with the listeners. 16 Examples drawn from commercial life in Aquileia abound. His sermons generally follow a standard path of literal explanation of the text, a llegorical interpretation and a moral application. Lemari sermons. 17 issues of ecclesiology trumped Christology, and Christian life featured more prominently than the sacraments. 18 On the issue of liturgics, Lemari makes an interesting assertion that although the cult of the saints does not feature prominently in the homilies of Chromatius, they certainly must have been important to local life. 19 He suggests that the fascinating sermon on the consecration of a new basilica in Concordia reflects the 15 There is another work published originally in 1969 and again in 2008 on the iconography of Chromatius in Medieval manuscripts. The 2008 version has wonderful images of the icons left in manuscri pts of Chromatius, most commonly with his friends Jerome and Heliodorius. Aquileia Nostra, 82 115. Reprinted in Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi (Mila n: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 20 35. 16 59. 17 Ibid, 60 61. 18 Ibid 62 81. 19 Ibid, 83.

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17 intense devotion to the saints and manner in which these relics acted as connections of the locals to a broader reality. 20 Lemari suggests that the translation and interment must have mirrored what Ambrose did in Milan in 386 387, re emphasizing a connection between Milan and Aquileia in terms of liturgy. Lemari does admit, however, that in other matters the church and liturgy in Aquileia show more eastern influences than the does the church in Milan. 21 Yet Lemari consistently emphasized the connections victory over Arianism and the Christianization which occurred prior to the fall of the Roman Empire in the fifth century. A scholar of the same period with very different interests and approaches to the person of Chromatius is Lellia Cracco Ruggini. She was already an establish ed scholar Concerned mainly with the Italian city in the later Roman Empire, she drew on the sermons as an example of changing urban life. Her first major work was the influe ntial 22 Along with a doctoral dissertation on Jews and Easterners in the region, Cracco antique Italy has been conceived. 23 Tracing the economic networks through the centuries, she proved that there was no abrupt breakdown of commerce or society 20 Ibid, 103 107 21 Perhaps one of the most interesting issues is the orientation of churches. Aquileia mirrored the eastern churches by having t he apse in the east and entry in the west. This approach was not adopted in the Latin west till the second half of the fifth century, while it was common in Aquileia (and surrounding regions) from the end of the fourth. Ibid 108. 22 Lellia Ruggini, Economia e Societ nell' "Italia annonaria": rapporti fra agricoltura e commercio dal IV al VI secolo d. C. (Milan: Giuffr, 1961). 23 Lellia Ruggini, (Rome: Pontifical University, 195 9).

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18 during either the fifth or the sixth century. Even the Lombard invasions had little to no effect on day to day life in northern Italy There was a general decline, felt more in certain places than in others, but the region did not suddenly fall to pieces. In more recent years she has carried this thesis into her broader study of Italian cities, suggesting that the cultural changes in th e cities were also less drastic than previously imagined, though certainly warranting of further study. 24 Her studies of Italian cities influenced the production of several articles on Chromatius. For a conference in gli Eberi di Aquileia ing of the fourth century. She examined numerous archeological studies about the presence of a synagogue in the city and commercial links to the east suggest ing the presence of a Jewish community. The Jewish community in Aquileia was relatively new to Aquileia in the fourth century, brought to the city as a result of trade with the east. This also meant that the community was wealthier than the average inhabit ants of the city, a factor which may have caused jealousy. 25 Yet her reading of Chromatius compares his words to those of John Chrysostom in the fervor of his anti Judaism. Cracco Ruggini reads Chromatius as a missionary bishop seeking to convert the city and surrounding populations to Christianity. Presenting a tripartite scheme of Jews, Jewish community are the harshest, a fact she attributes to the hardened border lines 24 Lellia Cracco The Past Before Us : The Challenge of Historiographies of Late Antiquity, eds. Carole Straw and Richard Lim ( Turnhout: B repols, 2004), 33 48. 25 Lellia Cracco AAAd 12 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1977), 363 372.

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19 bet ween the two groups. She suggests that the extensive missionary efforts of Chromatius did not extend to the Jewish community. 26 If the reality was a cosmopolitan reflect a fear of this intermixing. She explicitly notes the dissimilarity with John smaller nature of the Jewish community in Aquileia and the potential of Chromatius to shut off the Jews completely from city life. 27 Cracco Ruggini has returned to Aquileia in two other articles. She compared its urban society to that of nearby Concordia in 1987. There she emphasized again int which would be picked up by Rita Lizzi. 28 Concordia, like other cities of the region, was only elevated to the level of a bishopric around the end of the fourth century, when Chromatius was bishop of Aquileia. And in fact several bishops in the region c ame from his tutelage in Aquileia. 29 Her most recent work dealing with Chromatius was part of an anthology published to commemorate the 1600 th anniversary of his death. In a further study of the economics of Aquileia, Cracco Ruggini paints the Jewish commun ity in Aquileia as traders in luxury goods. She also suggests that they would have been the envy of poorer Christians. Although she adds wonderful epigraphic research on the 26 Ibid 379. 27 Ibid, 381. 28 Lellia Cracco Vita sociale artistica e commerciale di Aquileia romana AAAd 29 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1987), 57 95. Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990): 156 173. 29 Euseb Chromatius before taking their roles as bishop in cities near Aquileia. For speculation on the potential ties and grooming of bishop candidates see C hapter 2.

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20 demographics of Aquileia, she maintains her original approach to Chromatius which reads him as an anti Jewish force, determined to keep the Jewish community perpetually on the margins of A quileia. 30 Rita Lizzi also has written extensively on n orthern Italy in late antiquity. Her earlier works explored the development of the role of the bishop in late antique northern Italy. She devoted a chapter to Aquileia and Chromatius in her book, Vescovi e strutture ecclesiastiche nella citt tardoantica and s he uses Ambrose as a model for studying the Christianization process in regions of Italy. 31 The construction of churches, translation of actions as if he were a disciple of Ambrose 32 She reads Chromatius as much more Eastern focused, however, noting his friendship with Jerome and Rufinus, his commissioning of bishops for cities in Illyricum, and the presence of so many merchants and traders in Aquileia. Lizzi also adopts Cracco Rugg community in Aquileia, though she emphasizes the newness of the community as the reason for the extensive anti 33 Lizzi preaching style. 34 Her approach does not fault Chromatius for being simple in his words, rather she studies 30 Lell ia Cracco Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 184 191. 31 Vescovi e strutture ecclesiastiche nella et V secolo d.C. (Como: Edizioni New Press, 1989), 139 169. 32 Ibid, 148 150, 33 Ibid 163 167. 34 Ibid 163.

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21 how the simplicity reflects his ongoing attempt at Christianization in Aquileia that Lizzi presents as the defining movement of the era. She develo p ed this view in an article on Christianization efforts in the region. She presents Chromatius as representative of his tenure as bishop. 35 Here again, Lizzi ties Chromatius closely to Ambrose, emphasizing his actions in the context of broader cultural change in the region as a whole rather than in Aquileia, though she does mention that Aquileia was unique among cities in the region due to it s wealth and its eastern connections. The French scholar Yves Marie Duval continued the trend of emphasizing Aquileia and such diverse places as Illyricum, Palestine, A frica and Gaul, he focused not on Chromatius in his own right but rather as a marker of the changing cultural landscape of the region. Duval held that the Arian conflict was not in the past for Chromatius but a real debate continuing in Aquileia during his tenure as bishop. 36 His th anniversary of his ascension to the 37 When contrasted to Jerome or Rufinus, Chromatius seemed an older figure, concerned with issues of a different realm. Never the navel 35 166. 36 Yves Aquileia e Milano AAAd 4 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1973), 190 201. 37 Yves Chromatius episcopus: 388 1988, AAAd 34 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1989), 180.

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22 Aquileia. The Jewish community, pagan festivals and the Arian church dominated century mentality rather than the victorious mindset of the fifth century. 38 Giuseppe Cuscito published the lone monograph on Chromatius, a short work examining the sermons and tractate on Matthew for style and substance. He differed from Duval and Cracco Ruggini in their views on the religious landscape in Aquileia. While they assumed a continued presence of other Christianities in the city (under the elieved that the other groups had been forced out of the city and had no remaining presence of any notable size. This issue is tied as well to the anti of a monolithic la ndscape in Aquileia; the Jewish community was the only foil left for Chromatius, thus he attacks them naturally, not out of choice. 39 For Duval and Cracco Ruggini, Chromatius chose to attack the synagogue over other opponents, a choice which demands an expl anation. 40 Cuscito believes that the Council of Aquileia held in 381 acted as a definitive end point for the Arian controversy in the west, much as the C ouncil of Constantinople did in the east. 41 Cuscito has also made an important contribution in the area o f archeological studies on the ruins of churches in Aquileia and the surrounding area. Although 38 Yves AAAd 12 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1977), 279. 39 Giu seppe Cuscito, (Padova: Associazione nazionale per Aquileia, 1980), 40 47. 40 On this issue see: Yves Marie Duval, Aquileia et Sirmium durant la crise arienne (325 AAAd 26 (Udine : Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1985), 331 379; Cracco Ruggini, 382. 41 Aquileia nel IV secolo AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1982), 223.

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23 numerous studies examine the Theodorian basilica, other churches and the mosaics housed in them, Cuscito covers the totality rather than individual components. 42 He believes that an expansion of the primary basilica, called the Theodorian basilica after the bishop during its construction, occurred at the end of the fourth century under Chromatius and reflects the new prestige, wealth and peace that the church in A quileia had obtained. The successive iterations of the basilica in Aquileia, starting small in 314 and expanding at least three times during the course of the century, culminating in the construction of an external baptistery at the beginning of the fifth century, are a fitting analogy for the changes in the cultural and religious history of the city. 43 The theme of progressive cultural changes in Aquileia has been the primary Identit Civique et Christi anisme: Aquile du IIIe au Vie sicle is the most thorough study of Aquileia, covering the period from the construction of the Theodorian basilica through a schism with Rome under the Byzantines in the sixth century. 44 She charted how the basilica, with its opulent displays of wealth, contrasted with the nascent minority status of its congregation. The church was wealthy but lacking in numbers. In contrast, by the end of the century, Aquileian Christianity was basking in the Theodosian conquest. Yet the cele bratory language suggest a city on the verge of total unification, Sotinel argues that they are reactions to 42 2004), 511 560. 43 Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni ed. Sandro Piussi (Mi lan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 380 386. 44 Sotinel, Identit civique 89 99 and 176 180.

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24 great religious, cultural and ethnic diversity. 45 She also tends t o agree with Cuscito regarding the lack of Arian churches in the city, going even farther to suggest that Arianism was probably never widespread in the Aquieia 46 As for Chromatius, Sotinel suggests that he was not as close to Ambrose as earlier scholars su ggested. Milan was distant, and the two were in vastly different regions with different concerns. Chromatius could stand on his own without the need for Ambrose to prop him up, unlike some other bishops nearer to Milan. 47 She is also loath to attribute the construction of any one church building to Chromatius. 48 Given the vast literature and widespread agreement about the relative timeline of the constructions, it seems safe to allow that Chromatius played a role in seeing the extensive constructions during h is tenure carried to fruition, but Sotinel glosses over the subject. Perhaps most interestingly, Sotinel suggests a new framework for the sermons of Chromatius. It has been generally assumed that his sermons were delivered in the that is in ch urch to a general audience. Sotinel suggests that a few of the sermons and the entirety of the tractates on Matthew may have been designed for a more specialized audience, one composed of devotees of asceticism or even other clerics. 49 She draws this conclu sion from her analysis of the community at Aquileia which gathered around Chromatius and at one time counted Jerome, Rufinus, and 45 Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age: Proceedings of the Intern ational Conference held in Aquileia 22 24 May 2008, Eds. Pier Beatrice and Alessio Per 176. 46 Sotinel, Identit civique 111 112. 47 Ibid 182 188. 48 Ibid 220 222. 49 Ibid 225 227.

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25 numerous future bishops among its members. The nature of this community has been widely debated with interpretations ranging f rom proto monastic community to an ad hoc gathering of friends. 50 Sotinel views the community as something like a modern day seminary, where persons could gather for informal devotion and training in spiritual practices. If not all, then some of the sermons of Chromatius, as leader of this group since at least 370, may well be addressed to these privileged few. 51 Two other recent works stand out for their contribution to studies of Chromatius. Both are collected volumes of papers given in 2008 for the 1600th anniversary of Cromazio de Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni came out of a museum exhibition and conference. These articles, almost all in Italian, offer little new research but superbly summarize the state of the field. The work covers the history of Aquileia, the archeological zone in the city, and its relations with trade and barbarians. On Chromatius, Giuseppe Cuscito offers the best summary of the Christianization narrative in Aquileia. 52 The real strength of the volume l ies in its usage of archeology 50 Aquileia nel IV Secolo AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1982), 300. Much older scholarship fell into the trap of using medieval terms to explore antique practices. For example, the highly creative and forward thinking work of Aurelia Scholz is marred by her forced attempts to fit the community into a later paradigm. Scholz was a German nun writing her doctoral dissertation in 1934, but it remained unpublished until 1970. Aurelia Scholz, Il Seminari um Aquileiense, trans. G. Brusin, MSF 50 (Udine: 1970), 5 106. Charles Pietri rightly identified the elite nature of the Aquielian community and its heritage of euergetism, but is caught up in monastic labels. et la mission Chrtienne: Venetia, Aquileia nel IV Secolo AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1982), 129. (IV Aqui leia e Il Suo Patriarcato, AAAd 35 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 2000); Franoise AAAd 12 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1977), 325. 51 Sotinel sugges ts that certainly sermon 41 on the beatitudes and the tractates on Matthew, which have a higher, more classical style, were designed for this special group. Beyond this one, however, it would be difficult if not impossible to determine which sermons were f or the ascetic community. Identit civique 223. 52 Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 324 331.

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26 and material culture. Again Giuseppe Cuscito summarizes the constructions in the city. 53 Sandro Piussi adds numerous examples of Aquileian material culture and the famous mosaics in the Theodorian basilica. 54 The other major vo lume, Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age comprises twenty two scholarly essays on Chromatius, yet the majority are concerned either with liturgical or theological issues. The reading of Jonah, the presence of the Bible, the cult of the saints and the Apoc alypse of John all merit their own articles. 55 This volume has done much to advance understating of others. 56 The present study builds on the work of all these scholars. Organization For the sake of scope and brevity, I will limit my analysis to the sermons of Chromatius. His tractates on Matthew are fascinating and deserve a fuller treatment than they receive here or have received anywhere else. But based on my reading (which partially accords with that of Claire Sotinel), the tractates were not written or delivered as ordinary sermons. That is to say that they were not given at regular occasions and certainly were not designed for the general populace but instead for a unique subgroup of intellectuals. They contrast with the sermons of Chromatius which 53 386. 54 Sandro Piussi Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 485 487. 55 agans according to Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, 19 Concordia ( Sermon Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, 321 Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, 485 501; Jean Marie Auwers, Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, 343 359. 56 Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age, 193 226.

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27 were delivered on regular occasions and written in a style befitting a more common to a br oad audience his attempt to shape Christian and Roman identity in Aquileia. Chapter 2 provides the historical background necessary for any work on Chromatius. In order to ground the work firmly in the local context of Aquileia, the chapter begins with an examination of the history, culture, economy and religious practices of the city. Out of that context, Chromatius is introduced as a young man in Aquileia. He became involved with a circle of western Christian ascetics and future churchmen that included Ru finus, Jerome, and Heliodorus. After participating in the Council of Aquileia in 381, he was consecrated by Ambrose of Milan. As preacher, patron, peacemaker, and politician, Chromatius endeavored to forge community both within and beyond Aquileia. The cha pter explores how he shaped a network which connected him with people and places beyond the city while also re forging the role of bishop within the city to take advantage of new opportunities which arose. His relationships with major Christian leaders of his day, with an intimate circle of friends and with his audience in his hometown, provide the context for reading his sermons and evaluating the ongoing project of Christianization in Aquileia during the late fourth century. Chapter 3 explores the rhetori c of heresy in the sermons. Chromatius did not institutional power. Although Arians had ceased to wield more than nominal influence and power, Chromatius presented this other Christianity as a potential corrupting force.

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28 and with a longer history than any contri could claim that a united not divide d city was the preexistent norm. The recent history fourth century intra constructed orthodoxy. He su ggested that any threat to that unity, be it heretical or non Christian, was a danger, and in so doing began to collapse the categories of heretic and non Chapter 4 explores the issue of ethnic identity by considering the language surrounding barbarians in Chromatius In the spring of 402, Alaric the Goth laid waste to northern Italy, including Aquileia. Chromatius responded both in his own sermons and by commissioning one of the most important works of Latin Christian Ecclesiastical History. Chromatius addressed barbarians not as an existential threat to the Roman Empire, but as potential conquests for Christianity. By considering ho w barbarians were represented in the texts of nine other fourth century writers, Christian and non Rat her, barbarians as a rhetorical trope, a menacing threat which could swoop down at any moment, appeared in the sermons to herald danger but also to display the power of Christianity to cure the latent violence present in the world. Barbarians acted as a ma rker of the actions which were beyond standard Roman identity. By constructing

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29 as potential Romans through their acceptance of Christianity, Chromatius created a contrast with the Jewish community of Aquileia. He consistently compared even the most anti Roman peoples, who could be transformed by the restorative power of Christian faith, with the perpetual outsider status of the Jews, provoking real questions about danger from a potential fifth column. Chapter 5 deals with attacks on the Jewish community in Aquileia. The existence of a Jewish population in Aquileia is well documented. And unlike other Christian luminaries of his day, Chromatius made clear to his listeners that he believed the Jews of the local synagogue were the same as the Jews of the gospels. To further reinforce the divide between the two religious communities, he connected Jews with important rituals of the church. The effect of ritual in providing clear boundary lines allowed Chromatius to create more di stance and less sharing between the church and synagogue in Aquileia. This movement away from the other religion stood in opposition to the Roman urban context with its long history of a shared religious culture. The rituals and festivals were around the s ame dates, the practices were similar, and the Jews was solely aimed at dividing the two groups. He also labeled Jews in such a way as to suggest they were not capable of rec eiving the effects of baptism and fixed in their religion and their sinful nature, unlike other gens or ethnic groups of the period. Chromatius did not merely define Jew s as the opposite of Christians; he also implied that they were different from the rest of the human race. Chapter 6 begins to answer the question of what all this religious demagoguery aimed to accomplish. The ongoing enlargement of the Christian community required

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30 funds, and to convert the wealthy, Chromatius attempted to present Christia nity as traditional and in a pattern of elite Roman practice. Arguments about Judaism, heretics and barbarians aligned so as to harness general anxiety and give the fears an outlet in the form of greater devotion to the church. The exclusionary nature of C construction of the Christian faith juxtaposed participation and exclusion. So i nstead of holding private services in their homes as traditional Roman practice dictated for those who could afford it, elites were newly expected to be active and v isible in their local church. Not wishing to be considered as excluded from the community, elites took larger steps into ecclesial life. The shift of elites out of their homes and into the church allowed for more local control of religion and new expectati ons about its role in urban life. Chromatius fashioned an argument based on virtues and vices emphasizing values which were dear to the hearts of Roman elites. The argument, aimed particularly at elite Roman women, reflected an attempt to bring the wealth of Aquileia under greater control of the local bishop, Chromatius. Patronage networks would come to center around the church in urban environments as prestige and wealth flowed into it from local elites. In conclusion, I attempt to pull these various rheto rical strands together in order to make sense of the changing nature of a large Roman city at the beginning of the fifth century. In an appendix, all forty three translated sermons of Chromatius accompany the study I hope that I have allowed Chromatius to dictate the project rather than imposing my own story on him. By keeping a tight focus on Chromatius and his words delivered to the people in Aquileia, the prevailing questions of late antiquity, so often shaped by our naturally teleological view, can be kept at bay. Rather than assuming the

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31 future of his church and not the future of the empire should be clear. The process of Christianization in the city was just as mu ch about the day to day concerns of food, trade, safety and community reign as the long term issues of empire, migration and intellectual outlook. The task of this study is to attempt to understand the sermons preached by Chromatius of Aquileia and their r ole in developing a clearer Christian/Roman identity in the local context of Aquileia.

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32 CHAPTER 2 PATRON, PEACEMAKER, POLITICIAN, PREACHER : CHROMATIUS IN AQUI LEIA In the year 404, Chromatius composed a letter in defense of the bishop of Constan tinople John Chrysostom The letter was sent to the western Roman emperor Honorius, and then forwarded with praise to the eastern emperor Arcadius 1 Chromatius received thanks and praise for his attempt to mediate the crisis from diverse locales including Rome, Milan, Ravenna, Constantinople, Cappadocia and Bethlehem. For a brief moment at the beginning of the fifth century he was the most influential and respected leader in the Latin Christian church. Although the memory of h is name and life story lapsed quite quickly after his de ath, his life presents a study in the changing dynamics of power over the course of the seventy or so years he lived. He wielded a type of power at the time of his death that did not exist when he was born. Instead of a local figure with spiritual but limited judicial power, the role of the bishop had evolved in tandem with the increasingly prominent position of the church in Roman society. city of trade, points to the changing dynamics and shifting power bases of late antiquity and the emerging supremacy of the Christian church in the west. He was not a primary force behind such changes or an exemplar of theology for generations to come, but a friend and inspira tion to those men whose legacies would shape the intellectual milieu. W hen placed into a wider context, his writings are suggestive of a man who, in the classical Roman manner, both influenced the world around him and adapted to changing political realitie s beyond his control. 1 Palladius, Dialogue sur la vie de Jean Chrysostome ed. and trans. Anne Marie Malingrey, SC 342 (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1988), IV.148 154.

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33 Family and City The life of Chromatius revolved around the northern Italian city of Aquileia. Now a small ruin of a town with a population of approximately 5000, at its height in the fourth century it was a city of 100 000 that bill ed itself as the second Rome. Founded in 181 BC as a Roman outpost, the city came to prominence as a point where three major trade routes converged 2 Located on the river Natiso and protected from the Adriatic by navigable lagoons, Aquileia offered a safe port and an entry point into n orthern Italy. It also had access to the passes of the Julian Alps which offered the primary route into the Balkans to the south and the Danube to the north. Rather than a city that grew with new opportunities, Aquileia ue was tied to its location The city held significance as a point of contact and defense for the empire. When those trade routes vanished in the sixth century, the city withered. The citizens of Aquileia were always aware that the prominence of their city w as based on the external machinations of trade, not on any unique resource it possessed The city was founded as a frontier outpost and vanished when the trade routes changed Yet during those centuries when the city prospered, it was a busy, wealthy por t connected to all corners of the Mediterranean. moment in the spotlight was in the civil war of 238. As recorded by the Greek historian population. Situated on the sea an d with all the provinces of Illyricum behind it, Aquileia 3 The armies of the usurper Maximinus, containing numerous Pannonians and mercenaries from Thrace, attempted to conquer the city as it 2 Clai re Sotinel, Identit civique et Christianism : Aquile du IIIe eu Vie sicle (Rome: Ecole Franaise du Rome, 2005), 10 11. 3 Herodian, VIII:2.

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34 was the strategic center for Northern Italy. Herodian went on at length about the commercial value of the city and the amount of wealth it held within its walls wealth which would ultimately enable the city to withstand the assaults of Maximinus. In addit ion, the citizens of the city were urged by their governor (in words almost certainly 4 Despite the mythical quality of the se words, they reflect the role o f Aquileia in the late empire. I t controlled the major routes between Italy and the Danube region. Movement from Northern Italy to the east and from Gaul, Rome or Africa to Illyricum or the Danube passed through Aquileia. 5 The failure to take the city led to the assassination of Maximinus by his own troops and their surrender to the people of the city. 6 Yet, he was only the first would be emperor to los e his life in Aquileia. With access to the sea, rivers into Italy and alpine passes into central Europe, t he strategically located port of Aquileia would become a wealthy crossroads where control of the empire was demonstrated. be emperors would perish after losing their final battle in the hinterlands of the city. 4 Ibid Siege of A consigned to history and may have contributed to the playw poetry. 5 Sotinel, 11. Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editorale, 200 8), 56 57; Mark Humphries, Community of the Blessed (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 30 31; S. Panicera, Aquileia e l'arco alpino orientale AAAd 9 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1976), 153 172. 6 Herodian, VIII:5.

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35 By the mid fourth century the city was a provincial capital with a population of fifty to a hundred thousand. 7 Although the surrounding countryside was a wine producing region the primary occupation of Aquileia itself was trade. The city had for sale a huge quantity of goods of all kinds, including ample supplies of food, drink, clothing, and shoes in short, everything that a prosperous and flourishing city could provide for 8 In his famous geography of the ancient world in th e first century the Greek geographer Strabo 9 Archeological work has confirmed the large city center which existed as well as the presence of major complexes of warehouses, o r horreum along the river. 10 Peter Brown has noted that w arehouses in antiquity, the storage location for grain, food and goods, are analogous to modern investment banks as the epitome of affluence and indulgence. 11 To be able to hold that much food without needing to consume it defined the city as wealthy, even if it was merely a convenient spot for a market. Numerous scholars have documented the links between Aquileia and diverse places like Africa, Illyricum, the Danube frontier, Syria, Palestine and Egyp t. 12 In each 7 Sotinel, 13. 8 Herodian, VIII:6. 9 Strabo V.1. 8. 10 On the horreum Aquileia in IV secolo, AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1982), 340 348. For a more general examination of the in ed. Sergio Tavano, AAAd 1 (Udine: Arti grafiche friu lane,1972), 15 22; Aristide Calderini and Gian Domenico Bertoli, Aquileia romana ( editrice "Vita e pensiero", 1930), XII XVI; Sotinel, 33 Trade in the Ancient Economy eds. Peter Garnse y et al (Cambridge, 1983), 165 167. 11 Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 14. 12 On Africa: Yves AAAd 5 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1974), 191 225. On Syria see: Lellia Cracco Ruggini,

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36 case, monetary trade provided social links which placed the northern Italian city at the center of a web. Its commercial and strategic value made Aquileia stand out among similar cities of the period centered economy was the diversity of its inhabitants. Its demographics suggest that diversity was normative and customary in the city. C onnections with diverse regions helped create a less homogenous population than existed in other cities of the region. A sizable Jewish community resided in Aquileia, probably from at least the second century on. 13 The presence of soldiers and the trade connections with the Danube frontier meant that so the city permanently. The countryside also had large numbers of settled peoples from outside the empire. 14 It seems that a small community of eastern Romans, most likely Syrians, also resided in the city for commercial reasons. 15 For all of these reasons Aquileia was more than the average Roman cit y of the period. The religious history of the city is wrapped up in the demographics and commerce of Aquileia As Settentrionale fra il IV e VI secolo D.CR (Rome: Pontifical Universit y, 1959), 264 274. On Palestine see: Yves AAAd 12 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1977) 263 332. monachesimo, e ceno in Aquileia nel IV secolo, AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1982), 273 300. 13 David Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe: Volume 1: Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain and Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versity Press, 1993), 11 13; Rita Lizzi, Vescovi e strutture ecclesiastiche nella et tardoantica, (Como: Edizioni New Press, 1989), 164 165; Lellia Ruggini, Ebrei 236 241. Her views are updated and moderated a bit in: Lellia Cracco fronte a Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008) 184 185. See also C hapter 5 14 Rome and the Ba rbarians:the Birth of a New World, ed. Jean Jacques Aillagon (Milan: Skira, 2008), 207 208. See also the beginning of C hapter 3. 15 Noy, xiii xiv.

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37 diverse religious profile of any city in northern Italy. It seems that in most cases, the 16 Numerous local cults associated with mountain passes, rivers and pre roman deities survived well into late antiquity. Many of these local cults were subsumed into the worship of gods of the traditional Roman pantheon, but the reverence for the indigenous cults remained well into the fifth century. 17 Into this convoluted religious landscape, Christians introduced their religion sometime before the mid third century. The Aquileian c hurch would claim that the belief was first brought to the city by the gospel writer Mark, on orders of the apostle Peter. 18 The legend mirrors that of Alexandria, also founded by Mark on orders from Peter y et it does not appear in any text before that of Paul the Deacon in the mid eighth century, during a time of conflict with Rome. It seems like the stand as a counter point to Roman authority. 19 Chromatius, along with ot her writers who dwelt in Aquileia prior to the sixth century made no mention of Mark or his supposed sojourn in the city, suggesting that they were ignorant of such a tradition In reality, Christianity probably came to the city via one or more of the nu merous merchants or slaves who passed through the region for commercial reasons The first record of a church in the city comes from the Council of Arles in 314 where t he 16 Humphries, 38 39. 17 On the indigenous religions of the region see: Humphries, 36 39; Raymond Chevallier, Le Romanisation de la Celtique du P (Rome: Ecole Franaise du Rome, 1983), 421 502. On the resilience Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990): 167 168. 18 Pa ul the Deacon, Liber de Episcopis Mettensibus, MGH, II.260 270. 19 Thomas Dale, Relics, Prayer, and Politics in Medieval Venetia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 7 11.

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38 presence of the bishop Theodore and his deacon from Aquileia is noted 20 Scholars widely agree that this Theodore is most likely the same bishop who built the first basilica in Aquileia as suggested by the central location of the dedication in the earliest basilica of Aquileia. It reads: Theodore feli[x], / [a]diuuante Deo / omnipotente et / poemnio caelitus tibi / [tra]ditum, omnia / beate fecisti et / gloriose dedicas/ti 21 The dedication lies in the middle of a vast mosaic 66 by 122 feet wide. The mosaic features the biblical story of Jonah surrounded by images of benevolent sea creatures and other fruits of the earth. 22 The double basilica, probably constructed between 313 and 325, stands as a testament to the victory of Christians in Aquileia. 23 Not only had they acquired legitimacy via imperial prescript, but they had acqui re d another victory, namely wealth. The mosaics clearly demonstrate the affluence of the congregation. No longer forced to hide, Christians were more than happy to display their faith and their wealth. Interestingly, this basilica was located in the middle o f a warehouse complex on the river, a somewhat unusual site, but one that centered the church in the middle of the primary activity of town life. 24 Chromatius was born into this world. The double basilica of Theodore had probably stood for twenty years. The city had been a major hub for trade 20 Sotinel, 74. 21 k given to you by heaven, you have inscription: Ernst Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae veteres (Berlin: Apud Weidmannos, 1925), 1863. See pic ture on next page. 22 On the mosaics there is a vast body of literature. For a brief summary see: Sotinel, 76 89. For the best images: Graziano Marini, I mosaici della basilica di Aquileia ([S.l.]: Ciscra Edizioni, 2003); a quick online search will result i n a wealth of materials as well. For scholarly treatment: Gian Menis, Il complesso episcopale teodoriano e il suo battistero (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1986); Giuseppe Bovini, Le antichita cristiane di Aquileia (Bologna: R. Patron, 1972); Renato Jacum in, Il basilica di Aquileia (Reana del Rojale: Chiandetti, 1990). 23 Brown, Needle, 39 41. 24 Sotinel, 42 43.

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39 in the empire for three hundred years bringing diversity of opinion and people to Aquileia And wealth, in the form of food, wine, goods, and mosaics, was what drove the city. Chromatius the Aquileian N o record survive s he was originally from Hispania, the idea seems to be a conflation of Chromatius with Paulinus of Nola. 25 Based on the fact that he dwelt with his mother, sister, and brother in the 370s in Aq uileia, other writers are content to deem him a native of Aquileia. As for the chronology of his life we are forced to work backwards. 26 Two dates are pertinent for this. Chromatius was already a priest in 370. Jerome and Rufinus both independently confirm that Chromatius was the informal leader of a small community of those seeking a life devoted to contemplation. 27 Chromatius, along with his brother Eusebius who was a deacon in the church, baptized Rufinus in that year. 28 How young could Chromatius have bee n to have completed his studies (probably in Rome if the others in the group are any guide) and returned home to be ordained? If the age of other bishops at the time of their elevation is any guide, Chromatius could not have been less than 35 and probably roughly 40 years old in 388 29 Yet it is clear that he had 25 A.Dandolo, Chronicon, Sermons (Paris: Editions du cerf, 1967), 45. 26 Similar attempts at ascertainin g a birth date can be found in: Giuseppe Cuscito, Cromazio di Aquileia e ( Padova: Associazione nazionale per Aquileia, 1980 ), 16 21; Sotinel, 182 183; Carlo Truzzi, Zeno, Gaudenzio e Cromazio: Testi e contenuti della predicazione Cristiana per l e chiese di Verona, Brescia e Aquileia (360 410 ca.) (Brescia: Paideia Editrice 1985), 75 80. 27 Jerome, Ep. 7; Chronicon 247f. 28 Rufinus, Apology I:4; Jerome, Ep. 4:2. 29 Consider Ambrose was 40 45 and Augustine was 40 at the times of their respective consecrations.

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40 served in the church for an extended period of time, acting perhaps like Augustine did in Hippo as a bishop in waiting though for twenty years instead of three If so, Chromatius may have actually been older than his colleagues upon his elevation to the e piscopal seat in Aquileia. Another suggestion comes from Jerome. He referred to Chromatius throughout his life, even in times when they should have butted heads, with a deference that he gives to pr ttacked Chromatius and in fact repeatedly praised him as a father figure. In his ea rly letters, Jerome called Chro m a tius blessed. 30 In the m idst of the Origenist crisis and the dis pute with Ru finus, Jerome stated me to keep silence, my wish was to do so, and thus to make an end of our dissensions, 31 I n addition Jerome addressed five prefaces to Chro m a tius, but the patron/client relationship evident in these makes them less useful for our purposes here. Suffice to say however, that Jerome remained respectful of Chromatius his entire life. It seems additionally that Chromatius was the elder of Jerome by at least a fe Rufinus at 345. 32 Taken with the evidence that Chromatius was a priest by 370, a birth date in the area of 340 seems justified. 30 Ep. 8:2. 31 Apology contra Rufinus III:2. 32 direction. Be sides the 347 date, Prosper of Aquitaine suggested a date of 331 for Jerome. While this life there are major gaps, most notably a statement that he was in sch ool in Rome in 363. Unless he was a 32 year old student, this date seems unbearable. For support of the 347 date see: Ferdinand Cavallera, Jerome: sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris: Louvain, 1922), 2:3 12; Megan Williams, The Monk and the Book: Jerome and the Ma king of Christian Scholarship (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 268 269. For support of the 331 date see: J.N.D. Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York:

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41 The family of Chromatius seems like a western version of the f amous Cappadocians. Although no writer made any mention and sisters are present ed as paragons of female virtue, and his brother served alongside him before becoming a bishop in his own right. The close ties of the family to 33 y our sex and the world, they awai t 34 Suffice it to say that an ascetic project taking place in the city. Chromatius seems to have been the elder brother, given his higher rank in the statement of Rufinus. The details of the life of Eusebius, brother, are lost to us. He became a bishop at some point, probably in the same the region as we will see below. 35 And it is likely that he died before Chromatius since Jerome, in a consoling le the same fortitude with which the blessed father [ papa ] Chromatius bore the loss of a 36 The entire family mother, daughters and sons displayed their commitment t hrough their children. They gave birth to no not able offspring, but rather to spiritual descendents in the form of a small community which was to gather around them in the Harper & Row, 1975), 337 339. For Rufinus see: Francis Murphy, Rufi nus of Aquileia (345 411): His Life and Works (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1945), 2 3. 33 Jerome, Ep. 7:6. 34 Ibid. 35 Rufinus, Apologia contra Jerome I:4. 36 Jerome, Ep. 60:19.

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42 city and eventually spread out to influence the region and, through their writings, the entire Latin world. The commitment of the family without any mention of the paterfamilias coupled with the ability to lead a small ascetic community was endowed with significant wealth. Leading and housing an ascetic community was the privilege of the elite during the fourth century, a means to display wealth before the church. 37 Chromatius was treated as an equal by Rufinus and Jerome, both of whom came from elite families. If their lives are any guide, we can theoriz e that Chromatius was a scion of privilege and was blessed with schooling that befitted his social position. 38 It is of course possible that his position mirrors a lesser elite like that of d the financial ability to send his eldest son to school in the provincial capital. 39 In an analogous situation, Chromatius could have been sent to Rome for his education, returning home upon its completion. If so, he would be unremarkable for his age. Give n his social contacts, his respected position, and his familial situation, it is safe to assume that Chromatius came from the upper reaches of late Roman society in Aquileia. Before departing for his education a unique event took place in Aquileia which Ch romatius probably had the opportunity to witness. The mighty Alexandrian bishop Athanasius, exiled from his see in the east during the height of the Arian controversy took refuge in Aquileia in 345. His presence was part of an extended sojourn in the west under the protection of a sympathetic emperor. But in 345, Athanasius visited Aquileia 37 Brown, Eye of a Needle, 170 171. 38 Kelly, Jerome 10 17; Murphy, 3 15. 39 Brown, Eye of a Needle, 151.

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43 and celebrated the Easter Sunday feast with the emperor. 40 were Christian attendees, which is likely Chromatius himself though only perhaps a n eight o r ten year old boy celebrated Easter in the church with the most powerful churchman of might not have preceded him in the city. Yet some scholars have suggest ed that his visit, coupled with the Latin translation of the biography of Antony of Egypt influenced the development of Nicene Christianity in the city ; but the evidence is highly circumstantial. 41 Whatever the case, the Easter service, conducted by the ci Fortunatianus, provides a useful reminder of the important position of Aquileia in the schema of the Mediterranean world. The city was poised at the edges of the Latin world, closer to Syria, Egypt and the Danube than any other Latin city. Chr omatius would have imbibed the cosmopolitan aura from an early age to the point that any other mode of life would have seemed strange, like a New Yorker being dropped in Nebraska or vice versa. His natural home was a diverse bustling city. It is safe to assume that Chromatius did leave the city for schooling in Rome, and was likely gone from the ages of 12 to 20, give or take a year. Based on an estimated date of birth in 337, he would have depart ed in 349 and return ed home in 357. Advanced study of Latin classics, rhetorical training, and a rudimentary study of Greek were all certainly part of his education in Rome In Aquileia, Chromatius might have been exposed to basic Greek, and by his later writings, it seems likely that he knew 40 T.D. Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1993), 89 90. 41 Aquileia e Il Suo Patriarcato, AAAd 35 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 2000), 152 AAAd 12 (Udine:Arti gr afiche friulane, 1977), 325.

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44 Greek well enough to pass in conversation or basic reading, but not well enough to 42 If Chromatius returned home before 361, he would have been part of the end of a civil war. Julian, the nephew of the Emperor Cons tantine, had been placed in the post of Caesar by the Eastern Emperor, his cousin, Constantius II. P roclaimed emperor by his troops in Gaul Julian set out to overthrow the Eastern Emperor in 361. Having sailed down the Danube and marched in the Balkans un 43 forces. Just as Maximinius had been unable to breech the city walls a century before, so routed the river away from the city to deprive it of water. 44 Nonetheless, the citizens held out for months against the a rmies of Julian, even when it was announced to them that Constantius had died in Persia. Only when a trusted emissary came and confirmed the news did they relent and open the gates. 45 T religious or cultural issues, bu t rather an expectation that Julian, a young and inexperienced commander, would fall to the strength of his cousin. Constantius died at the age of 44 ending the war and leaving Julian as victor by default. Aquileia became the city where two civil wars had ended, though in each case because of an unexpected 42 Chromatius mentions his knowledge of specific Greek words in four sermons: IV:4, XV:2, XXIX:4, XXXII:1. 43 Glen Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), 59 60. For the full account of the siege see: Ammianus, XXI:11 12. 44 Ammianus, LRE, XXI.12.17. 45 Ibid XXI.12.19.

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45 death. The similarities between the two battles, a century apart, are striking even today. As for Chromatius, we are left to ponder whether he was in the city or not during this six month stretch. There is no way to know, but the legacy of the battle and the re routing of the river, a fantastic feat of pre modern engineering, must have lingered in the city, to be recalled in the days of Theodosius. One other change in the years of his youth would have a ff ected Chromatius. Sometime in the mid fourth century the church in Aquileia was expanded. Under the bishop Fortunatianus, the double basilica of Theodore was extended on the north side to more than double its original size. 46 The church was now a major basi lica and reflected the growing influence of the church in the community leaders were also growing in stature. The bishop Fortunatianus played an important though ambiguous role in the introduction of Arian disputes in Italy during the 350s, probably during the period when Chromatius was away. Jerome describes Fortunatianus in De Viris Illustribus reign of Constantius. He composed brief commentaries on the gospels arranged by responsible for causing Pope Liberius to sign a semi Arian creedal statement in 357. 47 theological position is unknown, the words of Jerome, who live d in Aquileia for a period, suggest that the bishop was not unsullied by the controversies of his age. Under pressure from imperial prescript, the bishop who had hosted Athanasius for Easter in 345 condemned him in 357 Fo rtunatianus died the next 46 Lizzi, Vescovi, 144. 47 Jerome, De Viris Illustribus 97.

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46 year and his writings are largely lost to history, so there is no way to confirm his motives or actual positions. 48 During his tenure, Chromatius was probably not in Aquileia, but concluding his studies in Rome. At that time Pope Liberius was exiled for his Nicene beliefs. His return to his seat in Rome in 357 was rumored to have been accomplished by acceding to the semi Arian creed produced at Sirmium, the creed that Fortunatianus urged him to take up. 49 Chromatius might have been caught between factions in Rome and support for his hometown. Having seen a popular pope deposed during his studies in Rome and returning home to find the aged bishop who perpetrated the switch dead the next year may to the Arian faction. The Community o f the Blessed At the end of the next decade, Chromatius appears in the historical record for the first time. In 369, Rufinus and Jerome both joined a small group of Christians in Aquileia where they devoted themselves to an ascetic ideal. Jerome had been inspired at the imperial court in Trier to give up his life. How he came to know and join the group at Aquileia is unclear, but it seems to be more than coincidence that he landed in the city. All of these aspiring ascetics resided under the protection a current bishop, Valerian. As for the source of the ascetic impulse in the city, two 48 destabilis? Cromazio di Aquileia (Milan:2008), 286 289. There is one brief attempt to reconstruct the commentary of Fortunatianus: Paul Scrire Litteras: Forshungen zum Mitteralter lichen Geistesleben eds. Sigrid Krmer and Michel Bernhard (Munich: Beck, 1988), 277 289. 49 Dan Williams, Ambrose of Milan and the End of the Arian Nicene Conflicts (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 58 59.

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47 brief stay in the city could be connected with the diffusion of ascetic ideals 50 Second, the bishop Eusebius of Vercelli another influential city in northern Italy, passed through the city in 363 on his way back from Antioch. The bishop had been exiled to the East in 355 for refusing to sign the creedal statement to which Pope Liberius and Fortunatianus of Aquileia had acceded. When he returned he instituted a type of communal living for first to bring together in the West these two di ffering requisites [monastic severity and ecclesiastical discipline], and though living in the city observed the monastic institute, 51 t creation of a community in Vercelli may have influenced the similar community in Aquileia. Whatever the impetus for such a development in Aquileia the reality is that an informal ascetic community developed in the city by 370. Rufinus would refer to the group as a monastery ( monasterio ) in his apology thirty years later, using an anachronistic term. 52 Yet his sentiment was correct. The group in Aquileia was less related to later monasteries in Italy which would pop up throughout the late fourth and early fifth century than it was to the Roman tradition of otium The community at Aquileia was informal and the best comparison may be the short lived gathering around Augustine at Cassaciacum from 386 387. The community was focused on a communal life of the mind without a set rule. 53 To be sure, the 50 See above n.39. 51 Ambrose, Ep. 63:66. 52 Rufinus, Apology I:4. 53 Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography 2 nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000) 108 110, 114 115 ; George Lawless, Augustine of Hippo and His Monastic Rule (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990) 36 37.

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48 comparison is not perfect, as Cassaciacum did not involve clerics. Perhaps if we knew mor e about the community at Vercelli under Eusebius we could draw a better analogy. Yet, the sense of otium and communal gathering which reigned at Cassaciacum seems similar to that of Aquileia. The community at Aquileia would also not last long as most of it s members would depart by 374, but for the four short years while it did exist, the city was home to one of the greatest collection of Christian writers in antiquity. All the later references to th is group place d Chromatius at its head. Rufinus claim ed his orthodoxy was based on following Chromatius, and Jerome spoke of him in similarly reverent terms. As noted by Elizabeth Clark in her work on the Origenist controversy a dispute which divided Italy into two bitterly opposed camps, Chromatius is nearly the only figure who remained on good terms with both sides. 54 His place a t the head of th is community is agreed upon by all commentators. Alongside Chromatius was his younger brother Eusebius, who was a deacon in the church. Eusebius acted as spiritual directo would eventually go on to be a bishop in his own right, though the city he served in is lost to us 55 Also mentioned in passing as part of the community were Bonosus, Heliodorius of Al tium, Jovinus, Julian, Niceas, Nepotian and a monk named Chrysocomas. Four of these (Heliodorius, Jovinus, Niceas, and Nepotian) became bishops later in life, meaning six of the eleven certain members became bishops. 56 54 Elizabet h Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 33. 55 Rufinus, Apology I:4. 56 Heliodorus became bishop of his hometown, Altium in 381 and was at the council of Aquileia with Ambrose and Chromatius. On Jovinus: Rufinus, Apology I:4. On Niceas: Jerome, Ep. 8. On Nepotian and Eusebius: Jerome, Ep. 60.

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49 Bonosus retreated to an isle in the Me diterranean to become a hermit. 57 Julian was a 58 And Jerome and Rufinus became celebrity monks, for lack of a better description. One other potential member of the community should be mentioned. Evagr ius of Antioch, later to be bishop of that city, came to Italy with Eusebius of Vercelli in 363. He call ed several members of the community friends and seems to have had close relations with them. Upon his departure from Aquileia, Jerome chose to mo v e to S yria with Evagrius and would later count him as a spiritual mentor while living there as a hermit. Rufinus also seems to have know n Evagrius. 59 Perhaps most importantly, Life of St. Antony into Latin sometime before his departure to the East in 372. Evagrius almost certainly resided in Aquileia for part of this time and it is thus likely that the translation, if not completed in Aquileia, was known to the members of that community. 60 This would be the only certain work com pleted in Aquileia during the period, although Jerome mention ed that part of his commentary on Obadiah was begun during his tenure in the city. 61 Evagrius also seems to have served as a messenger from Bishop Valerian and Pope Damasus to Basil of Caeserea, b earing 57 Jerome, Ep. 3:4 and 7:3. 58 Jer ome, Ep. 7:4. 59 On Jerome: Kelly, Jerome, 38 41. On Rufinus: Murphy, 26. 60 Evagrius, in a preface says he wrote the work for Innocent, who died in 374. Jerome, writing in the Syrian Desert in 375 also noted his familiarity with the Latin version. As all th e sources date the translation to the generation after Athanasius, and he died in 373, a date at the very beginning of the 370s, when Evagrius was in Aquileia, seems probable. For the evidence of Evagrius and Jerome see: Vita Antonii Vigilae Christianae 28:3 (1974): 169 174. For a slight dissent on th e date see: B.R. Brennan, Vita Antonii Vigilae Christianae 30:1 (1976): 52 54. 61

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50 warm letter to Valerian, much warmer than his correspondence with Pope Damasus. Basil confirm ed that Valerian share d his anti Arian sentiments and that they wer e of one mind about the future. 62 While Basil praised Valerian for his work against other Christian groups, Jerome stated in a letter to Chromatius and others that it was by the work of the anished from your 63 Whoever deserves the credit, these twin plaudits, four years apart, confirm that Arians were vanquished in Aquileia, no longer holding any power or sway in the city by the time that the community of the blessed brok e up. 64 It was Jerome who coined this name for the group in his Chronicle written in 380 while in Constantinople. By 374 about half of the members had gone their separate way s Rufinus had sailed to Jerusalem and taken up in a true monastery with Melan ia t he Elder. Others left for pilgrimage (Niceas) or to pursue the life of hermits (Bonosus and Heliodorus), with mixed success. Jerome left under more inauspicious circumstances. It seems that he departed in lieu of being run out. His letters are vague, but h 65 He hints at the cause in letters to the virgins of Haemona and Pope Damasus. 66 Yet although they were scattered across the empire, the members of this community remained connected. Close ties e xisted between group members until their deaths, even if one of the most 62 Basil Ep. 91. 63 Jerome, Ep. 7:6. 64 Jerome, Chronicon 247f. 65 Jerome, Ep. 3:3. 66 Jerome, Ep. 11; Ep 16:2.

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51 prominent relationships ( that of Jerome and Rufinus) soured over time. Chromatius was at the head of this group metaphorically, even decades later. The time in Aquileia under Chromati us seems to have been a formative, defining period for many of these luminaries. Yet, while Rufinus, Jerome and Heliodorius went off to diverse locales and became bishops, assistants to Popes and founders of influential monasteries, Chromatius remained be hind in his hometown as a simple priest. For at least 18 years, he toiled under the leadership of B ishop Valerian in an important city, but without personal distinction. Perhaps he continued to lead a small community devoted to the same principles but with suggests that Chromatius was abiding by the principles with his family in the later part of the 370s. 67 But why did Chromatius not take up a seat as a bishop before 388? Heliodorius, his junior and a f ollower in the community was ordained bishop in Altinum, not a minor city by 381. Why was Chromatius held back? No clear explanation exists but it seems entirely possible that he was groomed for the bishopric in Aquileia. A strong local candidate with th e backing of the sitting bishop might prevent schism and dissension when the time came for a new bishop. Perhaps akin to what happened to Augustine in Hippo in 393, Chromatius might have been chosen before he acceded to the episcopal throne This hypothesi s would explain his prolonged stay in the city and his involvement in the Council of Aquileia in 381. The council of Aquileia was originally intended to be a counterpart to the ecumenical council of Constantinople. Yet the Aquileian meeting was much smaller and 67 Jerome, Ep. 7.

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52 functioned primarily as a vehicle for Ambrose to condemn Arian opponents. Only twenty five bisho ps were present at the opening of the council (including Heliodorus). 68 Chromatius, only a priest at that time, was allowed to question the accused heretics on points of Nicene orthodoxy. Ambrose of Milan was certainly running the drama even though the cou ncil should have been led by Valerian as he was more senior and it was in his home. Valerian is only recorded three times in the acts of the council, Chromatius twice. Helidorus only appears once. 69 Only two other priests are mentioned, and neither more tha n once. 70 A lthough only a priest at the time, Chromatius seems to have been regarded more highly than his station would suggest. Taken with his long residence in Aquileia, it does seem likely that he was the heir presumptive of the Aquileian see. Bishops an d Emperors The year 388 brought major upheaval to Aquileia. By the end of the year, Chromatius would be bishop and involved in imperial politics. In Britain the general Magnus Maximus had claimed the imperial title in 383 after defeating Gratian. Theodosiu s recognized his rule over Britain and Gaul, but in 387, Maximus invaded Italy seeking to seize the rest of the Western empire from the junior Valentinian II. The emperor and his mother, Justina, who had recently been feuding with Ambrose in Milan over Ari an churches, fled east to Theodosius. For whatever reasons, Theodosius sided with the young emperor and turned his troops westward to meet the challenge of 68 For an overview of the Council see: Dan Williams, 154 184. For the historical records and the responses by the accused see: Roger Gryson, (Paris: Editions du cerf, 1980), 121 142. For the list of bishops see: Gesta Episcoporum Aquileia in Gryson, 1. 69 Scolies Ariennes, 46, 49 and 54 for Valerian; 45 and 51 for Chromatius; 61 for Heliodorus. 70 Ibid, 11 and 44. For more on the council a nd its place in the narrative of the Arian controversy see C hapter 3.

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5 3 Maximus. 71 Maximus was ensconced in Aquileia in August when the two armies met on the plain outside t Aquileia, finding Maximus on the imperial throne. He was killed there, on August 28, the third time in 150 y ears, Aquileia was the scene of another defining battle in a Roman civil war. The victory led to the end of any imperial patronage for Arian Christianity. Theodosius and Valentinian seem to have remained in Aquileia for perhaps a month after the battle as they issued a decree from Aquileia which invalidated Magnus 72 The bishop of Aquileia, Valerian died sometime around this conquest and Chromatius, although not yet official, was probably serving as bishop of the city during this period, and thus interacted with both Maximus before his demise and the victors after the battle. 73 Perhaps his experience influenced Rufinus 14 years later to record Magnus Maximus eventual triumph for th at sect. 74 After the crisis had passed, the Aquileian church faced a more local issue. The death of Valerian, who had been bishop since 359, meant Chromatius could finally succeed to the position for which he had waited at least twenty years. 71 Valentinian to a backroom deal for a child bride. Respectively see: Rufinus, HE 11: 17; Orosius, Adversus Paganos 7:35; Zosimus, 4:44. 72 CTh, XV:14:6, from Aquileia on 22 September 388. 73 Paulinus, Vita Ambrose, 22:1. 74 Rufinus wrote that Maximus justified his revolt by the impious actions of Justina in favor of the Arians. Theodosius receives all the glory for the eventual triumph for a supposedly bloodless victory, Maximus is not derided for being a usurper as Eugenius in 394. Rufinus, HE 11:16 17 and 11:31 33.

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54 Before the en d of that year, Chromatius officially became bishop of Aquileia. The date is well attested by the actions and presence of Ambrose. 75 Although Ambrose never explicitly discussed his involvement in the consecration, he wrote perhaps his most influential lette r from the city. Addressing Theodosius over the issue of overzealous Christians in Callinicum who had burned a synagogue and then been ordered to make restitution Ambrose made a llusions to a synagogue in Aquileia. 76 After his return, he wrote another lette r to his sister about his time in Aquileia. 77 What seems odd from a historical perspective is that Ambrose never mentioned his involvement in consecrations. 78 Why not mention C hromatius? Historical scholarship has always tended to suggest that Ambrose and Chromatius were close and had an important relationship. 79 Only one letter from Ambrose to Chromatius survives. Apparently Chromatius had requested that Ambrose expound on some passages from the Old Testament, and Ambrose responded with an analysis of Balaam drawn from commentaries he had on hand. 80 I n her reading of th is letter, Claire Sotinel suggests that it is formal and does not reflect a close relationship but rather the cust omary interactions 75 Chromatius episcopus, 388 1988, AAAd 34 ( Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1989), 27 44; Neil McLynn, Ambrose of Milan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 298 299. 76 Ambrose, Ep. 40:8. 77 Ep. 41:1 78 Sotinel, 181n.48. 79 Chromatius episcopus, 388 1988, AAAd 34 ( Udine: Arti grafich e friulane, 1989 ), 117 Cromazio di Aquileia (388 408) ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: 2008), 274 159. 80 Ambrose, Ep. 50.

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55 between two well respected bishops. 81 The reason that Ambrose does not mention largely as disciples of Ambrose. Sotinel contrasts that kind of situation wi th C hromatius. He was the expected heir in Aquileia and owed nothing to Ambrose for his position. Going even further, I would add that much like Ambrose, Chromatius stood at the center of his own web of bishops that could trace their positions to his commu nity and church. orbits and not dependent on the other for anything other than acknow ledgement. long time member of the community Having been resident in Aquileia for such a long time, he was familiar with the politics, economics and local issues which drove the city. His usage of metaphors related to the sea, trade and victors in battles all drew on experiences common to the citizens of Aquileia. 82 His position also gave him a unique glimpse of Theodosius. Although the emperor is known for his mercurial relationship with Ambrose, it was arguably his minor interactions with Chromatius which shape d the picture of Theodosius that endured. In 402 Chroma tius would commission Rufinus to Ecclesiastical History The new work culminates in the person and actions of Theodosius. Yet Rufinus, who wrote the new books, was in on the other hand, saw Theodosius several times after the initial victory of 388. Theodosius and Chromatius 81 Sotinel, 181 185. 82 For a fuller accounting of the various occupations mentioned by Chromatius see: Mascari 249 250.

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56 were certainly not close, yet Theodosius made several important stops in Aquileia which brought him into contact with Chromatius. In 391 Theodosiu s was returning to the East when he stopped in Aquileia for at least a week in June. He issued four imperial decrees from the city, most famously the decree which closed the temples of Egypt. 83 The decree would result in the destruction of the Serapeum late r that year, and for Chromatius, who must have been one of the first church leaders to hear the news, the defeat of these pagan opponents must have brought a thrill. Theodosius acted just as the Nicene advocates had hoped. Arianism was banished, temples were closed, and the emperor had just recognized (however ruefully) the authority of bishops in the spiritual realm. 84 This interpretation of Theodosius would be confirmed three years later. In 394, Theodosius was facing yet another would be usurper this time in the form of Eugenius. Mirroring the revolt of Magnus Maximus, the general had been proclaimed emperor by his troops in Gaul and marched e ast to confirm his rule by defeating Theodosius. According to some commentators, Eugenius was su pportive of re establishing paganism in the West, though this might be a narrative designed to de legitimize him. 85 T he battle was slightly farther east than in 388 but still on the plain between Aquileia and the Julian Alps. For the third time in Chromati war would be decided outside the gates of his city. At the battle of Frigidus, Theodosius was supposedly aided by a divine wind which blew at the backs his troops coming down 83 CTh XVI:10:11. The others in Aquileia during the period are: CTh XIV:2:2, XI:38 and X:17:3. 84 Rufinus, HE 11:18, 19 and 23. 85 On the paganism of Eugeniu s see: Rufinus, HE 11:33. For a challenge to this narrative see: Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 74 92.

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57 86 These types of storms are not uncommon in the region, but the story of divine intervention confirmed toward the Nicene emperor. the church in Aquileia. In a surviving letter of Ambrose, he plead ed for clemency for 87 Chromatius, as bishop of the city, was undoubtedly responsible for having taken in these political persona e non grat ae Having supported a rebellion the only hope for these people was the protection of the church. They called upon Ambrose, the most influential ambassador they could muster to present their plea for grace to the emperor. Paulinus records that the emperor granted the request when Ambrose appeared in person in Aquileia. Rufinus mentions that many survived the battle though they suffered great shame. 88 Chromatius seems to have played a role at the center of this web, watching the delicate negotiations for the lives of the men he was protecti ng. The mercy of Theodosius, real or merely prudent, seems to have had an effect on Chromatius. His conception of the possibilit y of a Christian empire arises a few times in his sermons. The experience with Theodosius, acting as a responsible victor and showing mercy, may even influence the language he use d when discussing the victory of Christ over dea th and the giving of mercy. Paulinus terms: been saved through his merits and intercessions 89 These words seem to mirror 86 Rufinus, HE 11:33. 87 Ambrose, Ep. 62:3. 88 Paulinus Vita Ambrosii 34. Rufinus, HE 11:33. 89 Paulinus Vita Ambrosii 34

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58 by this kind of act he prep 90 One can imagine that the sight of an emperor granting mercy to his rebellious subjects would provide an example of grace, even if it was only a political calculation. I t should be no su rprise then, that when Chromatius called on Rufinus to write a history of Christianity, Theodosius emerged as the protagonist for the true faith. Leader and Envoy At the beginning of the fifth century, Chromatius was beginning to play a larger role in the politics of the imperial church. After the deaths of Ambrose and Pope Siricus in 396 and 399 respectively, Chromatius seems to have taken the stage as the senior ecclesia stica l leader in the west due to his age, tenure and location. He interceded in th e Origenist controversy, offering shelter to Rufinus from the dogmatic storm which was raging. He expanded the footprint of the church in Aquileia and its province both metaphorically and physically. 91 Yet the last five years of his life saw him embroiled i n two very different crises. As previously mentioned in the winter of 401 402 an army of Goths led by Alaric crossed the Julian Alps into Italy. For the fourth time in his life, Chromatius saw a civil war at the gates of his city. Alaric was a Roman gener al and his soldiers had been mercenaries in the Roman army. Although classed as barbarians by Roman mores, the army at the gates was thoroughly Romanized, including in its religion. 92 Aquileia however, shut its gates and held out as always. Alaric bypass ed the 90 Chromatius, Sermon 41:5. All translations of Chromatius are my own. 91 Gian Carlo Menis, La basilica paleocristiana nelle diocesi settentrionali della metropoli d'Aquileia (Rome: Pontificio istituto di archeologia Cristiana, 1958), 33 36. 92 While there is a debate over the religious leanings of the Goths at this time, I defer to the view that suggests they were Arian Christians. On the topic of the Goths as Arians see: J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz,

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59 city and moved deeper into Italy seeking the spoils and titles he and his army desired. 93 The attack seems to have unsettled the populace more than any previous battle in the region. Chromatius addressed the fear of barbarians in a sermon a few month s later, while Alaric and his army were still at large in the region. As the sun rose on Easter morning 402, Chromatius closed his sermon with the appeal with all our heart, all our faith, so that he may deliver us from all invasi ons of our 94 Although the actual threat to Aquileia at this point was minor, Chromatius responded to fears on the ground. He acted as a spiritual le ader, offering ersonal solace in his sermons 95 The danger may not have actually made Chromatius any more influential in the city so much as offered a better record for the actions of leadership he und ertook to comfort people. Other events in subsequent years confirm that he held significant, if largely symbolic, influence. By 404, only three other bishops could compare with Chromatius in seniority: Pope I nnocent in Rome, John Chrysostom of Constantino ple and Theophilus of Alexandria. Thus, when two of those bishops were at odds with each other Chromatius Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Ch urch, and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 53. The suggestion that all the Goths were Arian may well be a later view that we have too readily adopted. As a warning see: Patrick Amory, People and Identiy in Ostrogothic Italy, 489 554 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 245 247 For a fuller discussion of the topic, see C hapter 4 93 Jerome, Apology contra Rufinus Yves Marie D Aquileia e l'arco alpino orientale AAAd 9 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1976), 275 279. 94 Sermons XVI:4. 95 Ibid, XVI:3. On this odd passage see C hapter 5

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60 was naturally drawn into the quarrel. Theophilus had already proven his willingness to stir up trouble by his actions which instigat ed the Origenist controversy. His alliance with Jerome had resulted in many of the recriminations which had flooded Italy. This doctrinal dispute made its way to the highest levels of power by 403. The position of the patriarch of Constantinople had always been problematic for the archbishop of Alexandria. No less than four patriarchs were deposed by the machinations of the Alexandrian archbishops in seventy years. 96 Now John Chrysostom, who had the ear of the emperor, was increasing the prestige and influence of the patriar chal position along with doctrinal beliefs that were major issues for Theophilus. The result was a series of Machiavellian moves which resulted in the exile of Chrysostom and the permanent casting of Theophilus as power hungry by historians to come. 97 Witho ut being drawn into the minutiae of the debate, it is sufficient to note that Chrysostom was deposed due to political struggles, both secular and ecclesia stica l, much more than doctrinal issues. At the time that he was deposed after Easter of 404, Chrysostom wrote a letter appealing for help. He sent identical copies to Pope Innocent, Bishop Venerius of Milan and Chromatius. 98 He recited the litany of his problems and appealed to them for support, hoping they would not recognize his deposition and wo uld persuade Honorious, the western emperor, to intercede on his behalf with his brother Arcadius, 96 Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops 196. 97 Christian Origins: Theology, Rhetoric and Community eds. Lewis Ayres and Gareth Jones (New York: Routledge, 1998), 82 83. 98 Lettre Dialogue sur la vie de Jean Chrysostome ed. and trans. Anne Marie Malingrey (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1988), 94 95

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61 the eastern emperor. 99 In response, Innocent wrote back in support and summoned a synod in Rome. Chromatius, probably near seventy years old, undertook the jo urney to Rome in the early summer of 405. 100 He even composed a letter in support of Chrysostom which the synod endorsed. Having swayed Honorius, the emperor composed a letter to the his brother which expressed his support for the patriarch and included the letter of Chromatius (along with one of Innocent) in order to better express the views of the western churches. 101 The enclosure is unfortunately lost to us, but the reply of Chrysostom is not. From exile the next year, John wrote back to Chromatius in thank 102 The letter is hopeful that John will be able to return, something which would not happen before his death the following year. In the dispute, Chromatius broke no theo logical ground, but he did prove that Aquileia was a venerated locale which was looked to for leadership in times of dispute. Patron and Friend Rufinus was one of two writers with whom Chromatius maintained a life long relationship. Both Jerome and Rufinus who were close friends for twenty five years before their falling out, remained tied to Chromatius. 103 After leaving Aquileia by 374, they found their ways separately to Palestine residing in monasteries endowed by 99 Ibid 100 JND Kelly, Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysos tom (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), 278. 101 Palladius, IV.148 154. 102 Ep. 155, PG 52:703. 103 possibly a future enemy, if the breach that we deplor Ep. 74.

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62 wealthy widows. Rufinus was under the ca re of Melania the Elder, one of the richest women in antiquity. He never wanted for funds. Jerome, on the other hand, was supported by Paula, a wealthy but not overwhelmingly so woman. 104 Jerome had a constant need of patrons, and so Chromatius seems to have endeavors once he became bishop. Jerome, a prodigious scholar, first dedicated a work to Chromatius in 393, a commentary on the minor prophet Habakkuk. The preface t is clearly a general introduction rather than especially for the dedicatee. 105 Yet that work began a string of translations and commentaries that Chromatius paid for directly or indirectly by supplying scribes and copyists. In the spring of 398, Jerome wro te in the preface to a translation from the Hebrew of the books of Solomonic Wisdom (containing Proverbs, scribes and copyist having been sustained, so that our talents ex ert themselves most 106 Prior to this, Jerome had also dedicated to Chromatius a translation of Chronicles in 396 and a commentary on Jonah in 397. 107 But the preface from the books of Solomon provides more detail about the requests of Chroma tius as well as Heliodorus. They had apparently asked Jerome to provide commentaries on Hosea, Amos, Zechariah, and Malachi. statement suggest s that an active 104 Kelly, Jerome 121 129. 105 579. 106 Monk and the Book 220. 107 Monk and the Book, 267 301.

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63 correspondence (which is now lost to us) was maintained by Jerome and Chromatius. 108 Even as late as 405 Jerome was still working on the requests of Chromatius by providing translations of Judith and Tobit. The prefaces of these later works are very different, much shorter and more personal, asking for prayers and hoping that the alleged ly roug h translation satisfies. 109 It is clear that Chromatius played the role of patron for Jerome always treated Chromatius with respect never being sharp, being greatly threatened by certain Aquileia ns. He a lways played the role of junior partner to Chromatius in terms of position and honor. In 397, Rufinus returned to Italy from Palestine. By 399 he had become enmeshed in accusations of heresy and a division over b iblical interpretation which threatened his stan ding in the church. Rufinus retreated to the safety of Aquileia, under the protective wings of Chromatius. There he set out to defend his orthodoxy, and in the process accused Jerome of heresy. K nown as the Origenist controversy the dispute concerned conf licting interpretations and translations of the works of Origen. While the theological debate focused on the nature of souls before birth and the possibility of post mortem salvation, the real dispute between Jerome and Rufinus seems to have much more pers onal. 110 Jerome wrote his a pology in two books against Rufinus, while Rufinus wrote his own apology in response to Jerome At this point, Chromatius intervened by 108 On the relationship see: Yves Aquileia e nte Mediterraneo AAAd 12 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1977), 263 322; Celestina Corsato, Cromazio di Aquileia 280 285. 109 26,39 42. 110 I am striving to avoid diving into m undane details of the controversy as only intense students of historical theology seem to appreciate the minutiae of the debate. Indeed, the Pope of the time claimed his ignorance of the issue and strove to avoid being entangled in it. The best survey is s till: Clark, Origenist Controversy.

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64 asking both combatants to cease their venom. Rufinus agreed and sent a private letter to Jerome, but Jerome felt he could not remain silent, even though he recognized the 111 Crucially, Rufinus defended his orthodoxy based on his adherence to the teaching of Chromatius, and it is from his apology that we have most o f our 112 Rufinus was able to keep his mouth shut for the rest of his life, not writing about Jerome. Jerome, meanwhile rewrote his Chronicon to remove Melania the Elder, and upon Rufinus death in 411 he wrote, ceased its hissing against us, and time is given for other things than answering the 113 tempered is obviously well deserved. Without the restraint advised by Chromatius who had died 4 years earlier, Jerome did not heed the adage about speaking ill of the dead. well documented Rufinus was baptized by Chromatius in Aquileia in 370, and in his hour of greatest trial he returned to the city remaining there for several years. 114 Under the wings of Chromatius he set to work translating numerous texts from Greek into Latin. Although not the equal of Jerome in composing commentaries, Rufinus was an excellent translator and his translations served as the primary sources for many of the Greek patristic 111 Jerome, Contra Rufinum III:2. 112 Rufinus, Apology I:4. 113 Jerome 257. 114 He was in Aquileia from 399 till either 403 or 406. On the stay of Rufinus in Aquileia see: C. P. JTS n.s.:28 (1977): 372 429.

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65 Ecclesiastical History Rule an d several homilies of Gregory of Nazian z us were On First Principles 115 While in Aquileia, Rufinus produced severa l works which may have affected Chromatius including eight sermons of Basil on ascetic principles and nine sermons of Gregory of Nazian z us on a variety of issues including political upheaval and the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. 116 Rufinus then returned to t his homilies on the Heptateuch (the first seven books of the Bible) and Romans. 117 For such a prodigious translator, who prided himself on his ability to render difficult Greek into easily understood Latin, it is ironi c that the work which preserved his name was an original one, albeit a continuation. Composed in 403, Ecclesiastical History comprised 402, Alaric and an army of Goths la id siege to Aquileia. Unable to take the city, they moved west, invading and pillaging Northern Italy until they were defeated on Easter Sunday outside Milan. 118 In the wake of the attack Chromatius requested that Rufinus provide something which might distra ct and console the Christian populace. In the preface, Rufinus described Chromatius as a skillful physician tending to a populace afflicted by a deadly plague in the form of fear brought on by incursions of the 115 Henri Crouzel, Origen trans. A. S. Worrall (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989), 41 47. 116 Murphy, 115 118. 117 There are questions about dating on these. Murphy subscribes to a later date of 403 404, while Hammond considers them to be earlier, 400 402. I side with Hammond on this, though no t all his 118 There is a full discussion of these events at the beginning of C hapter 4

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66 Goths. 119 Although the actions of the Goth s ma y not have been particularly devastating, the popular fear seem ed to Christian people In commissioning the work for an answer in the form of history and intellectual response, Chromatius reveals the two roles he held in tension throughout his life: bishop and intellectual elite The result was a history of the Christian church which emphasized its miraculous and triump hant nature, culminating in its conquest of Roman society under Theodosius and its spread throughout the rest of the world. 120 The emphasis on the miraculous and the power of true faith pointed to the location of real power in the church and not the state Unlike many bishops of his age, Chromatius never held any job outside the church. He stood at the head of a community which would create great works. The desire to produce commentar ies and other writings which advanced his version of Christianity seems t o have remained throughout his life. Yet unlike Jerome, Chromatius had the day to day responsibilit ies of leading an urban church. He fed the poor, funded and built buildin gs, and preached to the masses. The commissioning of the Ecclesiastical History was not a minor act of a patron, but a major request for a work which would aid pastoral care in Aquileia. Chromatius the Builder and Preacher a translation of the homilies of Origen on Jo shua that Rufinus dedicated to Chromatius In the preface, Rufinus draws an extended analogy comparing contribution to 119 The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia, ed. and trans. Philip Amidon (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 3. 120 Francoise Thelamon, (Paris: Etudes augustiniennes, 1981), 151 155.

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67 the knowledge of the church with the gifts given by the Israelites for the construction of the tabernacle in Exodus. Rufinus wisdom to construct the tabernacle from all the constituent parts which were donated by the people. 121 Referring to this passage in the preface, several scholars have suggest ed that Chromatius was responsible for church construction while Rufinus was in Aquileia. 122 Chromatius partially confirm ed such activity in a sermon given in Concordia upon the dedication of the newly constructed b asilica there. 123 It is true that the main basilica in Aquileia was enlarged again sometime towards the end of the fourth century. A number of oth er smaller churches also date f r o m the period of the early fifth century in Aquileia. But not one of these can be directly tied to Chromatius. Circumstantial evidence can be put forward for the construction of the Church of St. John the Apostle and the church of the Martyrs, and the expan sion of the primary Basilica. 124 But nothing 121 ti: Brepols,1961). 122 Lizzi, Vescovi 159 Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 380 386; Sotinel, 217 222. 123 Sermons XXVI:1 124 Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo AAAd 59 (Trieste: Editreg, 2004), 511 560. The original definitive work in the area is still influential as well: Giovanni Brusin, Gli scavi di Aquileia (Udine: La Panarie, 1934). Shorter chitettoniche del complesso Aquileia e il suo patriarcato (Udine: Deputazione di storia patria per il Friuli, 2000), 67 Domus in Qua Manebat Episcopus: Episcopal Residences in Northe rn Italy during Late Antiquity (4 th to 6 th Housing in Late Antiquity, ed. Luke Lavan et al (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 98 Cromazio di Aquileia 363 Cromazio di Aquileia 390 397. Longer but essential works include: Luisa Bertacchi, al VI sec. d.C. (Milan: Libri Scheiwiller, 1980), 99 Jahrbuch fr Antike und Christentum 23 (1990): 158 197; Sergio Tavano, Aquileia: Guida dei monumenti cristiani ( Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1977). For a study of donations to the church in Aquileia and its unique stature among archeological studies of the period

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68 definitive can be said. Rather than attempting to tie a ny one specific structure to Chromatius, it is more useful to note that he almost certainly was responsible for at least one major construction project during his tenure. Chromatius acted as both metaphorical and literal builder of the church in Aquileia. By the early fifth century at least five churches were either standing or under construction in Aquileia, far outstripping the single basilica which existed a t the time of his birth. By 407, Chromatius could claim that Christianity had triumphed in numbers and influence as attested by the changing urban landscape These churches could function as a pedagogical device for new Christians. The mosaics of the basil ica communicated the narrative of Christianity, while the form of the building clearly defined the authoritative structure. The old Theodorean basilica was small, though well decorated space. It was a mere 720m (20x37), a space that would have positioned the bishop in close range of his listeners. 125 In contrast, the newer basilica built in the second half of the century was over 2250m (31x73m) and the length was such as to remove the bishop physically from his audience. 126 Chromatius probably preached in thi s newer larger church on most occasions. The preaching would have demanded large gestures and vocal projection in order to communicate effectively to a audience or the recep tion of his homilies. Yet his style and word choice in the sermons provide clues about both his listeners and his own preaching style. Chromatius clearly Church Flo Women, Wealth and Power in the Roman Empire eds. Ria Berg and Pa ivi Seta la (Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, 2002), 245 270. 125 Tavano, Aquileia e Grado 152. 126 Ibid 145.

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69 took his task as preacher seriously trying to adapt the content as well as the level of his sermons t o the character of his congregation in Aquileia. First, almost every commentator on Chromatius discusses his simplistic style. 127 His Latin did not reach classical heights. He did not employ allusions to classical authors in the manner of Jerome or Augustine Joseph Lemari attributes this to the makeup of the audience, suggesting that the merchants and traders who composed the 128 If he is correct, the primary audience was an emergent business class con cerned with issues of wealth and presence, if not domination, of these commercial types. He speaks of weddings and their bands, athletic contests in Aquileia, taxes, and mar itime trade. 129 Regarding sea trade, Chromatius compares spiritual peace on two different occasions to a calm sea. Absent are illustrations of rural life. He did make mention of a winepress and the sowing of grain, 130 but his sermons contain no detailed agricu ltural allusions. The urban character of Aquileia breaks through in the language used by Chromatius. This last point illustrates one of the key aspects of the sermons: their utility for the listeners. Chromatius did not devote his sermons to dogmatic exposition or allegorical interpretation of the biblical text, though both those components do appear in t he sermons. Rather, the homilies seem designed as exhortations to virtue or against vice. In short, the sermons were meant to be practical. Following a standard outline, 127 59; Lizzi, Vescovi e strutture 163; Mascari, 251. 128 Aquileia Nostra 38 (1967): 171. 129 Weddings: Sermon 10:2. Contests: 38:1 4 and 41:2. Taxes: 32:1. Trade: 17:3 and 41:2. 130 Sermon 38:4 and 8:2 respectively.

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70 Chromatius would explain the literal sense of the biblical reading, often repeating it multiple times in a trick of oral communication. He would offer a typological interpretation for the text which he often drew without citation from Origen, Tertullian or some other ancient commentator. But his words were always building up to a moral or p ractical application. Whether an appeal to be baptized, give alms, fast, abandon vices, or simply believe, Chromatius kept the conclusion, the practical application, always in view for his audience. A room made up of businessmen would want an executive sum mary, and Chromatius provided it. paideia the educating of ideal citizens, in a classical sense. The education of the period focused on oratorical declamation as the primary means of persuasion and ed education would have instilled a classical sense of the need for paideia 131 On this subject, Cicero had suggested that although the Greeks had been concerned with amples of 132 the later second sophistic movement, exemplified by the pagan rhetor Libanius and the Christian preacher John Chrysostom among others, emphasized the teaching of proper actions by the examples of famous men of literature, be they pagan or Christian. 133 The 131 On the educational training in rhetoric during the late fourth century see: Peter Brown, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992), 41 45; James Murphy, Rhetoric in the Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of C alifornia Press, 1974), 36 38. 132 Cicero, De Oratore, 3.34.137. 133 On the development of paideia in the second sophistic period see: John Vanderspoel, Themistius and the Imperial Court Oratory, Civic Duty and Paideia from Constantius to Theodosius (Ann Arbo r, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 13 14. For a history of the second sophistic see: Tim Whitmarsh, The Second Sophistic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), esp. 6 19. On John Chrysostom see: Jaclyn Maxwell, Christianization and Communicati on in Late Antiquity: John Chrysostom and His

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71 new approach to rhetoric by these fourth century orators shaped a new Christian genre of the sermon, which Chromatius typifies. 134 The appeal to virtuous action, the usage of legendary characters and situations, and the interpretation of the bible through the lens of Christian paideia all illustrate the developing Christian style of preaching which was clearly emerging at the end of the fourth century. Chromatius approaches the biblical text in this manner, seeking to use it as a demonstration of virtue and practical usage for his audience. 135 His homilies were paeans to virtuous actions. Even when he used his words to condemn other Christians or non Christians, this frame of interpretation based on practical application of virtue dominates his rhetoric. If Chromatius attacked, it implied the need for his listeners to take heed and avoid the vice mentioned. The main tool in his efforts to build Christian community in Aquileia. The labeling of other groups and praise of virtues Congregation in Antioch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006 ), 88 94; Brown, Power and Persuasion, 119 122 134 On the new genre see: Jaroslav Pelikan, Divine Rhetoric 2001), 19 33; Murphy, 43 64. 135 d subsequent swearing off of secular literature occurred in Aquileia or shortly thereafter. His dramatic experience might have affected Chromatius, though this is purely speculation.

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72 CHAPTER 3 M EMORIES OF HERETICS PAST: AR IANS, AQUIELA AND AUTHORITY In the spring of 2007 Pope Benedict XVI delivered a homily on the life and writings of Chromatius as part of a longer series on the church fathers. Besides extolling Chromatius for his service in the city of his childhood, he pr aised the bishop for 1 Reflecting specifically on the depth of Trinitarian theology developed in his sermons and commentaries, Benedict praised Chromatius for given that the first historical reco the Council of Aquileia in 381. Taken along with the letter of Jerome praising Nicene warrior Ambrose, the proposition that he faced heretics daily is appealing. Yet all of these assumptions can also be deceiving. The council, the letter and the writings of Ambrose all hint at the non existence of any formal Arian church structures in the Latin west which was similar to t hat in the Greek east. By the time Chromatius was bishop and composed his sermons and commentary, Arianism was likely all but dead in the region of Aquileia. Why, then, did Chromatius continue to press his case against groups he perceived as heretics? Upon further examination, his words about heresy suggest an approach to remembering those other Christianities which ultimately reinforced history of heresy Chromatius created a history for orthodoxy. 1 Pope Benedict XVI, The Fathers of the Church: From Clement of Rome to A ugustine of Hippo, Ed. Joseph Lienhard (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009), 126.

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73 A History of Pre Gothic Western Arianism the region is sli ghtly more settled. 2 The language divide between east and west, Greek and Latin, seems to have prevented the clash over doctrinal statements from reaching the western Mediterranean world until 340, some fifteen years after the council of Nicaea. In that ye ar the exiled Athanasius was accepted into communion at Rome. But even this fact and its fallout suggest that the dynamics of the conflict in the west were very distinct from those in the east. While the Greek church focused on doctrinal statements and the relationship of the person of Christ to the godhead, the western churches led by the bishop of Rome and Hilary of Poiters were more overtly concerned with imperial and ecclesiastical power dynamics. The demands of the western churches which were sent to t he Greek and Egyptian churches centered on the exile of bishops and rights of judgment and precedence, not the signing of doctrinal statements. While the eastern conflict certainly involved a battle over rights and authority, the western approach to the Ar ian clash had no doctrinal robe to cover the naked power struggle which occurred in the fourth century. Hilary of Poiters admitted as much when he stated that he had never heard of the Nicene Creed prior to his exile in 355. 3 While perhaps an 2 church referred to itself as Arian. Likewise, the term covers numerous groups which would have probably viewed and dealt with each other as heretical and out of communion. I will use the term here as Chromatius would have recognized it, accepting that this does not reflect any sort of historical reality. he groups of Christians which were excluded from Nicene Christianity based on their beliefs about the person of Jesus. It includes groups which are labeled as Arian, Eunomian, Photian, and others I am certainly unaware of. I will not always put the term in quotation marks, but the reader should remember that it is a constructed label which reflects power dynamics of the time. 3 Hilary, Contre Constance (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1987), II:3.

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74 exaggeration, it does confirm that the doctrinal debate was largely lost on the west in favor of more practical concerns over power. 4 The introduction of the Arian controversy to the west seems to have sprung from two opposing sources: Athanasius and Emperor Constantiu s. Upon his exile in 339, Athanasius quickly fled to Rome. He sought the protection of Pope Julius, who assented by writing a letter to his eastern counterparts in support of Athanasius. Following the death of the emperor Constantinus at the hands of his b rother Constans near Aquileia in struggle between Constans and his co emperor and other brother Constantius. After at least three imperial audiences, Constans wrote to his bro ther in the east requesting that Athanasius be allowed to return with the vague threat of war if this action went unfulfilled. 5 Notably for our purposes, the third of these audiences occurred on Easter of 345 in Aquilea, from which Constans composed his le tter Athanasius reported that he came to the city in the winter of 345 to meet the emperor, celebrated Easter with him in the city, and remained until Constantius relented and allowed him to return to Alexandria in 347. 6 At no point in his summary did Atha nasius mention Arian opposition in the west, confirming a general lack of concern for the dispute in the Latin speaking world. The importation of the controversy to the west seems to have come as part of an imperial attempt to unify the empire under one f orm of Christianity. Noting how western 4 Mark Weedman, The Trinitarian Theology of Hilary of Poiters (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 11 13. 5 T.D. Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire (Cambridge, Mass: 1993), 63. 6 Ibid, 89 90.

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75 churches were often refuges for exiled bishops, Constantius, upon his acquisition of the western half of the empire following the death of his brother in 350, called two councils in Arles and Milan in 353 and 355 res pectively. These councils forced western bishops to accept an Arian creed from the Council of Sirmium (351) and condemn eastern Nicene bishops, most notably Athanasius. 7 Most western bishops acquiesced, though a few refused and were condemned including Lib anius of Rome and Hilary of Poiters. does expound on that issue at length), but rather the imperial interference in ecclesiastical matters. 8 Nonetheless, these councils bishops in western sees, most notably in the person of Auxentius of Milan, bishop from 355 to 374. Fortunatianus, bishop of Aquileia in the middle of the fourth century may also have held Arian sympathies and promoted th e theology, though the record is unclear and based really on just one remark of Jerome. 9 Whatever the case, the spread of Arianism seems to have been a top down affair and limited in scope. Historical vision being 20/20, it is clear to the modern reader th at western Arianism had reached an apex. After the death of Constantius, Arians were left without a champion in the west. Never as widespread at the popular level as in the east, in so far as the historical record reveals, this particular brand of Christia nity relied on the support of elites and the control of important bishoprics. Once that support began to wane the erasure of the group became practically inevitable. On this point, modern 7 Ibid, 166; also Weedman, 10 13. 8 9 Jerome, On Illustrious Men, il primo dei padri Aquileiiesi: destabilis Cromazio di Aquileia (Milan: 2008), 286 289.

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76 scholarship is in widely held agreement. Among others, Neil Mclynn, Dan Williams, Mark Humphries, William Sumruld, Joseph Lemari, and Roger Gryson all agree that after the council of Aquileia in 381 and the invasion of the usurper Magnus Maxmimus in 388 Arianism ceased to have any real presence in the western churches unt il the coming of a gothic church structure at the beginning of the next century. 10 While not apparent to contemporaries, Arianism would never rebound in the west from its loss of imperial patronage. Yet the citizens of Aquileia, due to their close proximity to the eastern province of Illyricum, had more contacts with Arians than did other locations in the west. While other Latin speaking cities were insulated from divisive theological ideas, Aquileia had no such illusions of isolation. A bustling port on the Adriatic, Aquileia was also situated on the main highway between Milan and Sirmium, the capital of Illyricum, and equidistant from both these cities of import to the Arian clash at roughly 800 km. Sirmium had hosted the council which condemned Athanasius in 351, and Arius himself was exiled to this region in 325 11 His choice gave the city an Arian quality in the decades to come and made the region of Illyricum in the modern day Balkans a bastion of Arians in the fourth century. Thus, while in retrospect it might be apparent that Arianism was in decline, from the viewpoint of Aquileians in the second half of the 10 Neil Mclynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 293; Dan Williams, Ambrose of Milan and the End of the Arian Nicene Conflicts (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 232; Mark Humphries, Communities of th e Blessed: Social Environment and Religious Change in Northern Italy, AD 200 400 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 134 136; William Sumruld, Ulfian Arianism (Selinsgrove, PA: Susqueh anna University Press, 1994), 28; Joseph Lemari, Sermons, SC 154 (Paris: Editions du cerf, 1969), 55f; Roger Gryson, Scolies Ariennes SC 267 (Paris: Editions du cerf, 1980), 142. 11 Philastorgius, 1, 9c (ed. J. Bidez, GCS 21), 10. Quoted in: Yves durant la crise arienne (325 AAAd 26 (Udine: Arti grafiche Friulane, 1985), 334.

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77 businesses with Arian centers, especially Sirmium, must have given p ause to Chromatius and other Aquileians. We come now to the lifetime of Chromatius. While there is no record that Chromatius ever met Athanasius the presence of the Nicene leader in Aquileia seems to have left an imprint on the character of Christianity in the city. T he ascetic community which gathered from 369 to 372 around Chromatius, who was a priest by that time reflects this pattern of development It is this group which Jerome credited with exterminating Arianism in Aquileia in 374 when he wrote to Chromatius 12 While he could certainly have been exaggerating the circumstances, no independent evidence suggest s that Arianism was flourishing at the time. Howe suggest that Arians were active in the city at some point around the middle of the from at least the 360s onward. appears in the historical record in 381 at the Council of Aquileia. The council, held in September of 381, was called by the western emperor Gratian at the behest of Ambrose. Occurring some two months af ter the Council of Constantinople, the councils have been held by some as twin pillars in the triumph of the Nicene camp over Arianism, and indeed many major studies of the Arian controversy abruptly end their narratives in 381 with the councils. 13 Yet this interpretation of the councils does not 12 Jerome, Ep. 7:6. 13 For example: R. P. C. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God: The Arian Controversy 318 381 (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1988).

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78 be they Arian, Eunomian, Photian, or another variation of non Nicene Christians did not cease to exist or advocate for their position. In the east, these communities continued to live, move and act for at least a century as evidenced by the ecclesiastical history of Philostorgius. In the west, the council of Aquileia was called not to put an end to a heretical group, but to condemn particular bi shops whom Ambrose had singled out. Indeed, it is even misleading to call Aquileia a council as the number of attendees was less than three dozen. 14 The council functioned basically as a trap set by Ambrose of Milan for Bishop Palladius of Ratiaria a leadi ng proponent of late fourth century Arianism. Ambrose presided over the council, which consisted almost entirely of Nicene bishops. The outcome was less a defeat of Arianism than an admission that the group was already dying in the west. 15 Ambrose led the c ouncil and in a single day had e is a creature, you have denied that h e is mighty. You have denied every thing which the Catholic f aith professes. 16 Later he rather confusingly suggested that the laymen should speak in condemnation of Palladius, though all editions note that the text is corrupted and unreliable here. 17 While these two quotes offer little in su bstantive revelation, theological controversies of his day and suggests he was already being groomed for the 14 Roger Gryson Scolies Ariennes 130. 15 Dan Williams, Ambrose 181 184. 16 Scolies Ariennes 45. 17 Ibid, 52.

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79 bishopric he would inherit seven years later. Here we should remember that the council was a local synod which did not concern itself so much with rooting out heresy but rather with the condemnation of two lone bishops who had run afoul of Ambrose. 18 Aside from the political conflicts of Ambrose with Justina, the em press in Milan in 386, after this point Arians do not appear in west ern sources other than in their generic association with barbarians. Even in the final gasp of Arianism in the west in 386, when the Empress demanded the usage of a church for Arians, the association with Ulfila the Goth and the role of Gothic soldiers gave the sect an ethnic quality. In the west, and Gothic soldiers were the primary targets of rhetorical att acks during the confrontation. 19 The developing conflation coincided with the loss of imperial support, though this might be a chicken/egg situation. In 388, the empress Justina was forced to seek the favor of Th eodosius, and in so doing ended her support of Arians in Milan. Several different motives are attributed to Theodosius and Justina, but the outcome was that Arianism ceased to enjoy any imperial patronage. 20 With a loss of political support and the increasi ng association of Arianism with barbarian Goths, the movement sputtered out practically overnight. 21 Never as widespread at the popular level in the west, the loss of patronage was fatal for 18 For a fuller account of the council with all its political maneuverings and the response of the condemned Palladius see: Gryson, Scolies, 121 142; Dan Williams, Ambrose 154 190. 19 See the condemnations of Stilicho by writers about barbarians in C hap ter 4 Also: Orosius, Adversus Paganos, VII.37.1; Jerome, Ep 123:16 17. 20 Zosimus, IV:44; Sozomen, V:14; Theodoret V:15. 21 Williams, 227 232.

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80 the movement. 22 After the events of 388, Arianism was treated as an ethnic religion, unique to soldiers and their families. Heretics in Aquileia? From this brief historical overview, it seems reasonable to conclude that the presence of Arian Christians in Aquileia during the end of the fourth century was limited if not no n existent. Much of my argument about the rhetorical convention of heresy is predicated on the belief that rival groups did not actually inhabit the same space. Chromatius might have dealt with competing Christianities earlier in his life as a priest in Aq uileia, but by the time of his episcopate, the divergence from his form of Nicene Christianity was minimal. Of course, this explanation has left some scholars understandably dissatisfied. How could a Christian group cease to exist practically overnight? If Chromatius was faced with rival claimants for his congregants or churches, his rhetoric could be interpreted very differently. And in fact, this question has affected the work of several scholars. While Joseph Lemari and Roger Etait accepted a decline, i f not erasure, of Arians in the region of Aquileia, Yves Marie Duval and Francois Th lamon have both suggested that Arians were still present and active in the region and city, even if lacking an earlier vitality. Notably, Yves Marie Duval has suggested t hat Arianism could not have vanished in Northern Italy so quickly. While its numbers certainly declined, the references to 22 On this point see: Williams, 232; Sumruld, 27 Speculum 72:3 (1997): 677 681.

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81 practice. 23 ords on the divinity of Christ as an example of his battles with rival groups Pope Benedict XVI took this tack in the homily mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, bishop for its orthodoxy based on doctrinal statements In a similar vein, Francois Th lamon suggested in 2001 that perhaps the anti Jewish rhetoric in Chromatius sermons specifically regarding unbelief in the divinity of Christ, should be understood not as anti Jewish rhetoric but as reflecting the rivalr y with other Christian factions like the Arians. 24 Her point follows a growing trend to reinterpret anti Jewish rhetoric as intra Christian rhetoric. 25 In this vein Maria Doefler recently examined Ambrose of Exp ositio secundam Lucam. She argues quite persuasively that Ambrose used rhetoric about Jews, a community with which he probably never had any interaction and was only really aware of based on his reading of the biblical text, to attack other Christian group s during the 380s. The rhetoric of Ambrose painted Jews as defined by their denial of the full divinity of Christ and thereby rendering themselves the same as Arians in his eyes. The focus on the unbelief of the Jews in the divinity of Christ should be rea d as a ploy to attack Christians of different 23 Yves Aquileia e Milano AAAd 4 (Udine : Arti grafiche friulane, 1973), 188 192. 24 Ed. Jean Michel Poinsotte (Mont Sa int Aignan: Universit de Rouen, 2001), 111. 25 Journal of Early Christian Studies 9 (2001): 453 481.; Paula Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), 78; Christine Shepardson, Anti Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth Century Syria (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2008).

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82 stripes most notably Arians, for being more like Jews. 26 tension between rival Christianities, even in his words about Jews and pagans. In light of several notable instances of in teraction between Chromatius and Ambrose ( including the C writing, and shared commentaries) the possibility of a comparable reading to that of Doefler should be considered with rega repeated mention of and focus on the unbelief of the Jews in the divinity of Christ be implicitly attacking Arians in Aquileia and not Jews? This approach would result in a very different way of interpreting C other religions in the city, he might be purely battling other Christian groups. While I sympathize with this reading of anti Jewish texts and think it could be a fruitful avenue to pursue in other regions based on the textual and archeological evidence, it seems that the Jewish community in Aquileia was not insignificant at the time. 27 Chromatius seems to be actively attacking Jews with his anti Jewish rhetoric not using them as a rhetorical stand in for al ternate Christianities Arians had ceased to be a potent force in the city, if they had ever been. Indeed most scholars concur with the traditional narrative of Arian decline in the west surprising or unsatisfying as it may be. Namely, following the twin councils of Aquileia and Constantinople in 381, Arianism lost all traction in the West and receded dramatically until revived as an ethnic religion associated with the Goths. Among ot hers, Neil Mclynn, Dan Williams and Roger Gryson agree that after the co uncil of Aquileia 26 he Creation of Judaism and Heterodox Christianity in Ambrose of Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam Church History 80:4 (2011): 755f. 27 See C hapter 5

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83 and the invasion of Magnus Maxmimus in 388 Arianism ceased to have any institutional presence in the west until the coming of a gothic church structure at the beginning of the next century. 28 Under Chromatius it seem s safe to accept the thesis that Arians were not present in Aquileia in any kind of substantial numbers. Indeed, I would venture that Arianism did not really decline because there was nothing to decline from. Arian Christianity in the west was alwa ys founded on imperial patronage and support, never enjoying the popular support which it had in the east. By the 380s the group was identified with foreigners, be they Greek or Goths. Such an identity would not inspire large adherence in Roman Latin citie s at the end of the fourth century. The obvious question, however, remains: Why did Chromatius continue to press the case against a non existent group ? A point of warning is useful here. It can become all too tempting to fall into a teleological approach w return to Aquileia of the most widespread alternative Christianity of the fourth century. From the position of the twenty first century, the Trinitarian controversies seem natural and conclusive as the belief of the current emperor. While it may appear that he was merely condemning a defunct group, he might have viewed his words as reinforcing the wall of separation which ke pt abstract evils at bay. We should take care to avoid viewing 28 Mclynn, Ambrose of Milan, 293; Williams, Ambrose, 232; Humphries, Communities of the Blessed, 134 Scolies Ariennes 142.

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84 References to Heresy in the Sermons of Chromatius pecific persons and groups he deems heretical. While there are numerous references to associated with a particular point of doctrine which Chromatius was emphasizing. For i nstance, he used Photinus as a rhetorical placeholder to designate a person who fails to confess both natures of Christ: Otherwise we cannot be saved, unless we believe in both natures of Christ. Consequently, not a few heretics who confess only the humanity of Christ, denying his divinity, such as Photinus, hold his feet but do not possess his head, because they have lost the head of their faith. But we hold rightly to both things in Christ, because we confess both sides. 29 Here, heresy functioned as a rhetorical and pedagogical tool for the listening audience. By associating a name, and a name within memory for Chromatius, with the doctrine denoted as false, he gave the doctrine extra resonance. It denote d the doctrinal issue as settled after a strugg le It also emphasized the desire of the church to fight for the right belief. He presented a similar aside in a sermon dedicating relics of St. Thomas in his hands that Christ had been resurrected in the body, neither Marcion nor the Manicheans wanted to believe the Lord was raised in his body. But what did Thomas 30 Here again, heretics were presented in a passing aside. B y giving a name to the objection, Chromatius suggested the crucial importance of the doctrine being presented. The perceived attacks of heretics serve d to confirm the truth of the church. For this reason, the 29 Sermon 11:4. All translations of Chromatius are my own. 30 Sermon 26:4.

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85 memory of heretics had to be p reserved by the institutional church as a justification for its past and future victories. The only mention of Arius himself comes in a sermon on the Apostle John. Arius filled himself with bitterness by not believing that the Son pr oceeded from the Father. 31 As we will see, the trope of a heretic corrupting his own Photi us, who denied that Christ is God, was full of bitterness 32 Throughout his sermons Chromatius consistently presented heretics as static with unchanging essences, much as other patristic writers had approached Judaism. 33 While this tactic may have function ed as a rhetorical device to deny intellectual legitimacy to other Christianities, the approach also served to connect groups which disagreed vehemently under a single label of heresy. minim ized the doctrinal development of these alternative Christianities. He put littl e space between Arius and Photi us, for example, focusing simply on their denial of As mentioned previously, he did the same thing with Marcion and Mani, two very divergent writers. By eliminating any discussion of the actual beliefs of other groups, Chromatius controlled the discourse about them. 31 Sermon 21:3 32 Ibid. 33 Interestingly, Chromatius does not exhibit the same tendency in his rhetoric about Jews. He referred to

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86 to have had the most personal experi ence, appears in the sermons is in his references to the trinity. Of course, not every mention of the trinity or the divinity of Christ should be read as a critique of Arianism. On certain occasions, however, the language surrounding the doctrine is clearl y set in opposition to alternative perspectives without naming them. For instance, twice while explaining baptism Chromatius explicitly noted rue baptism, no r remission of sins is present where the truth of the trinity is not N or can the remission of sins be given if one does not believe in the perfection of the trinity. 34 church on the issue of the trinity and the divinity of Christ are presented as lacking salvific power. The doctrine of the trinity bestows an authority on Chromatius, an e are unable to be cleansed or purified from sin except by the mystery of the t rinity. 35 While not explicitly menti oning Arius or Arians in these sermons, the sermons seem to reference the debates of the previous decades. Baptism performed by a group other than the Related to this point Chromatius mentioned Arian groups indirectly once more in This cord of th ree undoubtedly represents the t rinity, which cannot be broken b ecause faith in the t rinity is incorruptible. This is the faith which heretics fre quently tried to corrupt; but they corrupted only themselves. True faith in the trinity must necessarily remain uncorru A triple cord 34 Sermo n 34:2. 35 Sermon 3:8.

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87 cannot be corrupted. 36 While he edited the book of Ecclesiastes himself to emphasize corruption over being broken (as the Vulgate reads), he juxtaposed the supposed the most common presentation of heretics by Chromatius i nvolve d their assault on the supposedly pure and uniform nature of the true church. Heretics were presented as those who tried to tear people away from the true church and sought to destroy the unity of faith that reigned prior to their attacks This hist or of heresy was based on a dialectical narrative of uniformity and corruption. While Chromatius certainly affirmed that heresy corrupts the individual, he most often presented the motive of heretics as an attempt to corrupt the wider church. In the prev ious quotation, while Chromatius remembered heretics as those that tried to corrupt what was once pure, namely the church as a body, they only managed to destroy their own selves. 37 namely that heresy is an attempt to destroy the true faith. Speaking of the apostle John, Chromatius noted: [T]hose who receive the words of John in a wick ed sense rouse the bitterness of heresy for they turn the sweetness of faith into the bitterness of treachery. That is why these are shown to be in the mouth and those in the intestines. In the mouth are the Catholics, whom God blesses; in the stomach are heretics from which they are expelled. 38 36 Sermon 4:1. The scripture quote is from Ecclesiastes 4:12. 37 Within this rhetoric is a sense that heresy pits the individual against the corporate body. The church is always presented as a community, whereas heretics are individuals attempting to pry people away. 38 Sermon 21:3.

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88 Apart from the descriptive language of heretics as being separated from the body in a violent fashion, Chromatius was careful to frame the actions of heretics as a response to the church, not as equal movements. He c onstructed heresies as new movements departing from the established faith. Heretics were presented as innovators, departing from that which was believed already by everyone. Of course, this particular section was likely a veiled reference to Arius. The Lat in historian Rufinus, who wrote at the written in Aquileia in 402. He wrote: Arius, hemmed in by a crowd of bishops and laity, was making his way to the church when he turned aside as a call of nature to a public facility. And when he sat down, his intestines and all his innards slipped down into the privy drain, and thus it was in such a place that he met a death worthy of his foul and blasphemous mind. 39 s passing attack on Arius served to reinforce the notion that heretics were corrupt and rotting from the inside, destined to die in ignoble fashion. One can imagine ronic death. 40 But the legend and popularization of the tale reinforced the central narrative about heresy: heretics, corrupt in their actual bodies, introduced discord and disease into the formerly healthy body of the Christian church. Memory, Heresy and F orgetting: Heresiological Discourses At this point, before returning to the sermons of Chromatius and their approach to heresy, it is useful to consider how rhetoric about heresy functions. T alal Asad in a 39 Rufinus, Ecclesiastical History trans. Philip Amidon (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 10:14. 40 Rufinus probably took the story from Athanasius who propagated the story in a letter from 356. It does seem that the death of Arius is linked to the death of Judas in Acts 1:18. See: Francois Thelamon, Pai : l'apport de l'"H (Paris: Etudes augustiniennes, 1981), 446 452.

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89 formative piece on medieval heresy from 1986, pos tulated that 41 The label of heresy is constructed and applied by the dominant power structure and, indeed, cannot even exist without such a power structure Certainly no one thinks of him or h erself as a heretic; the label is only applied pejoratively. This is not to say that valid doctrinal differences do not exist. Rather, the discourse about right and wrong belief under the label of heretical reveals the power structure and its goals The au Every time a Christian suspect is tried by the inquisitorial process, and sentenced, or cleared (for most suspects were cleared), the authorit y of the c hurch is affirmed. Every time heretical beliefs and practices are defined or identified as error, the single Truth is maintained. 42 numerous scholars analyzing Christian discourse have posited that the charge of heresy very often reflects an attempt by an established power structure to construct and control borders. 43 The labeling of outsiders as deviant serves to define those inside the power structure, while also strengthening previously extant differences. Yet, Averil Cameron goes further in her most recent works on the subject. She suggests that must also reflect intent to construct orthodoxy and render it normative. 44 That is, presenting difference and 41 Social History 11:3 (1986): 356. 42 Asad, 357. 43 See for example: Denise Buell, Making Christians: Clement of Alexandria and the Rhetoric of Legitimacy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 79 106; Daniel Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 197 200. 44 Averil Cameron, Heresy and Identity in Late Antiquity, Eds. Eduard Iricinschi and Holger Zellentin (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 102 Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33:3 (2003): 471 492.

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90 division as deviant not only i mplies a unity but also renders uniformity as normative. The continuation of these labels, long after they lose any relevance, serves to reinforce the supposed historical narrative. This approach to the relationship of heresy and orthodoxy follows from the work of Michel Foucault who quite eloquently challenged the traditional 45 By deploying ecclesiastical power to demonize opponents, even just the memory of these opponents, bishops and preachers creat ed a dichotomy which framed one side, orthodoxy, as tradition and the other, heresy, as innovation. Orthodoxy was constructed not simply by drawing a line in the sand, but by moving the goalposts. Difference of opinion was framed as an innovation, unity b eing preexistent. backwards projection based explicitly on the label of heresy. The memory or history of a then claim. Wit hout a history of heresy, there can be no history for orthodoxy. Thus, the existence of different groups within the Christian tradition is present ed as a step away from the norm. The Christian constructs a narrative of uniformity as a foil for the heretic. In addition, toleration of other groups would have no history either, rendering toleration as an innovation. The suggestion that heresy was a corruption of an earlier established unity is inherent in th is rhetoric. 45 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1979), 194.

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91 The process of building such an understa nding of heresy and orthodoxy is one of collective or social memory. Much of memory theory builds on Maurice Halbwachs approach to collective memory. Most theorists have agreed that his approach to the unhelpful. 46 Halbwach s however, does offer an excellent starting point for thinking uction). First, he emphasizes that memory is processed through language. Social memories are constructed by narrative, ritual and commemoration, in short by giving voice to and sharing thoughts aloud (though visual arts as well as verbal means may be used here.) 47 As aptly captured in a 48 These memories have been voiced, processed and accepted by a community. They are established only by interpersonal commemoration, not by personal remembrance. Ha lbwac h s second point is that social memories fit into a larger schema of the The memories which are chosen and commemorated provide an entry point into the history for its own members. In her work on religious memories Elizabeth 49 The commemoration of social memories 46 James Fentress and Chris Wickham, Social Memory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), ix. 47 Maurice Halbwachs, The Collective Memory t rans. Francis J. Ditter, Jr., and Vida Yazdi Ditter (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), 53. 48 Fentress and Wickham, 47. 49 Elizabeth Castelli, Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making ( New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 12.

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92 offers groups a place in the world. For this reason, much like the cult of the saints or martyrs, the maintenance and construction important for the ecclesiastical institution. In this context I would suggest little distinction be tween the terms memory and history, recognizing that both are constructed. While viewed as more subjective, it is important to recognize the close connection between t he two. 50 Of course various groups, be they called orthodox or heretics, contest history and memory leading to a battle over the same koine of signs and symbols. Elizabeth Castelli and Thomas Sizgoirch have written on the means by which Christians and others used the notions of piety, martyrs, holy men, and violent action to shape the ideas of history and memory of a Christian past. 51 This app roach is not limited to Christianity either. Daniel Boyarin reports that rabbis of the sixth century in Babylon created a history a foundational myth based on pluralism to differentiate themselves. 52 Thus, discourses are based not just on maintaining b orders by demonizing those outside, but also by constructing a center, orthodoxy. The focus of any study of identity must be on the dialectical nature of the construction instead of simply on borders Especially in sermons, memory and history merge into a single category. Chromatius never distinguished his knowledge of history from his memory of heresy. 50 AHR 102 (1997): 1372; Castelli, 19 Language, Counter memory, Practice: selected essays and interviews eds and trans. Donald F. Bouchard, and Sherry Simon (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1977), 139 164. 51 Castelli, Martyrdom and Memory ; Thomas Sizgorich, Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). 52 Boyarin, 155.

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93 The social memories of other Christianities which he participated in forming reflected the tensions of late fourth century Aquileia and also co nstructed the perception of the Nicene church. Heresy, specifica lly Arianism, was remembered in a narrative based on the assumed track of heresies which offered members of the orthodox church a defined of memories, and the rhetoric he used to commemorate heretics and their actions, produced a power structure in Aquileia which put him at the top in all religious discourses. For instance, Chromatius remembers heretics as part of a genealogy of heresy. Li ke Eusebius and other earlier writers, Chromatius tended to see all heresies as connected and similar. 53 In doing so, he crucially forgot the past in order to frame the present. A large body of literature in the last decade has addressed the act of politica l forgetting. Most of it deals with intentional acts of remembering and glossing over in the twentieth century. Chromatius does not fit into this theoretical approach well, but the effects of his act of forgotten history are the same. By remembering hereti cs and presenting their history in a certain manner, he chose to forget other aspects of their context, character and past. This act of remembrance was then transmitted to his congregation and settled into social memory. Of course, these choices need not h appen consciously to create the same result: Personal as well as communal remembrance of the past a priori requires conscious or unconscious decisions concerning which of its surviving 53 John Henderson, The Construction of Orthodoxy and Heresy: Neo Confucian, Islamic, Jewish, and Early Christian Patterns (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1998), 152; Birger Pearson, Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 298.

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94 token the operation of either conscious or unconscious reasons for remembering particular things in particular ways. 54 The placement of particular groups into a larger schema of history forgets the notable differences between them. The remembrance of all heret ics as sharing certain characteristics forgets the passions which gave rise to the debates. Finally, the remembrance of a unity in the original church forgets the vast differences and divisions which were normal in the history of Christians and Christian c ommunities since their beginning. 55 he drew from popular anecdotes, resulted in the placement of the local church in The res t of this chapter will be concerned with examining how Chromatius presented his history of heresy in Aquileia. He explicitly invoked the names of Arius and Photinus in one sermon, while elsewhere he mentioned Manicheans and Marcion. 56 Contemporary g roups an d those long past were treated in the same manner All of them were cited in the past tense, conveying a sense of finality to their objections. This approach, which treated conflict as a problem somewhere else, seems to confirm that the ecclesiastical situ ation in Aquileia was without significant division during Yet a lack of disagreement did not stop Chromatius from condemning heretics. Heretics were used as a rhetorical device to propagate orthodoxy. 54 Bradford Vivian, Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again (University Park PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010), 11f. 55 The list would be too long here. For the earliest examples of difference within the church, I would suggest the debate in Acts 15 over the need for gentiles to adopt Mosaic law, the differences betwe en Paul and Peter in Galatians 2, the issue of eating meat sacrificed to idols in Romans 14, and the railing 56 See above. For Arius: Sermon 21 :3. For Photius: Sermon 11 :4 and 21 :3. For Manicheans and Marcion: Sermon 26 :4.

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95 By showcasing those issues on whic h heretics disagreed with the church, he could emphasize the orthodoxy of his church be it the divinity of Jesus or the relationship alert the listeners to the impo rtance of certain doctrines. A ssociated with the denial of Christ presented an opportunity for the bishop to clarify doctrine and teach his congregants in the guise of history. Yet even more than clarifying doctrin e, the continued propagation of anti heretical discourse reinforced the authority of Chromatius as bishop to arbitrate religious matters in Aquileia. The history and memories invoked suggested that orthodoxy was normative. Division, dissent and deviation f rom the normative, orthodox church were rebellions against the proper authorities. Christianity, with a supposedly long tradition of normative belief and practice, was presented as anything but new or innovative. Chromatius presented his church to the citi zens of Aquileia as a home of stability and a sanctuary from dangerous innovations. I t might be possible to overstat e the role that memory of heretics had in this rhe toric. Yet subtle clues suggest that Chromatius was drawin g on his personal memories of heretics. He was part of the council of Aquileia in 381 which deposed and exiled the bishop of Sirmium, Palladius. Jerome credited him with fighting and defeating Arians in the city. Aquileia itself probably provided more contacts with Arians than nearly any other western city as its port constantly brought easterners to the city. Indeed, archeological evidence suggests that a small church in town was actually Syrian based

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96 on the eastern names of almost all the patrons. 57 As mentioned in the Chapter 2 Athanasius even called Aquileia home for a period. All of these facts suggest that Chromatius would be able to draw upon memories, real and constructed, of an orthodox childhood shaped by the pious Egyptian leader Christian groups. Out of his life, he could construct historical memories of heresy which presented o rthodoxy as normative. The likelihood that no other Christianities were left in Aquileia meant simply th at rather than pressing the case against actual opponents, he could continue to construct his history unimpeded by argument. Rather than focusing on correct doctrine and persuading congregants, he could use the memory of heresy to buttress his own authorit y. And as his authority in the Christian arena grew it might begin to bring him sway beyond intra Christian debates. To do so, he would present the presence of alternative forms of Christianity as an innovation that introduced division for the first time Of course, this approach to heresy is not unique to Chromatius. It can be found even in the book of Acts, which Chromatius used precisely to that end. T he idea of uniformity, without dissension as a norm in earlier history is quite present. More than onc e in his sermons Chromatius quoted the passage from Acts 4:32 affirming that the believers were one in heart and mind 58 state of the church which had been lost or corrupted He admitted that his church failed t strangers to envy, to discord, to 57 David Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe: Volume 1: Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain and Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), xiii xiv. 58 Sermons 1:7 and 31:4; Tractates XVII, XXX, XLVI, XLVII.

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97 dissension. 59 Unity is presented as the hallmark of the true church in stark contrast to those who dissent or sow discord. With heretics consistently presented as a corruption t he contrast with the will quickly be apparent By preserving memories of heretics, and remembering them as rebels who failed, Chromatius was ed church in an original pristine state. Memories or histories of heretics teach the listeners that orthodoxy is normative. Heresy was remembered as both morally deviant and a deviance from the norms. A false memory of those who seduce d believers from the church was reinforced the eyes of those whose mind is on wicked things and whose faith is perverse; who is 60 Here Chromatius began his sermon with an attack on heretics that reinforce d their corrupted nature. Yet, as the sermon continue d he associate d those who walk in darkness with the dev il and the devil with an unusual interpretation of Jeremiah 17:11 that he seems to have taken from Ambrose: ones who were not her own; but in the last days, they will abandon it and in partridge. The partridge, namely the earthly bird, attracts the chicks of another with its seductive voice and boasts of these young birds that belong to another, as if t hey were her own young. But as soon as these same seduced little ones recognize the voice of their true parent, at once they leave the false father and follow the true parent. 61 59 Sermon 31:4 60 Sermon 6:2. 61 Sermon 6:4 citing Jeremiah 17:11. The passage mirrors Ambrose in the Hexameron IV,3,13. Lemari, Sermons Vol. 1, 179n2.

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98 he sermon he did equate both with the devil and with those who walk in darkness. For a listener, the connection would have been obvious. Heretics, led by the master of heretics, seduce children away from their true home. The true home obviously existed bef ore the partridge called away the children. Not only was orthodoxy superior to heresy, but it existed prior to the heresy and was the original. Describing heresy as a copy implies that there must a true, pure original from which to steal. sermon, On the Eight Beatitudes rebellious ways of the heretics, and who made unity and peace out of the discord within 62 Her e, heretics were designated rebels. Rising up against the proper authority, heretics were presented as a threat to the true faith of the church. Those who rebel lack legitimacy, while the established powers have the authority to put down rebellions. Oppose d to these rebels were those who created unity and peace in the face of discord. Again, Chromatius constructed orthodoxy around the central narrative of unity and pre existence, by remembering that heretics introduced discord into a previously unified bo dy. The emphasis on heretics introducing division was fleshed out in a sermon on 63 Based on this reading he emphasized that heretics being essentially divisive, could not properly claim or use the word. Going 62 Sermon 41:7. 63 Sermon 33:1.

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99 further, Chromatius linked those who departed or divided the church with the author of division, the devil: The response of Alleluia does not belong to heretics, or schismatic s, or all gather into unity; the devil scatters to diverse places. Therefore, whoever loves the unity of the Church follows Christ. Whoever delights in division follows the devil beca use the author of division is the devil For that reason we ought to shun and avoid discord, of which we know the devil is the author. Instead we should follow the peace and unity of the church so that we are able to respond rightly and with merit 64 Once again, he suggested that division was only a reaction to unity. The narrative was one of breakdown rather than upward movement, i.e. unity being created out of variety. Even though Christ gathered into unity the emphasized action was the scattering and dividing executed by the devil. Also here, the vague category of heretic and schismatic the argument about ecclesiastical authority beyond intra Christian disputes. The usage of the satanic persona to denote anyone who infringes on the unity of the church, a state established by Christ himself, develops the authority of the bishop. As the protector of his flock, Chromatius could claim authority over any religious group which threatened the unity of the church, be they other Christians or not. Here the context of Aquileia particularly th e absence of any Arian or other is important. The excessive rhetoric on the nature of heretics as corrupted, poisonous, and divisive seems out of touch with an environment which was experiencing n o present problems 64 Sermon 33:2

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100 of this type. A connection between the rhetoric and the reality must exist. The language could not have been empty signs without any reference to the culture of Aquileia. Religious r hetoric, as any symbolic language, must be able to conv ey meaning to its receivers and thus be rooted in a phenomenological reality Even though the understanding of the words might be very different from what Chromatius intended, some common experience must be shared by himself and his congregants upon which he could draw. Thus, the fact that Arians were not present in Aquileia may provide a provided him with a fear of other Christianities returning to his hometown. Yet it seems just as likely that the victories over heresies could be deployed as a credibility statement have been intended very often for other Christian groups. In this instance, the opposite situation might have been taking place. The rhetoric about heretics and the victory of the church in restoring unity may be intended for those beyond the Christian community. At a moment when a single empire wide Christianity had eme rged dominant and was supported by imperial power, Chromatius may represent a shift from trying to dominate mainly Christian circles to wielding authority in a wider realm. His rhetoric reflects the construction of a narrative which advocated unity under t he umbrella of the church. Heretics, and the ability of the church to label and condemn such groups, showcased the authority and might of the church. Out of this victory, Chromatius could reasonably make a claim to control all religious activity in Aquilei a in order to re unity. Having established his credentials as the most powerful man in the religious arena, Chromatius could draw the rewards of power, which is wealth and authority, into

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101 his church. T he argument of unity under the contr ol of the bishop would be crucial to carrying forward a project of Christianization. One clear connection that appears in the sermons is between heretics and Jews. 65 Chromatius tended to link the two categories together at various moments. Because Arians and Jews shared a denial of the divinity of Christ, Chromatius had no trouble linking the two communities together in his rhetoric. For instance, in a sermon on the expulsion of traders from the Temple in John 2, Chromatius adopted an interpretation from O rigen for the whip Jesus made, saying: represents the Trinity, which cannot be broken because faith in the Tri nity is incorruptible. This is the faith which the heretics frequently tried to corrupt; but they corrupted only themselves. 66 Chromatius had no trouble suggesting that the physical whip Jesus made of three cords acted as the purifying force of the trinity. Chromatius framed the very thing that the heretics denied as their punishment. He tied the anti heretical language into a longer tradition though: anti Jewish polemic. The very next passage reveals the focus of the whip of three: the synagogue. So with such a whip of cords all those who conduct themselves in a manner prohibited are condemned by none other than the rulin g trinity... The chairs of the Synagogue have been destroyed so that the chairs of the Church can be sanctified in Christ. The priestly h onor has been removed from the S ynagogue an d given to the Church. For the S ynagogue no longer 65 Chapter 5 on Judaism in Aquileia. The label reflects the presence of a Jewish community in Aquileia, but it may also encompass Christians or pagans that attend the synagogue for services. 66 Sermon 4:1. The scriptural quotation is Eccl esiastes 4:12. The interpretation seems adopted from Origen, In Exodum, IX:3. Lemari, Sermons, Vol 2, 161n1.

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102 merits to possess the priestly duty because it did not receive the Lord Christ namely the chief p riest. 67 Chromatius linked the Jewish rejection of Christ with the attempt of heretics to corrupt belief in the trinity. While the suggestion that Christianity superseded Judaism was normal in Christian writings of the time, the link between the actions of Jews and heretics on this doctrinal point suggests a connectio n in the rhetorical discourse as well. The labeling of heresy demonstrated the authority of the bishop in Aquileia. Chromatius, by virtue of his position, had the authority to condemn other Christian groups. By linking Jews with other Christian factions, h e mixed what is typically thought of as different categories. A connection of the categories would bring Jews into a Christian realm, making them much like other Christian groups. By thinking of Jews within the category the two, Chromatius could begin to extend the power of orthodoxy. The connection between Jews and heretics is demonstrated in another passage, Chromatius, in an audaci ous but unsurprising interpretation, interpreted the Jews and heretics as the subjects of this passage. Both groups rejected the Nicene position on the trinity. In the second paragraph, Chromatius said: In short, as it is said in the tenth psalm of the persona of the people of the apostate, who left the hou The Jewish p eople had done so a while ago, who left the temple of God, which was at Jerusalem, to offer sacrifices in the mountains, as the prophetic scriptures reveal. 68 67 Sermon 4:2. Italics my own. 68 Sermon 9:1. The scriptural quotation is Psalm 11:1.

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103 Although the term heretic does not appear in this particular passage, the Jews were connected wit h apostates who leave the church. Again, Chromatius expanded the category of problematic Christians to include Jews. The unity of the church, which is paramount for the power of orthodoxy, could be threatened by those who leave or opt hority over Jews was not the same as over those who identified as Christians. But if the categories could be merged, or more correctly, if Judaism could be battles over no long er extant Christian groups, would apply. The direct connection can be seen again in the end of the passage about Arius and his infamous passing. Immediately following his point about the expulsion of heretics from the intestines, Chromatius continued: A rius filled himself with bitterness by not believing that the Son proceeded from the Father. All heretics, who attack or destroy the faith of his preaching, are filled with bitterness according to John. Saint John intends the sweetness of his preaching for C atholics but the bitterness for heretics. He intends the sweetness for the faith of the church, bitterness for the treachery of the synagogue, which did not want to receive the preaching of John. 69 Chromatius connected the bitterness of Arius, which resul ted in his ironic but fitting death, with the synagogue. Both groups suffered from the same disease. Their rejection ynagogue, described as treacherous, was presented as possessing similar characteristics to those of the heretics: rebellious, corrupting, and poisonous. Chromatius managed to neatly create a category of treacherous, corrupting, embittered groups which thre aten the sweet unity of 69 Sermon 21:3.

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104 the church with division, discord and deviance. Never minding that Arius and the groups identified with him had vanished from Aquileia, Chromatius continued to maintain the history and memory of heresy in such a way that validated h religious realms even beyond other Christian groups. A history of Arians (and Jews) as rebelling against or departing from the true church of God promoted the notion that orthodoxy and the unity it commanded was the normative p osition, not one constructed by power dynamics of the fourth century. The Author(ity) of Orthodoxy subjectification of other Christianities by his version of orthodoxy. But even more th an dominating these groups and suggesting the boundaries of permissible belief, practice and adherence, Chromatius was narrating a history which established orthodoxy. Just as labels of heresy had to be created and applied, so orthodoxy had to constructed. original church. This history of heresy implied a pre existent body which orthodoxy ser 70 In one sermon, Chromatius claimed that At first, after the ascension of the Lord, the church was few in number. But afterwards, it developed until it filled the entire world, not just the cities but the many na tions. It is believed among the Persians, it is believed in India, it is believed in the entire world. It is neither the fear of the sword, nor the fear of the emperor which has brought all these nations to adore Christ; rather faith in Christ has rendered them peaceful. 71 70 For a full examination of Rufinus and his relationship to Chrom atius, see C hapter 4 71 Sermon, 30:3.

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105 Chromatius emphasized the universal quality of the church along with the subjection of the world into a peaceful unity. As a description of orthodoxy, this passage stresses the agreement on matters of faith and practice, not by imperial fi at but by common consent. Considering that Theodosius issued more than one injunction against pagans and heretics from Aquileia, including the famous law which resulted in the closing of the Serapeum in 391, 72 he currently held beliefs with those of the original members of the church following the ascension. The emphasis on unity, a unity founded prior to any noted dissent, empowered the As a bulwark against future issues, the continued condemnation of heresy functioned as a warning. It offered no place for sacredness outside of the institutional power structure. The only option for anyone claiming the identity of Christian was to remain with Chromatius and within his church, n ot to act independently. Unity and And so we are blessed by God if we are found all together, that is remaining in the unity of faith, in the harmony of peace, in the affections of love Hence if discord, if division, if dissension are among us, we do not merit the blessing of God. How are we able to respond Alleluia, which not found together? 73 T he blessing of God would only fall on those who remain in unity with the orthodox church. Dissent, discord and deviation were all condemned as being unblessed. Any person or group which was based on these characteristics, which heresies (and possibly Jews, as we have seen) were described as possessing, was a threat to the 72 CTh 16.10.11. 73 Sermon 33:2.

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106 orthodox church and its unity. This contrast worked because orthodoxy, constructed as the predecessor and antithesis of heresy, was based on its claim to a natural united state. In the ser mons of Chromatius, o rthodoxy was constructed as a preexistent state L were not applied in a vacuum. They carr ied memory and history r eflect ing institutional power. Chromatius of Aquileia drew from his own personal battles portrayed possessing a longer history than ile allowing for a pedagogical moment in the sermon, was not as important as the ability to point to an pagans and Jews as Christianity became the dominant religion. By p resenting heretics as rebels, he could claim that unity, not a divided city was the norm He suggested that any threat to that unity, be it heretical or non Christian, was a danger, and in so doing began to collapse the categories of heretic and non Chris tian. T he city ought to reflect its church and also seek increasing unity under a single religious umbrella not tolerance of diverse practices The memory of fourth century intra Christian battles concluded in In sho rt, the history of orthodoxy authoritative

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107 CHAPTER 4 BARBARIANS IN A CHRISTIAN WORLD In the spring of 402 AD, Chromatius conducted the Easter vigil in what must have been the most unusual Paschal service of his career. The previous winter, Alaric the Goth had invaded Italy from the Balkans. After crossing over the Julian Alps, he briefly laid siege to Aquileia before moving on to the Po valley and Milan. In the wa ke of the attack on Aquileia, Chromatius remarked in the Easter Vigil sermon on April 5 that Jews and pagans were join ing in the Christian feast, seeking the hand of God to save them from the invaders. 1 Little did they know that Alaric would be defeated th e next morning, Easter Sunday, by Roman forces outside of Milan encounter with so with hints of the peoples who stood as the antithesis to the citiz ens of the Roman Empire. 2 In this respect, Chromatius both continued the Roman tradition of dividing the world between Roman and barbarian and challenged traditional understandings of the spread of the Roman Empire. When taken with the Ecclesiastical Histo ry of Rufinus, written in Aquileia in 402 which eschewed the pessimism about the world found in later Christian writers like Augustine. For Chromatius, barbarians served as markers of improper rel igiosity. This idea implied that barbarians could be tamed by Christianity. This perspective posed a 1 Sermon 16:4. 2 I am using the term barbarian as it was the most common generic term for people living outside of the Roman Empire. I realize that like the term heretic, it is pejorative and not reflective of any sense of shared identity. As this chapter is concerned with Roman attitudes towards ou tsiders, I am using the term to emphasize the perceived gap between Rome and the rest of the world, best summed up by usages of

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108 challenge to the traditional roman barbarian dichotomy which would result in a Enem ies at the Gate: Bar barians in Aquileia with an army we term barbarian, the presence of people from outside the Roman Empire was certainly not unusual in northern Italy throughout the late fourth century. The myth that barbarians were outside, unknown peoples who suddenly decided to migrate into the empire must be dispelled. Rather, these various groups (which were linguistically, socially, and culturally distinct from one another) gradually incre ased their interactions with and dependence on the Roman Empire, resulting in their incorporation into its political realities. Two particular dynamics of barbarian assimilation had direct bearing on northern Italy. First, the increasing use of foreign mer cenaries in the Roman army introduced new peoples throughout the empire. Since the time of Marcus Aurelius, increasing numbers of outsiders had served as soldiers in the Roman army. 3 By the late fourth century, Ambrose noticed the not inconsequential prese nce of barbarian soldiers in Milan and their support of Arian Christianity. 4 By the time of Chromatius, entire units in the army based around certain tribal identities with their own leaders served separately in the army. 5 met by a Roman garrison of Alan cavalry stationed in Italy. 6 3 Rome and the Barbarians:the Birt h of a New World, e d. Jean Jacques Aillagon (Milan : Skira 2008), 207. 4 Ambrose, Ep. 20:12. 5 Martinus Nicasie, Twilight of Empire: The Roman Army from the Reign of Diocletian Until the Battle of Adrianople (Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, 1998), 97 116. 6 Herwig Wolfram, History of the Goths, trans. Thomas Dunlap (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 152.

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109 itself was composed primarily of these barbarians. Citizens of the empire would not have been strangers to barbarians in the military, nor woul d barbarian soldiers have been strangers to Roman culture. But beside this increasing interaction in the military sphere, barbarians had been moving across Roman frontiers into the empire for decades, living alongside natives and becoming integrated to va rying degrees with Roman culture. In 334 Constantine had some 300,000 Samartians settled throughout the empire, including a number in northern Italy. 7 The emperor forbade barbarians to intermarry with Roman citizens in 370, though the necessity of the law and its repeated proclamation suggests that it was widely ignored. 8 In addition, other sources reveal that as early as the late third century attempt to produce cut rate wine. 9 Certainly, barbarians had been part of Roman life for decades by the time of Chromatius. They served in the army, not just as low level soldiers but as generals, most notably in the person of Stilicho, the son of a Vandal and a Roman who acted as re gent for the underage emperor Honorius from 395 408. In short, barbarians were not new or unusual at the time of Chromatius, but invasion and the threat of barbarian armies was new. Following the defeat of the emperor Valens at Adrianople in 378, the Roman world seems to have taken serious notice of the Goths for the first time. The fallout from the battle challenged the place of Rome in the world. Along with practical political and 7 Excerpta Valesiana, I,32, quoted in: Cracco 8 CTh 3.14.1. For further exploration o Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity, eds. Ralph Mathisen and Hagith Sivan (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1996), 136 145. 9 Cracco

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110 military questions, deeper issues about the cultural superiority of Rome an d its version of Christianity emerged. The defeat also proved a major blow to Arian Christianity as an institution as no Arian emperor would ever again assume the throne, sounding the death knell for the sect. While the rise of Theodosius to power seemed a n answer for the new questions about the future of Roman hegemony, the new emperor managed death in 395 much as he found it upon his ascension in 379. In fact, a number of the same Goths who defeated Valens in 378 served under Theodosius in various campaigns from 382 to 394. 10 The Goths, like other barbarians, were not strange outsiders, but an integral part of the Roman political world, switching alliances from one emper or to the next in order to secure the best outcome for themselves. Alaric, the leader of the Goths, exemplifies this desire for personal gain in the Roman style. After the death of the emperor Theodosius in 395, Alaric desired a position as a Roman general not a commander of barbarians only. 11 Though our knowledge of Alaric is limited, he was likely an Arian Christian and a veteran of the ambiguous, though many have been for the Goths, or simple material gain, but the most reasonable motive seems to have been an attempt to gain personal honors in the Roman style. 12 Whatever the case, Alaric was marauding through the Balkans at the end of the fourth century, but in 401 he 10 Michael Kulikowski, ( New York: Cambridge University Press 2007), 153. 11 Zosimus, Hostoria Nova, 5.5.4, quoted in Kulikowski, 161. 12 Ibid art, Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 2006), 87 88.

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111 left Illyricum, crossed the Julian Alps, and invaded the west for the first time. That winter that he laid siege to Aquileia before moving on to th reaten Milan. 13 He faced little initial resistance before being brought to battle at Pollentia on Easter Sunday by Stilicho. There, Alaric was defeated not by Stilicho, who being Christian declined to fight on Easter, but by the pagan chieftain of the Alans Saul. The irony of the various religious identities was not lost on commentators of the time. 14 After summering near Verona, Alaric and his army were defeated again, and this time retreated back across the Alps into Illyricum. This point in time is when C hromatius requested the translation of the Ecclesiastical History from Rufinus. The invasions and concomitant problems provoked new questions about barbarians in relation to the new Christian Roman Empire, questions which the bishop of Aquileia felt compel led to address. The term barbarian ( b arbaricus ) appears directly only three times in 15 On these occasions it acts as an adjective modifying either captivity or nations. Chromatius never spoke of a barbaricum a place beyond the bor ders of the empire which was wild or uncivilized. Rather, the general term b arbaricus omnes gentes ). At these points, he echoes the biblical divide between Jews and Gentiles, but he is also clear that gentes or nations specifically denoted the barbarian kingdoms. Given that his city was besieged by an 13 This itinerary is confirmed by Claudian, De Bello Gothico, 233 266 and Jerome, Contra Rufinus III:21. 14 Wolfram, 96 Orosius dwelt on the contradictory religious positions of the armies and their commanders in: Adversus Paganos VII:37:2 11. 15 Sermon 12:2, 12:3, 16:4.

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112 car ried connotations of barbarian nations like the Goths, Alamanni, Isaurians, and Persians, among others. In response to the obvious fears of the citizens of Aquileia Chromatius commissioned Rufinus to translate and continue the Ecclesiastical History of Eus ebius. Rufinus acknowledged the request and the motivation for it in the preface to his work, cruel death the people God has entrusted to you, a remedy by which ailing spirits may be diverted from the thought of impending evil and give their attention to something 16 Ecclesiastical History focused on the spread of Christianity beyond the borders of the Roman Empire. In each cas e Rufinus told stories of nations formerly considered barbarian accepting the Christian faith, often by means of female or servant confessions to rulers. 17 The repeated anecdotes of barbarian conversions in the wake of the attack by the Goths seem designed to emphasize a future promise contained in Roman Christianity rather than the ability of the empire to ward off attacks. Given the context of the composition and the addition s to the Ecclesiastical History sermons, particularly on the subjects of barbarians, kingdoms, and world power. natio political reality. 16 Rufinus, The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia: Books 10 and 11 ed. and trans. Philip Amidon ( N ew York: Oxford University Press 1997), 3. 17 Church History 79:1 (2010): 1 39.

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113 A meaningful reading of Chromatius approach to barbarians requires some introduction to his rhetorical context. He did not preach in a vacuum but made use of a wide array of verbal cues which carried significant baggage. For instance, the phrase omnes gentes the writ ings of many late fourth century authors. At the risk of what might seem to be a long digression, a comparative examination of diverse uses of barbarians by fourth century contemporaries, both Christian and non Christian, will set the context for analyzin feeling toward barbarians existed among the varied writers, they do share a common application of barbarians as a rhetorical tool. Barbarians, whether viewed positively, negatively or neutrally, were a signifier of proper Roman identity. Christian and non Christian writers alike used the barbarians as markers of correct religious practice for a Roman. A brief examination of varied approaches reveals how barbarians functioned in the rhe A closer analysis of Rufinus, the lens for Chromatius, concludes this rhetorical overview and provides an entry into an analysis of the sermons. I hope to show how Chromatius both adapted and departed from traditional formulations to construct a Roman rhetoric of identity suited to his own particular vision of Christianization. Unlike in tongue, unlike in dress and arms? The Latin words denoting terms of identity ( gens, nation, regnum ) are vague in Gens is the most commonly used term, followed by natio The semantic range in antiquity went from

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114 18 Modern scholars still debate the possible applications of the differing terms as seen in disputes over the difference between gens, natio and populos in Tacitus, just to use one example. 19 It does seem that by the end of antiquity, gens and natio were roughly synonymous, both referring to a unique group of people that lay outside the borders of the empire. Law, language, lineage and custom were all possible markers by which to distinguish a gens, according to Isidore of Seville in the seventh century, b ut no single element was definitive (as skin color would be in the modern American category of race). 20 Perhaps most importantly for the study of Chromatius, gentes in the plural always denoted only those groups that lay outside the Roman Empire. This usage holds true for Isidore as well, but also earlier for Paulus Orosius and most other writers of the period contemporaneous with Chromatius. 21 Each of these authors used the varied terms to refer to those people modern scholars tend to lump together as barbar ians. Drawing from Herodotus, ancient writers maintained a classical list of peoples which were viewed as outsiders to the civilization of the Roman Empire. Yet by the end of the fourth century, a variety of attitudes toward these barbarians existed. Rangi ng from length to more liberal voices that welcomed barbarians into the empire provided they 18 Hans Gens. rom Late Antiquity The Construction of Communities in the Early Middle Ages: Texts, Resources and Art i facts Eds. Richard Corrandini et al (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 42. 19 Carla Redlich, "Germanische Germeinschaftsformen in der Ub erlieferung des Tacitus," Studien aus Alteuropa. Festschrift Kurt Tackenberg 2, ed. R. von Uslar, B eihefte der Bonner Jahrbucher (Koln: Bhlau 1965), 186 Geschichtliche Grundbe griffe Vol. 7, eds. Otto Brunner et al (Stuttgart: E. Klett 1992), 168 171. 20 Goetz, 44. 21 Ibid, 46.

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115 assimilated, both pagan and Christian writers of the fourth and fifth century dem onstrated the complexity of the political debate taking place in the empire. 22 Non Christian Authors T he works of Ammianus Marcellinus, Claudian, and Eunapius all pagan contemporaries of Chromatius, provide a rhetorical context o wn representation of barbarians The se authors all wrote their works while Chromatius was serving in Aquileia. Though they held different views of barbarians, all three writers use the category of barbarians to mark the boundaries of proper Roman identity. Barbarians were the classical other, and they established the limes of Rome. Ammianus Marcellinus, considered the last non Christian Roman historian, wrote a continuation of Tacitus which brought the narrative through the battle of Adrianople (378). 23 Whil e he maintained many of the negative stereotypes of classical Roman writers on barbarians, Ammianus also bestowed praise and respect on barbarians who assimilated and were currently defending the empire. While he he explains that 22 For a full discussion of various views of Barbarians in Late Antiquity see: Pierre Courcelle, Histoire littraire des grandes invasions germaniques, 3 rd ed. (Paris: tudes augustiniennes, 1964), 15 79 ; Alain Chauvot, Opinions Romaines face aux barbares au IVe sicle ap. J. C. (Paris: De Boccard, 1998); Yves Albert Dauge, Le barbare: Recherches sur la conception romaine de la barbarie et de la civilization (Brussels: Latomus 1981), 307 378; David Rohrbacher, The Historians of Late Antiquity (New York: Routledge, 2002), 207 236; Cracco 215; eds. Jean Michel Carri and Rita Lizzi Testa (Turnhout Belgium: Brepols, 2002), 55 62. 23 Only the last part is extant, 18 books covering the period from 353 to 378. Ammianus Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire (A.D. 354 378) Trans. Walter Hamilton (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1986). While scholar beauty of his historical books. Gavin Kelly, Ammianus Marcellinus: The Allusive Historian (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). The most useful studies are: Timothy Bar nes, Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Chauvot, 383 406; John Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989); Rohrbacher, 14 41.

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116 24 In contrast, the poet Claudian harbored no love for ba rbarians, even though his patron, Stilicho, had a Vandal father. 25 Claudian maintained the classical description of the Huns and other barbarians as ugly and warlike. 26 Barbarians might have their uses in the empire, but they ought not to be trusted fully, as evidenced by a troop of Alan cavalry at the battle of Pollentia, which, according to Claudian, was about to flee and desert until rallied by Stilicho. 27 Th is general disdain for barbarians was perpetuated by Eunapius, an easterner who published his histo ry around the year 404. 28 He was a sophist from Sardis and probably the most anti Christian of all the writers examined here. 29 As for his attitude to 24 Ammi anus, LRE, XXXI:2, XXXI:3 and XXXI:6. 25 Claudian was court panegyrist from 397 404. He is known as the greatest poet of his age and probably the last Latin poet of his stature. He acted as chief propagandist for the emperor Honorius and, more importantly, the general Stilicho.The most comprehensive work on the historical context of the poet is still: Alan Cameron, Poetry and Propaganda at the court of Honorius (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970). A revisionist approach, which views Claudian less as a political figur e and more as a poet emphasizing his carmina minora over the pangyerics, appeared recently: Marie France Guipponi Gineste, Claudien: pote du monde la cour d'Occident. ( Paris: De Boccard, 2010). 26 Contra Rufinus I:323 331; II:22 Claudian, 2 vols. trans. Maurice Platnauer (London: W. Heinemann, 1922). 27 De Bello Gothico 594 597. 28 His history, though only in fragmentary form most likely due to its anti Christian vitriol, was at its time the standard history of late antiquity in Byzantium. 29 R.C. Blockley, The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. I (Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1981), 1 26; Robert Penella, Greek Philosophers and Sophists in the Fourth Ce ntury A.D.: Studies in Eunapius of Sardis (Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1990), 9 19; Rohrbacher, 64 72. Later used as a providing a counternarrative to Eusebius and Rufinus. Indeed, Lellia Cracco Ruggini went so far as to religious lens. Leilla Cracco Stu di storici in onore di Ottorino Bertolini, ( Pisa: Pacini 1972), 276. See also: Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome ( New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 675 680

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117 Romans. 30 31 Yet open hatred of barbarians was not absolute. Ammianus clearly suggested that those barbaria ns who were loyal to Rome and served it, such as Frigeridus and Merobaudes, merited praise. 32 In each case his judgment rested not on a racial or just like Huns, were co ndemned as bestial at certain points. 33 In contrast, when Claudian was forced to acknowledge the contributions and peacefulness of certain assimilation. 34 The theme of empire and imperial power over its weaker local inhabitants 35 Even Eunapius depicted a good barbarian, and it is in his story that a clue to the rhetoric of the period lies. According to Eunapius, the Goth Fravitta split from the rest of his people and embraced Roman life, refusing to take a gothic vow to remain an eternal enemy of Rome openly declared that he worshipped the gods after the ancient fashion and he had no inclination towards deceit and ev asion, but in his way of life revealed a soul that was 30 Blockley, 21; See also in support of this view: Rohrbacher, 232 233. 31 Eunapius, History trans. R.C. Blockley, in The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. 2 (Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1983), Fr.37, Fr. 42, Fr. 60. 32 LRE XXXI:9; XXXI:10; XXX:10. 33 Barnes, Ammianus, 107 111. 34 D) I:148 169. 35 See: Cameron, Claudian, 156 188; Chauvot, 329 Taceat superate vetustas : Living In Rufinum The Propaganda of Power ed. Mary Whitby (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 153 160.

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118 36 He is 37 His life contraste d with that of the other Goths who were pagans but pretended to be Christians in order to gain entrance into the empire. If barbarians marked the limits of acceptable Roman identity, the notion that barbarians could become proper Romans, an idea suggested by each writer, allows the and wrong, their speech is shifty and obscure, and they are under no restraint from 38 The mark of civilization for Ammianus was the acceptance of assimilation. Barbarians were not inherently evil or wild; rather the uncivilized man was wild. Only through the spread of Roman mores could barbarians be conquered. Although Claudian does not explicitly describe or even admit a process of Romanization, it lurks behind all his works which honor the general Stilicho, the son of a battle of Pollentia, dispelling fear and calling his soldiers to battle. Claudian put words llenged and defeated the entire rationale of empire w ould ready. Win a victory now and be conquerors in many an unfought war. Restore Rome to 36 Eunapius, History Fr. 59 37 Eunapius, History Fr. 69:2. 38 LRE XXXI:2.

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119 39 For Claudian, Rome acted as a mother to childlike tribes throughout the world, bringing civilization and safety. 40 Claudian presented barbarians as objects of victory, a foil to Roma n greatness. They could be civilized, but only by force. As mentioned above, the one good barbarian that Eunapius presented Fravitta, served to provide a contrast with the rest of the Goths who enter ed the empire through religious trickery. In a long pas sage, which is worth reproducing in full, Eunapius explained the supposed deception: Each tribe had brought along from home ancestral objects of worship together with their priests and priestesses, but they kept a deep and impenetrable silence upon these things and spoke not a word about their mysteries. What they revealed was fiction and sham designed to fool their enemies. They all claimed to be Christians and some of their number they disguised as their bishops and dressed them up in that respected garb appropriate what they rendered unguarded by swearing oaths which they held in contempt but which the emperors greatly respected. They also had some of the tribe of so om they had decked out in imitation of the monks amongst their enemies. The imitation was neither laborious nor difficult, but it sufficed for them to trail along grey cloaks and tunics to both become and be accepted as evildoers. The barbarians used these devices to deceive the Romans. 41 History is telling on several counts. First, he provided another example of the treachery of barbarians, to the extent that they hid their own religion on a nationwide scale. Second, the Romans who had fallen into the trap of the Christian religion were made foolish due to its constraints. Finally, the description of monks revealed what was perhaps the most important interpretive lens. Elsewhere in 39 BG, 568 572. 40 II:150 153. 41 Eunapius, History Fr. 48:2.

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120 the history Eunapius related the sto ry of the destruction of the Serapeum in Alexandria calle 42 Eunapius clearly drew a link between the monks of Egypt and the barbarians acting as monks. Fravitta, the good Goth, remained true to his ancestral religion and served Rome. The barbarians who adopted Christianity (even if as a sham) destroyed the empire and rebelled against its authority just as the Roman monks did to the Serapeum Eunapius deployed barbarians as the imitators of the true destroyers, namely Christians. Barbarians, ever the rhe the guise of the internal enemy. T hough coming from different contexts within in the empire and representing somewhat different perspectives, these three fourth century pagan writers all approached barbarians as th e definitional other for Rome. The rhetoric surrounding barbari ans could not be absolute, for i t had to provide a marker of how one could pass Claudian and Eunapius all constr ucted Roman mores and culture as the indicator of identity, though they defined the limit differently. Each writer use d stories of barbarians to demonstrate the dangers facing their world. Ammianus feared the collapse of Roman mores, Claudian worried about the tottering defenses of the empire, and Eunapius, the convinced anti Christian, used a story of barbarians to suggest the danger of Christian s, 42 Eunapius, History Fr. 56.

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121 particularly their monks. Barbarians, omnes gentes were the clearest sign of what defined Roman identity and what actions were beyond it. Christian Authors With regard to barbarians, Christian writers at the en d of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century largely followed the same rhetorical patter ns as their non Christian counterparts. They maintained classical ideas about barbarians, but the primary goal of their presentation was to present the limits of being Roman. Drawing from standard tropes, Christian writers generally presented barbarians as wild beings intent on destruction. The Latin Christian poet Prudentius who wrote at the very beginning of the fourth century, did not love the barbarians, harshly judging their style and traditions: s roving through my captured clad nobles in 43 Similarly, 44 Ambrose viewed them less harshly, though they like the nation of Gog in the book of Ezekiel. 45 Jerome ot wolves of Arabia but of 43 Contra Symmachum, trans. H.J. Thompson (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961), II :693 699. 44 Homily VIII, Habita Postquam Presbyter Gothus PG LXIII:50 2. Translation my own. 45 De fide (ad Gratianum Augustum) e d. Otto Faller CSEL 78 ( Vindobonae: Hoelder Pichler Tempsky, 1962 ), II:16:137 138 Some scholars have interpreted this as raci st: Richard Klein, Die Sklaverei in der Sicht der Bischofe Ambrosius und Augustinus (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, 1988), 13; Romanobarbarica 3 (1978): 167 187. Others see it as nuanc ed and drawing barbarians into a common world: Chauvot, 438 439.

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122 46 Three years later Jerome 47 And on the cusp of the sack of Rome in 409, Jerom e was still pounding away he fault of her Emperors who are both most religious men, but by the crime of a half barbarian 48 Here Jerome seems to have viewed the barbarians as a beast like people intent not on conquest but simply on destruction. He drew a line between Roman and barbarian, seen clearly in the description of Stilicho. Yet Jerome seems to hold in tension two conflicting thoughts. Obviously he adopted the classical view of barbarians as destroyers. Yet he also rejoiced that Christianity was spreading to the form spot of which he knows only through Scripture and common report. Need we recall the Armenians, the Persians, and the peop 49 He went on to mention other peoples of Africa and Asia. Yet w hile there were Christians in these places, point here (and elsewhere where he waxed on in this manner ) was 46 Ep. 60:16 from NPNF 2:6 The Aeneid 8: 848 quoted in Ep 60:4. In the Aeneid, the quote refers to peoples conquered by Augustus displayed on the shield of Aeneas This quote was used by Eusebius ( Praep. Evang. I.4.3.) to claim that Augustus was divinely ordained to institute a peace which enabled Christianity to spread. See: J.H.D. Scourfield, Consoling Heliodorus: A Commentary on Jerome, Letter 60 ( New York : Oxford University Press, 1993), 108. 47 Ep. 77:8. 48 Ep. 123:16 17. 49 Ep. 46:10.

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123 that Christianity was by no means limited to the Ro man Empire. He made a similar claim in 403 when he wrote: From India, from Persia, from Ethiopia we daily welcome monks in crowds. The Armenian bowman has laid aside his quiver, the Huns learn the psalter, the chilly Scythians are warmed with the glow of the faith. The Goths, ruddy and yellow haired, carry tent churches about with their armies: and perhaps their success in fighting against us may be due to the fact that they believe in the same religion. 50 How J erome knew this we cannot say. The appearance of diverse would be monks on the threshold of his monastery in Bethlehem could be genuine. His claims about far off peoples carry less credibility. Yet it is certain that he used a rhetoric which portrayed barb arians as potentially Christianized and tamed. Rome could not make the wild beast calm, but the Christian faith could still him. One example comes from an exceptionally Vulgate. This letter is addressed to two Goths studying in Constantinople, and Jerome opened by rejoicing that barbarians were seeking his knowledge. 51 Perhaps in his most o f his creator, every human being is no more than a 52 Jerome suggested that Romans and barbarians carry no essential difference. The real division was between Christians and non Christians. Other Christian contemporaries of Chromatius held a similar view. Prudentius presented barbarism as the lack of civilization rather than a perpetual state due to any 50 Ep. 107:2. 51 J.N.D. Kelly, Jerome ( London: Harper & Row, 1975), 285. 52 Ep. 60:4. This follows

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124 53 For Prudentius, the taming of wild mores was not a product of Roman culture as it was for Eunapius or Claudian, but the work of God for 54 already happening; already the Goths and the Armenians have believed in it, and so we are 55 The tension between these two positions, barbarians as wild and as Christians, is perhaps best illustrated in a sermon delivered by John Chrysostom. Sometime during his tenure in Constantinople he preached a sermon to Goths in a church set aside for their use. The church was officially Nicene, though it may have also held Arian services. 56 nce of a Gothic church structure and his own tragic attempts to engage the Goths. 57 The Goths were settled in Constantinople as part of the imperial army, though some probably had their families with them. Under the control of the general Gainas, they were 58 The church seems to have conducted services in the native language of the Goths and used 53 Contra Symmachum II:291 292. 54 Contra Symmachum II:602 604. 55 Ambrose, Treatise on Luke X:14. 56 J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church, and State in the Age of Arcadius and Chrysostom ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1990) 130. 57 I am grateful to Jonathon Stanfill for pointing me to this sermon and letting me see his conference paper presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies, University of Oxford, August, 2011. 58 J.N.D. Kelly, Golden Mouth: The Stor y of John Chrysostom, Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), 156.

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125 scripture in that language. 59 When he visited the church Chrysostom spoke Greek to the congreg ants, though it may have been translated into Gothic. In his words, Chrysostom relates how it was not unbecoming for the church to be filled with Goths since there were many biblical examples of barbarians coming to God. Abraham was a barbarian before he w as called. The Magi who came to give gifts to the Christ child were Persians and thus barbarians. 60 Chrysostom reveled in the fact that the Christian faith had spread to various barbarians and the scriptures had been translated in Thrace, Samartia, Scythia and India. 61 disquiet, in his words officially confirming the membership of Goths in his church. After reading a passage from Isaiah about the wolf and the lamb eating together, Chrysostom su humans standing alongside the sheep of the church, sharing with them a common 62 Even in an affirmation of their sh ared membership, he described the Goths as wolves, distinct from his sheep. a long held prejudice. Chrysostom rejected official discrimination, but perpetuated difference in his sermon. 63 It seems that this very church would also become the site of death, as some time later during a revolt, many Gothic soldiers took shelter in the 59 Kelly, Golden Mouth, 143. 60 Homily VIII, Habita Postquam Presbyter Gothus PG LXIII:503 507. Translation my own. 61 Ibid LXIII: 501. 62 Ibid LXIII: 502. 63 A recent essay considers how the language of bodies served to make Goths both beastly and non HTS Teol ogiese Studies/ Theological Studies 68 ( 2012) : 4 8.

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126 church seeking sanctuary. Denying them this right, the citizens burnt the church to the ground with hundreds or thousands of Goths inside. Chrysostom was silent on the subject of the church burning, except to say that he approved of the expulsion of the Goths. 64 Apparently the sheep and wolves could not lie together. The sheep proved to be much too v iolent a creature to be trusted. Jerome also seems to hold in tension these two conflicting thoughts. Barbarians were Christians and a sign of the triumph of his religion. Barbarians were also a destructive force representing the possible end for the haugh ty Roman Empire. One possible resolution of the contradiction lies in an odd passage in which Jerome tweaked even in the flesh, if we are born again in Christ, we are n o longer Greek and Barbarian, 65 Jerome inserted the dichotomy of Greek and barbarian in place of Gentile and Jew as the original text reads. Jerome was able to understand that Romans and barbarians co uld both be Christian, but this commonality did not render them equal or necessarily peaceful. Just as men and women were certainly not equal in his world, so Romans and barbarians would not be equal (or lay down their arms) until the next world. These fo ur Christian writers faced the difficulty of reconciling long held ideas about barbarians with the universal claims of their church. Barbarians had represented the other for so long that now a new marker for Roman identity was required. F or Christian write rs, then, a new dynamic emerged which built off the former Roman 64 Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops 192. J.N.D. Kelly thinks that Chrysostom did not approve the actions and spoke against it, those his words are lost, due to a brief and vague passage in Zosimus: K elly, Golden Mouth, 160. 65 Jerome, Ep. 75:2

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127 barbarian dichotomy. The divide between good and bad for Prudentius was not Roman barbarian, but Christian 66 Alaric failed due to his paganism, not his barbarian spirit, though Prudentius would suggest that they were one and the same. He held barbarians to be just as human as civilized people; the difference was in the soul, not the body. Prudentius acknowledged a real divide between those who dwell in and out of the empire, but he suggested that the larger divide was between Christians and non Christians. For Prudentius as for Jerome and Chrysostom, b eing Christian was the new marker of acceptable Roman identity. Rufinus stic personality won him few friends, but it probably led indirectly to the writing of the greatest Latin ecclesiastical history for centuries. Rufinus of Concordia returned to Aquileia after a feud with Jerome had threatened his standing in Rome and Milan Aquileia was a city of refuge under his patron and friend, Chromatius. While residing there, Rufinus translated the history of Eusebius and added two books of his own to the work. 67 Without the invectives of Jerome at his heels, Rufinus might never have r eturned to Aquileia and thus been available to compose his Ecclesiastical 66 Contra Symmachum II:709 67 Mark Humphries, s Eusebius: T ranslation, C ontinuation, and E dition in the Latin Ecclesiastical History, Journal of Early Christian Studies 16 (2008), 146 translation was the standard version of Eusebius through the middle ages and was used as a source by every other major historical writer in the fifth century (Orosius, Augustine, Paulinus, and Gennadius of Marseilles). The EH also holds the distinction of being one of the few known works of the period translated from Latin into Greek. It then was used as a source for Greek historians ( Socrates, Gelasius and Mark the Deacon ). Francis X. Murphy, Rufinus of Aquileia (345 411) : His Life and Works (Washington DC : Catholic University of America Press, 1945) 162 175.

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128 History 68 A scholarly tradition based on the words of the ninth century Byzantine Patriarch Photius exists which holds that Rufinus did not compose his two books of the history, but merely translated them from Gelasius of Caesarea. The idea persists even though no major scholar in the last fifty years has held to this position. 69 Though Rufinus was largely a translator (no mean feat), he was fully capable of producing original works of his own when the time called for it. Rufinus related in his preface that he translated and composed the Ecclesiastical History remedy by which ailing spirits may be diverted from the thought of impending evil and 70 Indeed the problem of the barbarians underlies the whole history. An invasion of barbarians that professed some form of Christianity seemed to pose both a physical and spir itual danger to Chromatius and Rufinus in Aquileia. Rufinus formulated a text which did not so much address the concerns as challenge the problem. Instead of a simple Roman barbarian dichotomy, Rufinus introduced a Christian/non Christian (or heretic) divi sion of the world. The ferocity of the barbarians and the failure of Roman emperors had the same cause: 68 For a full history of Rufinus and his relationship with Chromatius, see chapter 2. The standard work on Rufinus is still : Murphy, Rufinus of Aquileia See also: Elizabeth Clark, The Origenist Contro versy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 159 Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 28 (1977): 372 429; Rohrbacher, 93 107. On just the Ecclesiastical History The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia: Books 10 and 11 trans. Philip Amidon (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), vii xix; Francois Thelamon, : l'ap port de l'" (Paris: Etudes augustiniennes, 1981); Humphries, 164. 69 Murphy, 160 164; Rohrbacher, 100 101; Thelamon, 18 21.. 70 HE preface.

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129 insufficient conversion. 71 Rufinus gave three examples of barbarian peoples converting to Christianity (always Nicene). 72 In the first, two boys survived a shipwreck and were enslaved in Axum (modern Ethiopia). The connections with Roman merchants gave he people, and his efforts led to many conversions. 73 The second story follows immediately in the text and relates the conversion of the Georgians. In this anecdote, a woman captive was able to perform miraculous healings. Her ability came to the notice of the king and queen, who believed and built a church. 74 In both these cases, a Roman captive converted the royalty of a barbarian kingdom. A church was made and conversions followed. Priests were sent from the Roman Empire, but otherwise, no connection with any official Roman mission existed. The barbarian nations became Christian through the means of individual efforts, not any political conquest. These two national conversion stories were back in the empire. 75 Rufinus contrasted the spread of Nicene Christianity beyond the borders of the empire with the internal division over the Arian crisis. In the second original book, Rufinus only related one story of barbarian conversion, that of th e Saracens. The queen, Mavia, attacked the empire in the 370s, 71 Thelamon, 154 156. 72 He also expanded the original writing of Eusebius on the spread of the apostles to include Matthew and 73 HE X:9 10. 74 HE X:11. 75 HE X:1 6, 12 28, with the death of Arius in 14 (related in detail in chapter 3 of this work).

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130 and forced the emperor, Valens, an Arian, to send a Nicene bishop to her people. 76 In the narrative, the story follows immediately after an example of persecution of Nicene Christians by Arians under the power of the emperor. 77 Valens, the emperor, died at Adrianople at the hands of the Goths because, according to Rufinus, he waited too long 78 Here, the Saracen barbarians under Mavia were presented as having a truer faith than the Roman emperor. The non Nicene form of Christianity exhibited by Valens insufficien t conversion and a barbaric spirit. In this situation, the religious identity defined the ethnic identity, that is, proper religion made a person whole, while improper religion created a barbarian. For this reason, Rufinus presented the Goths as the equal of Arian emperors, not a racially distinct people or the tool of God. Perhaps this is why he omitted Ulfila and Theophilus, both of whom led successful Arian missions. 79 problem of the Gothic invasion was complete conversion to Nice ne Christianity. He used his stories of barbarians to suggest that complete conversion of a people must flow from power (i.e. good king or emperor leads to good conversion). Even if some Goths were Christian, they did not have the Nicene leadership or chur ch structure to render the entire people peaceful. Barbarians could and would convert when offered the 76 HE XI:6 77 HE XI:5. 78 HE XI:13. 79 Thelamon, 149.

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131 emperor ever could true peace. 80 Rufinus used stories of barbarians to s uggest that the power of the church was greater than that of the empire, and the conquest of the world would be accomplished by Christian captives, not victorious emperors. Summary These writers held various approaches to thinking about and presenting barb arians in their writings. Eunapius represents one end of the spectrum, the eternal juxtaposition of barbarians and civilization. Yet, even writers who professed a neutrality or more positive spirit towards barbarians, like Jerome or John Chrysostom, reiter ated stereotypes about their ferocity and beastlike nature. For every writer, however, barbarians were an outside group representing potential: potential destruction or victory or salvation. How writers used barbarians, at what points, with what motivation and to of the fifth century rather than actual barbarian actions or threats. The construction of barbarians reflects the attitudes of the writers on the subject of R oman identity. Barbarians were consistently used as a marker of what was outside and what was inside the acceptable limits of proper behavior. When barbarians were presented as those Romans who acted in such a way as to make themselves more barbaric than actual barbarians. And in many cases, barbarians set the limits of acceptable practice in the religious realm as well, presenting a contrast with persons who refused to acquiesce to Christian. 80 empire in the triumph of the Christian faith. Co

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132 Chromatius and the Gentes Much like his contemporaries, Chromatius spoke about barbarians by drawing from classical tropes and using them as a definition for Roman identity. Like other Christian writ vis barbarians reflected an identity which was now decidedly Christian for him. It is tempting to assume Ecclesiastical History Rufinus wrote the work at the behest of Chromatius, while living under his supervision. opinions. 81 present in the minds of the Aquileians after 378, though only one invasion during barbarians armies under the control of western usurpers like Magnus Maximus). In this the empire, potentially destructive. People do not fear a normal death, they fear an extraordi nary one, much like the fear of flying is far less justified than a fear of driving, but much more common. In that way, barbarians, representing a fantastical dread, always lingered as a fear, even before the gothic invasion. This fear gave the rhetorical deployment of barbarians extra potency. What Chromatius said about barbarians cannot (and should not) be used to draw conclusions about the nature of barbarians or the actual threat they posed. Rather, the manner in which Chromatius presented 81 Cha uvot, 455, Th lamon, 23, 151 152.

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133 barbarians, b oth as a terrifying danger and a marker of the unacceptable life, is the object of our study. Glimpses of barbarians Chromatius presented barbarians in two manners, much like Rufinus and Jerome: deadly and/or converting. Previous scholarship has largely f ocused on the first aspect, concerned with the political history of barbarian and Roman armies in the region during the time of Chromatius. While confirming that members of the Christian community in Aquileia experienced violence from barbarians but was ne ver in systemic danger scholars have tended to read Chromatius for direct words about barbarian actions and not for his use of them as a rhetorical trope. 82 The most explicit words of Chromatius are those from sermon 16. In the wake of the invasion of Alar ic and the Goths in 401, after stating that Jews and Pagans were joining Christians for Easter, Chromatius appealed to the community: Let us pray to the Lord with all our heart, all our faith, so that he may deliver us from all invasions of our enemies an d all fear of them. He does not look at our merits but considers his own mercy. He condescended to del iver the children of Israel, not for their merits, but in consideration of his own mercy. Let him protect us according to his mercy and push back the barb arian nations [ barbaras nationes ]. 83 Chromatius clearly acknowledged the fear in Aquileia, praying that God would treat the city as he had Israel, and fight for them against the barbarians nations. This theme was again echoed in a short passage from sermon let us call on God with 82 Barbari (V Aquileia e il Suo Patriarcato (Udine: 2000), 109. Other works on Chromatius and barbarians (which have the same approach): Yves Marie Aquileia e l'arco alpino orientale AA Ad 9 ( Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1976 ), 237 Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 86 87. 83 Sermon 16:4.

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134 our whole heart and in all faith so that he might free us from all tribulations: famine, war, death, captivity, and from all danger. 84 The threat of barbarians for people of antiquity was more than just invasion. It brought along hunger, famine, possible captivity. The armies that the Aquileians feared were no different than any other, yet the simple term persona. One other brief mentio n demonstrates the adaptability of barbarians and other common fears to religious language. In a sermon explaining the theological work of Christ, Chromatius compared barbarians with the devil and Christ with Rome. The captivity of people before their conv ersion was similar to those taken captive by For man had incurred the domination of the devil long ago, similar to barbarian captivity; man had abandoned his first master and been taken captive by a 85 Barbarian captivity mus t have been familiar enough to his listeners to inspire fear. Just as the barbarians could raid a city and steal off with hostages, so the devil did the same with humanity. Yet just as hostages were often bought back, so Christianity offers the solution to the captive problem. W e are called redeemed by Christ rather than purchased, as the Apostle e procures that which he had and lost, he is said to redeem not to buy, for he redeems his own and redeems that which he alre ady had. This is why Romans who have been freed from the captivity of barbarians by the paying of a ransom are not called bought but redeemed. 86 84 Sermon 37:2. 85 Sermon 12:3. 86 Sermon 12:2. Th e internal quote does not seem to be from any particular verse. It is similar to Rom ans 5:9, Eph eshians 1:7 and Col ossians 1:14.

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135 Just as people who are bought back from captivity are redeemed ( redemere ) not bought ( emere ), so Christ accomplished the same thing spiritually. The usage of barbarians in this spiritual sense made them placeholders for the devil. Clearly a negative connotation surrounded the notion of barbarians. They were feared and seemed a constant threat on the fringes the barbarians were. Instead they were a trope primarily defined by their warlike and violent nature. Yet Chromatius did not stop there. Much like Jerome and Rufinus, barbarians wer e not only violent beasts bent on destruction, but also potential fellow Christians. Barbarians were presented not as simply irreversibly violent, but lacking knowledge of God. Upon their conversion, a change of spirit also created a change in body and lif e, rendering the former terrors peaceable and pacific. The language Chromatius used sounds like the rhetorical excesses of other writers, because it was designed to convey not the facts, but the spiritual change which could only occur by the power of the ( Nicene) church, not any power the empire possesses. [The church] developed until it filled the entire world, not just the cities but the many nations. It is believed among the Persians, it is believed in India, it is believed in the entire world. It is nei ther the fear of sword, nor the fear of the emperor which has brought all these nations to adore Christ; rather faith in Christ has rendered them peaceful. When they came to the faith and confessed the name of Christ, no longer do the nations fight, for al l acknowledge the one king of all, Jesus Christ. Under this king, there is no enmity between peoples; all of a common accord honor, adore and venerate him. It is for him that they lay down their wild passions and glory in his grace. 87 According to Chromati us, the spread of the church was the only force able to subdue the barbarous nations. It is remarkable how much this reads like a passage from 87 Sermon 30:3.

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136 Rufinus. The emperor was not portrayed as a strong enough power to counter the barbarians. It reads as a rebuke t o those who would trust in an emperor or Roman army for safety. So while the words may reflect actual conversions happening beyond the borders of the Roman empire, it also accomplishes a pedagogical task in the structure of the sermon. The presentation of barbarians, the quintessential other, as being tamed not by a strong emperor but by an active church represents the new construction of Roman identity that rhetoric about the barbarians was being used for by Chromatius and Rufinus. Roman identity was portr ayed as inextricability bound up with Christian identity, a reality that not even Eunapius, the most anti Christian contemporary writer of Chromatius, could deny. Barbarians as Markers of Roman Identity In his words on the spread of Christianity to generally, Chromatius emphasized the knowledge of Christ as the transforming power which changes the temporal world. With this knowledge came access to peace. Crucially, Rufinus, Jerome, and Chromatius never presented barb arians as rejecting the preaching of Christ. In the passage above from Sermon 30, barbarians were made peaceful upon their reception of the knowledge of Christ. In this fact they did not differ o not deserve to have our according to his favor and grace, he is revealed to those who guard his precepts 88 We see little here in terms of choice. For Chromatiu s as for Rufinus, conversion was suggestive of enlightenment, and access to the knowledge of Christ 88 Chromatius, Sermon 5:2.

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137 was practically conversion. This approach to conversion which emphasized knowledge of god and the good seems drawn from the works of Origen. 89 As discussed i n chapter two and earlier in this chapter, Rufinus was the primary translator of Origen and provided Chromatius with numerous sources from which to draw. 90 Chromatius certainly adapted the Alexandrian at ion of Or igen on the subject of conversion suggested that people who sinned were simply ignorant, not evil. 91 The remedy for this situation in which humanity finds itself is the spread of the knowledge of good, embodied in the person of Christ. Of course, one great problem with this approach to thinking of the power of conversion remains. What about those who gain knowledge of Christ and reject it? It is from his presentation of barbarians that the construction of Roman identity springs. Chromatius constructed barba rians as a foil for those who have knowledge of good and choose to reject it. He never presented the nations ( gentes ) but rather only the Jews as rejecting Christ. Th is contrast raises questions about the position of the Jews. How could they have knowledge of Christ (as Chromatius confirmed repeatedly, accusing them of knowing Christ was God and killing him still), and not believe? The contrast between those who were ignorant and violent and those who knew and were violent produced a moral judgment against the Jews. If they had never recognized God in 89 Origen, On First Principles 1.4.1. For Origen trans. A.S. Worrall (San Francisco: 1989), 99 120; Ronald Heine, Origen: Scholarship in the Sevrice of the Church (Oxford:2010), 136 141; Christopher Stead, Philosophy in Christian Ant iquity ( New York : Cambridge University Press, 1994), 230 233. 90 Megan Williams has published an article about the possibility of finding a lost commentary of Origen on en the two Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age eds. Pier Franco Beatrice and Alessio Persic (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011) 193 226 91 Sermons 3:2, 3:8, 12:4, 12:7, 12:8, 14:1, 15:5, and 27:1.

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138 the barbarians. But whoever knew his culpability and still committed evil was guilty of a far greater crime. Thus, barbar ians acted as a rhetorical accusation against the Jews. They were violent but did not know better, while the Jews rejected Christ, but knew better, according to Chromatius. By presenting the two groups side by side, he suggested that the greater threat to Aquileia and the Roman world lay not beyond the frontiers, but inside the city walls. Christian was practically synon y mous with Roman in this construction of identity. For Chromatius, t he lack of a Christian identity called Roman identity into question. Ch umerous instances of comparison between barbarians and Jews both direct and indirect. Chromatius was most explicit about the differing knowledge in Sermon 33. [W]e ought to accept what was said of the people of the nations [pop ulo gentium] and of the Jewish people. In short, there was made a distinction the poor man is who seems altogether had nothing, because they received neither the prophets no r the something in the law and the prophet s, the merits of the patriarchs and the grace of the judges. Yet the poor man lay in the dung heap because he laid with fleshly vices in the filth of sins and in the error of the nations. But the people of the nations, w ho we recognize were signified by the helpless man, laid in the dust because they used to worship idols of the earth and had no hope of heaven in the whole of the earth. 92 The nations are those who had no knowledge of God prior to the spread of the church. The Jews, on the other hand, had numerous sources of knowledge of the good, yet rejected Christ. The contrast in the sermons suggests the superiority of the people of 92 Sermon 33:3. The internal quote is from Ps alm 113:7

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139 Jews w illingly rejected according to Chromatius. The barbarians became Christian the person of Christ. Chromatius used his construction of barbarians as converts to his religion to single out the Jewish community. Rufinus presented barbarians as properly Christian in contrast to Arians and Eunapius contrasted the proper piety of the G oth Fravitta with the actions of Christians. Chromatius compared the acceptance of Christian prea ching by barbarians with the rejection of Christ by the Jews. any fools lived in the past who did not believe in the existence of God or said they did not. M ost of all, the prophet complains of the folly and infidelity of the Jewish people. 93 The unbelief of the Jews in Christ was their great failing for Chromatius. By this action, they separated themselves from the rest of the people of the nations. Barbarians, the people of the gentes stood as more acceptable and more knowledgeable than the Jews in the sermons of Chromatius. Barbarians, already established as a primal fear for the people of Aquileia, presented a contradiction: Who was more dangerous, non Christian at a time of national crisis, Chromatius suggested that Jews were ultimately more worrisome than barbarians and used barbarians to signify to his congregation the potential danger. 93 Sermon 9:1.

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140 Chromatius was clear that the cause for the supplanting of the Jews b y the gentes was the Jewish rejection, not a divine imperative. In a sermon on the life of Joseph as a type of Christ, Chromatius impressed on his listeners the narrative of barbarians recognizing Christ when Jews rejected him. The Jews offered thirty pie ces of silver for the Lord, the Ishmaelites twenty of gold for Joseph. The Ishmaelites paid more for the servant than the Jews for the Lord. The Ishmaelites respected in Joseph the image of Christ, the Jews had contempt for the truth which was in Christ. T herefore, the Jews offered a meaner price for Christ, for they placed a meaner price on the passion of the Lord 94 The Ishmaelites, barbarians for sure, were presented as having a greater respect for an image of Christ than did Jews for the real Christ. Chr omatius used a prefiguring of Christ to express the inclusion of barbarians in sacred knowledge. Those who recognized Christ are to be respected, while those who rejected him brought judgment upon themselves. And the Jewish rejection was presented as uniqu e. In the previous various spices with them in order to represent that the nations coming to faith would 95 Chromat ius reinforced the point that barbarians would cease to be barbarians when the church comes to them. The narrative of the worldwide spread of the Christian religion continued to be juxtaposed with the rejection of the Jews. The Christianization of barbari Christian people. The rhetorical construction of barbarians as previously violent but tamed upon their reception of Christianity contrasted with the representation of the 94 Sermon 24:4. 95 Sermon 24:3.

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141 Jews. The comparison suggested that the Jewish community, not the barbarian army, should be viewed as the antithesis of normalized Romanitas. Chromatius was re drawing the traditional Roman barbarian dichotomy as a Christian Jew dichotomy. He contrasted the gentes with Jews in numerous other pa ssages which would be redundant to reproduce here. 96 Suffice it to say, he clearly presented a contrast between the infidelity of the Jews and the acceptance of the peoples. As the term gentes denoted barbarians more than any other group, the comparison, in the midst of a real crisis, seems designed to provoke greater outrage at the presence of Jews in the city. Like blaming hurricanes or terrorist attacks on homosexuality, Chromatius targeted a misunderstood minority group in an effort to explain the evil w hich had befallen the city and thereby provide greater legitimacy for his own church in the wake of the crisis. One final example of comparison is worth drawing out. From a sermon on Good Friday, Chromatius explained that the reed which was placed in the right hand of Christ, mocking him for being a supposed king, stood for the gentes: The reed, which is the people of the nations, is placed in the right hand of the Lord because he has in his left hand now the people of the Jews who persecuted Christ. 97 T he gentes are shown to be at odds with the Jews. Chromatius never advocated violence or social rejection of Jews in his sermons, but his words seem to hint at the impossibility of full Jewish participation in society. When the whole world looks to the chur ch, instead of the empire or emperor, as its protector, who would protect the Jews? Using gentes Chromatius hinged the future upon rejection or acceptance of Christ. The nations would recognize 96 See: Ser mons 9.6; 12:1; 10:4; 32:3; 33:4, all of which provide direct contrasts between Jews and gentes. 97 Sermon 19:4.

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142 Christ with the knowledge of God, which the Jews had already rejected. In all of this rhetoric, it is crucial to realize that Chromatius was reinforcing a narrative in which the Jews knew that Christ was God and chose to have him crucified despite their knowledge. This narrative, which had roots in the New Testament developed over the centuries, alternately emphasizing the role of the devil or the ignorance of the Jews at different points. 98 In his sermons Chromatius presented no third party urging or deceiving the Jews to action. Rather, he depicted the Jews as free moral agents with full knowledge of their actions. This development in thought, which would not come to full fruition until the later middle ages, represents a shift in standard anti Jewish tropes. Some of the roots of a more modern form of anti Semitism can be seen in the rhetoric which Chromatius gave voice to in these sermons. We cannot draw a red line from him to the 20 th century, but in the broad progression of anti Jewish rhetoric, Chromatius went places in his construction of proper Roman identity a nd the exclusion of Jews from not just religious but civic life which had not been explored before. A note of caution is warranted here. It has been suggested in other places that anti Jewish rhetoric of the period is really anti Arian rhetoric in disguise For many Christian writers, the rejection of the full divinity of Christ by the Arians was no different than the Jewish rejection of Christ. Several scholars have convincingly argued that Christian writers were attempting to claim that Arian Christians w ere not fully Christians but acting like Jews. 99 The rhetoric was never directed at real Jews but was merely an 98 Elaine Pagels, The Origin of Satan (New York: Random House, 1995), 182 99 Journal of Early Christian Studies 9 (2001): 453 481 ; Maria Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam Church History 80 (2011): 755f ; Christine Shepardson, Anti Judaism and Christian Orthodoxy: Ephrem's Hymns in Fourth

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143 attack on Christians who denied the full divinity of Christ. Chromatius could be doing something similar in his sermons. Yet for reasons develope d in the previous (and following) chapters, Chromatius seems to have been interested in an actual Jewish community in Aquileia and not primarily in Arians. Arians no longer held any substantial presence in Aquileia, while Jews did. Yet even on this point, one must concede the possibility that Chromatius was painting with broad strokes in his rhetoric. The accusations of Christ denial could be intended for both Jews and Arians. His words could reach his listeners on multiple levels. They might understand the face value of Jewish rejection, but also realize that any sect of Christians who disagreed with Chromatius on the person of Christ was acting like already being identified as the antithesis of a full, respectable member of th e community. In any case, it is certain that the rhetoric did the Jews no favors and ultimately was taken seriously by many Christians. nature of the dialogue at play in late an tiquity. The various groups of people who entered the Roman Empire were not a concern of most Roman writers, Christian or not. defined sense, operated as markers of the other, the quintessential opposite to civilized Roma How this other group acted defined what was right and wrong for the Romans. Attitudes toward barbarians were negative, but they always assumed the possibility of change, for the threat of a Roman losing his mores and turning wild was certainly possible. At the beginning of the fifth century, the issue of proper religious practice, be it traditional or a version of Christian, haunted the Century Syria (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2008). For a full discussion see chapter 3 of this work.

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144 construction of barbarian (and thus Roman) identity. In his various references to barbarians, Chromatius presented them as new converts to the preaching of his Germania he constructed barbarian identity, as simple and virtuous. Proper Roman identity required acceptance of this knowledge of God. Anyone who rejected it, and Chromatius was clear that the most common offenders were the Jews, was an outsider in the community, rejecting his Romanness.

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145 CHAPTER 5 : JEWS IN AQUILEIA In the summer of 391, Emperor Theodosius stopped in Aquileia on his journey back to Constantinople from Milan. While there he issued a law ordering the closure of all pagan temples throughout the empire. Chromatius must have been one of the first persons to hear the news propagated. It must have seemed a momentous occ asion of victory for the fifty plus year old bishop. With the perceived threat of heresy having faded and the once imposing pagan religious structure disestablished, Chromatius should have felt confident in the position of Christianity in Aquileia and thro ughout the e mpire as a secure and stable bulwark, the sole arbiter between the human and the divine Yet with the former obstacles successfully overcome Chromatius aim ed his venom at the oldest adversary of Christian writers, the Jews. Throughout his serm ons, Jews and the s ynagogue emerge as the chief threat to the Christian community. As seen in Chapter 4, Chromatius consistently paint ed Jews as active opponents of the church seeking to deceive and devour Christians. His juxtaposition of Jews with not ju st Christians but Romans was not an aberration, but a calculated project of alientation. His war of words against against the Jews reflected the attempt to end the diverse religious culture of Aquileia which existed at the end of the fourth century. More t han just a rhetorical other, the Jews of Aquileia seem to have comprised an actual community which interacted regularly with Christians in the cosmopolitan city. Chromatius chose his words carefully to isolate the Jewish community in Aquileia and paint the m as the last holdouts against an otherwise unifying religious wave.

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146 Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity The rhetorical us e of Jews in antiquity has been well established. Almost every major Christian writer before Chromatius attacked Jews in his writing s or sermons. Paul, Justin Martyr, Irenaus, Origen, Tertullian, Eusebius and countless others maintained the rhetorical trope of Jews as guilty of deicide. 1 The reasons for these attacks have been debated by scholars for years. As a rhetorical tool, the attack on Judaism served more than one purpose. While arguing for the superiority of Christianity over its older sibling, the rhetorical bombast served primar ily to differentiate the religious community. But before exploring how Chromatius constructed the divide between these two groups and more importantly to what ends, we must consider the possible functions of rhetorical assaults on Jews by Christians in an tiquity A n examination of rudimentary ethnic and identity theory will lay the groundwork for considering how Chromatius discusse d Jews and the Jewish community in his sermons. Any discussion of ethnic theory mus t begin in 1969 when the social anthropolog ist Fredrik Barth proposed a now classic definition of ethnicity. He posited that the borders of groups were definitive. The area marked off might change, but the 1 Paul: I Thessalonians 2:14 16: For you, b rethren, became imitators of the churches of God in Christ Jesus that are in Judea, for you also endured the same sufferings at the hands of your own countrymen, even as they did from the Jews, who both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and drove us out. They are not pleasing to God, but hostile to all men, hindering us from speaking to the Gentiles so that they may be saved; with the result that they always fill up the measure of their sins. But wrath has come upon them to the utmost. Justin: Dialogu e with Trypho, idem. Ireneaus: Adversos Haereses, 5.25.3. Origen: Contra Celsus, 4.32 Tertullian: Apology, 26.3 Eusebius: Praeparatio Evangelica, idem For a fuller account of the early Jewish Christian rhetorical war see: Paula Fredriksen and Oded Irsha Anti Cambridge History of Judaism, Vol. 4, Ed. Stephen Katz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 977 1034; William Horbury, Jews and Christians in Contact an d Controversy (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1998); Judith Lieu, Image and Reality: The Jews in the World of the Christians in the Second Century (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996); Elaine Pagels, The Origin of Satan (New York: Random House, 1995); James Parkes, The Conflict of the Church and the Synagogue; A Study in the Origins of Antisemitism 2 nd Ed. (New York: Atheneum, 1969).

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147 borders represented the continuity which preserved the notion of the group. Barth also separa ted culture from ethnicity, insisting that the two ideas did not overlap. 2 He argued based on traditions, geographical proximity or shared origins, these notions need n ot be real so long as they are believed. approach makes group formation a positive rather than negative act of creation. His view holds that to maintain its existence any ethnic group need s to defend its borders constantly Without constant definit ion of the other, the self will cease to exist. 3 Of course these definitions are often presented as fixed categories of kinship, blood, or descent. 4 It is important to remember that kinship ties are constructed and accepted just as much as any subjectiv e marker of identity like religious belief, clothing, or language. work seems too dependent on modern, western notions of society. By separating culture and ethnicity, Barth preserved the modern notion of which Talal Asad has so vigorously argued against. Asad sees the assumption of the separation of sacred and secular, as in post reformation Christianity, as problematic for the study of 2 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference, (Prospect Heights, IL: W av eland, 1998 ), 14. 3 Ethnic Identity: Creation Conflict and Accommodation, e ds. Lola Romanuccui Ross and George De Vos (Walnut Creek: Altamira, 1995), 15 47. 4 Against Apion, Identity and Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean: Jews, Christians and Others. Essays in Honor of Stephen G. Wilson, Ed s Zeba Crook and Philip Harland (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2007), 99 112; Denise Buell, Making Christians: Clement of Alexandria and the Rhetoric of Legitimacy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 149 151; Jonathan Hall, Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity (Cambr idge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

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148 religion. 5 While Asad is correct to note the difference in post reformation Christianity, the idea of as a universal essence capable of moving from culture to culture dependent on its discourses of power and subjugation did not begin during the sixteenth century. This can be traced back to the twin births of Judaism and Christianity. The addition of ethnic thinking and terminology to religious discourses formed conceptions of religion as a category which facilitate d the possibility of conversion and exclusion. Just as ethnic groups are constituted by borders and appeal to a common essence based on shared history and traditions, so the idea of religion is formed by a similar claim to true faith. The creation of r is achieved by labeling hybrids and heresies which dialectically locate true essences as evidenced by the process described in Chapter 3 Thus religion is essentialized in much the same manner as other constructs like nations, ethnicities, and races. As for the specific contrast between Judaism and Christianity, Daniel Boyarin has posit ed that the modern conception of religion came from the creation of difference between Christians and Jews in discourses of purity. Boyarin locates the development of Jewish religion in conjunction with the increasing Christianization of the Roman Empire. He holds that Jewish Christians (a problematic hybrid conception) were the norm rather than the exception for the first two and maybe three centuries. The constructio n of essen ces (both Christian and Jewish) which defined each end of the spectrum followed an attempt to create social cohesion and difference through labels of heresy ( minut in it only works 5 Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1989), 28.

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149 when defined against potential intermixture, which also threatens to undo its 6 religion is defined according to Boyarin, not against other religions, but against hybridity. Hybrids threaten the e ssentialized heretics between the two groups locates a center for each which is associated with religion. Rowan Williams sees this process of labeling as a reaction of a group which has lost or abandoned a geographic or ethnic definition. 7 Yet this definition is drawn too tightly from Christianity, accepting the universalizing missional claim which is unique to that religion. It need not be the only case in which here sy is posited. We must next turn to the question of how Christianity and Judaism went about defining the other religion and thereby their own being. Naturally there is wide disagreement about the process and reality of the split between Judaism and Christi anity. The debate hinges on questions of the ability to move between the two groups, their recognition of each other, and the relationship between rhetoric and reality. The traditional narrative of the division between Judaism and Christianity assume d a n e arly split based on the expulsion of Christians from Jewish synagogues. Henry Chadwick suggest ed that the destruction of the temple in 70 AD ended any connection between the two groups 8 This position mimicked the suggestion of Adolf von Harnack that the destruction of the temple ended any 6 Daniel Boyarin, Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo Christianity (Philadelph ia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 16. 7 The Making of Orthodoxy: Essays in Honor of Henry Chadwick, ed. Rowan Williams ( New York: Cambridge University Press, 198 9 ), 3. 8 H enry Chadwick, The Early Church 2 nd Ed (New York: Penguin, 1993), 21.

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150 relationship between Christians and Jews. 9 The reality of the split seems to be confirmed by the clear definitional categories which exist ed early second century. 10 More recently numerous scholars have begun to question the nature of the split between Jews and Christians. Rather than a clear divide scholars have begun to suggest that the two religions slowly parted from each other The separation was probably defi nitive only by the beginning of the fourth century. 11 Prior to that date, the two religions shared a culture, converts, ideas, and minority status. Each influenced the development of the other in a kind of symbiotic relationship. Daniel Boyarin demonstrates that logos theology was prevalent in Judaism, Hellenism, and Christianity in the first two centuries. 12 Christianity did not have a unique claim to the idea. Judaism had been in dialogue with the Hellenistic world since the third century BC. It is anachro nistic to clearly divide ideas such as logos into Jewish or Hellen ic arenas. represents a correction of much scholarship on two fronts. First, the complexity of the ancient world must always be reasserted. Ancient texts attempt to paint stark boundaries between groups. The reality was far more fluid with people maintaining in balance multipl e identities even though writers such as Justin Martyr or Lactantius might paint this as impossible. Boyarin refuses to acknowledge differentiation between orthodox and heresy and so his range of 9 Adolf von Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries Trans. and Ed. James Moffatt (New York: Harper, 1961), 66 68. 10 Ignatius, To the Magentians 10:3. 11 The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Eds. Adam Bec ker and Annette Reed (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 4 16. 12 Boyarin, 55 57.

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151 Christians is larger. He similarly denies these categories with respect to Jews, suggesting that there was considerable overlap between the two groups overlap which Christian apologists and Jewish leaders attempted to whitewash. 13 Second, the rebuttal of a Christian Jewish division counters notions of Judaism as a static, ethnic based religion which has not evolved since the second century. Boyarin rejects notions of Jewish history which emphasize its uniqueness and tolerance. 14 He sees this narrative as a foundational myth formed in later centuries to create hegem ony. Judith Lieu offers a slightly more tempered approach. She postulates that 15 Of course, this history is constructed and shaped to clearly define borders. Indeed, the history of other groups is constructed as somethin g to reject in self definition as Christians do with Jewish history. Lieu considers how Christians accepted both their name and their separation from Jews. S he challenges the simplicity of this separation. Yet evidence from the ancient world (like the modern in fact) suggests that there was little actual separation between Jews and Christians. Indeed, the existence of supposed as it suggests that there was a true essence of both Judaism and Christianity which these persons combined 16 People existed in both camps simultaneously, just like people 13 Boyarin, 28. 14 Boyarin, 197 200. 15 Judith Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco Roman World ( New York: Oxford University Press, 2004),14. 16 Ibid 3.

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152 were Roman, Greek, Christian, and Jewish all at the same time. The only substantive divergence was one produced by labels of difference. While Lieu focuses on the similarities, she also notes the rhetoric of difference which produced border lines Indeed, Boyarin seems too quick to look for similarities and overlook the differences. Whil e he is right that the reality on the ground was a convoluted amalgamation of religious practices for the average person, the border lines between the two religions (and really between three competing g roups Christian, Jewish, and p agan) were recognized. What Boyarin seems to neglect is the reality that individuals can and did hold more than one identity, identities that often were seemingly contradictory. The ability to hold conflicting positions which are turned on and off depending on the social situat ion has been well documented. 17 If we accept the ability to hold multiple, conflicting identities, then people can move back and forth between church, synagogue and temple without necessarily seeing the three as either overlapping or un defined. Upon close r examination, the religious culture of the Roman Empire lacked clear definition at the end of the fourth century. W hile church, synagogue and temple were unique locales with distinctive worldviews, rituals and leadership, people could and did move between them freely. N umerous early Christian writers attest to this fluidity As early as the beginning of the second century, Ignatius of Antioch wrote in two of his six letters about Christians who attend ed the synagogue, worship ed on the Sabbath and 17 Advances in identity and Research Eds. Peter Burke et al (New York: Kluwer Academic, 2003), 195 We Are a People: Narrative and Multiplicity in Constructing Ethnic Identity Eds. Paul Spickard and W. Jeffrey Burroughs (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000), 23 Rivalries Dynamics of Identity in the World of the Early Christians: Associations, Judeans and Cultural Minorities (New York: T&T Clark, 2009), 145 160.

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153 kept For Christianity did not embrace Judaism, but Judaism Christianity, so that every tongue 18 Whether his statement reflects a sect which had not fully separated from Judaism, or the intermixing of belief structure s the clear implication is that individuals were able to maintain mixed religious identities which did not fit into any single category, even in the face of oppositi on by church leaders. I t seems that every major Christian leader wrote about the constant problem of Christians attending synagogues and embracing Judaism. In the secon d century, Justin Martyr decried the fact that Christians visited synagogues. 19 In the third century, Origen candidly admit ted that his parishioners went 20 More than a full century later, the most famous r ecord of Christians who atten ded synagogues and follow ed Jewish customs came in the form of a series of sermons by John Chrysostom while he served as a preacher in Antioch, only a year or two before Chromatius became bishop in Aquileia. Chrysostom complained that Christians venerated the holy days of the Jews, celebrated Easter according to the old means (pre Nicaea n ) of computing ( which rendered it more Jewish ) and worshipped in the synagogue. 21 18 To the Magentians 10:3. On the observation of the Sabbath see: ibid 9:1. On the i ssue of Christians keeping the law and preferring the circumcised to the uncircumcised, see Epistle to the Philadelphians, 6:1. 19 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 47. 20 Origen Homilies on Leviticus 5:8:3 21 John Chrysostom Discourses against Judaizi ng Christians For the celebration of Jewish festivals see: 1.2, 1.5, 3.4, 7.1. For the date of Easter: 3.3 4. For the honor accorded to synagogues see: 1:3 5. It should be noted that Chrysostom complains that Jews do not return the favor by worshipping in churches on Sundays (4.3).

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1 54 While this tendency of Christians to attend synagogues has led many scholars to see the t wo religions as not fully separate until the fourth century, I would argue that simple intermixing does not mean that the religious structures were related. The late w as not the issue at stake. Rather, the cultural and potential spiritual benefits of attending both places of worship outweighed the potential threat of being in the wrong. A Christian had much more to gain through contacts within the community and greater spiritual satisfaction f rom attending the synagogue than he or she stood to lose in status at the church (where one could also attend and potentially reap the same benefits twice) Onl y later, following imperial prescript in the fifth century did the synagogue become more of a risk than a potential benefit. 22 Confirming this point is the fact that Christian writers from the second to fifth century report that pagans also attended synago gues. D efending Christians from the accusation of being innovators, Tertullian responded that pagans had assimilated the Jewish rituals and feasts. 23 Pagans were always willing to accept another deit y into their lives, and it seems that they were welcomed in the synagogue to respect the god of the Jews. Commodianus, a fourth century poet, wrote: What! Are you half a Jew? Will you be half profane? Whence you shall not when dead escape the judgment of Christ. You yourself blindly wander, and foolishly go in a mong the blind. And thus the blind leads the blind into the go forth before the doors, and thence also you go to the idols. 24 22 It is hard to fix a date for the cessation of this practice as various factors of geography and local custom were crucial. I would point to the act forbidding construction of new synagogues in 415 and the law against intermarr iage of Jews and Christians from 388. Respectively: CTh XVI.8.22 and III.7.2. 23 Tertullian, Ad Nationes 1:13:3 4. 24 Commodianus, Instructions ANF Vol 4 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1980), XXXVII

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155 Further confirming the fact that pagans were apt to join Je ws on the Sabbath are the words of Cyril of Alexandria in the fifth century. He note d that throughout Palestine and the Levant men were neither fully pagan nor Jewish but a mixture of both. 25 Christians were not the only ones attracted to the synagogue. Pag ans found the festivals and services beneficial. Combined with the increase of listeners in Christian services during the fourth century (persons attending Christian churches but declining to be baptized), and the rare anecdote of a Jew visiting a church, it seems that the religious culture of the late antique world was not clearly demarcated 26 People could and did move between religious communities seeking whatever benefits they could glean. In short, it seems that J ews and Christians (along with p agans) c oexisted in a religious culture where it was not unusual for members to comingle. While there was increasing definition between the religions (and their various sects), individuals could cross over these boundary lines as late as the beginning of the fifth century. And so at the time of Chromatius, it seems that Christians could often be found in synagogues. Pagans had been indulging in the occasional visit to synagogues for centuries and seemed to be maintaining the tradition with no need for change. And p agans and Jews would visit churches on Sundays. The presence of a person at the particular place of worship did not signify their adherence, merely their reverence. The convoluted religious culture of late antiquity, where pluralism still ruled necessitat ed greater definition in the view of many church leaders. Their quest for purity was reflected in the anti Jewish rhetoric which was so common during this period. Most famously, John Chrysostom 25 Cyril, On Worship in Spirit and Truth, 3.92.3. 26 On the presence of non Christians in church services see: Paula Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New Haven: Yale University Press 2008), 96 101.

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156 dwelt at lengths on the evil nature of the synagogue. Yet even there, his real target was not Jews, but Christians who attend ed synagogues. Chrysostom sought to provide definition for his listeners listeners who might very well have included Jews. Chromatius, particularly in his well attended sermons, sought to do th e same. He attempted to separate the church from the synagogue, not just in terms of beliefs, but to separate the church from the entire basis of religious culture which permitted and implicitly encouraged the free movement of peoples between differing pla ces of worship. If he succeeded, it would leave the church as the only game in town for anyone who cared about appearances in their religious practices. Chromatius mentions Jews in eighteen of his forty two serm ons, that is, in about forty percent of his sermons. 27 On deeper analysis, however, Jews prove to be even more important. When identifying sermons according to their relationship to the liturgical calendar, ten sermons stand out as being from feast days like Easter or the Christmas Epiphany season. References to Jews appear at a much higher rate in these sermons. The sermons fall into two clear groups associated with the Easter and Christmas seasons. First, sermons 14, 16, 17, 17a, 19 and 20 are clearly identifiable as paschal sermons preached either at the Gr eat Vigil or during Easter Week. Secondly, a group of four sermons can be dated to the Christmas Epiphany season. Sermon 32 is on the nativity of Christ and was probably preached at Christmas on December 25, a festival which began to be celebrated in Rome at the beginning of the fourth century and slowly 27 Depending on the counting there are 44 or 45 sermons attribute d to Chromatius according to J. Lemari and R. Etait. I discount sermon 7 (it is a fragment of only 2 lines), sermon 42 (admittedly dubious according to the editors), and sermon 43 ( a lso dubious). For this reason, I exclude them from the count.

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157 spread eastwards by the end of the century. 28 Sermons 21 and 22 are on the life of St. John the Evangelist. His feast day was celebrated in the west on December 28 from an early date. 29 Sermon 34 is explicitl tenure. In these ten sermons associated with feast days, Jews are discussed at length in six of them. While we might expect r oughly the same rate as in the larger corpus, Jews appear in feast day sermons sixty percent of the time while in non feast sermons thirty nine percent of the time. Although this is a small sample size, it seems that Chromatius was more likely to use the J ews as a rhetorical device in his sermons on major feast days. This statistical oddity prompts the obvious question. Why might Chromatius have preached on the beliefs of the Jews and their supposed threat on the days that the Church was rejoicing in its gr eatest triumphs (Christmas and Easter)? The answer is multi faceted and an excellent jumping off point for an examination of the relationship Chromatius describes between Judaism and Christianity in Aquileia at the beginning of the fifth century. In the se rmons associated with the festival of Easter, it is not surprising that Jews would be mentioned. Preaching on the passion of Christ naturally led to mention of the Jews based on the gospel narratives. Yet when he broached the role of Jews in the death of C hrist Chromatius was fairly tame compared to his treatment of Jews in other 28 On the c elebration of Christmas in the fourth century see: Timothy Barnes, Constantine: Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire (Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell, 2011), 85 Also Lemari concurs in the probable festival origin of these sermons and the ir usage in Christmas celebrations. I agree both based on internal evidence and for another reason which will be mentioned below. 29

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158 places in his corpus. Sermons 19 and 20, both on Good Friday, contain only passing references to Jews. In Sermon 19, Jews were mentioned as playing a role in the death of Christ, b The present reading of the gospel displays the injuries which our Lord and Savior suffered at the hands of the Jews and the Gentiles for the salvation of humanity. 30 Instead of blaming the Jews unique ly, Chromatius took pains to present Jews and Gentiles as equally responsible for the death of Christ. There is one other mention of Jews in the sermon, which has in his left hand now the people of the Jews who persecuted Chris t This short statement stands as the only negative reference to Jews in the two sermons on the passion of Christ. References to the Jews in the sermons from the Easter Vigil were also fairly tame by the standards of late antique authors and even Chromat ius. Sermons 15, 16, 17, and 17a all come from the Easter Vigil, yet sermons 15 and 17a do not mention Jews at all. Sermon 17 contained references to the standard trope of the unbelief of the Jews and he Jewish people did not wa nt to believe, affirmed, and for this reason incurred death 31 was covered by darkness, lest it be compelled to take part in the crimes of the Jews. The sun shuddered at the great crime of the Jews. 32 But even here, the r hetoric is short and not essential to the sermon. Chromatius did not dwell on the Jews or their actions. Perhaps even more surprisingly, sermon 16 has only one mention of Jews. Chromatius commented that 30 Sermon 19.1 31 Sermon 17.1 32 Ibid, 17.2

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159 Although the Jews and even the pagans seem strangers to this celebration, they are not without joy, because they are conquered by a secret grace and goodness which comes from the name of Christ who reigns over everything. Many Pagans and Jews celebrate the festival of our vigil as their own even with glad he arts, if not with religious practices. 33 Chromatius reported an astonishing fact here. Pagans and Jews were present in the Easter church service in Aquileia! Even though they were not converted, they joined in the festival of the night, remaining until the Eucharist along with the catechumens. Based on what is known of late antique religious culture, it is certainly not surprising that non Christians, particularly pagans, would join in a major religious festival. The fact that Jews would participate is remar kably and, frankly, questionable. While numerous records of Christians and pagans attending synagogues exist, the mention of Jews in a church is exceedingly rare. Besides a few occasional reports from the east, where the Jew was typically portrayed as heck ling the preacher, Jews did not have an interest in church. Yet, here, at the Easter vigil, he was uncommonly generous to Jews. He affirmed that they reap the benefits of Easter with glad hearts. He took pains to include both Jews and pagans in the festival. Lest the reader begin to get the sense that friendliness to the Jews was normative for Chromatius, a quick glance through the non Easter sermons reveals a rhetoric al abuse which was frequent and brutal. Even in the other four homilies associated with festival days, Chromatius was not kind. In sermons associated with the Christmas season, Chromatius openly declared his appraisal of the Jews. Describing the events of Christmas Day, he preached: 33 Sermon 16:3.

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160 unbelief, it was not worthy to receive Christ into itself. But we rightly un derstand the inn to be the synagogue because just as the diverse races meet in the inn, so the synagogue has become the inn of all unbelief and all errors, and so Christ could never find a place there. 34 The synagogue was identified not just with a rejectio n of Christ, but with an embrace of all other sorts of errors. The synagogue had nothing to redeem it from perfidy for He intends bitterness for the treachery of the synagogue, which did not wan t to receive the preaching of John. 35 A major theme on the treachery of the synagogue appears here, a theme which will reappear in seven other sermons. In Lenten sermons, Chromatius was also venomous. He continued the theme of treachery, dwelling on the figure of Christ in Joseph from Genesis: The Jews offered thirty pieces of silver for the Lord, the Ishmaelites twenty of gold for Joseph. The Ishmaelites paid more for the servant than the Jews for the Lord. The Ishmaelites respected in Joseph the image o f Christ; the Jews had contempt for the truth which was in Christ. Therefore, the Jews offered a meaner price for Christ, for they placed a meaner price on the passion of the Lord. 36 Chromatius was not only vicious during Lent, but also at moments of great ritual importance like baptismal instruction and during fasts. 37 The examples of such viciousness could go on and on. Of all the references to Jews in his 42 sermons, only two adopt a positive tone. Both appear in Easter sermons. In non Easter sermons, Chr omatius went to great lengths to expound on the useless nature of the synagogue, 34 Sermon 32.3. 35 Sermon 21:3. 36 Sermon 24:4. 37 For baptismal instructions see Sermon 14. For Fasting see Sermons 3, 25 and 28.

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161 the treachery of the Jews, and the adoption of the nations in their place. For some reason, however, Chromatius did not wish to insult Jews during the festival of Easter. It b egs the obvious question: why was Chromatius nicer at Easter? While a conclusive answer is beyond our reach, three possible explanations come to mind. First, Chromatius might have been responding to ritualized violence in the community which occurred again st Jews around Easter. He may have wanted to tamp down violence in the community and not inflame passions which ran high during the commemoration of the crucifixion. Yet the earliest recorded example of violence at Easter time comes from Toulouse in 1018. 38 Even though scholars believe this was not the first outbreak, the likelihood of the practice being six hundred years old without any comment stretches credulity. For all the rhetorical attacks on Jews in Christian writings and sermons, actual documented v iolence against Jews in the western half of the Roman Empire was extremely rare before the seventh century. 39 In fact there is only one documented case in the west before the time of Chromatius. Ambrose admitted to Theodosius that some Christians in Rome bu rnt a synagogue in the 380s. 40 Besides this, there is no record of violence against Jews in the West prior to 400. 41 Shortly after 38 David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996), 202. 39 The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Eds. Adam Becker and Annette Reed (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2 003), 63; Mark Humphries, Communities of the Blessed: Social Environment and Religious Change in Northern Italy, AD 200 400 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 99 101, 210 214. 40 Ambrose, Ep 40:23. The issue of the synagogue in Aquileia is dealt wit h in the next section. As I am not including it here, I obviously do not count its possible burning as an incidence of violence. 41 The record for the East is not particularly long either pre 400. Lellia Ruggini, Settentrionale fra il IV e il VI Secolo D.Cr. (Rome: Pontifical University, 1959), 205 208.

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162 which is remarkable for both its violenc e and uniqueness. 42 Nothing else like it is recorded from antiquity. In fact, several scholars write about the relative calm which reigned in late antique urban cities. Paula Fredriksen explains the heightened rhetoric against Jews in patristic discourse ag ainst a backdrop of generally peaceful mundane interaction: reliable measure of the actual separation of these communities or as an accurate index of a more general hostility. On the contrary: the vitality of habitual contacts, both social and religious, between Christians and repetitiveness of patristic invective. 43 Based on the general scarcity of evidence of violenc the absence of any other evidence in his sermons of violence in Aquileia, it is safe to say that his tempering of abuse to Jews at Easter was not related to the threat of violence. The second possible explanation assume s that Chromatius accurately reported that Jews attended the Easter Vigil and responded to their presence by attempting to convert them. This possibility is strengthened by the evidence of one Peter the Jew. An epitaph found in a chapel in Grado (the port of Aquileia, about 4 miles from the city center and under the diocese of Aquileia) reports that the deceased had converted from Judaism. The epitaph reads: Here rests Peter, also called Papario, son of Olympius the Jew, and the only one of his race who des erved to reach the grace of Christ. In this holy 42 Scott Bradbury, Severus of Minorca: Letter on the Conversion of the Jews (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 53 57. 43 Fredriksen Augustine 101.

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163 building he was buried worthily on July 14 th in the fourth year of the indiction cycle. 44 The inscription has been dated to the first half of the fifth century, based on the construction of the church and the dating system. 45 While certainly not representative of the wider Jewish community, it does suggest that conversion of some Jews to Christianity was not unknown. Given the close proximity and date of this inscription to ly possible that the language employed at Easter, while not completely devoid of vitriol, was noticeably more collegial in an attempt to convert the Jews attending the Christian services around Easter. The problem with this theory is that in several of his own sermons Chromatius suggests the impossibility of Jewish conversion. If he was so concerned with trying to convert Jews that he tempered his language at Easter, why did he suggest at other points that Jews were hopelessly lost and could not partake in the grace of baptism? In fact the Gentiles came and were cured; the Jews there did not want to come: thus they remain in perpetual disease. 46 He the benefit of such waters. 47 And lest the reader think that Chromatius only dealt with historical Jews, he went to great lengths to connect the J ews of the Bible with the Jews of the modern synagogue for his listeners. In sermon 13, he clearly affirmed: 44 David Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe: Volume 1: Italy (excluding the City of Rome), Spain and Gaul ( New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993 ) 13. 45 Ibid 14. 46 Sermon 14:1. 47 Sermon 14:3

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164 [I] t was not the walls of the city which killed the prophets, or stoned him who had been sent, but the people of the synagogue. It is they who kill ed the prophets long ago and they who stoned the just. But perhaps they say the Jews now are not responsible for the blood of the prophets or the death of the just because they were not there at that time. But when they do not believe the words of the prop hets or the just about Christ, then it is like they are now stoning the just and killing the prophets. Chromatius explicitly stated that the Jews of the synagogue in Aquileia were just as responsible for the death of Christ and the prophets as the Jews of the Bible. His approach broke down the wall between rhetorical Jews based on biblical accounts, on the one hand, and the friends and neighbors in Aquileia, on the other. If Chromatius was trying to convert Jews listening to his sermons, it was a rare occas ion and certainly not in keeping with his usual approach. Finally, this second explanation leads to a third related possibility. As previously documented, the urban religious environment of late antique Aquileia allowed for movement between places of worsh ip. It may be that Chromatius, while not always friendly to Jews, respected their presence in Aquileian religious culture to a point, in keeping with Roman traditions. A shared religious culture was a marker of Roman urban life. 48 Certainly pagans and perha ps Jews participated, if only in a limited manner, in major Christian festivals. It is certain that Christians did the reverse. They attended the synagogue and participated in the feast of the Kalends. Perhaps Jews, though certainly at a lesser rate than C hristians, also participated in other religious celebration in Sermon 16 may date from the Spring of 402 when the city had just survived an attack 48 The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire eds. Judith Lieu et al (New York: Routledge, 1992), 187 191.

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165 by Alaric the Goth and h is army. 49 If this was the case, pagans, Christians and Jews When death was on the line, the source of salvation mattered less than the possibility that it existed. The Jewish community of Aquileia was part of the same culture and shared the same concerns and approaches to religious life as all other citizens of the city. Jews in Aquileia Attempting to trace the presence of Jewish groups in late antiquity is difficult. While we can be reasonably certain that Jews were living and worshipping in Aquileia throughout the fourth century, attempting to estimate their numbers or influence is more difficult. The accepted narrative suggests that Jewish spread throughout the Empir e roughly coincided with the spread of Christianity. 50 Yet one exception is found in Aquileia from the first century BC. An inscription records a Jewish freedman named L. Aiacius Dama who worked in the customs house. 51 Despite the early arrival of Jews in Aq uileia, however, few records of Jewish life survive, just as in most of the rest of the West. The seminal work on the subject, Lellia Cracco Ebrei e Orientali offers far reaching evidence, both textual and archeological, for the exis tence 49 At the end of the S ermon 16 our heart, all our faith, so that he may deliver us from all invasions of our enemies remain silen merits, but according to his clemency, it is because he is accustomed to mercy even to the unworthy. So that he deigns to do this, we ought to pray as much as we Sermon 16:4. See Chapter 4 for background on this sermon and more on a possible link between Jews and Barbarians in toric. 50 The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire eds. Judith Lieu et al (New York: Routledge, 1992), 97 123. 51 Noy 11 13.

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166 of extensive Jewish communities throughout Northern Italy in the fourth century and after She links Jews to trade networks and follows the standard archetype of the merchant Jewish trader. 52 The work may very well suffer from its proximity to anti Se mitic rhetoric of the early twentieth century, as she assumes that Jewish wealth would have provoked Christian envy and incited preachers to inflame religious devotion into pogroms. More recent scholarship has tended to interpret anti Jewish rhetoric of Ch ristian leaders as limited to rhetoric and not necessarily reflecting actual violence. 53 Cracco Ruggini herself has pulled back from her mid twentieth century interpretation of violence, but she maintains some ultimately questionabl e positions on the existe nce of a synagogue in Aquileia. 54 The question of the synagogue in Aquileia is wrapped up in larger Jewish and imperial issues. The point of agreement for scholars seems to be that there was a synagogue in Aquileia in the fourth century. Beyond this, the is sue is hazy. A tradition exists that the synagogue burned to the ground in 388 while Ambrose was in Aquileia to consecrate Chromatius as bishop of the city following Valerian on 26 November. 55 A sixteenth century author of a chronicle of Aquileia an d its surrounding region wrote that the places of the Jewish synagogue in Aquileia had been burnt on the 52 Ruggini, Ebrei e Orientali 236 241. 53 On the rhetor ic of violence between Jews and Christians see: Lieu, Image and Reality 250 ; Fredriksen, Augustine 79 104. 54 Lellia Cracco Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Mil an: Silvana Editoriale, 2008) 184 185. 55 J. Palanque, la fin du quatrime sicle (Paris: 1933), 523.

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167 orders of Ambrose. 56 In this version, Ambrose was at the head of a Christian mob he whipped up to destroy the synagogue. While this is a wonderful story and especially interesting given the situation in Europe in 1521, the actual historical value for a study of fourth century Italy rather than sixteenth century Venice strains the limits of acceptable evidence. Suffice to say, the actual evidence is more l imited. We do know that Ambrose was in Aquileia in 388, presumably to consecrate Chromatius (a fair leap of faith in itself ). 57 Whil e in Aquileia, Ambrose received word of the destruction of the synagogue in Callicinum and the punishment imposed on the bish op of that city. Ambrose composed two letters while in the town, most notably the letter to Theodosius asking that the punishment be rescinded. In the midst of this letter, Ambrose asks that the emperor puni here. 58 On this l one adverb the debate turns. Cracco Ruggini holds that Ambrose is literally confessing to leading a mob to destroy the synagogue in Aquileia in accordance with the legend. 59 The issue of synagogue destruction may have been related to the imperial politics of the moment as well. Theodosius himself may have been in Aquileia at the time having just defeated the western usurper Magnus Maximus. 60 In one lette r Ambrose refers to Maximus as becoming a Jew and some scholars have taken this statement as a s uggest io n that 56 Quibus ferme diebus iis locis Sinagoga Iudeorum, et Lucus Valentinianorum, quia monachos Christianos uexauerant, incense fuere: ea cum Theodosii iussu per Antistitem Aquileiensam veluti facti aucthorem instauranda essent, Ambrosius Archepiscopus Mediolanensis indignitate rei perculsus ad Imperatorem profect us Giovanni Candido, Commentariorum Aquileiensium Libri Octo (Venetiis: Alex. De Bindonis, 1521), 46, quoted in Ruggini, Ebrei, 198. 57 Based on Ambrose Ep. 40 and 41. For more on the relationship between Ambrose and Chromatius, see Chapter 2. 58 Ambr ose, Ep. 40.8 59 Ruggini, Ebrei 200. 60 46; Orosius, 7.35.1 5; Theodoret, 5.15.

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168 Maximus was closely associated with Jews and surmised that in the wake of defeat, synagogues were vandalized due to this association. 61 In this reading, his nearby victory over Maximus. Neil McLynn, however, reads the passage as an extended metaphor, in which Ambrose was associating himself with the church everywhere. 62 McLynn suggests that no actual violence took place, and indeed, most scholars tend to agree Beyond the destruction of a synagogue in Rome in the 380s and possibly the actions of Bishop Stephen in Minorca in 418 no violence against Jews is recorded in the western half of r as suggesting that the synagogue in Aquileia was burned as an In this reading, Ambrose asked Theodosius quite impudently, why he should not be punished for being in town when this happened. Again, this reading is interesting, but it does not follow the tenor of the letter clearly. Cracco Ruggini conclusion about the destruction of the synagogue is problematic no matter what legend s written in sixteenth century Venice say. So what are we to conclude about the presence (or la ck thereof) of a synagogue in Aquileia during the tenure of Chromatius? I agree with McLynn that Ambrose did not take part in any synag ogue destruction. It follows from the commercial trade and the 61 Was it not the very reason why Maximus was abandon ed, that before he set out on his expedition, hearing that a synagogue had been burnt at Rome, he sent an edict thither, acting as if he were the guardian of public order. Wherefore the Christians said, No good awaits this man. That king is become a Jew, and we have heard of him as a protector of order On the pro Jewish character of Maximus see: Lellia Cracco Ruggini, romazio e gli ebrei di Aquileia, i n Aquileia AAAd 12 ( Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1977 ), 365. 62 Neil Mclynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 299.

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169 epigra phic evidence of Ruggini and Noy respectively that a sizable Jewish community thrived in Aquileia. Even if the synagogue did burn as a result of natural circumstances, there is no reason to conclude that it was no t rebuilt or that the Jews ceased to meet during the tenure of Chromatius. He most clearly uses the synagogue as a reference for the Jewish community not the physical building, in Aquileia just as one would use the term church to connote the corporate group of people defining themselves as Chri stians, even if they met in a house or other building. B ased on the presumed size of Aquileia and the evidence previously cited, one would reasonably expect to find a synagogue in Aquileia in the 390s. Anti Use of th e synagogue as a substitute for the Jewish religious community was of course a common rhetorical device in antiquity. Chromatius devoted significant attention to the synagogue as the former home of the chosen of God. In one of his more creative allegories, he described the synagogue as an abandoned nest, her chicks the prophets and apostles taken by Christ: This noble traveler, when he was in the body of our flesh, went along the road of this world, and finding a bird with chicks in the nest, which is the s ynagogue in the nest of the law with its children, took the chicks and left the mother. 63 We understand the house to be the churc h and the nest the synagogue. The nest is a temporary thing, just as the synagogue had grace for a time, so long as it had with itself in the nest the little ones, which were the prophets and apostles. But when they were withdrawn from the nest by Christ a nd given to his bride, which is the church, the synagogue was left as an abandoned nest 64 63 Psalms 84:3 64 Sermon, 1:2.

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170 Chromatius was clear in his super sessionist ideology: the church replaced the synagogue as the home of true worship. Chromatius did not suggest here that the replace ment was the result of error or unbelief on the part of Jews (though he certainly did elsewhere as the following pages show). Rather, it was the temporary nature of the nest itself. The synagogue was never meant to be permanent. It was always merely housin g the prophets and apostles temporarily until Christ came. Grace came from the saintly inhabitants rather than from proper behavior or belief. This approach clearly c ult of the martyrs. 65 The saintly contagion was so strong as to even extend grace to the synagogue for a time. Yet after this manner of grace was removed by Christ, the synagogue was left as an abandoned nest, no longer serving any purpose. With the withdr was left empty to be filled. In the place of the saints, their opposites filled the void according to Chromatius. Speaking of the inn from the nativity story which was too full to give space t o Mary and Joseph Chromatius suggest ed that the inn which refused Christ was because just as the diverse peoples meet in the inn, so the synagogue was made the inn of all unbe lief and all errors, and thus Christ could never find a place there. 66 Instead of remaining empty, Chromatius identified the synagogue as the new home of all errors. More than simply unbelief, the synagogue perpetuated errors of belief and practice. Set i n juxtaposition to the nations of the world, Chromatius portrayed the 65 Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 3 4; Robert Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 146 151. 66 Sermon, 32:3.

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171 synagogue as being a home to every former error of religion when the nations abandoned their idols for faith in Christ and the church. The errors of the diverse peoples ( gentes in the La tin) are not erased from the earth but transferred into the synagogue. Chromatius would return to the comparison between the Jewish community and peoples outside the Roman Empire on numerous occasions, with Jews always on the wrong end of the comparison. 67 While Chromatius described the synagogue as a home to errors of belief, he did not indulge in any of the common slanders on Jews for their debauchery and immorality. 68 It is easy to miss what Chromatius was not doing in the midst of his attacks on Jews, b ut he did not connect Jews with sexual impropriety, evils lusts, love of sin, or the like in his sermons. While it is impossible to prove that he never did this, his sermons stand in stark contrast to those of other contemporary preachers. Most notable and useful for this purpose is the work of John Chrysostom. Preacher in Antioch from 386 388, his sermons are roughly contemporary with those of Chromatius. His preaching on the topic of Jews and Christians who attended synagogues has been orrible and violent denunciations of Judaism to be found in the 69 Chrysostom impugned the synagogue for drunkenness, gluttony, dancing, greed, and being a home to both prostitutes and 67 For more on this theme of the juxtaposition of the Jews to the soon to be converted barbarians (nations) see Chapter 4 68 I am indebted to Francoise Thelamon for noting this at the end of her essay on Chromatius and Rufinus. See: Francoise Thelamon, vaines illusions des juif incrdules selon Chromace et Rufin Ed. Jean Michel Poinsotte. ( Mont Saint Aignan: Universit de Rouen, 2001 ), 114. 69 James Parkes, Prelude to Dialogue London, 1969, quoted in Robert Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4 th Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), xv.

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172 effeminate men. 70 Of course, these ac cusations were common ones used against any opponent. Chrysostom accused the emperor Julian and heretics of many of the same vices. These rhetorical blows were part of a stock dramatic invective in antiquity, not only used by Christians. 71 Yet the commonali ty of the attacks makes it all the more remarkable that Chromatius did not employ them. He did mention the unbelief, the rejection, and the problematic nature of Jews, but he never presented them as morally inferior. Their sub status within Aquileian socie ty rested on the split in the religious community, not on their sinful practices. He did, however, maintain one long held trope about Jews: their active persecution of Christians. Continuing the theme of the evil of the synagogue, Chromatius developed one of the most common patristic tropes, that of Jews as persecutors. 72 Relating the story of Elijah, who suffered persecution at the hands of that most evil woman, Jezebel, stood for a type of the Lord, who suffered persecution by the synagog ue, a sacrilegious woman. 73 While continuing the Christ killer motif, the accusation also tied the synagogue into a history of persecution of Christianity. Thus, Chromatius portrayed the opposition between the two religious communities as emanating from th e Jews, not the Christians. He continued the rhetorical pattern with a long diatribe against the Jews. 70 Wilken, 118 123. 71 Wilken, 112 116. On the dramatic nature of anti Jewish invective in late antique preaching see: Judit Kecskemti, (Paris: Honor Champion, 2005), 13 19. 72 This trope appears as far back as the New Testament (Acts 12:1 3; 2 Cor. 11:23 26; Gal. 4:29). Later writers su ch as Justin Martyr ( Dialogue with Trypho, 133), Tertullian ( Scorpiace, 10), and Origen ( Contra Celsus, 6:27) perpetuate it Modern scholars are disinclined to believe that there was widespread persecution of Christians at the hands of Jews. See: Judith Lieu, Image and Reality, 180 and 281. 73 Sermon 25:4

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173 But what was unique in this instance was that he connected current Jews inhabiting Aquileia with those of the biblical past: After many rebukes which he had made of the impiety of the scribes and Phar rebuked here under the name Jerusalem is not the walls of Jerusalem, but the inhabitants of the city, or rather the synagogue of the Jews, which is very often called Jerusalem. For it was not the walls of the city which killed the prophets, or stoned him who had been sent, but the people of the synagogue. It is they who killed the prophets long ago and they who stoned the just. But perhaps some say the Jews now are not responsible for the blood of the prophets or the death of the just because they were not there at that time. But when they do not believe the words of the prophe ts or the just about Christ, then it is as if they are now stoning the just and killing the Thus we are right to say, even today we see the Jews persecuting the just and killing the prophets since they do not believe the words of the just and the prophets about Christ. 74 Taken together, these two passages from two different sermons provide a picture of the approach Chromatius took to the synagogue. He tied the synagogue to nefarious characters in th e Bible but also affirmed that they practiced the same treachery in the present day. The suggestion that Jews actively persecuted Christians both throughout culture of an tiquity which was built on a modicum of toleration for difference, if not an embrace of it. How could a believer visit a synagogue if the synagogue was trying to persecute his religious community? Even if it did not reflect reality, the trope of persecutio n, which Chromatius repeated here, aimed to further divide the two religious communities. In the same vein, Chromatius attempted to make clear to his listeners that the The synagogue of the Jews cannot 74 Sermon, 13:1. The internal quote is from Matthew 23:37.

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174 be cal led the church, because it refuses to believe in the incarnation of Christ from a virgin and to hear spiritual preaching. 75 Just in case any of his listeners might visit the synagogue (as was probably the case), Chromatius made clear that the two instituti ons were not the same. Yet his need to make this statement reflects the reality that some maintained the two were indeed compatible, if not even the same. To prove his point about incompatibility, all that Chromatius had to fall back on was the unbelief of the Jews. Unbelief a willing unbelief it should be noted is the single most common theme elief of So by not wanting to believe in this l ife [which is Christ] the Jews incurred death; but we ought to believe in him so we can evade death 76 Chromatius presented the Je wish rejection of Christ as the antithesis of the church. 77 This willing rejection was portrayed as a 78 And while Chromatius 75 Sermon, 30:1 76 Sermon, 17:2. 77 Christ, may have been related to Arianism or other Christian groups which were labeled heretical. In this way, the group was identified with the primary anti thesis of the church, the synagogue. See: David Journal of Early Christian Studies 9 (2001): 478. I do not believe that this was the case in Aquileia. Arians and othe to have vanished or dwindled to negligible numbers in Aquileia by the time of Chromatius. And unlike Milan, there was a sizable Jewish community in Aquileia Thus, I think it is safe to conclude Chromatius is concerned with Jews a nd not other Christians. See Chapter 3 for the explanation. For a co ntrary view see 114. 78 The evolution of the portrayal of Jewish unbelief in patristic sources is the topic of excellent work Origin of Satan Pagels demonstrates a shift in rhetoric from the New Testament to later writers which slowly assimilates the Jewish rejection with the work of Satan. Rather than being deceived or ignorant about the nature of Christ, the Jews were portrayed as will ingly committing deicide. Since Chromatius never mentioned the devil and Jews in close proximity, let alone as deceiving them into deicide, it is safe to place him towards the end of the continuum.

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175 mentioned the unbelief of the Jews at numerous other points in his sermons, I will pass over most of them and move to one particularly interesting aspect of their unbelief. 79 In the sermons of Chromatius, the unbelief of the Jews was presented in stark contrast to the belief of the nations. In one sermon that typified this contra st Chromatius While the Jewish people were questioning and doubting the coming of Christ, the G entiles came before them and received the first healing; they who were first in healing, became first in the faith. 80 Laying aside the wondrous fact t hat the first Christians were apparently Gentiles and not Jews, Chromatius placed the Jewish rejection of Christ into a context where they are isolated from the rest of humanity. If Jews do become Christian, it is after the fact, behind the Gentiles, resul ting in a world which is dominated by Christians while the Jews are relegated to second place status. This particular sermon was on the pool of Bethsaida, which Chromatius turned into an allegory for baptism. Immediately prior to his previous statement con trasting the precedence of Gentiles in healing and faith with the unbelief of the Jews, Chromatius explained: The water of the pool of Bethsaida was only able to heal once a year while the grace of baptism of the church runs each day, overflowing each day through the kings, races, and innumerable people of the nations who enjoy its gift. Only the Jewish people refused to acknowledge the benefit of such waters. 81 The waters of baptism, which the Jews rejected, according to Chromatius, had washed every other person on earth including, most notably, the kings of those nations. The rhetoric served to suggest that the Jews are excluded not only from the salvation of the 79 For the other references see: Sermons 1:3, 4:4, 9:1, 9 :2, 13:1, 14:3, 17:1, 17:2, 27:2, 32:4. 80 Sermon 14:3. 81 Ibid

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176 Christian religion, but also from association with the established power structure. Chromatius them from the rest of the world. 82 Yet the emphasis on baptism would also recall the recent baptism of those listening. This sermon was delivered during the week following Easter and was intended primarily for those who had been baptized on the previous Sunday. The sermon served as an explanation of the ritual which had just taken place to those who had gone through the waters. In short, Chromatius was not merely suggesting that th e Jews believed differently, but that they were now divided by a ritual wall. Jews and Ritual Far more than belief, rituals define and bind a community. Rituals serve to express the nature of group identity. The act of designating insiders and outsiders shows how ritual s can function as a creative exercise of power. And the repetition of the calendar with its rites reinforces the initial act of adherence to a community, deepening the connection. Rituals serve to mark important occasions and provide deeper meaning to otherwise mundane events. 83 Rituals often act as signifiers of important social or cultural beliefs. In particular for Aquileia, it is worth noting the festivals of Easter and Christmas along with the rituals of baptism and fasting. All of these followed a set calendar, a calendar which was becoming more and more controlled by the church. Robert Wilken expresses this tension in John Chrysostom and the Jews when he says: Few things are more important to religious life than the calendar and the cel 82 This theme will be continued and expanded as the subject of the following chapter. 83 Victor Turner, The Ritual Process (Chicago: Aldine, 1969), 94 97.

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177 the date of Easter in the early Church was not simply a minor dispute over calendar. It was a dispute about religious and communal oexist alongside of one another, and often do, but religious practices, by their very nature, force a choice. 84 R ituals follow an established course of time which provides the participant a link both to the historical community and to the natural world. Yet they do more than simply mark time or express conceptions of the world. Rituals identify those inside and outside of the group. Ritual action is not merely a symbolic expr ession of deeply held beliefs but a productive process designed to generate new self identities. 85 By participating in rituals, that is acting receiving and watching, the participant internalizes a conc eptual framework which surrounds and gives meaning to the ritual Catherine Bell notes that, to themselves, each other, and sometime outsiders their commitment and adhe rence to 86 This internalization of the ritual results in the formation of new identities based in the community The ritual functions both as a creative act and as an exercise of the power of the religious community in its labeling of good and bad, inside and outside. We can see the power of rituals at work in Aquileia during the Lenten season when Christians were fasting and at Easter when baptisms were performed. Yet both of these occasions were bound up with Jewish festivals. Fas ting was inherited from the 84 Wilken, John Chrysostom 77 78. 85 I am greatly indebted to Talal Asad for this formulation. See: Asad, Genealogies of Religion 63. 86 Catherine Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 120.

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178 Jews, and many Christian fasts mirrored Jewish fasts. 87 Thus, members of both communities were fasting at the same time. Likewise, Easter was always close to Passover, though the dating by this point had changed so that they coul d never fell on the same day. 88 When Chromatius was bishop, both religious communities were celebrating their festivals during the same week. The close proximity of rituals, not only demonstrated the religious culture of late antiquity was shared between Je ws and Christians, but also occasioned an opportunity to use ritual to create separation between the two groups. To continue on the topic of baptism, Chromatius connected Jews to Christian baptism in several instances. He did not do so with heretics, pa gans, or any other group. Baptism, the ritual of belonging within the Christian community, was placed in stark opposition to the rejection of the Jews. As seen in the sermon cited above, Chromatius contrasted the Jews with those eager to receive healing. W hile belief remained an abstract idea, never perfectly defined, the action of the ritual could not have been ignored by those who just underwent it or witnessed it. Chromatius connected the baptism which these new congregants had just undergone (and the wi tnessing of it by those who had previously been baptized an important part of the ritualized drama) with the resistant nature of the Jews. Thus, Chromatius used baptism to create even greater difference, a difference which was more tangible than a simple d escription of unbelief. 87 For an excellent history of the subject see: Daniel Ben The Ways That Never Parted: Jews And Christians in late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Eds. Adam Becker and Annette Reed (Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 259 282. 88 Eviatar American Sociological Review 47:2 (1982): 284 289.

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179 The contrast between Jews and Christian baptism is continued in another sermon synagogue as child bearing women: For a long time the synagogue had a husband, which was the law that ruled over it. But it was unable to bring forth the fruits of justice and thus the sons produced were useless But the church, which was barren and sterile for a long time, has now become fruitful. Each day it conceiv es a fetus of righteousness gives birth to salvation, and produces countless sons of God, because each day God produces sons from the Church. They are conceived when they come to belief; regenerated through the washing of water, they are born by the bapti sm of God. 89 Here the synagogue was presented as the sterile woman who could not reproduce the baptism of the church. The association of Jews with sterility, along with disease and death in other statements related to baptism, clearly presented Jews as flaw ed from a physiognomic standpoint due to their lack of baptism. Baptism was the ritual which stood as the defining line between Jews and Christians. Whereas belief was concealed in the mind, ritual was physical and visible. So the difference of the Jews wa s depicted as a physical one when it was compared to baptism. The supposed physical difference, even one of disease, served as a means of division between the religious communities. The fact that Chromatius expounded upon this separation extensively only m akes sense if there was actual interaction between Christians and Jews in Aquileia which threatened to muddy the clear boundaries of the two communities. Further confirming this probability is the discussion of the parable of the marriage feast from Matthe w 22. Chromatius explicated the parable with specific reference to the response of the Jews: 89 Sermon, 33:4.

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180 Therefore, when the Jewish people refused to come to such a great and invite as many a come to this wedding, all the nations from which we come, were inv ited there. 90 Chromatius continued to contrast the Jews with the nations based on the rejection of Christ and the subsequent embrace by Gentiles. It is notable that Chromatius explicitly group which was invited due to the Jewish rejection. After clearly positioning Jews in opposition to those listening, he continued explaining the parable and the role of his listeners in it: But we ought to fear or at least be careful lest when the king enters into the marriage hall, he sees us reclining and says to us what is said in the feet. The wedding garment is the saving grace of baptism, which shines with the whiteness of faith, not the splendor of wool Therefore, he who does not receive the grace of baptism or having received it loses it, does not have this kind of nuptial robe. Those who do such he shall find, and the y will be ejected from the wedding and chased into the outer darkness. Therefore we ought to guard our nuptial garment, which we received through the grace of baptism by faith in Christ, intact and without any kind of blemish, in order to be worthy of the spiritual banquet in the Church and to earn a spot in the future kingdom of heaven with the saints and elect of God. 91 Though this passage does not mention Jews, the close proximity to the previous one is crucial. He related the robe which was acquired in baptism to salvation. Yet when he impressed upon his listeners the importance of guarding the robe from baptism, Chroma tius provided no direct object which might threaten it. Instead of mentioning any particular sin or vice, the only threat presented in the sermon, just a few lines earlier in 90 Sermon, 10:4. The internal quotation is from Matthew 22:9 10. 91 Sermon 10:4. The internal quote is Matthew 22:12.

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181 fact, was the Jews. The close proximity of the Jews, in the sermon and as an inst itution, in fact the only opposing force to Christians presented in the sermon, clearly suggested that Jews were dangerous to Christians. The sermon opened with the clear statement, By his many and diverse parables, o ur Lord and Savior proved the Pharisee s and chiefs of the Jews guilty. 92 And the section immediately before the baptismal part of the sermon ended with another strong contrast: By the killing of the bulls for the wedding of his son, the Gospel indicates the judges and prophets, who were killed by the Jews, because they announced that the son of God was t o come and suffer in the However, the fattened calf signifies those infants in Bethlehem who were killed by Herod, because they merited to die for the name of Christ. 93 Chromatius clearly associated the Jewish community with a threat to Christian salvation, primarily in the form of loss of their baptism. He presented the ritual of baptism as a buffer between Christians and Jews, so long as Christians maintained their separation from Jews. W hile Chromatius did not call for Christians to completely shun Jews, as would Maximus of Turin a decade later, the implications were clear. 94 Jews did not just believe differently but were a threat to those serious about their salvation. 95 Another ritual w hich Chromatius used to divide Christians from Jews was that of fasting. As Lent was a time of fasting and preparation for Easter, Chromatius naturally 92 Ser mon 10:1. 93 Sermon, 10:3 94 Maximus of Turin Sermon 63:3. 95 It should be noted that interpretation of th is Commentary on the Romans 8:6, though there, Origen is much more positive about the fate of the Jews to the translation Rufinus made while in Aquileia. Ronald Heine, Origen: Scholarship in the Service of the Church ( New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 202.

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182 spoke of fasting during this period. Even here he connected the practice to the Jews. In fact, of the ni neteen times he mentioned fasting in the sermons, fourteen of the occasions occurred in sermons where Jews were discussed. The remaining five references were all in one sermon. 96 For instance, in Sermon 25, Chromatius because we a re filled with such spiritual food, we ought not to complain about the burden of fasting. 97 Yet earlier in the same sermon on the benefits of fasting and its role in proper religious life, Chromatius attacked the Jews for their abstinence from certain food God fed his servant Elijah in the desert by the ministry of ravens, who brought bread in the morning and meat in the evening to him preached What does this say about the Jews who think that in this world they must abstain from foods which the la w has declared in mystery to be impure? he Jews believe it is good to abstain from impure food, but they, who are filled with the impurity of sins, are never clean. 98 Chromatius attempted to contrast the fastin g of the Christians with the abstinence of the Jews. The Christian ritual, even though it might appear similar to a practice of the Jews, actually constructed a clear difference between the two religious groups. 99 By limiting the ability of his congregants to make connections on a religious level with Jews, Chromatius was attempting to make the ritual of fasting a clear divider for the church. 96 Sermons 3, 25 and 28 contain discussions of Jews and fasting in close proximity. Sermon 35, on Susanna, contains the other five references to the practice. 97 Sermon 25:6. 98 Sermon 25:3. 99 fasting, thus he denied them legitimacy. Fasting for the wrong reasons made the fast illegitamtie for Chromatius. This would have been crucial since many J ewish and Christians fasts aligned on the 267.

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183 The ritual of fasting serves especially well to mark those of a particular religious community because it cuts them off from the most basic connection with other people, sharing food. Catherine Bell notes a modern analogue in the practice of Ramadan: umma ) in contrast to their non 100 Likewise in the a ncient world, those Christians who were fasting could not entertain or dine with non Christians. The ritual created clear lines which could visibly set apart a religious community. Those who participated in the ritual were marked as inside the community, w hile those who did not were clearly outsiders. Conclusion Chromatius devoted many words to the Jews in Aquileia. He made clear to his listeners that the Jews of the local synagogue were the same Jews who had stoned the prophets and murdered god. And to fu rther reinforce the divide between the two religious communities, he connected Jews to important rituals of the church only to denounce their rejection of these defining practices. The effect of ritual in providing clear boundary lines enabled Chromatius t o emphasize greater distance and less sharing between the church and the synagogue in Aquileia. This movement away from the other stands in opposition to the typical Roman urban environment which had long maintained a shared religious culture. Rituals and festivals were celebrated around the same dates, practices were similar, and worshippers moved between church, synagogue, and groups. Although his anti Jewish rhetoric was ta mer at Easter, it seems to be an aberration rather than the norm. Chromatius was interested in defining the Jews not 100 Bell, 124.

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184 simply in opposition to Christians, but also as the opposite of the rest of the human race. Taken with his words contrasting them with barb arians and creating a Roman Jewish dichotomy, a project of alienation in Aquileia was underway.

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185 CHAPTER 6 ADAPTING ROMAN AND CHRISTIAN IDEALS: SPIRITUAL VALUES FOR A NEW AQUILEIAN ELITE Having explored the manner in which Chromatius labeled heretics, Jews and barbarians, we now turn to the related question of what Chromatius intended to accomplish with his radical rhetoric One might say that the demonization of minority groups and conseq uent border definition was its own reward, providing a sharp foil for the identity of the church. Chromatius had already secured his church as the only legitimate arbiter of spiritual currency as the Roman city of Aquileia entered the fifth century after t he birth of Christ. Yet like any good business executive Chromatius would have demanded tha As he explicitly noted in this the church is called a house of spiritual business, where not earthly but heavenly wealth is leant 1 The pursuit of greater profits, in the form of greater spiritual dedication, was the only thing that would keep the church from declining This chapter sketch es the rigorous spiritual practices Chromatius introduced to his church. His promotio n of chastity, fasting and almsgiving reflect a changing religious spirit which was sweeping through the elite of the Italian peninsula during the period. These spiritual disciplines would shape the form of Christianity for the next few centuries in the we stern world. The new disciplines, however, were not unrelated to the liminal actions of the bishop examined earlier Just as Chromatius had marked off his church from other Christians and religions, so he sought to provide markers for those who would be el ite within the Christian community. At the same time he also endeavored to draw in those who had questioned the reality of his project: the creation 1 Sermon 4:3.

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186 of an urban religious community. He framed Christianity as a continuation of classical traditions in order to appeal to elite sentiments. He oversaw an expansion of the material benefits if executed. New M odes of B eing Christian: The Creation of Ascetic Communities In the years af ter the Constantinian revolution, Christian churches slowly began to grow in numbers, but even as late as 350 very little separated the average Christian from the average pagan. 2 It was only in the second half of the fourth century that definition of what it meant to be Christian, which Chapters 3, 4 and 5 partially explored, really began in earnest. Separation from non Christianity became the calling card for clergy, best evidenced by the Trinitarian disputes of the fou rth century which pitted church against church. Separation had always been a sign of holiness and purity, and the claims of those who participated in the splits of the fourth century follow this pattern. By casting out heretics or non Christians, the Chris tian leader could make a claim to holiness which provided spiritual currency. Of course, this process could work in reverse, as evidenced by the biography of Antony. The Vita Antonii described the life of a monk of Egypt and presented his ascetic values i n such a way that many Christians of the following decades abandoned their lives to follow the same course of self denial in the Egyptian desert. 3 Athanasius wrote the work as a justification for his stance against the Arian bishop of Alexandria and the 2 Robert Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 27 30. 3 Markus, 69 74. For one of the best a pproaches to the Vita Antonii see: David Brakke, Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).

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187 emperor Constantius. The ascetic charisma of Antony gave credence to the holiness of Athanasius. What Athanasius might not have expected was the reception of the book in the west as a guide to holiness. After the initial writing around 358, the book was qu ickly disseminated throughout the western churches by monks and supporters of Athanasius. 4 It caused a firestorm of emotions and was quickly translated into Latin, probably by Evagrius of Antioch during his sojourn in Aquileia around 372. 5 Around the same time several prominent Christian bishops went to the east and upon their return introduced new approaches to communal religious practice. Hilary of Poitiers and Eusebius of Vercelli both established forms of ascetic communities in their hometowns upon retu rn from the east. 6 No single event was definitive for the introduction of ascetic ideas to the west; rather each of these actions reflected the developing religious culture of the period. At the end of the fourth century, many western Christians from the s enatorial or equestrian classes began to be drawn to the ascetic ideals of Antony, if not to the exact way of life. Jerome and Augustine were both so moved by the Vita Antonii that they vowed to follow the monastic life, though neither could ultimately fol low through. 7 What 4 Vita Antonii Vigilae Christianae 28:3 (1974): 169 174. For a slight dissent on the dat Vita Antonii Vigilae Christianae 30:1 (1976): 52 54. 5 See C hapter 2n58 for a discussion of this possibility. 6 Phillip Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority and the Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 84 85 I hesitate to call these communities monastic as the term carries to many medieval connotations which did not yet apply. I would limit the usage of the term to a community whose adherents had to take a vow to join and lived under a shared rule. None of t hese communities in Italy shared these features. For that 7 George Lawless, Augustine of Hippo and his Monastic Rule (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 41 43.

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188 Roman ideal of otium to Christian ends. 8 For example, Augustine called his time at Christianae vitae otium 9 Melania the Elder devoted he r widowhood to study of the scriptures. She spent vast amounts on books and support for supposedly ascetic study. Jerome took to the Syrian desert, but spent most of his time in the library of Evagrius of Antioch before founding his own monastery in Palest ine with the widow Paula. Paulinus of Nola renounced his wealth, but used it to support his studies. Melania the Younger also used one of the greatest fortunes in the empire as the basis for study. 10 None of these ascetic converts sought to emulate Antony b y fleeing naked and alone into the desert. Rather, they mirrored the example of Cicero and retreated into a life of contemplation. It was this spirit which inspired the community that gathered around Chromatius in Aquileia in the second half of the fourth century. It was not, strictly speaking, a the east were much more formal and organized. The community at Aquileia seems to have been more informal. Taking into account the mi xing of genders and the transient nature of the adherents, the community stands as an excellent example of a growing approach to spiritual retreat. Perhaps the best explored similar instance was the time spent by Augustine at Cassiciacum. Not a monastic co mmunity but rather a philosophical retreat, the group gathered around Augustine displays clear links to the 8 F.E. Adcock, Roman Po litical ideas and Practice (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1959), Lordship and Community in Medieval Europe ed. Fredric Cheyette (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967), 295; Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 164; Lawless, 5. 9 Augustine, Retractiones 1.1.1. Quoted in: Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo 2 nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 108. 10 For an excellent synopsis of the changes, see Markus, 35 43 and Brown, Eye of a Needle 260 262.

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189 earlier Roman practice of otium cum dignitatae. 11 The informal nature of the community was marked by how quickly it could be dispersed, just as happe ned at Aquileia in 374. In this way, the two groups fall not in the tradition of monastic development leading to Benedictine monasteries, but in private, elite worship which dominated the fourth century. One of the most innovative lines of scholarship from the past decade has been the exploration of how the walls of the church came to define Christians. The quip of urth century. 12 As wealthy, power connected members of society converted to Christianity, they converted their social networks as well rather than converting to the network of the church. The mark of the upper class in Roman society was membership in the or do. This regulated group of town councilors was made up of those wealthy enough to carry the burden of a ordo controlled the wealth and beneficence of Roman cities. The privilege and aloofness preferring to worship in their homes and practice their faith in private rather than in the public space of the church. Kim Bowes and Kate Cooper have both provided excellent examples of this practice th rough archeological and textual studies. 13 Roman elites had no inclination to abandon their strong social privilege for a lesser place in the local church. The result was numerous independent house churches 11 Lawless, 29 37; Brown, Augustine, 108 110. 12 Markus, 28. For an extensive discussion of this topic see: Brown, Eye of a Needle, 45 50. 13 Kim Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, and Religious Change in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 63 102; Kate Cooper, The Fall of the Roman Household (New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 2007), 56 68.

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190 and loosely organized ascetic communities under th e control of their patron rather than the local bishop. Coupled with the continued imperial support for local bishops which rendered them independent of the need for local financial support, a split developed between wealthy practioners of Christianity and the ecclesiastical structure. 14 Bowes, Cooper and Brown all posit that the decline in imperial support (or power, depending on how it is viewed) led to the need for bishops to reign in those rogue elements in order to secure their support. To do so, they c reated a unique, hopefully appealing, space for them in the local church. Writing before Cooper or Bowes, Claire Sotinel suggested that the community in Aquileia headed by Chromatius shared characteristics with these independent, private, wealthy house chu rches. 15 This connection provides a useful corrective to the scholarship which, over the course of several decades, attempted to fit various small communal groups into a pre to describe the values these groups shared, it becomes anachronistic and unhelpful to debate whether a certain community was monastic or part of a tradition which culminated in Benedictine monasticism. 16 Instead of focusing on the later monastic 14 Brown, Eye of a Needle, 50. Kristina Sessa The Formation of Papal Authority in Late Antique Italy ( New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011 ) only came to my attention as this manuscript was being completed, but it als o seems to deal with this subject very well. 15 Claire Sotinel, Identit civique et Christianism: Aquile du IIIe eu Vie sicle (Rome: Ecole Franaise du Rome, 2005), 67 71. 16 Aquileia nel IV Secolo AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1982), 300. Much older scholarship fell into the trap of using medieval terms to explore antique practices. For example, the highly creative and forward thinking work of Aurelia Scholz is marred by her forced attempts to fit the community into a later paradigm. Scholz was a German nun writing her doctoral dissertation in 1934, but it remained unpublished until 1970. Aurelia Scholz, Il Seminarium Aquileiense, trans. G. Brusin, MSF 50 ( Udine: 1970), 5 106. Charles Pietri rightly identified the elite nature of the Aquielian community and its heritage of euergetism, but is caught up in monastic labels. V enetia, Aquileia nel IV Secolo AAAd 22 (Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1982), 129.

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191 patterns, scholars should view th e communities as a continuation of ancient patronage networks. Gift giving, support for intellectuals, and the importance of familial ties were all classic tropes of the Roman elite. 17 The ascetic community at Aquileia led by Chromatius seems to have fit in to this pattern. The family of Chromatius, his brother, sister and mother, were all highly regarded members. Their support of intellectual works, even decades later, reflects the expectations of an elite family. 18 And while no record of gift giving to the c hurch remains, as I will explore below, the explosion of church construction in Aquileia at the end of the fourth century mirrors what happened in Rome roughly a decade earlier. For all these reasons, I argue that the ascetic community at Aquileia, which p roduced numerous bishops, writers, written texts and ascetic monks, functioned as an elite family constructing a patronage network. They acted in ways that were expected of proper elite Romans of that, or any, age. The networks which sprung up around major figures like Symmachus or other Roman elites have been well documented. 19 Christians did not abandon the practice either as the family of Paulinus of Nola and Melania the Elder and Younger provide excellent examples of how a Christian patronage network cou ld and did function. 20 If 17 Brown, Eye of a Needle 53 71. 18 See C hapter 2 on the family of Chromatius and the relationship with Jerome and Rufinus, both of which dedicated multiple work to the patronage of Chromatius. 19 Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 366 382; John Latin Literature of the Fourth Century ed. J.W. Binns (London: Routledge, 1974) 58 99 Les frontiers du eds. Eric Rebillard and Claire Sotinel (Rome: Ecole franciase de Rome: 2010), 247 272. 20 Elizabeth Clark, The Origenist Controversy: The Cult ural Construction of an Early Christian Debate (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 11 J.T.S. n.s. 21 (1970): 56 Ce Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown, eds. Philip Rousseau and Manolis Papoutsakis (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), 129 146.

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192 function in a similar manner on a smaller scale. What was unique about the community in Aquileia and Chromatius, however, was their association wi th the local church. The ascetic community paid homage to the bishop Valerianus during his tenure, and Chromatius took the position of bishop rather than remain in a life of otium 21 In light of the boom in church construction and extensive records of Chris tian euergetism at the Christianization which was taking place throughout the west at the time. 22 The shift towards a more publicly integrated Christianity was the signific ant change of the late fourth century. As Roman elites took on greater public roles in the church, they slowly transformed cultural attitudes about religion in favor of a single e services in their homes as traditional Roman practice dictated for those who could afford it, elites were increasingly expected to be active and visible in their local church. 23 And as private worship declined, the public acceptance of synagogue, temple a nd church disappeared in favor of a unitary religious landscape. The shift of elites out of their homes and into the church allowed for greater local control of religion and new expectations about its role in urban life. Patronage networks would come to ce nter around the church in urban environments as prestige and wealth flowed into it from local 21 See C ole in the city. 22 For an excellent study on the large epigraphic record of increasing public displays of devotion in Wo men, Wealth and Power in the Roman Empire, eds. Paivi Setala et al ( Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, 2002), 248 250. 23 Bowes, 63 102.

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193 elites rather than from the emperor. But what caused this cultural shift? We have seen previously how fights over forms of Christianity gave the local bishop grea ter privilege and standing. Arguments about Judaism, heretics and barbarians aligned so as to unite the general anxieties and give the fears an outlet in the form of greater devotion to the church. The growing authority of the church in Aquileia, especiall y in the person of the bishop, provided the impetus for a shift towards greater control of private lives. The final factor in drawing the elites of Aquileia under the control of the church was the opening of new forms of theology and spirituality within th e church that appealed to elite tendencies. Chromatius on Perfection At the end of the fourth century, some Roman Christians found themselves embroiled in a controversy with astrologers about the nature of the universe and human free will. It was in respon se to these rather elite concerns that the works of Origen were translated into Latin by Rufinus. The works of the third century Egyptian caused upheaval in the elite Christian circles, with some holding tightly to his ideas about human perfectibility and others rejecting his ideas. The sermons of Chromatius do not explicitly cite Origen. Yet given his relationships with Jerome and Rufinus, he was Chromatius was likely depend ent on Origen in the composition of his Tractates on Matthew 24 Thus, while it is impossible to say when Chromatius might have been theological underpinnings of his ser mons. 24 Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age Eds. Pier Franco Beatrice and Alessio Persic (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 193 226.

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194 virtues and perfection. The theological ideas and the ascetic impulses they often inspired could attract the persons from whom he was seeking support. Chromatius and Origen In 397, Macarius, a Roman noble, reque sted that Rufinus provide him with an answer for the mathematici 25 These astrologers held that the fate of the world and all people was written in the heavens, unable to be altered by the agency of men. As an Per i Archon or On First Principles His translation ran afoul of certain persons in Italy, and then Jerome, who branded him a heretic. Much of the question of the orthodoxy of Origen surrounded the origin of souls and universalistic questions. 26 Rufinus, to protect his reputation, fled from Rome to Aquileia where he lived from roughly 399 405. 27 While there, he continued translating 28 Although un embroiled in the controversy, Chromatius had easy access to the ideas of Origen, and it seems he adapted the theological ideas about the change which occurs after salvation. agency of every person for good or evil. 29 25 Rufinus, Apology to Jerome I:11. 26 On the debate over Origenism the standard work is still: Clark, The Origenist Controversy .. 27 JTS n.s.:28 (1977): 386 397. 28 The list of translations of Origen he produced at Aquileia included: Homilies on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Joshua, Judges, Psalms, and Commentary on Romans. Other works he translated there i nclude: Rule of St. Basil, eight sermons of Basil, nine sermons of Gregory Naziazus, Eusebius Ecclesiastical History, History of the Monks of Egypt, and the Sentences of Sextus. For a full list of the translated works see: Francis Murphy, Rufinus of Aquileia (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1945), 101 119. 29 The best introductions to Origen are: Mark Edwards, Origen against Plato (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002); Ronald Heine, Origen: Scholarship in the Service of the Ch urch (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Henri Crouzel, Origen trans. A.S. Worrall (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989).

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195 creatures ar 30 Although acknowledging the tragedy of the fall in Adam, Origen held a much more positive anthropology than later writers like Augustine. The incarnation of Christ had served as proof that the human form, body and soul, could be perfected. 31 He described sanctification, the process by which a Christian moves upward along the path of salvation, in Greek terms of illumination and ascent. [T]hose who have become worthy to reach this stage [of salvation] through the sanctification of the Holy Spirit nonetheless pursue the gift of wisdom by which furnishes existence to all is found to be more brilliant and majestic, 32 In this passage, Origen described a hierarchy of salvation. Each level of salvation would m of forms, God corresponds to a higher reality. The soul is able to climb upwards thanks to the moral purity created in it the father, Son and Holy Spirit commences to lead us though each grade of proficiency one by one, we can with difficulty, if at any time, set our eyes upon the holy and blessed 33 Origen held that it was possible to achieve a union with God by advancing though grades of moral proficiency denoted by Christian virtues. Although Origen was unclear about the timing of this union, (be it in this life or the next), the notion that the mind 30 Origen, On First Principles 2.9.6. 31 Ibid, 2.6.2 4. 32 Ibid, I.3.8. 33 Ibid.

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196 could reach perfection was certainly present in his works. 34 For Origen, the Christian was in control of his or h er moral development. The source of virtue was the indwelling of God following baptism, but the working out of that virtue was practice in daily life. Chromatius attempted to spread these Origenistic ideas of perfection to the urban elite he was trying to attract to his church. His language on the topic betrayed his familiarity with the world of these privileged citizens and their longstanding views on virtue and vice. Chromatius adopted the idea of achieving perfection through the accumulation of virtues. For instance, Chromatius compared the eight beatitudes to: [T] his ladder of Jacob, whose top reached from the e arth to heaven. Whoever climbs to the top finds the gates of heaven, and entering through them, stands joyously without end in the sight of God, praising the Lord with his holy angels throughout eternity. 35 He presented the eight virtues laid out in the Sermon on the Mount as building on one scala ( gradus ). Each step was a level which had to be mastered before ascending to the next. tractates. The motif of the ladder occurs in another sermon in which the acquisition of virtue after virtue represen ts progressive steps in the climb to heaven: The ladder which is planted on the earth and extends to heaven is the cross of Christ, which gives us access to heaven and leads us up to heaven. On this ladder, many steps of virtues have been inserted, by means of whi ch we ascend to heaven. F aith, justice, modesty, holiness, patience, reverence and all the other good things that are virtues are the rungs of this ladder, by which we will reach up to heaven if we ascend faithfully. 36 34 In his preface to the Commentary on Romans for e xample, Origen referred to Paul as a fully integrated person, i.e. someone who had achieved this harmony and ascended to the third heaven (something Paul claimed in 2 Corinthians 12:2 4). Origen, Commentary on Romans Pref. 35 Chromatius Sermon 41:10. 36 Se rmon 1:6.

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197 The nature of the ascent i s less abstract here. Chromatius named specific virtues which must be obtained before reaching the summit. Like Origen before him, Chromatius spoke of the process of salvation in the language of ascent judged by the acquisition of moral virtues. Virtue was not necessarily the means by which one got into heaven, but it transformation of the Holy Spirit in the life of the Christian. They were only possible after baptism. Chr If we are field, which is the Church of Christ, but buried happily because we are dead to th is wo uried to vice, we rise again in virtue. 37 After being baptized and buried in regard to the vices of the world, the new Christian could and must begin to live a virtuous life. The acquisition of virtues, their practice and their m But the divine virtues are necessary, like vegetables, so that one can recover the health of salvation Chromatius affirmed. 38 Without virtue(s), it was impossible to please God. S alvation was independent of them, coming through the gift of grace in baptism. Yet failing to carry out the transformation which had occurred in the new spirit was akin to rejecting the gift of grace. The goal of the Christian was not just heaven, but harm ony, harmony with the divine, the good and the beautiful. The only question left was how to acquire those virtues. Chromatius spent much of his sermons on the importance of certain virtues, 37 Sermon 20. 38 Sermon 12:8.

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198 virtues which fit into the ethos of Aquileia and furthered his con struction of a more centralized Christian community. Origenism A pplied in Aquileia avenues of religious practice and new questions for his church. In the east, many followed the theolo gy to what might be its logical conclusion. Origen mutilated his own body to save it from sin. Antony fled the sinful city after putting his sister in a convent. Pachomius and his monks built a new holy, city in the desert. Even in the Latin world and in A quileia a number of prominent individuals renounced their normal lives to seek refuge either in the desert, or remote islands. 39 Others in Italy feared that the application of the theology in the quest of personal perfection might create a split in the Chri stian community between a kind of spiritual elite and the laity. 40 Chromatius attempted to spread Origenistic ideas of perfection to the urban elite he was trying to attract to his church. His language on the topic betrayed his familiarity with the world of these privileged citizens and their longstanding views on wealth, luxury and ambition. attract the persons from whom he was seeking support. As Peter Brown has recent ly demonstrated in his work on wealth in the later Roman Empire, the Christian perspective on riches throughout the fourth century was 39 Jerome went to the Syrian desert for two years before returning to society. The monk Bonosus, who Aegean sea. Jero me, Epistle 3:4. 40 This fear was best exemplified by Jovinian. He attacked the idea of a spiritual elite denoted by their self denial, emphasizing the centrality of baptism and grace over spiritual virtues. Jerome wrote Adversus Jovinianum to defend the im 42; David Hunter, Fourth T heological Studies 48 (1987): 45 64.

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199 not all that original or distinct from the traditional Roman view. 41 For centuries, Romans had idealized the founders of t he city for their moderation, temperance and lack of personal ambition. Numerous writers shared the opinion that the introduction of luxuries, desires for new found pleasures and general greed had sapped the energies of the city and rendered it weaker, res ulting in the decline from republic to empire. Cicero, Seneca and Tacitus all displayed similar contempt for wealth and luxury in their writings. Cicero irresponsible use of 42 Seneca and Tacitus, among others, wrote further on the dangers of wealth and luxury. 43 Even as late as 390, 44 Romans were no strangers to screeds against greed. Displays of luxu ry were in poor taste. Rather, the wealthy were expected to be liberal with their wealth and good fortune. The noble citizen was expected to provide for his city, not his own appetites. It was this tradition of virtues that Chromatius would tap into and Ch ristianize as signs of inner transformation. of the elite, Chromatius could accomplish three ends. First, he used Origen to temper the wildness of the ascetic wave sweeping thr ough Italy and made it palatable for the 41 Brown, Eye of a Needle esp. 53 71. 42 Cicero, De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, I.18.59. 43 Seneca, De Beata Vita xxiv; Tacitus, Germania, 5, 17, 19. On the satirical nature of Tacitus see: Holly Haynes, The History of Make Believe: Tacitus on Imperial Rome (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 7 30. 44 Ammianus, LRE 31.5.14.

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200 average elite Roman. Among Christian theologians, Origen would have been most attractive to Roman intellectuals in his attempt to Christianize Plato. The wild asceticism of Antony was not approachable for the averag demons in a cave for twenty years. Thus, the second accomplishment of developing Origenistic thought was the remaking of the Roman city as a potential place of holiness. In a remarkable sleight of hand, Chromatius brushed aside concerns about life in the city, assuming it was the natural home for Christians and a welcome place to pursue a Christian life. No withdrawal from the city w as required to achieve perfection, only withdrawal from the indulgences of the city, the same luxuries which had been condemned by the pagan orators and philosophers. Finally, Chromatius was able to frame Christianity as a continuation of the classical tra dition. He never explicitly cited Cicero, Seneca or any other Roman philosopher, but he was clearly following in the footsteps of the traditional Roman writers. If the proper use of wealth had been for support of the city, in the newly Christian empire the support of the church should supplement if not replace such giving. Roman families had long gifted their home cities with various buildings and endowments. The church would become a new home for the old tradition of Roman euergetism. Yet even more than th grand problems of Roman society. The spread of decadence and ostentatious luxury was cast as the downfall of Rome. Christianity, with its ethos of poverty in this world, could provide an answer. Notably, t he church did not call for true poverty, but a sharing of goods. Antony took literally what most understood to be figurative. No bishop of

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201 antiquity called on his listeners to sell everything they owned. Rather, most Christian leaders spoke of the need to share with the community. A call to the sharing of all possessions, although seemingly revolutionary, actually had a long history in the Mediterranean world. Chromatius returned frequently one heart and soul, lost to Christians of his own day and urged his listeners to follow the example of the apostolic community. Yet, even here, in what might seem a revolu tionary call to a kind of communalism, Chromatius drew from a long practice of associating utopian societies with shared goods. 45 David Mealand has traced just a few of the more well known examples of this approach to utopian wealth in Greek and Roman liter ature. He notes Cicero, Pythagoras, Zeno, Ovid, Aristophanes (though to mock the belief), and Seneca all repeated the truism of shared goods among friends. 46 Both Plato and Aristotle used very similar phrasing to that of Acts 4:32 in the Republic and Nicoma chean Ethics respectively. 47 In fact, Mealand seems to suggest that the passage in Acts might be that addressed the perceived problems of Roman society with an answer fir mly rooted in both classical and Christian traditions while at the same time maintaining the position 45 Pier Cesare Bori, (Atti 2,42 47, 4,32 37) nella storia della chiesa antica (Brescia: Paideia, 1974), 82 107. 46 JTS n.s. 28 (1977): 96 99. 47 Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, ix.8.2 and Plato, Republic iv. 424a, among other locations cited in Mealand.

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202 where earthly advantage is not neglected, one must strive even more after a heavenly profit. 48 Christian Virtues in the City expanded on all eight admonitions and how they were interrelated. It was in this sermon that he developed an analogy about the eight corresponded to the steps on a ladder reaching up to heaven. The analogy shows up in another sermon, and the general motif of climbing to heaven can also be found throughout his homiletic corpus. 49 No systematic approach to t he steps emerges in the sermons, however, as Chromatius used the motif in a much more ad hoc manner throughout his works. Generally Chromatius focused his words about virtues and vices on three issues drawn directly from Roman society: wealth, luxury and a mbition. The conquest of these three vices would result in the ascent of a Christian. Avarice vs. Liberality Perhaps the easiest of all sins to attack, avarice, or greed, drew the fire of Chromatius on repeated occasions. As laid out earlier in the chapter the stigma of miserliness was not unique to the Christian church, but common to Roman society. 50 Wealth was not in itself a vice, and there was no need to avoid it. Rather it was crucial that the Christian be the master of his wealth, and not the other wa y around. Clearly, f someone is sick with the lust of avarice, which is a burden exceeding every sickness of the soul he may know that he cannot otherwise be 48 Chroma tius, Sermon 41:1. 49 For the ladder: Sermon 1:5,6. For the motif of steps to heaven see: Sermon 1:4, 15.5, 29.3, 42. 50 Cicero, De officiis, I.7.24 I.8.25; Seneca, De Beneficiis, 7.10.1.

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203 healed unless a compassionate person arises from the miser and a liberal on e from the greedy. 51 In a passage where Chromatius was listing a variety of sins which impair spiritual development, he described the hoarding of wealth as the worst spiritual disease. In the middle of the passage he cited I Timothy 6:10, which reads in hi s cupiditas answer was never to take and redistribute. Rather, Chromatius called on the wealthy to self regulate. The greedy man must become liberal, the miser compassionate. Poverty itself was not a virtue for Chromatius. Indeed, Chromatius did not defend the poor as blessed of God. In his sermon on the steps to heaven citing Matthew 5: 3 (Blessed are the poor in spirit), Chromatius He [Christ] e happy, because it happens often out of necessity, sometimes as a result of poor behavior, and even out of the anger of God. suggested that poverty was a natural aspect of the world and would always be present. Like wealth, poverty was neither good nor bad. It was not necessarily to be praised and f we are poor in this world, we should not be depressed, because the sacred apostles were poor in this world. Do you want to beco me rich out of poverty, or rather in your very poverty to be rich? Be just, be faithful, be pious, be charitable, and with God you will have great 51 Sermon 12:7.

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204 riches 52 Chromatius went to great lengths to present poverty and wealth as equal states. Both offered the ch ance to be just and charitable, though it would seem to be much easier to be charitable out of wealth than poverty. And while poverty could be framed by Chromatius as possibly justified by poor behavior, wealth never carried any association with divine pu nishment. 53 Furthermore, the acquisition of grace was often compared to precious stones or gems. Chromatius called the virtues gems which any person would want to acquire. 54 The analogy upheld the idea that the acquisition of wealth was natural and benefic ial, not problematic. At no point did Chromatius suggest that business ( negotio ) was illegitimate. Quite the opposite, he often used the language of trade and merchants to describe the church. Profit, trade and markets were based on reason to Chromatius, n ot a surprising position given the nature of Aquileian commerce. 55 He never described wealth in negative terms. On the contrary, wealth could function positively in the spiritual ascent. By sharing or giving it away the Christian could take that all importa nt step lessed ar e the poor of spirit, those men who make themselves poor in spiri voluntarily giving out their own funds. 56 Actual poverty was neither necessary nor useful for the Christian. Instead, liber ality and generosity, both of which required money, were necessary steps on the path to heaven. 52 Sermon 5:5. 53 Sermon 41:2. 54 Sermon 26:4, 41:10. 55 Sermon 41:1. 56 Sermon 41:2.

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205 Continuing in this vein, Chromatius drew on the Greek tradition noted earlier which was replicated in Acts. After citing Acts 4:32 on the sharing of goods amon g the Why do they consider their earthly goods divisible, whose heavenly goods are indivisible? So when we see our brothers in need, especially Christians, we ought 57 Just as Plato and Aristotle had suggested that between true friends or brothers everything should be shared, Chromatius suggested that any true Christian would follow the example of the apostles. He assumed the ability to share property with those in need of it, but notably, he had t o clarify this point suggests that he expected the wealthy to give out of their abundance to all in the city. This assumption corresponds with Roman expectations for the elite. eretics run according to the ir they run according to almsgiving, bu t they will not achieve 58 Christians of other churches gave alms. Giving was expected of the we althy, Christians. What Chromatius was concerned with for his audience was promoting the kind of utopian community described in Acts and in Greek philosophy. It was not enough to give alms; alms needed to be given to Christians in particular. Christians were expected to give in in order to be in communion with the saints and the elect of God, of whom the divine scripture testif y so that we can have a portion in the kingdom of God. 59 57 Sermon 1:7. 58 Sermon 28:2. 59 Sermon 1:7. The editors note that a portion of scripture is lacking from the manuscript. They suggest it was probably Acts 4:32 again (All the believers possessed one heart and one soul).

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206 Giving away a portion of wealth to other Christians on earth transferred the wealth to riches in heaven. 60 In calling the wealthy to act as benefactors for the rest of the Christian community, Chromati us dressed the church in classical Roman garb. Even his words describing the apostles as founders of the church whose spirit had been lost seem to echo the traditions which surrounded the founders of Rome. But I am afraid that the well known agreement and charity among the faithful which existed in the time of the apostles may be our condemnation since we preserve neither agreement nor peace nor charity because of our zeal for greed. They used to view property as common; we want to make the things of others our own. 61 Greed and avarice had corrupted the church in a manner which seems to parallel classical arguments about the decline of Rome. The supposedly increasing focus on self at the expense of the church or city resulted in dissension and weakness. The s alve for such a disease was the opposite virtue, namely liberality. Yet for Chromatius the nature of giving centered around the future community of glory, not the earthly community: [W] e ought to be strangers to covetousness and desire, strangers to envy to discord, to dissension. W e ought to study peace, concord and agreement so that we might have eternal life in common with such men of whom it is said: And all the believers were of one heart and soul, and th ey held all 62 Overcoming g reed and avarice would produce the reward of the ideal community, though one not of this world. The wealthy could act as benefactors of the church on earth and receive the reward of being identified as like the apostles in heaven. The 60 On the widespread nature of this assumption and practice: Brown, Eye of a Needle, 72 90. 61 Sermon 31:4. 62 Sermon 31:4. The internal quotation is Acts 4:32.

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207 poor, although also e xpected to be generous, were limited in their ability to give away their more limited wealth and thus reap the benefits of generosity. Of course, as in all communities, the high minded rhetoric of the leader did not reflect the reality of the people. Chrom The poor complain of their lack and their need, but no alms are given. And we are astonished if we have to suffer diverse tribulations, when we all have a hardened spirit. 63 Aquileia had people in need, but the wealthy did not do enough to respond. Chromatius reproached his listeners for their self interest, caring only for their own problems, and not recognizing the needs of others. It was this kind of self Luxury vs. Denial In every age, those with wealth seek out ways to display it. Whether it be with with ostentatious displays seems to be timeless. During the Roman Republi c, the Lex Oppia and Lex Fannia banned displays of wealth in clothes and dinner parties respectively for periods of time. Although these laws began as economic measures, they quickly gained traction as control of traditional Roman values and were defended by Cato the Elder. The laws were repealed after a time, but a conservative streak always remained in Roman society standing in opposition to opulence. 64 Christianity became a natural heir to this tradition while adding its own spin. By the Christian era, lu xury was not just corrupting the values of the city, but the very souls of those who should not forsake the life 63 Sermon 3:1. 64 See Juvenal on the dangers of luxury, especially for women: Juvenal, Satires 6.286 295.

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208 above to return to earth, that is the desires of our house, this earth, to fleshly desi r es and to worldly selfishness. 65 A focus on consumption, be it in the form of material goods, food or sexual indulgence/appetite, threatened the perfection of the Christian and stood between him or her and concord with the Christian community. The Christi an should rather focus on self denial, overcoming the desires of the human body and winning a victory for the soul in perfection. One subject Chromatius discussed in several sermons was fasting. Part of a long held practice in the Jewish world, fasting, as discussed at the end of Chapter 5 served to separate the wheat from the chaff. Fasting prevented social interaction with others who did not limit themselves at mealtime(s). Aside from the natural desire to eat, the faster had to overcome a social stigma. Chromatius acknowledged that fasting was e ought not to complain about the burden of fasting. 66 On another occasion But perhaps some say that they are unable to fast on account of their stomachs. 67 Somewhat uniquely here, Chromat ius recognized that overcoming the demands of the body was difficult. He even assumed a tone of sympathy here that does not reoccur on the subject of sexual desire or desire for goods. 68 Yet his sympathy was not enough to mask the perception of idleness whi ch follows from these complaints. But is it on account of your stomach 65 Sermon 3:5. 66 Sermon 25:6. 67 Sermon 3:2. 68 Taken with the images of the fish out the sea and the harvest in the church at Aquileia and his words personal weakness in a way other vices might not have been.

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209 that you do not give alms? Give alms, and redeem your fasting 69 The church at Aquileia seems not to have taken well to the practice of f asting. Interestingly, earlier in Fasting has been prescribed recently, but few have fasted. People proceed to church and attend to idle talk or earthly business rather than to prayers. 70 Apparently, a set fast had been e stablished, but it had failed to take hold with the majority of the church. Rather than spiritual food the desires of the body and the world had proven normative for the congregation. In another sermon, Chromatius felt the need to rebuke those who did fas Truly, to abstain only from food, is not fasting. For this reason, when we fast, we ought to abstain by all means from vices 71 Apparently the irony of practicing other vices while fasting was lost on some in the church at Aquileia. Chromatius felt the need to clarify: Finally, chastity and purity are supported when we fast. For we fast not only to deprive ourselves of nourishment, but to separate ourselves from all carnal vices which are passions of the flesh, lust of the mind, depraved thoughts, hatre d and envy, gossiping and complaining, fury and anger and from all similar vices and sins. 72 Chromatius had to clarify that the denial of ostentatious consumption was not the goal itself. Rather the objective was the subjection of the physical body to the soul. For traditional Roman mores consumption was the problem, while Christianity located the long held attitudes about luxury. Although the Christian and Roman virtues had the same end denial of luxury the reasoning behind the value was greatly different. The 69 Sermon 3:2. 70 Sermon 3:1. 71 Sermon 35:4. 72 Ibid.

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210 salv ation of the soul rather than the preservation of the city was on the line. We should also note that fasting could be a sign of wealth. Not to eat would not be fasting if one were too poor to afford bread for the day. Rather the choice to be able to have f ood and yet choose to go without was the important issue. The rich, who could be sure there would be food when the fast was completed, could partake in the practice with much less risk than the poor. Taking part in a public fast could be merely a new way t o demonstrate the resources one possessed, though in much less ostentatious fashion. and modesty. Like numerous other preachers of the period, Chromatius advocated virginity for women. 73 Yet in contrast to Ambrose, who returned again and again to the superiority of the virgin, Chromatius almost always framed his approach to gender in more abstract terms. For instance: If any man flatter s himself because he is handsome in body or an y woman boasts about her fleshly beauty, he should follow the example of Joseph and she the example of Susanna. They are chaste in body and modest in soul, and so are not only beautiful to men, but are so even to God. There are three examples of chastity i n the c hurch which everyone ought to imitate: Joseph, Susanna and Mary. Joseph for the men to imitate, Susanna for women, Mary for virgins. 74 Virginity stood alone as a uniquely gendered status, separate from that of other women. Yet it was not emphasized. 73 The scholarship on this topic is abundant. See especially: Susanna Elm, Virgins of God: The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); Kate Cooper, The Virgin and the Bride: Idealized Womanhood in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University press, 1996); ed. Elizabeth Clark (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1986), 175 208; Yves De Virginibus dans le movement asctique Ambroise de Milan: XVIe Centenaire de son election piscopale, ed. Yves Marie Duv al (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1974), 9 66; David Hunter, Marriage, Celibacy, and Heresy in Ancient Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009). 74 Sermon 24:2

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211 directly refer to Mary the mother of Jesus, appeared as a type of the church as a whole. has virgins and widows Chromatius speak about the potential unique role for feminine spirituality which has been so widely documented in this period. 75 His relative silence should not be taken to imply that Chromatius or Aquileia was unique on the subject. Jerome confirmed the ster and the presence of a community of virgins nearby to Aquileia. Yet the absence of virginal rhetoric in the sermons, in favor of general part. The focus on the example of Susanna, the ideal married, older woman speaks to the audience Chromatius was chasing. The approach to married women was explicit at the end of sermon thirty five in the example drawn from the biblical story of Susanna: [I] f you desire to please God, f ollow the example of Susanna B e chaste, be pure, be of honest morals, do works of justice, and you will be sufficiently beautiful not only in the sight of God but also beautiful in the sight of men. This beauty will please even a husband, if he finds his wife beautiful in acts and fair in mind. 76 Susanna offered an example of a chaste woman in marriage. Chromatius set her apart as the example of moderation and purity in the face of temptation to the contrary. 77 Much like the Roman tradition of Lucretia, who preserved her honor by committing suicide, Susanna was willing to see her own death rather than act dishonorably. Her 75 Sermon 24:3. 76 Sermon 35:2. 77 The story of Susanna comes from a Greek addition to the book of Daniel. She was a beautiful young wife who was blackmailed by two older men. She refused their advances, keeping her honor, and so the two men claimed they witnessed her meeting a young man. She was sentenced to death for her crime of adultery, but Daniel insisted that the two men be examined separately. Their stories contradicted each

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212 honor was, according to Chromatius, all the adornment she needed. The women of his church should follow her example, not attempting to mak e themselves beautiful for the Hence, those elegant women who think that they are beautiful only if they put on ornaments of this kind, despite the teac Why do you desire to adorn yourself with rings or beautiful clot hes when you ought to be adorned with faith and holy morals? 78 Luxury, in the form of jewelry, corrupted the soul. Chromatius must have been addressing himself to a specific subset of the population here. Only those with wealth enough to afford jewelry and notable clothes could benefit from this admonition. The campaign against luxury, which had its roots in antiquity, church. Their marital status did not prohibit them from leading a holy life. What could be problematic was the desire to show wealth through luxury. Chromatius, although with Just like Cato the Elder five hundred years earlier, Chromatius warned against the dangers of ostentatious dress. Luxury, like avarice, could be the death knell of the soul and must be guarded against for the community to thrive. Chromatius was merely relocating the central locus of communal surviva l from city forum to Christian basilica. The final vice of elite Romans was one that is slightly harder to quantify, yet Chromatius took it on and reframed it for the benefit of the church. Ambition vs. Modesty The sin of ambition ( ambitio ) was held as gri evous in antiquity. The man who sought high office or public honors in unseemly fashion was held to be unworthy of 78 Sermons 35:2.

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213 them. 79 So feigning disinterest or acting humbly was required of all politicians (an expectation which appears not to have changed in the inte rvening centuries). Ambitious men were perceived as seeking only the advancement of their own careers and families rather than the best interests of the city. As a result, Roman elites were expected to act modestly in regard to high office, not bribing or buying votes, even though it was clear that they sought fame and honors. Chromatius referenced this common view in a sermon on the humility of the strive after the h onors and offices of this world are rendered notorious for it. 80 The contrast in this passage is with Simon Magus, who tried to buy the power the Holy Spirit from Simon Peter. Simon Magus was henceforth regarded as the arch heretic of Christianity, someone who was so corrupt that he tried to purchase what should be free. 81 C hromatius suggested that Simon was akin to those Romans who were openly ambitious in their quest for high office. To purchase an honor rendered that honor meaningless. Instead, the pious citizen, who in humility sought truth and goodness for his community, would be rewarded with honor or salvation depending on the community, Roman or Christian. The approach of Chromatius to high office was classically Roman in its ambivalent nature. High office, or salvation in the Christian world, granted everything an eli te man would have wanted, yet if he sought it in the wrong manner he disqualified himself. Ambition was the sin which could label a man 79 Fergus Millar, T he Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 216. 80 Sermon 2:4. 81 )Christian Novel: Narrativized Polemics in the Pseudo Heresy and Ide ntity in Late Antiquity, : Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 279.

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214 unfit for society. Chromatius transferred its effects to the church. There, ambition rendered a man unfit for service or grace. Chromatius confirmed the bias against ambition when he spoke about the ritual He washed the feet of his disciples, so that you do not disdain to wash the feet of your fellow servants. You cannot flatter yourself for your riche s, or your birth, or your honors, because he who deigned to do this task is Lord of all honors and powers. 82 This kind of rhetoric was not unusual in Christian preaching. The sermon was addressed to catechumens seeking baptism and dwelt on several examples of persons expressing their humility and unworthiness and being rewarded for their modesty. The role reversal, the notion of the first being last, is central to the Christian message, but it was not foreign to the Roman world. The farmer general who hande d back power, best exemplified by Cincinnatus, was a classic trope of Roman political discourse. Chromatius confirmed his acceptance of such ideas in an interpretation of the first beautitude. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth. Th e meek must be peaceful in mind and sincere in heart T he Lord illustrates clearly that this is no small merit when he says: Meekness is a stranger to pride, to boasting, to ambition. 83 In this passage, Chromatius defined meekness not as weakness but rather as a strong soul overcoming natural human desires of fame and fortune. The powerful, those who would lead the world, were those who lacked the very ambition to do so. tion in his church aligned with many traditions of Roman society. The well regarded man was expected to 82 Sermon 15:1. 83 Sermon 39:1. The internal quote is Matthew 5:4.

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215 overcome his baser instincts and not be tainted by the lust for power, money or food. Elite women were not to display their wealth in ostentatious jewel ry or clothing, nor by throwing large banquets of gluttonous consumption. These vices were denigrated not only by Christian teaching, but also by Roman expectations for the well born. In his presentation of the path to perfection, Chromatius described a ro ad which was well traveled by Roman elites. They could use their wealth for the benefit of the church and its poorer members. The control of luxuries, both food and material goods, reaped a benefit and did not brand them as nouveau riche Holiness was not limited to virgins, but open to married women as well in keeping with the example of Susanna. And humility in not expressing ambitions of high office could be rewarded with honors. Rather than denigrating fame seeking, the church in Aquileia expected its m embers to be ambitious for perfection, seeking the honors of heaven and the riches of grace. Chromatius used the language of business to describe the actions of a Christian and the church. The elite Christian was expected to re direct his interests from pu rsuing public or financial gain to pursuing gain for the church and his own perfection. In Aquileia, a port city dependent on commerce, Chromatius adopted the language of business for his church. He Creating a Christian Community one. While all the others were mislabeled or left anonymous, his name stuck to this one. The sermon was given on the market day as The assembly of people and the crowds for market day gives us,

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216 dear brothers, the opportunity to relate the speech of the gospel. 84 In an analogy which he used in at least two other sermons, Chromati us described the mission of the church as a business, hawking its wares to a hungry people. 85 Comparing his work to the ot inappropriately will I also set out the merchandise that the lord has committed to me, the preaching t hat is assuredly from to conduct business and to make a profit. commerce or trade, rather a suggestion that the church should mirror the inner he market contains within i tself reason, so that each, according to his need, sells what is superfluous to him or buys things that are wanting 86 The church in Aquileia was located in the commercial district, among warehouses full of goods from distant locations. 87 Chromatius used th e language of business, negotio to describe the actions of the Christian in the world. His approach was not born of an attempt to professionalize the church or involve it in secular affairs, but rather to relate to the language of his listeners. Many of t he donors of the church may have been newly wealthy merchants who came from abroad to live in the city. 88 The commercial nature of Aquileia was an inescapable reality for the church and must age of profit and goods, when used to describe the actions of the Christian, would have related to the 84 Sermon 41:1. 85 For the other sermons see: 4:3 and 26:4. 86 Sermon 41:1. 87 Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni Ed. Sandro Piussi (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008), 380 386. For more on the location and history of the church see C hapter 2. 88 Vuolant o, 248 250.

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217 audience in a similar way as the attacks on classical Roman vices like ambition and luxury. But even more than that, the language allowed Chromatius to d escribe a Christian vocation, one which was concerned with the acquisition of grace, a never dedicate a new basilica in the neighboring town of Concordia. Explaining how a relic of one merchant, a Christian and very religious, [who] went to India for the cause of business, to bring back preci ous stones or goods the body of St. Thomas was buried. Upon receiving this heavenly information, the merchant of God, despising earthly gain, began to think only of heavenly gain. He found a better reward than that of the precious stones he had sought 89 The relic was regarded as the most precious cargo, producing a greater profit than any gem or unique good of the far east. The piety of the merchant was such that he earned treasure in heaven for his actions. The adaptation of the language of business and profit to the church reinforced the diatribes against avarice, luxury and ambition. Instead of just avoiding those vices, the pious Christian should earn treasure, honors and titles in heaven. the apostles through their relics, provided the stairway to heaven. 90 89 Sermon any other ecclesiastical historian that I am aware of. 90 On the merits of the apostles being present in their relics according to Chromati us see: Sermon 26:2 and 31:3.

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218 The concept of turning earthly treasure into heavenly treasure became popular at the beginning of the fift h century, according to Peter Brown. 91 Numerous prominent Romans attempted to give away vast fortunes in an effort to win heavenly rewards for themselves. Chromatius was never so bold in his preaching and was clearly part of an earlier generation. He recogn ized the dangers of wealth, as noted throughout his condemnation of luxury and avarice. 92 Yet there was no urging of divestment or necessity to give away riches. Instead, the concern was with the acquisition of heavenly treasure through the avoidance of vic e and the cultivation of virtue. Alms might be part of that, but only a part. In this way, Chromatius harkened back to the classical world and f it is a joy for merchants to gain the present and perishable, we ought to be glad and greatly rejoice all together, since we find such pearls of the Lord today, to which no worldly goods can compare. 93 These heavenly virtues, the eight beatitudes, were presented as precious stones th roughout the sermon, stones which together constituted a ladder to Indeed, where earthly advantage is not neglected, one must strive even more after a heavenly profit 94 Chromatius suggested that the treasure of heaven was found not in giving away riches but in acquiring virtue. This approach set a much lower bar than might be found only a few years later when Melania the Younger and her husband 91 Brown, Eye of a Needle, 83 88. 92 On the potential for corruption in the church, Chromatius was concerned about individuals seeking profit. The question of the church possessing wealth never seemed to enter the equation for h im. See: Sermon 4:2. 93 Sermon 41:10. 94 Sermon 41:1.

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219 attempted to give away entire estates and rooms of gold. 95 For Chromatius, the cost of virtue was not set so high as to be unreasonable to most people. Chromatius considered the acquisition of virtue as the natural outcome of the Christian life after baptism. Yet he also patterned the acquisition of virtue after the traditional Roman approach. Virtue required human agency, not just divine blessing, to obtain. To the elite of the Roman world, Chromatius presented a church which could promise advancement and honor. In its continuation of Roman values, the church could replace the city as the home for proper prom otion of personal fame. The transition in Aquileia from a focus on urban to ecclesial involvement is reflected in the boom of tenure. 96 As wealthy Christians brought their reli gious practices (and funds) under more basilica to at least five churches and an expanded main basilica in the space of roughly twenty years. Although none of these churches can be dated more exactly than the rough period around the turn of the century, it is clear that a windfall came into the particular, reflect a changing pattern of Christianiz ation. The ascetic community which gathered around Chromatius might also reflect the rising elite involvement in Christianity. Required to give up neither their wealth nor hometown, the group was representative of the growing dominance of the elite in th e Christian churches of the empire. The community placed five of its members in nearby 95 Brown, Eye of a Needle, 291 300. 96 Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo AAAd 59 (Trieste: Editreg, 2004), 511 560.

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220 bishoprics, displaying its control over the new levers of power. 97 The entry of the elite into the public life of the church contrasted with the earlier assumption about the private practice of the religion in the home. Taken with the rhetoric about other churches and religions in the city, the approach to the elite suggests a goal of consolidating authority in the person of the sole bishop, Chromatius. 97 See C hapter 2n56 for details of this spreading web.

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221 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS : THE AFTERLIFE OF CHROMATIUS Chromatius died in 407. Although he had seen four armies surround his city without it falling, the city did finally succumb in 452. Aquileia had held out for three months in the face of the Huns, and the general Attila was ready to quit the city before noticing a flight of storks leaving Aquileia. He pointed out that the abandonment of the city by birds surely meant it was ready to fall, and the army renewed its attacks successfully. 1 Aquileia was crushed and neve r returned to its former importance or glory. The center of power shifted to Venice over time, and the river silted up, leaving a formerly crucial port five miles inland. With the decline of the city, the memory of Chromatius had no standard bearer. His wo rks were diffused and mislabeled over time, but his ideas were appropriated and certainly influential. Pope Leo I borrowed passages from his commentary on Matthew in one of his sermons. 2 were widely read in monasteries as part of c ollections, even if they were not attributed to him. Yet there may well be a more nefarious reason for the near erasure of Chromatius from the written record. After the sack of Aquileia in 452, Pope Leo I wrote to the ecclesiastical leadership of the city to condemn the continued devotion to the heresy of Pelagianism 3 Leo commanded that the bishop of 1 Jordanes, Getica XLII: 219 224. 2 Sermons (Paris: Editions de cerf, 1969), 53. 3 Pelagianism, named for the British monk Pelagius of the e arly fourth century, is typically associated with grace and original sin had too low a view of humanity and could result in fatalistic behavior. He was condemned by Augustine, Jerome and Pope Zosimus in 418. Nevertheless, his ideas remained common, especially in the west throughout the early middle ages. The best treatment is: B.R. Rees, Pelagius: A Reluctant Heretic (Wolfeboro, NH: Boydell Press, 1988). For an exposition of his theology and its dependence on the translations of Origen by Rufinus which were made in Aquileia see: Theodore De

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222 Aquileia hold a synod to get rid of any priests or deacons who subscribed to this heretical teaching. 4 The idea that Pelagianism had lingered in Aquileia may be true, and its survival might be related to Chromatius and his influence. To be sure, Chromatius produced his ideas before Pelagius wrote or Pelagianism was even debated. Yet several scholars have suggested, quite convincingly, that Pelagius made use of 5 Further, it seems that the two were not far removed from each other. Certainly, Pelagius was active in the church at Rome in the first decade of the fifth century when Chromatius visited for the council that condemned the exile of John Chrysostom. Pelagius was hosted by a circle of influential leaders in the Roman church who also took in Rufinus when he left Aquileia around 405. While not certain, it s eems not unlikely that Chromatius would have visited his old friend Rufinus. 6 Through this conduit, the writings and ideas of Chromatius might have passed to Pelagius. This is certainly not to say that Chromatius was a proto Pelagian or would have supporte blown ideas, given the chance. But the Origenist controversy had begun over an attempt to refute deterministic philosophy, and those who sided with Rufinus and Origen were concerned about determinism, much as Pelagius would be fifteen yea Bruyn, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 4 5 and 35 49. 4 Le o, Epistle 1:2. 5 Carlos Garcia Studia Patristica XVII, ed. Elizabeth Livingstone (New York: 1982), 1251 1257; Hermann Frede, Ein Neuer Paulustext und Kommentar, Vol 1 (Freiburg: Verlag Herder 1973), 25 252; International Conference on Patristic Studies, University of Oxford, Oxford, 10 August, 2011. 6 R ufinus and Pelagius were both hosted by Melania the Y ounger and her husband Pinianus. On the social networks which could have tied Chromatius and Rufinus to Pelagius see: Elizabeth Clark, The Origenist Controversy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 11 J.T.S. n.s. 21 (1970): 56 73.

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223 human perfection was a goal and deterministic grace was problematic, he could have been retroactively consigned to the Pelagian camp. This argument is in no way conclusive, but merely an attempt to under other names so soon after his death. His association with Rufinus and Pelagius might well have been threatening to the survival of his works. lity that he was not especially remarkable in his own actions, writings or lifestyle. But what made him unremarkable to medieval monastics renders him a wonderful focal point though which to study the changing world he inhabited. He achieved prominence by remaining faithful to his hometown and advising his friends. More than anything, his life provides a guide to the changing dynamics of a rapidly developing world. Old institutions were fading away while new ones struggled to establish their legitimacy. Bor n in the 330s under the reign of Constantine, Chromatius lived through political and religious transformations which would shape the new medieval world. He shepherded one of the first ascetic communities in the Latin world. He oversaw the vast expansion of the Christian church in Aquileia and the end of established paganism. He witnessed four attempts to overthrow the emperor outside the walls of his city. He was a friend, a patron, a bishop and a leader as required, but this also meant he had to sometimes be an opponent, rhetorician or divider to accomplish his objectives. forming a cohesive Christian community. Although filled with rhetorical attacks on other groups in the city, the s ermons provided his listeners with practical actions which would increase their sense of belonging to a community. If the church had an outsized number

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224 of merchants, who hailed from distant venues, a sense of belonging to the community held an even greater appeal than it might in other circumstances. Chromatius played to these desires for community and safety in his homilies. The attacks on the Jewish community and the admonitions to virtuous acts were part of the same rhetorical strategy. Belonging to the community required the individual to define him or herself against the Jewish community and to separate from it. Ritual actions which defined community life and provided the virtues necessary to belong inculcated the necessary divide, both in belief and bo dy, from non Christians. The fear of oncoming barbarians only added to the urgency to join the community. eter Brown, shifted all the way from Christianity as a religion among equals to the seeming eventuality of an entirely Christianized world. 7 The Roman scion of privilege fulfilled his civic duty by becoming a bishop and leading his city through time of dis tress. It should come as no surprise then that he merged Roman and (Nicene) Christian identities in his sermons, for these were the two identities he carried. As a would be ascetic with a network of writers throughout the empire that he patronized and the purifying bishop who devoted his sermons to paideia Chromatius embodied the Christianization of typical Roman roles for an elite member of society. His words and actions in Aquileia reflect much of the change happening in the Roman world at the time. The city was far from entirely Christian, and the general populace seems to have liked it that way. Yet Chromatius 7 Peter Brown, "Conversion and Christianization in Late Antiquity: The Case of August ine," in The Past before Us : The Challenge of Historiographies of Late Antiquity, eds Carole Straw and Richard Lim ( Turnhout: Brepols, 2004 ), 112

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225 sought to construct his Christian community by alienating those who remained outside. The identification of outsiders as rebels, non Romans, and diseased would have provided a valuable impetus for belonging. Exclusion would be a death knell in a city based on commerce like Aquileia. Chromatius was a spiritual merchant, selling a community which offered a readymade network and a safe harbor both in this life and the next.

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226 APPENDIX A TRANSLATION OF THE SERMONS OF CHROMATIUS OF AQUILEIA SERMON 1 : ON THE ACTS OF THE A POSTLES WHERE THE AP OSTLES HEALED A LAME MAN 1 1. The Law and the Prophets not only predicted th e coming of our Lord and Savior in humility by their words, but they also described it by symbolic examples. Among the mysterie s of the truth to come, it is even said in the law that if a traveler on a journey found a bird with her c hicks on the road he mi ght take the chicks, but leave the bird. 2 According to the situation and the literal sense, the order to take the little ones but leave the mother, who might produce offspring again, seems just. But this kind of precept, following the allegorical sense, di splays a rather great mystery to come, which we know was clearly accomplished in the coming of Christ. 2. In that traveler of which the law spoke, the Lord was signified, who, in order to enter into the journey of human life, was born into a body from a vi rgin. This noble traveler, when he was in the body of our flesh, went along the road of this world, and finding a bird with chicks in the nest, which is the synagogue in the nest of the law with its children, he took the chicks and left the mother. He sepa rated the apostles from the synagogue in order that he might transfer them from the nest of the law to his home of 3 We understand the house to be the church and the nest the synagogue. The nest is a temporary thing, just as the 1 U nless otherwise noted t he text used for these translations was from : Chromatii Aquileiensis Opera, eds. a nd trans. Raymond taix and Joseph Lemari, CCSL, 9A (Turnholti: Brepols, 1974), All translations (and any errors) are my own. 2 Deuteronomy 22:6. 3 Psalms 84:3.

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227 synagogue had grace for a time, so long as it had with itself in the nest the little ones, which were the prophets and apostles. But when they w ere withdrawn from the nest by Christ and given to his bride which is the church, the synagogue was left as an abandoned nest. 3. We say this for the reason that at the time of the coming of Christ in the flesh, out of the innumerable multitudes of the Jewish people, very few believed. This was 4 By the remnant, he designated the apostles, or all the others who believed at the time of the apostles from the Jewish people. It is of those that you, dearly beloved, heard in 5 But of this wonderful sign and the five thousand men, the Lord himself had predicted it before me. And they will be made wonders in th e house of Israel by the Lord of the Sabbath 6 And that these signs were to come, the same prophet the ears of the deaf will hear, and the lame wi 7 And we know that this prophecy was fulfilled in this very lame man, who, since birth, had never walked. 4 Isaiah 10:22. 5 Acts 4:4. 6 Isaiah 8:18. 7 Isaiah 35:5 6.

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228 4. But if we reflect, we can see a kind of mystical secret presaged in the lame man. For this blind man was sitting in the Beautifu l gate of the Temple, looking to Peter and John when he received healing. And we, for a long time before we came to the knowledge of Christ, were truly lame, because we were limping on the path or righteousness. For we were lame, not in the steps of our bo dy, but in the gait of our interior being. The one who is a stranger to the path of righteousness and to the path of truth, even if his feet are good, is entirely lame, because his spirit and soul are deformed The path of faith and truth is not trod by ph ysical steps, but by the steps of the internal person. Hence, without a doubt, we were lame to the path of righteousness for a long time, when we were ignorant to the true way of salvation and life, the Lord Christ. But once we arrived at the beautiful gat e of the temple and we looked upon the faith of the apostles of Christ, then the steps of our internal being were established so that we might no longer limp in the way of iniquity, but with regular steps, we walk on the path of righteousness. For we come, or rather we are brought by Christ, to the beautiful gate of the temple, where the lame are healed. The beautiful gate of the temple is the preaching of the gospel, through this is the temple of God adorned with a beautiful spirit, which is the Church. In this church whoever has an impaired mind or a lame soul receive the healing of salvation. 5. The beautiful gate of the temple received the lame and returns them whole, just as the preaching of the gospel receives the lame and the weak who are brought the re, but it restores health to them. Do you want to know what this beautiful gate is?

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229 r 8 He says that there are many doors in the law and prophets, but all the doors lead to one gate which is the preaching of the gospel which is the true door to Christ. In fact, it is through the law and the prophets that we come to the because it is for us the entrance to the kingdom of heaven. Listen to what Jacob the ex tending to heaven, and God standing over it, he said: This is the dwelling of God and 9 The preaching of the gospel is the gate to heaven because through it we have our ascent to the Kingdom of heaven Our Lord and Savior first unlocked this gate to us by the key of his resurrection. For the sake of opening the gate of heaven to us he was resurrected in the body and ascended to heaven in the body. all. 6. Therefore, the way is opened by the resurrection of Christ. Thus it is not without reason that the patriarch Jacob reported that he saw in that place a ladder whose top stretched to heaven and the Lord standing over it. The ladder which is plante d on the earth and extends to heaven is the cross of Christ, which gives us access to heaven and leads us up to heaven. On this ladder many steps of virtues have been inserted, by means of which we have our ascent to heaven: faith, justice, modesty, holin ess, patience, reverence and all the other good things that are virtues are the rungs of this ladder, by which we will reach up to heaven if we ascend faithfully; we know that this ladder signifies the cross of Christ. Similarly, just as, that the ladder 8 Psalm 118:19 20. 9 Genesis 28:12a, 17b.

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230 k eeps two places together, the cross of Christ holds together the two testaments, and the steps hold in themselves the precepts of heaven, by which we ascend to heaven. 7. You have heard in the present reading, how much charity and accord there wa s among the believers possessed one heart and one soul. No one called anything his own, but they held everything in common 10 Here is true belief in God, here is life lived faithfully for the Lord. Why do they conside r their earthly goods divisible, whose heavenly goods are indivisible? So when we see our brothers in need, especially Christians, we ought to willingly share our property, as if in common, in order to be in communion with the saints and the elect of God of whom 11 so that we can have a portion in the kingdom of God. Amen. 10 Acts 4:32. 11 The editors note that a portion of scripture is lacking from the manuscript. They suggest it was probably Acts 4:32 again (All the believers possessed one heart and one soul).

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231 SERMON 2 : ON THE READING OF TH E ACTS OF THE APOSTL ES, WHERE IT SPEAKS OF SIMON THE MAGICIAN 1. In the gospel, our Savior said much for the instruction of our faith. Among good seed in his field. But while men slept, someone came and over sowed tares and 1 an d so on. Here, the Lord names himself the father of the family. B y this word, he shows the strong motivation of his love for us, since he indicates that he is not only elf. affection of love am the Lord, where is the fear due me? If I am a father, where is 2 He calls himself master so that we might fear; but father, so that we might love him. 2. Therefore, this father of the family sowed in us good seed, which is the word of faith and of truth, which he planted in the furrows of our soul by the p low of his cross so that righteousness might take root in our souls, and we might bring forth fruit worthy of the faith. But, on the contrary, the enemy over sowed tares, which is the seed of iniquity and lack of faith. How the enemy was able to over sow s eed of this kind was shown whomever he found sleeping, that is those held in the sleep of unbelief. Truly he is not able to secretly snatch those who keep watch in faith. Indeed, if long ago had Adam, in whose heart the Lord first sowed good seed, kept watch in the commands of the Lord, the enemy could never have seized him 1 Matthew 13:24 25. 2 Malachi 1:6.

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232 sleep of negligence, at once he over sowed his tares, s o that instead of the fruit of life, he would bring forth the fruit of death. 3. We have brought forth this comparison for the present reading, because when the Lord, through his apostles, sowed the word of truth and faith everywhere, the devil, on the con trary, sowed his tares on those worthy of him. In fact, you, dearly beloved heard in the present reading how Simon the Magician, after the word of God had been sown in him, received the seed of the devil. Through the preaching of Phillip, as the text showe d in the present reading, he believed and was baptized in the name of Christ. But at once, the devil made him a vessel of destruction. For, when he had seen the Holy baptized money and you be destroyed, since you thought you could purchase grace with 3 4. The apostles, have not kept the grace of God in order to sell it. Rather, they bought back the entire world by the blood of Christ. The apostles were not allowed to receive earthly money for the grace of Christ, because they bestowed on the believers the trea 4 If someone seeks the honors and offices of this world, they are 5 how could the apostles sell the honor of heavenly grace, which they 3 Acts 8:18 20. 4 Matthew 10:8. 5 The manuscript text is continuous here, but the ideas make no sense. It seems a lacuna is appropriate.

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233 you be destroyed, since you thought you could purchase grace with money. In this 6 And although Simon was unworthy of heavenly grace and guil ty of the most serious charges, Saint Peter, however, showed him the Lord; perhaps this memory of your heart can be forgiven. I see that you are in the bond of iniquity 7 Regarding the Holy Apostle, he wants none to by this treachery that not only did he not repent at all of such a crime, but he even committed many more crimes therafter against the apostles and the church of Christ, as the book of Acts tells. 5. In this, we know clearly that the raven who, long ago, was sent out from the ark of Noah to be lost is a type of Simon. He had been received into the ark of Noah, which is the church of Christ, when he believed and was baptized. But afterwards, after his baptism, he was unwilling to be changed by the grace of Christ, and so, being unworthy, was sen t out to his loss. The ark of Noah, which is the church of Christ, cannot hold onto people like this. In fact, even Judas Iscariot was received into this ark; but because he did not deserve to be changed, or rather, he remained like a raven in the blacknes s of his sin, and he was sent out from the boat of the apostles, like the ark of Noah, bringing upon himself the flood of eternal death. Hence let us beg the Lord Jesus t hat none of us be found a raven in the church of the Lord and perish, since we have be en sent outside of it. A raven i s any impure 6 Acts 8:20 21. 7 Acts 8:22 23.

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234 person, any pagan, any heretic, who does not deserve to be in the church of Christ If any of us are still a raven in mind, which I do not believe, he should pray to the Lord, so that he might me changed from a raven into a dove, that is to say from unclean to clean, from profane to faithful, from unchaste to pure, from heretic to catholic. In fact, god can make a dove from a raven, he who changed water to wine, and who, as it is written, raised sons of Abraham f rom the stones. Otherwise, we cannot continue to remain in the church of Christ, unless we are made into spiritual doves. 6. In fact, long ago, the dove sent from the ark returned at once to that same ark. Whoever is a spiritual dove cannot withdraw from t he church of Christ. Do you want to know which ravens the Lord made into doves? Consider the thief who was crucified with Christ, he was a raven completely blackened by his sins. But after he confessed Christ on the cross, he was changed form a raven to a dove, that is from unclean to clean, from blasphemer to confessor, from thief of the devil into a martyr of the church. Therefore, do you want, o man, to be a dove? Be in the church of the Lord without the gall of malice; be without the bitterness of sin a nd you will rightly be called a dove of the Lord. For by nature, the dove has no gall or bitterness. But if you should remain in the impurity of the flesh or in the blackness of sins like the raven, even if you should lie hidden within the church, you are outside of it. You seem inside from a human perspective, but in the eyes of God from whom nothing in hidden, you would find that you are outside. Let us throw out, therefore, all the blackness of sins from our hearts, all the uncleanness of the flesh and all the bitterness of malice, so that truly we may merit being always in the ark of Noah, which is the church of Christ. Then it may be said of us

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235 8 7. Finally the Ethiopian eunuch was also found to be a dove in the present reading, as you, dearly beloved, heard. He had come to Jerusalem and, returning, he was sitting in his chariot, reading the prophecy of Isaiah when the Spirit said to Phillip, 9 And when Phillip sat with him, he explained the prophecy of scripture that he had read, showing and indicating the Lord Jesus Christ. And when Phillip had explained this to him, at once the me from be believe in the Lord Jesus Christ. And they descended into the water, and Phillip 10 8. Therefore, this eunuch was chosen as a dove, but Simon the magician was rejected as a raven. This is because one belived with his all his heart and all his faith, but the other came doubtful in spirit and full of treachery. For this reason, the one was received, the other rejected. One esteemed, one damned. Therefore, since w e have been called to the knowledge of god, to the grace of Christ, with all our heart and all our faith we ought to believe in Christ in order that we will not be rejected with those full of 8 Isaiah 60:8. 9 Acts 8:29 31. 10 Acts 8:36 38.

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236 doubt and impiety, but merit to be received with the saints and elect of God into future glory by Christ the Lord. Amen.

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237 SERMON 3 : ON THE CENTURION COR NELIUS AND ON SIMON PETER 1. How much piety the centurion Cornelius had for God you dearly beloved, ha ve heard. This man, although he was still a pagan, applied himself to fasting and prayer Hence he rightly merited to see an angel of the Lord in his house, saying to him, 1 But I do not know w hether any of us deserves to hear this from the angel, we who are devoted neither to fasting, nor to prayers, not to almsgiving. Fasting has been prescribed recently, but few have fasted. People proceed to church and attend to idle talk or earthly business rather than to prayers. The poor complain of their lack and their need, but no alms are given. And we are astonished if we have to suffer different tribulations, when we all have a hardened spirit. Let us then amend our negligent ways and return to the Lo rd with our whole heart. Let us persevere in fasting and prayer and almsgiving in order that we might deserve to 2. But perhaps some s ay that they are unable to fast on account of their stomachs. But is it on account of your stomach that you do not give alms? Give alms, and redeem your fasting persevere in prayer, purifying you spirit, and it shall be credited to you as fasting. But if y ou do none of these things, how can you think that you will be without sin in the time to come, how can you believe that the Lord will bless you, when you do not liste to this precept of the Lord. Therefore it was said to Cornelius by the ers have been heard, and your alms have risen as a memorial before 1 Acts 10:4.

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238 ourselves to good works and almsgiving, just as even Saint Cornelius 2 did, who deserved to be heard by t he Lord. And more so, Saint Cornelius, when he persisted in his prayers, was still a gentile; for not yet had he believed in Christ. Cornelius is presented to us as very blessed, since he, who even before believed in Christ, fulfilled the commands of Chris t. Thus, it is appropriate that such a man as he was the first to believe from the gentiles. 3. Of Cornelius, the Lord had already shown to Saint Peter a figure, where he s 3 We know that this had been fulfilled by Cornelius. For he himself was the first fish to come out of the sea on the hook of Peter, because he was the first, during the time Peter was preaching, to believe out of the gentiles. In the hook, the preaching of the divine word as signified, which Saint Peter was commanded to take to the people of the gentiles, just as the sea. Of which, Cornelius was, happily, the first taken. For he, as I said, during the teaching of Peter was the first from the gentiles to believe. Finally, in his mouth, before he was caught by Peter, was found a gold coin. For even before he believed, he kept the justice of God according to the natural law, serving God by fasting, prayer and almsgiving. 4. Thus, when Saint Cornelius, even before he had the faith, was serving God so sixth hour, he went up on the roof to pray. And when he prayed, suddenly he began to 2 Chromatius attaches Saint very liberally. Ambrose and Augustine are more conservative in their usage. Cesarius of Arles follows Chromatius in this matter. 3 Matthew 17:27.

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23 9 h unger. And a trance fell upon him. And he say an object descending from heaven, a great white cloth, tied at the four corners, and in it were all kinds of four footed animals, r, get as received into heaven. And behold, the men sent by Cornelius arrived at the house of Simon, asking is Peter was staying there. And the Spirit said to Peter: Go down and go 4 Peter was shown this revel ation by the Lord for the reason that Christ was calling all the gentiles to his grace, so that Peter did not hold the gentiles who would believe as impure and unworth y, when t here had been more Jews who had stood out as corrupt while having the law, than the diverse peoples who had sinned without the law Certainly, it was incorrect that the coming of Christ profited only the Jews with salvation. For he wanted to suffer, he who was creator of the world and lord of the universe, in order to save the entire human race and give them life. Indeed, the death of Christ became the redemption of the entire world. 5. But now, let us consider the circumstances of this revelation and its mysterious properties. It is not reported to us without a reason that Peter went up the roof to pray at the sixth hour. Was there nowhere in the house that Peter could pray? Or was it that he, who continually kept the fast, became very hunger and impatient of food at the sixth 4 Acts 10:9 20.

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240 hour of prayer? Both mysterious and spiritual are the meani ng of these acts. Let us look at each in turn. Saint Peter, for the sake of prayer, went up on the top of the house. In the high place, clearly, because, by his faith, he sought the things above. He could not stay in the lower places, whose conversation wa 5 6 The one on the roof is he whose life is heavenly an d who has been removed from earthly conversation. It is of such people that the Lord commanded not to come down from the roof or their house. This means they should not forsake the life above to return to earth, that is the desires of our house, the earth, to fleshly desires, to worldly selfishness. 6. When he was on the roof, Peter, at the sixth hour, began to hunger. Clearly Peter, as the reading told, was not hungering for earthly food, but for the food of human salvation, because the salvation of believ ers is the nourishment of the saints. In fact, it was the sixth hour when he hungered; it could not have been any other time that he hungered but in the sixth hour. For in the sixth hour the Lord was crucified, by which the apostles began to have a hunger for the salvation of humanity. Thus, Peter was hungry not for earthly food, but to save the souls of those who believe in Christ. That this is so, the reading declared in order. For Peter saw immediately a vessel coming down from heaven, a great white shee t tied in the four corners, in which were all kinds of four 5 Philemon 3:20. 6 Matthew 24:17.

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241 7 In this vessel that he saw coming down from heaven, a sign of the church was shown, which truly 8 Therefore, this kind of vessel was contained by four corners because the preaching of the gospel, on which the church rests, is fourfold. The great and beautiful sheet is shown to us as such because the church of Christ is white and beautiful, having the beauty of heavenly life and the whiteness of saving baptism. Peter recounted that he saw in the vessel all kinds of different animals, which were fou r footed animals, beasts, serpents and birds of heaven. This is because the church of Christ received all the believers who came to it out of the entire human race. For a long time, we were four footed animals, when, as animals, without any notion of our s alvation, we were living in this world and looking forward not to heaven but to earth. We were savage beasts when we plundered the goods of strangers and gratified our anger by biting and attacking innocents just as beasts with the teeth of malice and iniq uity. And we were serpents, when our language divided by deceit and poison. We were birds when we were wandering to and fro with a divided mind. 9 We are not able to participate in the food of salvatio n unless we die to the former life. In general, it is st vain and foolish to believe that the Lord was ordering Peter to eat serpents and wild beasts. As if, during his time of prayer, Peter had with him an earthly sword! Clearly Saint Peter had with him a sword, but divine, which is the Holy Spirit, through which he received the 7 Acts 10:13. 8 Revelation 21:2. 9 Acts 10:14.

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242 command to sacrifice. This sword, the Holy Spirit, kills in us by its sharpness the savagery of malice, the desires of the flesh and of the blood, if we merit to die to this world by such a sword, then we can live for God! 10 We are cleaned in coming to the Church of Christ of all uncleanliness, by faith and by his grace through his mercy. And it recounts that the vessel came down from heaven three times and then it was received again. This is because we are unable to be cleansed or purified from sin e xcept by the mystery of the Trinity. In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, the grace of baptism is delivered; we are made clean from all the stain of our sins. Recognizing the great mercy which has been given to us so that we might, de spite our unworthiness, be called to his grace, we ought to live and converse piously and justly in the sight of Christ. Then, when he comes in glory, we will not be put with the impious or the unclean, but with the saints and elect of God, who will receiv e the promises of the kingdom of heaven and the reward of eternal life. Amen. 10 Acts 10:14 15.

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243 SERMON 4 : ON THE TRADERS CAST OUT OF THE TEMPLE 1 When he went to the temple of the Jews, our Lord and Savior saw an illegal business happening, that is, those that sold the sheep, oxen and doves, and the changers of money sitting there, as we heard in the present reading, he made a whip of cords, and he cast them all out, and he overturned the chairs of those that sold, saying e of prayer and you have made it a house of business 1 The Jews, forgetting their divine religion and faith, had made in the temple of God a house of business. For that reason they were all cast out, and cast out by a whip of cords. In that whip of cords three is not easily broken 2 This cord of three undoubtedly represents the Trinity, which cannot be broken because faith in the Trinity is incorruptible This is the faith which the heretics fre quently tried to corrupt; but they corrupted only themselves. True faith in the cannot be corrupted. 2. So with such a whip of cords all those who act against the law wer e driven from the temple of the Lord because all those who conduct themselves in a manner prohibited are condemned by none other than the ruling trinity. While the chairs of those who sold doves were destroyed the ones who sit in their chairs with the air to teach the people as if they were invested with the authority of the high priest Th e chairs of the Synagogue have been destroyed so that the chairs of the Church can be sanctified in Christ. The priestly honor has been removed from the synagogue and gi ven to the 1 Matthew 21:13 (John 2:16). 2 Ecclesiastes 4:12.

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244 Church. For the synagogue no longer merits to possess the priestly duty because it did not receive the Lord Christ, namely the chief Priest. But let us see, or rather, let us beware, lest any man among us be found to sell the sheep or oxen or do ves in the temple of the Lord. Sellers of sheep who declare innocent those that pay; sellers of oxen who disperse the grace of God for a bribe, while 3 This is why the ruined money changers in the temple are shown; so that those who do the work of God for money may think. 3 I b usiness, where not earthly but heavenly wealth is leant; it is not obtained on the interest of an earthly coin, but on the interest of the heavenly kingdom. In short, we read a saying of the Lord in the Gospel: money changers, so that I also may come and collected it with interest would? 4 Each day, the Church of God lends to us money in the form of the divine word, the heavenly doctrine. We make a profit of it if we return it to the Lord with interest of salvation and faith. The apostles did all their business with this money, and they gained the ent ire world for God. 4. When our Lord and savior had driven out of the temple all those unlawful will rebu 3 Matthew 10:8. 4 Matthew 25:27.

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245 build, and you 5 How great is the unbelief and the treachery of the J ews! They saw heavenly signs and divine miracles performed, and they demanded a sign from the Lord. They had only been given the small signs of a virgin giving birth, shepherds had heard voices of the heavenly army singing of the birth of the Lord, adored the Lord as a child in a manger, and a new star. But even more than birth, the Lord offers his resurrection as a 6 But when the Lord has spoken of the temple of his body, the Jews thought he was speaking about a temple of stone. Of course, it is no wonder if the Jews of a temple made of stone misunderstood this saying of the Lord, who in all things have a heart made of stone. But the Lord spoke thus not about a temple of stone, but the temple of his own body. For the proper temple of God is the body of Christ, in which the majesty of the Lord deigns to reside. And more, it was said that the temple was built in forty six years because the name of Adam when written contains the Greek l anguage equivalent of the number forty six. The temple which was broken down in the passion, the Lord raised up on the third day, because on the third day he rose again in the body, victor over death. 5 John 2:18 21. 6 John 2:19 (Matthew 26:61).

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246 SERMON 5 : ON THE WORDS OF THE LORD: BLESSED ARE TH E POOR IN SPIRIT 1 In order to give his disciples the blessing of heaven, the Lord took them up a mountain with him. This is reported to yo went up onto a mountain with his disciples, and, when he had extended his hand over so on. 1 Not without reason did our Lord and Savior give his blessing to his disciples on a mountain. Certainl y not of the ground, but on a mountain; not in the lower places, but in the higher. Therefore, if you want to receive heavenly blessings from the Lord, climb the mountain, that is seek the life above, and you will deservedly obtain the blessings desired. B ut if you act in an earthy way and live in an earthly way, you will not be able to 2 2 Certainly, God is the God of every place and ev ery creature, because it is He who created all and made all. But these words of the prophet have a great spiritual the God of these men and women who are raised by the f aithfulness of their merits to high and heavenly regions in the manner of mountains, that is in the manner of all the saints. The Patriarchs are mountains, the prophets mountains, the apostles mountains, and the martyrs, mountains. Our God is presented a s the God of all the saints, Hen c 1 Matthew 5:1. 2 I Kings 20:28.

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247 is of sinful and unfaithful men, who like the valleys will be drowned at the bottom. The faithless and sinful do not deserve to have our God as their God, Him of whom they despise and ignore the faith and knowledge. According to his divine power, He is God of all his creatures, for he is creator of all of them. But according to his favor and grace, He is revealed to those who guard his precepts faithfully. 3 Finally, that mountain on which the Lord granted blessings to his disciples presents a type for th e church, which is compared to a mountain because its way of life is in the heights; and as a great mountain it will press down the earth, which is earthly life, not with a load of rock, but with the weight of sanctity. Do you want proof that the mountain 3 Of course of the Lord? to climb on. But he speaks properly of the mountain of God, of the heavenly mountain which is the church; only the blessed reach its heights of faith and heavenly life. One clim bs such a mountain, not with the exertions of the body, but with the faith of the inner mind. 4 And so let us always remain on this highest mountain of faith, acting spiritually 4 3 Psalms 24:3. 4 Matthew 5:3.

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248 malice, but keep themselves with a humble spirit in good fai th. Certainly, they are also poor in spirit because they keep away from riches of the world, from a thirst for the world, and from all worldly thoughts. Suc h people as these are happy, This is demonstrated by the r the Kingdom of Heaven do not have the riches of the world, but they possess the blessing of heaven. They do not enjoy the riches of this world, but they receive the riches of heaven and the treasures of immortality without end. And so, because the kingdom of heaven is theirs, th such a great gift! In this poverty the apostles were glorified first, who seized the heavenly riches. 5. Consequently, if we are poor in this world, we should not be depressed, because the sacred apostles were poor in this world. Do you want to become r ich out of poverty, or rather in your very poverty to be rich? Be just, be faithful, be pious, be charitable, and with God you will have great riches, which neither the treasury, nor the thief, nor even death can snatch away. Therefore we have great saving s in heavenly riches, if we preserve the commandments of the Lord and the faith of Christ, then these sons, we lead a poor life; yet we have all good things if you fear 5 Therefore, let us fear God with all our heart, and we will merit to possess all good things. 5 Tobit 4:23.

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249 SERMON 6: ON THE GOSPEL OF MATTHEW, WHERE HE SA YS: THE LIGHT OF YOUR BODY IS THE EYE 1 After having instructed his disciples greatly in heavenl y matters, our Lord and eye. If you eye is sound, your whole body will be filled with light. If your eye is bad, your 1 The light of the body is understood as the sense of intelligence and the faith of the heart. And if in us this is clear and bright, without doubt all our bodies will be illuminated. This is why the light is presented as a symbol of faith, for just as light illuminates the steps of those walking at night, lest they fall into pits or stumble over some obstacle, just as in this world of night, the brightness of the whole of our life of faith illumines the steps, with the light of truth leading, we are prevented from falling i nto the pits of sins or on the stumbling blocks of the devil. And so Judas Iscariot, who did not have the light of faith in his heart, fell into the pit of eternal death, while for the Lord of life, he received the reward of death. 2 And for that reason h perverse; who walk not in light, but in darkness. Of them, John wrote in his epistle: him is darkness, and he walks in darkness, because the darkness has blinded his eyes, and he does not know where he walks. However, whoever loves his brother, he remains in light, just as he himself is in the light 2 But we can perceive that the eye of th e body, which is the most sensitive of its members, also signifies the head of the Church. If your faith is clear and if your way of life shines 1 Matthew 6:22 23. 2 I John 2:10 11.

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250 brightly, without a doubt the whole body of the Church is illuminated. But if the teacher is perverse and has b een a heretic, he is clearly a teacher of this kind, his life an example of his infidelity, the whole body can be effect by this darkness. For the true light of faith is not able to shine in such a people, in which the darkness of the error of the night ha s dwelt. 3 masters. Either hating one and loving the other; or cleaving to one and despising the 3 He shows us two masters here, God and the devil. But God is the true Lord; the devil is a false master. But as much as there is a difference between true and false, there is so great a difference between the Lord and the other. The true Lord is the creato r of nature; the false one, the devil alters nature. One is the author of salvation, the other the author of destruction. One leads men to heaven; the other drowns them in hell. One draws me into death; the other redeems into life. 4 And God, indeed, even though he is Lord of all because all things were created by Him, and he has dominion over all things flowing from the law of his power and the virtue of his nature. However, he deigns to be Master of those who faithfully serve the commandments of the Lord and guard them. But the devil, we understand to be the master of those whom he has seduced from the true God and father and subjected to a most terrible slavery of sin and by the control of his iniquity, he is made their master under a perverted law. 3 Matthew 6:24.

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251 For this reason therefore, the devil is perversely called master. Whence it is not cry and gather together those little ones whom were not her own; but in the last day s, 4 But we ought to know why the devil is called a partridge. The partridge, namely the earthly bird, attracts the chicks of another with its seductive voice and boasts of these young birds that belo ng to another, as if they were her own young. But as soon as these same seduced little ones recognize the voice of their true parent, at once they leave the false father and follow the true parent. So also we were seduced a while ago by the persuading voic e of the false parent the devil. But after we recognize the voice of God, the true parent, by the preaching of the gospel then we leave behind the devil, the false parent, in order to follow our father, the true and eternal God. 5 There is another reason men from a distance, the partridge cover itself with leaves, lest he be seen. So also the devil covers the cunning of his malice, like under foliage, lest the fraud be understood so easily by men. Hence 5 Therefore, just as a false father, so also the devil is shown to be a false master, because in both we recognize the seducer. But unhappy is the soul which has such a master and such a father. But whoever follows such a master does not deserve to have 4 Jeremiah 17:11. 5 2 Corinthians 2:11.

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252 precepts, without a doubt we have God as master, for we are slaves of his will. On the other hand, if we serve the works of injustice, luxury, avarice, inchastity, fornication, then we submit ourselves to the domination of the devil, and we render sterile the passion of Christ who freed us from the unjust domination of the devil. But let the Lord preserve us, not allowing us to turn from the dominion of Christ to that of the devil, for when the Son of God deigned to suffer and be crucified for us so that he might deliver us from the profane dominion of the devil. Consequently being the author of our life and our salvation, we ought to faithfully serve in all things, so that we might come to the dominion of kingdom of heaven. Amen.

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253 SERMON 7 : FOR THE FEAST OF SAI NTS FELIX AND FORTUNATUS (FRAGMENT ) Today is the heavenly birth of the martyrs Felix and Fortunatus, who adorn our

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254 SERMON 8 : FOR THE ASCENSION 1 The solemnity of the present day holds the grace of a great festival. For forty days after the resurrection, which your love heard in the present reading, our lord and savior, present in the sight of his disciples ascended with his body into heaven. For h e was received into a cloud, the eyes of the disciples watching as the present reading recounted, and so he ascended into heaven. The clouds hastened to serve Christ, not to help him, but to present to Christ a service, and to display the service due to it s Lord and creator. Ascending into heaven, Christ had no need of the help of a cloud, He who had created clouds with the world. So he says through Solomon, speaking in the role of uds 1 2 Indeed, the Son of God now ascended into the clouds to heaven to the stupefied astonishment of the apostles, as the present lecture retold, but he ascended now not for the first time. For since the beginning of th e world, he himself has descended often from heaven and ascended. But now for the first time he ascended to heaven with a body. And this is why the apostles wondered, because Christ ascended to heaven with a body when he had descended without one. But was it a surprise that the apostles were in wonderment when the powers of heaven were also astonished? is this that comes out of Edom? The red of his clothes comes from B osor. He is 1 Proverbs 8:27 28.

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255 he, who had been born on the earth to a virgin according to th e fleshly nature and had been seen to suffer and die in the body, ascended to heaven with his body. Also we must make mention of the winepress, in order to demonstrate the suffering on the cross that the lord suffered. For in the passion of the cross, Chr ist has been crushed as on the wood of a wine press so that he might pour out his sacred blood for us. It is why the flowing of his blood; the appearance of the robe to the glory of the resurrection, because in this body he arose gloriously from the dead, having shed his glorious blood for us. This is what the Church says of Christi fleshly passion; white on account of his glorious resurrection. For he, who was shown as cast away and humbled in his passion, appeared in his resurrection as bright and glorious. Jeremiah also demonstrates for us this mystery of the divine and the flesh in 2 snow of Lebanon he displays the whit eness of the divine light. And so we he was transfigured on a mountain, as we read in the gospel, his clothes became just like snow, because the clarity of his glory shown forth. It is not without reasons also that it is said like clothes of red. 2 Jeremiah 18:14.

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256 3 But let us return to the subject at hand. For even the heavenly virtues Edom? The red of his clothes comes from Bosor. He is beautiful in his robe, beautiful like the pow 3 henceforth he was not dust, but his body ascended to heaven. What profit does the devil take from his wickedness? Our earthly body, which he did not want to see reigning in paradise, reigns in heaven. For the ascension of the Lord to heaven was, indeed, the astonishment and happiness of the angels and the joy of the entire world; but for the devil it was confusion and his true condemnation. David also revealed this admiration of the angels for the ascension of the Lord to heaven in the psalm, when speaking in the role of the angels he pronounces these wonderful ory 4 For the supernatural powers were stupefied, the angels who were present at the resurrection of the Lord marveled, and they called out back and forth so that the gates of heaven might be opened for the V ictor Christ returning to heaven after his battle of his passion. For he had conquered the devil, conquered death, destroyed sin, put to rout the legions of demons and re arose victor of death. 3 Genesis 3:19. 4 Psalms 24:7 9.

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257 4 Therefore Christ ascended to heaven with his body after the triumph of his passion and the victor of the cross. The angels rendered to Him the service to which he was due. When Christ ascended with his body to heaven, some angels preceded him, other followed, displaying appropriate obedience to so great a king and so great a victor. If after a victory all run with praises to meet a human king, how more do all the angels and heavenly virtues have to run to meets Christ, the eternal king, who as conqueror ascended to heaven with his body after he triumphed over the d evil and vanquished death. Nor should it be a surprise that the angels and heavenly powers came out to greet Christ returning to heaven, when the Father himself came to meet him, just as the present Psalm shows when it speaks in the role of the Son to the 5 For the Father received with glory the Son returning to heaven, which he placed in his 6 For how could the love of the Father be greater, or the glory bestowed any more powerful than to sit in the right hand of the Father? And for that reason the psalmist For what remains in heaven? 7 For he wanted to suffer on earth and received death in the passion in order to save the human race. He wanted to ascend with his body to heaven. He sits at the right hand of the Father. Therefore the throne of 5 Psalms 110:1. 6 Psalms 73:25. 7 Psalms 73:24.

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258 the majesty of the Father and Son is one because there is no difference in honor between the Father and the Son, no distinction of dignity, but love of piety alone Since the flesh of our nature ascended to heaven this day i n the body of Christ, we ought to celebrate the solemnity of this day. And we ought to act in the present life, so that in the future life, in the heavenly kingdom, we may deserve to be made partakers in glory of the body of Christ.

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259 SERMON 9 : ON PSALM 13, OF F OOLS AND M ADMEN 1 2 We see here that many fools lived in the past period, which did not believe in the existence of God or said they did not But most of all, the prophet complains of the folly and infidelity of the Jewish people. Moreover, in the thirteenth psalm the prophet clearly shows us the personality of the same Jewish people; for Ishmael son of Abraham, who prefigured the Jewish people in all manners, when he was thirteen years old, took the sign of circumcision Just as in the tenth psalm, for the sake of the Ten Commandments of the law the person of the people of th e Church is clarified, because it fulfills the precepts of the Law thus, in this Psalm, the thirteenth the type of the Jewish people is proved, that Ishmael because, as we have said when he was thirteen years old, took the sign of circumcision In shor t, as it is said in the tenth psalm of the persona of the people of the mountain like a bird 3 in the sparrow is signified a transgressor or apostate, who left the house of God, which is the church, to flee to the mountains, that is, to cross over to the worship of idols. The Jewish people had done so a while ago, who left the temple of God, which was at Jerusalem, to offer sacrifices in the mountains, as the prophetic scriptures reveal. But the people of the church: who are confident in the Lord, cannot be carried away to the mountains in this way, which he makes quite clear by saying: 1 I n the modern bible, this is now Psalm 14 2 Psalms 14:1. 3 Psalms 11:1.

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260 Lord The witnesses are to us finally, so many martyrs, who, when they were forced to pass over the mountains of this kind, that is, to the worship of the idols in times of persecuti on, they, more easily than from the body of Christ, departed from the faith; more easily from the world than from the church of God. For the martyrs are not carried away in their death from the church of Christ; rather they receive it, considering it as de ath for Christ's sake, as it allows them to remain perpetually in the Church of Christ. Because death of the martyrs is the beauty of the Church and a crown of virtue. 2. Of the people, therefore, of the Church, this saying is a prophecy. But as for what h e says about the Jewish people, he heard in the present reading Your Choosing, were out of Egypt, the same thing: the people of the Jews ... did not believe in the Lord with their hearts. And as Moses was long on the mountain, they made themselves a calf to adore, saying: 4 Certainly if they had believed in God with their hearts, they would never have offered prayer s, after such great acts of God, to things made by hands of men. Therefore the people of the Jews in all things it is shown are foolish and unwise, while they also, leaving the living and true God, desiring the gods of the nations; while holding in contemp t the heavenly manna, they desired the cucumbers, the melons, and the flesh of the Egyptians; They think more of the servitude of Egypt than the freedom of good faith; more of the wonders of the demons than the wonderful works of God. 4 Exodu s 32:4.

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261 3. But to their folly most of all, the same people of the Jews betrayed him in the night when he saw the wisdom of God Christ is come in the flesh, and refused to know him; with the divine agency thereof, and they had contempt in the hearing of him and for his wonderful works The blind received their sight, the deaf heard, the lame were healed, the paralyzed were healed, the lepers were cleansed, the dead were raised, and amid all this the same people of the Jews were great fools, while they are not to be moved to the faith o f Christ by the wondrous works, and not only would not be moved, but in addition, rose up to the condemnation of the Lord and Savior. Hence, it is not without reason that following in this same psalm an open tomb; they have dealt deceitfully with their tongues, the poison of asps is under their lips 5 tomb does not contain in it anything except bodies of the dead. Thus rightly are the Jews compared to a tomb, just as a tomb holds nothing except the bodies of the dead, their own lives, containing within the squalor and filth of sins. Do you want o understa nd why the Jews are called tombs? Listen to the saying of the Lord in the gospel to the appear to men beautiful on the outside but on the inside are filled with dead bodies and all kinds of squalor. And so you appear to men just outwardly, but within you are full of perversity and iniquity 6 5 Psalms 14:3. 6 Matthew 23:27 28.

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262 4 And so it is clear, according to the words of the Lord, the Jews are properly ght to consider this point: the led empty tombs, because they also open 7 Hence it is not without reason that in the present Psalm, the word of the prophet testifies have dealt deceitfully with their tongues, the poison of come 8 They are not called s For among serpents, the race of vipers is the only kind which is not born from an egg, 9 And once the children are born, at once they murder their mother. And s o now the Jews are called the children of vipers because, by reason of their impiety, they killed their mother, the synagogue. What do I say about the and upon our children 10 5 Since the Jewish people were to become such a great sacrilege, the prophet 7 Luke 23:21; John 19:6. 8 Matthew 23:33. 9 Aristotle, History of Animals, V:34; Pliny, Natural History, X:62. 10 Matthew 27:25

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263 11 In this clearly the psalmist p rayed for the coming of our Lord and Savior. He knew that otherwise the human race could not be liberated from the captivity of the devil, except through the incarnation of Christ. For he who deigned to be born of a virgin in order to save the human race, gave not only salvation. For having thrown down the devil and defeated death, he liberated us from our captivity in the hands of the devil, so as to make us sons of God and co heirs of his glory. 6 Thus it is not without reason that the prophet adds at the ends of the psalm: 12 Not certainly the fleshly Jacob or Israel which has appeared rebellious and impious against its Lord and Savior, bu t the spiritual Jacob, namely the people of the church, which we are. For long ago, because of his faith, the patriarch Jacob received both of these names. For the patriarch Jacob, when called Jacob. Later on, because he received the blessing of the first born, he was called Israel. We know by clear reason that both these names are correctly for us. For first, when we come to belief and are born out of the womb of our mother, the church, we are made Jacob, that is supplanters. For we supplant by our faith the prior treachery of our brothers, that is the Jews, and thus from the less, we are made first. And if we believe, we receive the birthright of our brother, because we believe in the f irst born son of God in whom the Jewish people were not willing to believe. And so we are called Israel, that 11 Psalm 14:7a 12 Psalm 14:7b

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264 God, who was born for our salvation with the eyes of faith. To whom be honor, glory and power, world without end. Amen.

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265 SERMON 10 : ON THE GOSPEL OF MAT THEW WHERE I T S PEAKS OF A KING WHO MADE A WEDDING F EAST FOR HIS S ON 1 By his many and diverse parables, Our Lord and Savior proved the Pharisees and chiefs of the Jews guilty. After the parable of the father who leased his vineyard to tenants, he presents in the present reading a parable of a king who makes a wedding might re quest those that were invited to come to the wedding feast. But they did not want to come; they went away, some to the country, others to his business. Others laid 1 2 In this present parable, we realize that the king who makes a marriage feast for his son represents God the Father who, because of our salvation, celebrates the spiritual marriage of his only begotten son. And how are we to understand these nuptials, if not, by the Holy Spirit, Ch rist the bridegroom becomes one with his bride, the Church? Immaculate and unbreakable are these nuptials, because they do not consist of carnal love but of spiritual grace. And so the Church is shown to be a virgin bride, as 2 According to this example, one cannot call a virgin one who is married. But according to the heavenly mystery, the church is shown to be a bride, while remaining a virgin. She is called a bride, because through the Holy Spirit she has been joined to Christ; she is called a virgin because she remains intact and uncorrupted by sin. God the Father is the author of the marriage of these. The Holy Spirit is a witness, the angels, ministers, and the apostles th e bearers of invitations. And if you inquire about the spiritual pageant of 1 Matthew 22:3, 5 6. 2 2 Corinthians 11:2.

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266 these marriage you will find that it is the marriage chamber of heaven, of which it is 3 The chorus of the sacre d virgins obtains the first place in these nuptials, of which we read in the 4 These nuptials have their harps, their instruments, their cymbals. This is the harp of the law, the instruments of the prophets and the cymbals of the apostles, about which we read in the scriptures: 5 3 And now, let us examine the parable itself. Therefore, in this marriage of his Son, the Father first invited the Jewish people. He sent to them judges, he sent 6 He sent servants a second time, more numerou s that the first; These are the apostles and the preachers of the gospel, saying 7 For in the dinner is signified salvation. He himself is the bread of life which descended from heaven and gave life to this world. It is also good that the remembrance is made of a noontime meal not supper, but midday (for meal is normally given at the sixth hour) because the sixth hour was when Christ was crucified for the salvation of the human race so that he might present to us the heavenly food and spiritual banquet of his passion. By the killing of the 3 Psalms 19:5. 4 Psalms 45:14. 5 Psalms 150:4 5. 6 Matthew 22:3. 7 Matthew 22:4.

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267 bulls for the weddings of his son, the Gospel indicates the judges and prophets, who were killed by the Jews, because they announced that the son of God was to come and suffer in the flesh. Now, the judges and prophets are rightly called bulls beca use they brandished the horns of justice against the iniquity of the Jewish people. However, the fattened calf signifies that those infants in Bethlehem who were killed by Herod, because they merited to die for the name of Christ. 4 Therefore, when the Je wish people refused to come to such a great wedding as many as they could fin 8 Therefore, because the Jews refused to come to this wedding, all the nations were invited there, out of which we are, we who came to the grace of Christ. For the excuses of the Jewish people could not be allowed to perish such a great wedding feast. This is why we ought to give thanks for this mercy, because we were invited unworthy to such a great wedding. But we ought to fear or at least be careful lest when the king enters into the marriage hall, he sees us re clining and says to us what is said in the present reading: 9 And he commanded that he be taken away by his hands and feet. The wedding garment is the saving grace of baptism, which shines with the wh white and snowy is the garment of Christ, which follows from the grace of baptism, 8 Matthew 22:9 10. 9 Matthew 22:12.

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268 10 Therefore, he who doe s not receive the grace of baptism or having received it loses it, does not have this kind of nuptial robe. Those who do such, he shall find, and they will be ejected from the wedding and chassed into the outer darkness. Therefore we ought to guard our nup tial garment, which we received through the grace of baptism by faith in Christ, intact and without any kind of blemish, in order to be worthy of the spiritual banquet in the Church and to earn a spot in the future kingdom of heaven with the saints and ele ct of God. Amen. 10 Galatians 3:27.

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269 SERMON 11 : ON THE W OMAN W HO A NOINTED THE F EET OF THE LORD 1 The p resent reading reported to us that when the Lord sat down at a banquet ook a pound of genuine aromatic ointment, and anointed the feet of Jesus, and she wiped them with her hair, and the whole house was filled with the odor of the 1 This saint Mary, as we read many times in the gospel, pleased Christ greatly by the immensity of her faith. In the preceding passage, in which she wept for the death of her brother, she made the Lord to weep as well; for she moved to pity the author of pity himself. And even though the Lord was about to raise Lazarus from the dead, he wep That the Lord wept for Lazarus shows forth his goodness, that he raised him from the dead, his power. In his tears he displays the mystery of his assumed body; in raising Laz arus, he declares the power of his divinity. Previously then she brought forth tears of pity from the Lord, but here she displays her own devotion towards the Lord. She brought forth an entire pound of precious aromatic ointment and anointed the feet of th e Lord and wiped it with her hair. Take heed of the religious devotion and faith of this holy woman. Others sat down at the table with the Lord; she anointed the feet of the Lord. Others traded words and conversation with the Lord; she, in the silence of h er faith, wiped his feet with her hair. The others seemed to be in the place of honor, her in service. But the service of Mary was greater for Christ than the place of honor at the table. 1 John 12:3.

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270 2 Your love heard what the Lord said of her in the present reading: to you, wherever the gospel shall be preached in the entire world, what she has done 2 What kind of a service this holy woman performed, that it is preached in the entire world and every day at that. Take heed o f the humility of this saintly woman. She does not begin by anointing the head of the lord, but the feet; although it refers that afterward she anointed the head of the lord. Therefore she anointed the feet first and then the head. She began with the feet so as to be worthy to 3 And so she humbled herself in order to be exalted. And so she wiped the anointed feet of the lord not with a towel but with her hair, so as to exhibit a greater service to the Lord. In this wiping of the feet with her hair, she sanctifies her head by his feet. For she sanctified whatever was able to touch the body of Christ, which is the source of holines s. She rendered a greater service so as to earn a greater grace, just as one who is thirsty receives water of the fount running from on high, so this holy woman, received the beauty of sacred grace, in order to quench the thirst of her faith. 3 According to a truly allegorical or mystical reckoning, that woman served as a figure for the whole church which offered to Christ its full devotion and complete faith. This woman took a pound of authentic aromatic ointment. In a pound, there is twelve ounces. There fore the church, who received the teaching of the twelve apostles, 2 Matthew 26:13. 3 Matthew 23:12.

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271 possesses a measure of this kind like precious ointment, which it received like precious ointment. For what is more precious than the teaching of the apostles, which contains the faith of C hrist and the glory of the kingdom of heaven? Indeed, it is mentioned that the whole house was filled with the fragrance of that perfume because the whole world the 4 Now, the precious ointment has in itself the different types of spices, which are fragrant, because the apostolic doctrine has diverse graces of the spirit, by which it displays the f ragrant smell of their odor. No r is it really a wonder if the precious ointment signifies the apostolic teaching, when we read that the name of our Lord and Savior is also expressed by this kind of thing. For we read the words of Solomon speaking in the ro le 5 Not without reason is the Lord called contained within a vase retains the power of its odor. But when it is spread around or emptied, then the smell of its fragrance spreads far and wide. And so our Lord and savior, when he was reigning in heaven with the Father, was ignored by the world, which did not know him throughout the ages. But when he consented, for our salvation, t o empty himself, so that he might receive a human body and descend from heaven, then the sweet fragrance of his name spread to the entire world. This ointment is that dow n on the beard, even on the beard of Aaron, which comes down onto the edge of 4 Psalms 19:4. 5 Song of Solomon 1:3.

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272 6 This ointment flowing down from the head to the beard of Aaron and from these to the edge of his clothes is that flowing all over the body of the church. 4 But let us return to the subject at hand. In the pound of aromatic ointment which is precious perfume, the teaching of the apostles is signified which the Church received. For the church had no other way to come to Christ except the apostolic doctrine. But loo k at the mystery of faith which has been before in that woman. She did not anoint the head of the Lord first, but his feet. The feet of Christ represent his sacred incarnation, for he deigned to be born of a virgin at the last times. But in the head is rep resented the glory of his divinity, in which before all time he proceeded from the father. Therefore before the church came first to the feet of the Lord, and then to the head, because if it had not learned of the incarnation of Christ from a virgin, is ne ver would have been able to know the glory of his divinity, which is from the Father. That is why we read in the scripture of the lamb, which was offered, under the Law, in the same 7 It means that we believe in both natures of Christ, that he is man and he is God. God from the Father, man born from a virgin. For the head, as we have said, signifies his divinity which is from the Father; the feet, his incarnation from being born of a virgin. Otherwise we cannot be saved, unless we believe in both natures of Christ. Consequently, not a few heretics who confess only the humanity of Christ, denying his divinity, such as Photinus, hold his feet but do not possess his head, because they hav e lost the head of their faith. But we hold rightly to both things in Christ, because we confess both sides. We hold his 6 Psalms 133:2. 7 Exodus 12:9.

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273 feet because we believe in his incarnation from a virgin and we his head, because we confess his divinity flowing from the Father. 5 But in the hair of that woman which wiped the feet of the Lord is shown the people of the Church, which venerate the incarnation of Christ and the apostolic doctrine. But these hairs are those which we read about in the Song of Songs, where it is said to t 8 But rightly does the hair signify the people of the Church, because just as hair is for the woman the greatest decoration, so the believing people adorn the Church of Christ. But we are also able to recognize in the hair the signification of virtues of the soul, and in the precious ointment, works of mercy. Therefore if the work of mercy and piety exist in us, it is like we anoint the feet of the Lord with precious perfume. Hence, 9 If some virtues of the soul exist in us, it is like we wipe the feet of the Lord with our hair. Fo r Christ is refreshed and renewed by all the virtues of our souls; in all pursuit of faith, in all the works of justice, mercy and piety, because he is the author and founder of all good works. 8 Song of Solomon 6: 5. 9 Matthew 25:40.

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274 SERMON 12 : ON THE EPISTLE TO TH E ROMANS 1 As you, d early beloved, heard the Blessed apostle Paul in the letter written to the Romans argued and proved that not only for the sake of the Jews, but for the peoples ( gentes ), the Son of God became incarnate from a virgin. For the law had predicted this, and the prophets had announced it in advance. For it was not appropriate that the Son of God should descend from heaven in order to save a single people, he who created all peoples ( omnes gentes ). It was first sent to the Jews based on the merit of the patriarchs out of whom they are descended. But because they rejected the great gift which was offered to them, salvation was given to the diverse people and nations, word of God, b ut because you judged yourself unworthy of eternal life, behold that we 1 2 And so the coming of Christ gave salvation to all peoples and redemption to the whole of the human race. For he who redeemed us was he who created. H e was saved was he who made. For it is not without reason that we are called redeemed by 2 which he did not have before, he is said to buy. If, on the other hand, he procures that which he had and lost, he is said to redeem not to buy, for he redeems his own and 1 Acts 13:46. 2 This does not seem to be from any particular verse. It is similar to Romans 5:9, Ephesians 1:7 and Colossians 1:14.

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275 redeems that which he already had. This is why Romans who have been freed from the captivity of barbarians by the paying of a ransom are not called bought but redeemed. 3 Therefore because man was the work of Christ for according to the will of the father, man was made in his image at the beginning of the world it was shown that man was redeemed rather than bought by Christ because he who redeemed man was he to whom man belonged, and he himself who had created man. For man had incurred the dominati on of the devil long ago, similar to barbarian captivity; man had abandoned its first master and been taken captive by a ruse of the enemy. But we are redeemed by the blood of Christ and freed from the captivity of the devil so that we might return to our original Lord; and we ought not to abandon now to incur a return to the captivity of the devil, from which we will not deserve to be freed. For the price was not a small one which the son of God deigned to offer for our redemption his sacred blood. If we make light of the grace of such a great redemption, we deceive ourselves. The Son of God was not crucified once for us so that we might expect another redemption. This is why the apostle exhorts us to have before our eyes the grace of this great redemptio n so that we may faithfully obey the author of our redemption and our salvation. 4 Now let us see what the apostle, in the previous part, set forth in a profound But he w 3 It is not a small question that the Apostle proposes here. But let us see if we, with the help of God, can explain this in part. The Apostle is not speaking here of the weakness of the flesh or the health of the body; rather he speaks of weakness of the mind and the health of the soul. For this weakness 3 Romans 14:2.

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276 is present where the mind is troubled with sin; and true health is present when the soul does not tire from the illness of sin. Greed, avarice: these are diseases of the soul. The lust of unlawful desires is the weakness of the mind. Rage, anger, vanity, envy and other vices are the diseases of the soul and wounds of the mind, which bring the soul even to the danger of salvation and the death of sin. And so, whoever is si ck in this kind of sin, even if he is whole in body, is sick all over. He who is sick in mind, is sick in his soul. But he who is an alien from these vices, even if he is sick in his body, is most healthy in mind, because God desires the health of our mind more than that of our body. 5 Do you want proof? The pauper Lazarus, as we read in the gospel, was always sick in his body, even to death. He was full of wounds, but he was most healthy in spirit because he did not suffer the illness of sin. In short, wh en he died, he was received by the angels and led into the bosom of Abraham. On the other hand, the rich man, at the door of which the pauper Lazarus lay, was healthy and whole in his body, but was totally sick in spirit, because he suffered from the grave illness of sin. He had even the fever of desire, the fever of greed, and many wounds of sins. And so, once he was dead, he was lead to a place of torment. O blessed sickness of Lazarus! Such unfortunate health of the rich man! This one is led to refreshme nt and rest, the other to his penalty. This one to the eternal kingdom, the other to everlasting punishment. We have brought this up so that you may know that the health of the soul is more necessary than the health of the body. While the sickness of the b ody does not hinder the salvation of the soul, the sickness of the soul, if not cured by good works, makes body and soul strangers to salvation. The health of the body is good and desirable, but preferable is spiritual health, which surpasses the health of the body, because the health of the soul

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277 is the salvation of the body. These things show how great a difference there is between the health of the body and soul. One cures the body with the medicine of this earth; the soul with the medicine of heaven. For curing, one treats the body with an application of oil; the soul is revived by the divine words. 6 4 Theref ore, whoever is healthy in faith, in knowledge, in heavenly precepts, in works of justice, without a doubt eats, in spirit, all that the law and faith contains. He hears the law, he eats the law, because the teaching of the law is the food of the soul. He hears the prophets, he eats of the prophets, because the preaching of the prophets is the nourishment of the soul and the refreshment of the mind. He hears the gospel, he eats eagerly of the gospel, he hears of this Christ speaking of the bread of heaven which descended in order to refresh the hearts of believers. He hears the apostle, he eats eagerly of the apostle, because he is refreshed by the teaching of the apostle. Thus, the soul eats faithfully of all this, because it is refreshed by all the words of divine scripture, which is the food of the faith and the words of truth. Just as someone who eats, in the physical sense, many different foods at an opulent and rich banquet; so if the soul eats faithfully and richly from the words of Christ, it is refr eshed and satisfied. 7 afflicted by the sickness of sin is ill. He is not able to eat anything because his soul does not accept the divine mysteries. But let him receive the proper precepts of the commandments as if they were vegetables so that he may be strengthened and able to 4 Romans 14:2.

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278 recover his health and thus be strong enough to eat everything. If some of us, in their souls, are bound by the infirmity of sin, we ought to hurry to the he aling of salvation, in order to be worthy to receive the solid food of faith and justice. Becoming true spiritual athletes, we can overcome and conquer the enemy strengthened by the food of justice, the food of truth, the food of salvation, receiving the c rown of life and reward of eternal life. But let us look closer at this: Suppose someone is sick with respect to his soul from the lust of the flesh, the precept of chastity and modesty is necessary for him, because the health of the body is a modest spiri t, so that he can be healed from the sickness of sin from which he suffers; because a modest spirit is the health of the body. Again, if someone is sick with the lust of avarice, which is a burden exceeding every sickness of the soul, as the apostle says, 5 the command concerning works of mercy is necessary for such a person in order that he may know that he cannot otherwise be healed unless a compassionate person arises from the miser and a liberal one from the greedy. Agai n, if anyone suffers from the disease of anger and rage, the precept of patience is necessary for him so that he might be cured from the disease of anger. Further, if anyone suffers from the disease of envy or hatred, this principle of charity and brotherl y love is suggested to him so that his soul can be healed. For otherwise, no man can be healed in this way unless he excludes hate from his heart and receives brotherly love. Because just as love is of God, so hate is of the devil; for God is the author o f love, the devil is the inventor of hate. 8 Evil and all the other vices of sins are diseases of the soul. But the divine virtues are necessary, like vegetables, so that one can recover the health of salvation. 5 I Timothy 6:10.

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279 These spiritual vegetables refresh the wea kness of the soul, until it is enriched back to 6 For he incurred a grave disease of sin, which nothing could cure, except eating the precepts of salvation. For this reason, if someone suffers from a disease of this kind, we ought to eat liberally from the principle of chastity, of purity, of patience of love and charit y so that we can recover to full health, being both fit and able to eat the solid food of justice and faith. For it is sound and valiant to eat solid food, the most spiritual of athletes. If we warrant to eat the solid food of justice and faith, without do ubt we become spiritual athletes, able to conquer and overcome our enemy in this life. Amen. 6 There is a lacuna in the text here. Nevertheless, the text can be identified as Genesis 9:3, which reads, Every moving thing that is alive shall be food for you; I give all to you, as I gave the green plant.

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280 SERMON 13 : ON THE G OSPEL OF MATTHEW, W HER E I T JERUSALEM, Y OU W HO K ILLED THE RAGMENT) 1. After many rebukes which he had made of the impiety of the scribes and Pharisees, our Lord and Savior said to Jerusalem, as your love heard in our present 1 That which is rebuked here under the name Jerusalem is not the walls of Jerusalem, but the inhabitants of the city, or rather the synagogue of the Jews, which is very often called Jerusalem. For it was not the walls of the city which killed the prophets, or stoned him who had been sent, b ut the people of the synagogue. It is they who killed the prophets long ago and they who stoned the just. But perhaps they say the Jews now are not responsible for the blood of the prophets or the death of the just, because they were not there at that time But when they do not believe the words of the prophets or the just about Christ, then it is like they are now stoning the just and killing the prophets. For what can be a greater injury to the prophets or the just than if one does not believe in Christ? Since the Jews did not believe in him, without a doubt they stone the just, not with stones of the street but with words of blasphemy. And they kill the prophets not with a sword of iron, but with the pen of treachery; for the blasphemies of the Jews again st Christ are the stoning of the Jews and the slaying of the prophets. But the good soldier must suffer his death for the King. This is understood of the just and the prophets, those who were good soldiers and suitable servants of the Christ. Surely, the i njuries of Christ are the stoning of the prophets, and his death, the death of the prophets. Thus we are right to say, even today we see the Jews persecuting the just and killing the prophets, because they do not believe the words of the just and the proph ets about Christ. 1 Matthew 23:37.

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281 2 In sho the Jews might understand that they are also guilty of the murder of the just and the ed the prophets and stone d those who were sent to you; How often would I have gathered

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282 SERMON 14 : ON THE HEALING OF THE PARAL YTIC AND ON B APTISM 1 When out Lord and Savior came to Jerusalem, as your love heard in the reading, he came to a pool with five porches, which in Hebrew is called Bethsaida. And so he showed the perfect image of ba ptism to come with the pool. But so far as there is a difference between the image and reality, they differ between the grace of the pool and the grace of the healing of baptism. That water was moved only once a year; the water of baptism of the Church is always ready to be moved. That was only moved in one place, this is moved throughout the entire world. Then an angel descended, here the Holy Spirit. There, the grace of angels; here, the mystery of the spirit. That water cured only one person a year; her e, every day, there are peoples saved. The water of the pool healed only the body. The water here saves body and soul. That healed only from the illness, here, even from the sin. That freed the body only from infirmity; this frees the body and soul from si n. A multitude of ill persons lay down near that water, for only one was healed per year. No one lies at this water except those who want to come and be healed. It is always ready to heal, the moment one comes to be cured. In fact the pagan ones there came and were cured; the Jews there did not want to come: thus they remain in perpetual disease. 2 The importance of the grace of baptism of the Church, the Holy Spirit like 1 We understand the eyes of the Church as the apostles and martyrs who, in the body of the church, are as invaluable as the eyes, and who were plunged in the baptism of the milk 1 Song of Solomon 5:12.

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283 of the chu rch, to spiritually become white like milk. Do you want to know how the 2 It is a good thing that those who have been washed in the milk give the m ilk. But first of those washed in milk and being the eyes of the church, are the infant who were killed for Christ by Herod in Bethlehem. For they have truly been washed in the milk, those, who being still nursed, merited to die for Christ. They have been washed in the milk, those which nursed at their mother and suffered martyrdom for Christ. This martyrdom signifies baptism, as the Lord himself confirmed in the gospel 3 He was not speaking of th e baptism of water which he had already received from John, but of the baptism of his passion. Blessed is he who merits sufficiently to undergo such as it. For the baptism of water is a good thing, but better yet is the baptism of martyrdom. In the former, there is mercy; in the latter is reward. There, remission of sins, here the acquisition of a crown of virtue. 3 Solomon reported correctly about the abundance of water in baptism when he itting upon the which waters the entire world. The water of the pool of Bethsaida was only able to heal once a year, while the grace of baptism of the church runs eac h day, overflowing each day through the kings, races, and innumerable people of the nations who enjoy its gift. Only the Jewish people refused to acknowledge the benefit of such waters. It is why the 2 I Corinthians 3:2. 3 Luke 12:50.

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284 infirm man, as he was the type of the Jewish people, sai 4 While the Jewish people were questioning and doubting the coming of Christ, the gentiles came before them and received the first healing; they who were first in healing, became first in the faith. 4 B ut now we ought to consider what the Lord said, in the present reading, to him who was healed after thirty 5 Whatever sins you had, they are forgiven you; You are h ealed from all the infirmity of the body, from the illness of the soul, from the diseases of the body, from the sickness of illicit desires. You arise a new man from the washing of regeneration. Be careful not to revert to your former sins, lest you lay yo urself open to the danger of death, because the grace of baptism is given once. If anyone should lose it by his own negligence, or rather by infidelity, he becomes guilty of his own death, because he did not wish to protect such great grace. For this reaso n, before you come to baptism, we asked you whether you renounce the world, its powers and works. And you responded that you renounce it; and thus you came to the grace of baptism eternal. Your words are bound by God; your response is written in heaven. Yo u swore your faith to God; you swore in the presence of angels, because the angels were present when we asked you for faith. Look at what you do. If it is strong to swear to a 6 You will be justified if you fulfill your 4 John 5:7. 5 John 5:14. 6 Matthew 12:37.

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285 promise to Christ. You will be condemned if you are unable to guard the faith of your 7 Therefore, because the Strong one is dealing with us, we ought to guard the faith promised, to guard the grace which we received, lest we incur excessive confusion on ing 8 And we will begin to be seized by the hands and feet, as it is 9 W e always ha ve white clothes if we preserve intact the grace of our baptism. And we always have oil on our head, if we keep the chrism of our salvation which we received, and thus we will not be confounded on the day of judgment, but rather we will merit to rejoice to gether with all the saints and the elect of God in the heavenly kingdom. 7 Proverbs 6:2. 8 Matthew 22:12. 9 Ecclesiastes 9:8.

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286 SERMON 15 : ON THE W ASHING OF F EET 1 Many times, after he had been born from a virgin, our Lord and Savior demonstrated examples of humility. But above all is that which was reported in the rising from supper, he took off his tunic and girded himself, and he began to wash the Master and Lord, and you speak rightly: For I am. If I wash your feet, as Master and Lord, you also ought to wash the feet of each other. I gave this example to you so that 1 Wondrous and incomparable is the hum ility of the Lord. The Lord of eternal majesty washed the feet of his servants. Him, whom the angels serve in heaven, served men on earth. He humbled himself on earth so that you do not exalt yourself in anything. He washed the feet of his disciples, so th at you do not disdain to wash the feet of your fellow servants. You cannot flatter yourself for your riches, or your birth, or your honors, because he who deigned to do and fulfill this task, is Lord of all honors and powers. Since he showed us the example of humility, we ought to follow and imitate him in this act, which contains a mystery concerning our salvation. But we will speak of it in the proper place. 2 For now, let us speak of the literal sense. Abraham washed the feet of the Lord when He visite d him at the oak of Mamre. But he was the servant who washed his master; it was right that the servant washed the feet of his master. And when Abraham washed the feet of the Lord, it was performed not for the Lord but for himself, in order to receive a ble ssing. In short, for his service, he received a son from his wife, who was 1 John 13:13 15.

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287 barren in her old age. Abraham saw a pre figurment of the future mystery when the Lord appeared to him at the oak of Mamr e, at noon. For in that oak of M amre, the cross of the Lord was demonstrated. The hour of noon, the time of the passion, for the Lord was crucified at the sixth hour for the salvation of the world, as we read in the gospel. And it is reported that Abraham was resting under an oak tree, because the faith of the patr iarchs rested only under the cross of Christ. It was noon, which is wont to be menaced by excessive heat, because nothing cools us from the ardor of sin except the cross of Christ, by the shadow of his passion. Rightly then, the Lord visited Abraham at noo n under the oak tree, for that was the very moment that Christ manifested himself, at noon, that he suffered the blessed passion of the cross for our salvation. Thus, Abraham washed the feet of the Lord for his own benefit. But in this washing of feet, he laid down all the filth of his sins, for in washing the feet of our Lord, his sins were washed away. Gideon also washed the feet of the Lord, as we read in the book of Judges, not to render a service, but so that he might receive a blessing. And for his se rvice, he received all that he asked and he saw the sacrament of truth to come. He offered a sacrifice on a rock; the Lord touched the rock with a rod; Fire came out of the rock and consumed the precious sacrifice. The rock prefigures the incarnation of Ch rist, out of which sprang the divine spiritual fire, which is the Holy Spirit, who shall burn the vices of our sins. We are unable to be made worthy of sacrifice to God, unless we are illumined through this divine fire, namely the Holy Spirit, who burns up in us the vices of the flesh, so that we cleansed from all the stain of sin. Then, when Gideon was going to fight his enemies, he was ordered to select only 300 men, with whom he brought back a noble

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288 victory over his enemies. No other number could have ma de such a victory, since it signified in itself the mystery of the cross. For the number 300, in the Greek manner of 300, however, Gideon divided them into three groups, because the victory of the cross was the faith in the Trinity. 3 Let us return to the subject at hand. Abraham washed the feet o f the Lord, and Gideon washed them as well, but as servants to their master. As it was referred to in the p resent reading, the Lord deigned to wash the feet of his disciples, which is admirable above all the others. First, let us consider the literal sense. Behold the reward for this act of piety. According to the flesh, the apostles were descended from Abraham and Gideon. Therefore, Christ, by washing the feet of his disciples, repaid with piety and goodness to the sons the act of service which he had received from the fathers. They washed the feet of the Lord; here, he washes the feet of his disciples and repa ys the same act of service, only much more powerfully. They washed the feet of the Lord then, in order to be sanctified; the Lord now washes the feet of his disciples not to be sanctified himself, but to sanctify them. They washed the feet of the Lord to e rase their sins; he washes the feet of his disciples in order to purify them from all the stain of sin. Abraham offered to the Lord three loaves of bread; He, with five loaves, satisfied the sons of Abraham in the desert. Abraham made the Lord to rest unde r an oak tree at noon; the Lord protected his children under the shadow of the cross at noon, for noon was when the Lord was crucified. Abraham killed a calf for the Lord; for the salvation of his sons, the Lord offered himself as a sacrifice.

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289 4 But now l et us look at the mystery in the present reading, although what we said already was of the mystery. The Lord took off his tunic and girded himself with a towel. He put water in a basin and began to wash the feet of his disciples and to dry them with the to wel which he had on. It is not without reason that it is said that took off his tunic and thus washed the feet of the disciples. Clearly the feet of our souls have been washed and the footsteps of our mind have been cleansed only when the Lord took off his tunic. For assuredly, he laid down on the cross the tunic of the body, which he had assumed in his birth but took off in his passion. In order to cover our nakedness, covered the entire world. And although the Lord took off his bodily tunic in the passion, he, however, was not nude, because he had the clothing of virtue. This is what is signified by the shedding of the tunic. 5 But when he came to Peter to wash his fee t, just as was recounted in the 2 At first, Saint Peter refused the service of the Lord, because he believed himself unworthy to have his feet washed by the Lord. he did not refuse the service of Chri st, in order to have fellowship with Christ. And because he recognized that in the washing of the feet was a great mystery, he said: lives, which were polluted in Adam by the staining of sin, might be washed in baptism. 2 John 13:8 9.

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290 He offered his hands so that they, which Adam had polluted when he extended his hand illicitly to the tree, might be purified in the sacred baptism of Christ. He offered his head to be washed, so that not even the feeling of his soul, which is in the head, might remain dirtied in the sin of Adam. On account of this, he was offering his entire self for baptism and was desiring that he be washed completely, so that through the washing of his head he migh t possess a pure heart, in the washing of his hands, he might do the works of justice, and in the washing of his feet, he might walk on the road of truth with undefiled steps. 6 Therefore, the Lord washed the feet of his disciples, lest there remain in us any trace of the sin which had stained Adam. For now, the Lord washes the feet of his servants, which he invites to the grace of saving baptism. And if we see men carrying out the duty of this rite, it is the work, however, of he who is the author of the service, and he who carries that which he instituted. We exhibit the office; He bestows the gift. Our offi ce; His command. But the gift is from Him, even if the service is ours. The grace comes from him, even if the action is ours. We wash the feet of the body; He washes the steps of our souls. We plunge the body in water; He remits sins. We baptize; He sanctifies. We lay hands on the earth; He, from heaven, gives the Holy Spirit. For this reason, catechumens, my sons, we ought to hasten to the grace of bap tism, so that, putting off the stains of sins, you may become pure in all things in the eyes of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

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291 SERMON 16 : FIRST SERMON FOR THE GREAT NIGHT 1. All the vigils that we celebrate in the honor of the Lord are rece ived by and pleasing to the God, but this vigil is greater than all others. And so this particular night 1 Now this night suffered the sleep of death for us in the mystery of his passion; but this sleep of God became a vigil for the entire world, because the sleep of God eliminated from us the 2 This sleep of Christ, who reported the bitterness of death and the sweetness of life, became sweet. 3 through which he shows himsel f in the mystery of his divinity and his flesh. For he slept according to the flesh and kept watch according to his divinity, for who guards Israel neither sleeps nor 4 but his divinity surveyed Hell so that he might rescue men who were held in hell. For our Lord and Savior wanted to visit all places to have mercy on all. He descended from 1 Exodus 12:42. 2 Psalms 3:6. 3 Song of Solomon 5:2. 4 Psalms 120:4.

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292 heaven to earth to visit the world. He descended from earth to hell to illuminate those death, light has dawned on yo 5 who are in hell. 2 Consequently, the angels in heaven, men on earth, and the souls of the faithful in h ell all celebrate this vigil of the Lord. The angels in heaven celebrate this vigil of the Lord because, through his death, Christ destroyed death, trod on hell, saved the world and freed men. And they rightly celebrate because the salvation of the world is the joy of the angels. But if the repentance of one sinner, as it is written in the gospel, is the cause of joy for the angels in heaven, how great then the redemption of the entire world? Men on the earth celebrate because Christ suffered death for the redemption of the human race, conquering death by his death. And the souls of the faithful in hell celebrate because Christ descended to hell to end the reign of death and hell over them. And is it any wonder that the angels in heaven, men on earth and the souls of the faithful celebrate this vigil of the Lord since he who deigned to die for us is the creator of heaven, earth and hell? We ought to say even more: the Father himself celebrate s this vigil of the Lord with the Son and Holy Spirit, because it was according to the will of the father that the Son suffered death, so that he might give life to us by his death. This vigil is not only a festival for men and angels but for the Father an d son with the holy Spirit, because the salvation of the world is a cause of joy for the Trinity. For this reason we 5 Isaiah 9:2.

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293 ought to celebrate with all devotion the vigil of so grata a night, because this night, death is destroyed, the world is redeemed, and the people are free. 3 celebrated in the honor of his name throughout the entire world. There are as many prayers of individuals as there are desires; as many lights as there are p rayers of merit. The darkness of night is conquered by the light of our devotion. Angels in heaven rejoice at the solemnity of this vigil. Men on earth rejoice. Even the powers of hell rejoice, because the great solemnity of this night reaches even them. A lthough the Jews and even the pagans seem strangers to this celebration, they are not without joy, because they are conquered by a secret grace and goodness which comes from the name of Christ who reigns over everything. Many Pagans and Jews celebrate the festival of our vigil as their own both with glad hearts, if not with religious practices. 4 And because this is the night in which, long ago, the firstborn of Egypt was killed and the sons of Israel were freed, Let us pray to the Lord with all our heart, all our faith, so that he may deliver us from all invasions of our enemies and all fear of them. He does not look at our merits but considers his own mercy. He condescended to deliver the children of Israel, not for their merits, but in consideration of h is own mercy. Let him protect us according to his mercy and push back the barbarian nations and operate in us what Moses said to the children of Israel: The Lord fights for you, and you remain silent 6 He fights, and He conquers. If he has pity and he f orgives sins, not according to our merits, but according to his clemency, it is because he is accustomed to mercy even to the unworthy. So that he deigns to do this, we ought to pray as much 6 Exodus 14:14.

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294 day of tribulation; I will deliver you and you will praise me 7 7 Psalms 50:15.

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295 SERMON 17 : SECOND SERMON FOR TH E GREAT NIGHT 1 The world witness es how great the solemnity of the present night is during which this vigil is celebrated all night long. It is not w ithout reason, for tonight death was defeated, life lived, and Christ arose from the dead. Long ago, Moses said to the 1 This life, i t is Christ the Lord, has been hung from a tree, when he was raised on the cross for the salvation of the world. Of this life the Jewish people did not want to believe, and for this reason incurred death, since he who flees from death must incur death. 2 But it was not without reason that Moses predicted that this life to hang from a tree day and night. During the day the body of the Lord came down from the cross, as we read in the gospel. But when it was still the middle of the day, the Lord hanging on the cross, there were three hours of darkness throughout the entire world. Thus through day and night Christ hung on the cross, because night came upon the middle of the day. For the sun could not bear an injury to its creator, and for that reason it was c overed by darkness, lest it be compelled to take part in the crimes of the Jews. The sun shuddered at the great crime of the Jews. Therefore, it took a veil of darkness like clothes of mourning so that it might show honor as a servant to the death of his L ord. That it was 2 He said way, because he leads to the Father. Truth, because he condemns lies. Life, because he has dominion over dea th. Hence it is not 1 Deuteronomy 28:66. 2 John 14:6.

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296 3 For death, which used to conquer was conquered by the death of its conqueror. The Life descended into death in orde r that he himself might make death flee. Just as at the dawn darkness is disappears, so death was slain by the coming eternal life. This life though was not subject to death, suffering, however, death in the body in order to kill, by his hidden virtue, dea th itself. Like if a lion put on a sheep skin to deceive a wolf, so Christ, who is the life, suffered in the body to deceive death, the devourer or human bodies. So by not wanting to believe in this Life, the Jews incurred death; but we ought to believe i n him so we can evade death. 3 4 Thus, Moses called the solemnity or this time the first and beginning of the year. We ought to compute the beginning of the year from this time, when we first received salvation. We should begin to call this month the first month for in it we are saved from death. Hence the pagans, who hold that January is the first month, are greatly in error. How can January be the first month of the year when the whole world is hidden dry and without beauty? For in that time, there is no grass on the earth, no flowers on the trees, and no buds on the vines. The first month is not January, when all is dead, but Eas ter time when all come to life. For now, the grass of the meadows rises as if from the dead, now the flowers are in the trees, now the vines have buds, now the air itself delights in the new time, which allows the pilot to undertake safely a sea voyage. Th is first month or new time is Easter time, which itself 3 I Corinthians 15:55. 4 Exodus 13:2.

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297 renews the elements of the world. It is not really surprising that this time renews the world, since even the human race was renewed today. And so innumerable are the peoples throughout the whole univ erse that are raised today to new life through the water of baptism. For at this time the sheep give birth safely, no longer fearing the cold of winter. Likewise, at this time the Church of God produces spiritual sheep, lambs of Christ, in the flocks of th e faithful; they are nourished by the milk of life and the drink of Church, are shown to be pregnant by the washing because it produces sons of God through the grace of baptism. It brings forth twin sons because out of two peoples, one came to belief. 4 Therefore, many gentiles err who call January the first month or the new time, but it is no wonder if they who err in religion err in time. But we, who believe the Easter season to be the true new time, ought to celebrate with all joy, exultation, and alertness day that 5 Then we can confidently say, if we obey his commands faithfully, that we will come to eternal life and to perpetual rejoicing in the kingdom of heaven. 5 Psalms 117:24.

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298 SERMON 17A : EASTER SERMON 1 When our Lord and Savior came to the time of his passion, in order to show 1 The greatness of this Passover feast we can know by how our Lord and Savior desired to fulfill it. The joy of this feast was desired by the angels, desired by the law, desired by the judges, desired by the prophets, desired by prophets, but the time of his coming was not yet. Indeed, long ago, this feast ha d been prepared by the law, but only in a figure. Because the law prepared the figure, Christ the Lord completed it in truth. For the passion of Christ is the true Passover, from which we take the name Paschal. The apostle shows the same thing when he says feast, not with old yeast or malice or wickedness, but with the sincere unleavened bread 2 We must exclude from our hearts all yeast of malice and sin so that, with pure minds and right consciences, we can be made like loaves of unleavened bread, so that we can celebrate the dignity of the Paschal feast of Christ. 2 If, however, we hold the yeast of sin and malice in our hearts, we do not merit to celebrate the Passover 3 We are unleavened bread if we remain without the yeast of malice. We are unleavened bread if we are strangers to all 1 Luke 22:15. 2 I Corinthians 5:7 8. 3 I Corinthians 5:7.

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299 4 For this reason we ought to expunge and throw away all the yeast of sin so that we deserve to enjoy the solemn paschal feast, about which the Lord said to his dis we eat this Passover with Christ because he feeds those he saves. For he is the author of the Passover feast, the author of the mystery. He fulfills this Passover feast, so that he may refresh us by the bread of his passion and recreate us by the drink of salvation. Since the Lord wants to make us participants in a great feast, let us pray that we might be worthy of his sacrament, and we might consequently merit the right blessing o f the Lord. Amen. 4 I Corinthians 5:6.

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300 SERMON 18 : ON NICODEMUS AND BAP TISM 1 When our Lord and Savior had declared the power of his divinity by numerous at night time, and said t o Him: we know that you have come from God as a teacher. For 1 Nicodemus, a chief of the Jews, desired indeed to come to the Lord, but he was afraid to offend the Jews, and for that reason he came to the Lord not in the daytime, but at night, because he was bound by the ignorance of darkness, the unbelief of the Jews. Christ, the light of justice, had not yet illuminated his heart, because he had not yet acknowledged the light of the truth. will not stumble. But he who walks at night stumbles for the light of the world is not in 2 He who follows Christ, the eternal light, walks always in the day. The coming of ni ght does not impede him, who always has the light of truth in his heart. But he who ignores the true light of Christ, even if he walks in the daylight, is always in night. Thus, because Nicodemus was bound in the ignorance of the Jews, it is right to say t hat he came to the Lord at night. And that Nicodemus was then in the night of from God as a teacher. For no one can do these miracles, which you do, unless God is with him. the heavenly teachings. He wondered at the signs and miracles, when he ought to have recognized from the majesty of the Lord in the signs, God alone could do such great 1 John 3:1 2. 2 John 11:9 10.

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301 miracles. Th erefore, even though Nicodemus came to the Lord at night, yet because he had come to God, who is the light of truth, he did not depart without the grace of light. 2. 3 in order to pour into his heart th e light of new birth. But because Nicodemus could not yet clearly understand one is born of water and the Holy Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom 4 In this, the Lord showed clearly to Nicodemus that there are two births: one earthly, the other heavenly; one of the flesh, the other spiritual. But he reveals that the spiritual is 3 Therefore, of the flesh is the bi rth that comes from man; spiritual is the birth that comes from God. One comes from men, the other from God. Men of this world produce that one; God generates this one. One pours forth from the earth; the other travels to heaven. One has a temporary life, the other eternal. Finally, this one makes sons of men; that one makes sons of God. The whole spiritual birth is done invisibly, as much as the physical is visible. For we see one who is baptized dip in the font, we see him come up from the water; but we d o not see that which is done in the washing. Only the assembly of the faithful, in spirit, understands that the sinner descends into the font be he comes up clean from all sin. Blessed and true is this birth of heaven which makes 3 John 3:3. 4 John 3:5 6.

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302 sons of God from sons of m en. About this mystery, Nicodemus, because he had not yet Lord, in order to bring h showed Nicodemus that birth of which each man must be reborn. This spiritual birth makes children of ol d men. Whoever is regenerated through baptism is reborn in innocence, laying aside the errors of antiquity and the malice of sin. It is the spiritual womb of the Church which conceives and gives birth to the sons of God. 4 Therefore, because you, candidat es for baptism, my sons, you have to be born again in innocence through the grace of God, laying aside all the old things of sin, you ought to guard, whole and unblemished, the grace of your birth, so that you can be called true sons of God and be worthy t o enter the kingdom of heaven.

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303 SERMON 18A : OF BAPTISM AND THE H OLY SPIRIT (FRAGMENT ) For this birth makes us worthy of the Kingdom of heaven, according to the words Spirit, he 1 And how can heretics dare to deny that the Holy Spirit is God, when they see clearly the son of God declaring the Holy Spirit God? Our spiritual birth is not without the Holy Spirit, and not without reason: for just as our first creation was the work of the Trinity, so our second creation is the work of the Trinity. For no wor k of the father is without the son, nor without the Holy Spirit, because the work of the Father is the work of the Son. The work of the son is the work of the Holy Spirit. The grace of the Trinity is one and the same. We are saved now by the Trinity, becau se we were made by the Trinity alone in the beginning. There is only one work of the trinity in the creation of man; there has 1 John 3:5 6.

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304 SERMON 19 : ON THE P ASSION OF THE LORD W HERE I T S AYS: THEN THE SOLDIERS OF THE GATH ERED AROUND JESUS IN THE COURTROOM AND STRIPPING HIM, THEY PUT A SCARLET CLOAK ON HIM. 1 There are many things insinuated to us is the reading; but what ought we to say more than the gospel where our salvation is founded? The reading of the prophets is a good thing, indeed, but, the gospel is better, because the reading of the prophetic is predictive, in the Gospel, however, truth is revealed. The sayings of the prophets are covered in the clouds of mystery; the words of the g ospel, however, enlighten with the clarity of the sun. The present reading of the gospel displays the injuries which our Lord and Savior suffered at the hands of the Jews and the Gentiles for the salvation of humanity. For when our Lord and Savior had been received by the soldiers in order to be conducted to And they placed a crown of thorns on his head, and a reed in his right hand. And they worshipped him, bowing and s 1 By this, the Jews and Gentiles made mockery of him. But now, through the heavenly mystery, we know what these things mean. In them sinfulness was at work; in the nations (gentiles) the mystery of faith and the reason of tru th. As a king he assumed the purple tunic, and as the prince of martyrs the scarlet cloak, because his sacred blood shines as if it were precious scarlet. As a victor he received the crown, because the crown is properly offered to the victor. As God, he wa s adored on bended knee. Therefore, he assumed the purple as king, the scarlet as prince of martyrs, was crowned as a victor, was hailed as Lord, and was worshipped as God. 1 Matthew 27:28 30.

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305 2 We are able to recognize the significance of the purple tunic as the Church whic 2 In this bed Christ rests, where he could find the purple, which is a royal faith and a precious mind. Purple is shown truly to be a precious and royal thing, because although it is a natural product, it changes, however, the nature when dyed, and it changes the appearance. It is one thing i n its nature, and another in its appearance. It is base in its nature, but changed it is precious. Thus, our flesh by nature is base, but changed by grace it is made precious, plunged three times into the mystery of the Trinity, like spiritual scarlet, lik e purple. Hence if we want to be counted as precious purple, we ought to guard the grace made in us, as that we can be worthy to have so great a king. We can turn to the scarlet cloak which also signifies the glory of the martyrs, for it was dyed with his own blood and adorned with the blood of the martyrs, as though they shine like precious scarlet in Christ. This scarlet is that which had to be offered long ago to beautify the temple of God; the martyrs adorn the Church of God. But it was necessary to of fer that scarlet twice to adorn the tabernacle. The martyrs of Christ receive a double grace because they surrendered to the passion in both body and soul. For on the outside, they bleed the blood of martyrdom from their flesh, but within, they decorated t heir souls with the confession of faith. And through this, the martyrs offered double scarlet to adorn the tabernacle, because they are made precious in their body and soul to the Lord. 2 Song of Solomon 3:10.

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306 3 But the crown of thorns which the Lord received upon his head sign ifies our company out of the nations we came to belief. Although we were once thorns, that is sinners, we, however, believed in Christ and we were made into a crown of justice, because no longer do we injure or prick the Savior, but we encircle his head wi th our confession of faith, confessing that the Father is in the Son, because the head of Christ is God as the apostle displayed. This crown is that which David once proclaimed in the 3 We w ere long ago thorns, but after we began to be counted in the crown of Christ, we were made precious stones. For he who made precious stones from thorns, was he who raised up the sons of Abraham from rocks. 4 It is not without reason that the present read ing tells us about the re e d placed in the right hand of the Lord. Listen to what David testified about Christ in the Psalms: 4 In his passion he received a reed in his right hand so that he might give p ardon to our crimes by the noting of heaven and inscribe, by divine writing, his law upon our hearts, just as he proclaimed through the 5 We are able to understand another signif icance of the reed, for the spiritual meanings are multiple. The reed, which is empty and without marrow of the bones, designates the people of the nations, who, for a long time, were without the marrow of divine law, empty of faith and void of grace. The reed, which is the people of the nations, is placed in the right hand of the Lord because he has in his left hand now the people of the Jews who persecuted 3 Psalms 21:3. 4 Psalms 45:1. 5 Jeremiah 31:33.

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307 Christ. Isaiah shows that the reed signifies the people of the nations when he speaks about the Lord 6 which is the people of the nations who, although seemingly bruised by the devil, are not cast down by Christ but made solid. In kneeling in worship, they show the faith and salvation of the believing peoples who eac h day, by bowing the knee, worship the eternal king, Christ. 5 7 In the cross of Christ is the triumph of his power and the trophy of his victory. Blessed is Simon, who so merited to be the first to bear the sign of such a great triumph. This cross, the Lord carried first, and then Simon was forced to bear it so that, in the cross, his Lord might clearly show the grace of the heavenly mystery, because he was God and man, Word and flesh, Son of God and Son of man. As a man he was crucified, but as God he triumphed in the mystery of the cross. He suffered the passion in the flesh, but the divine triumphed in vict ory. It was in the cross that Christ triumphed over death and the devil. In the cross, it is as if Christ mounted a chariot of triumph. It is for this reason that he chose four evangelists, like a celestial chariot of four horses chosen to announce to the entire world the triumph of his great victory. Simon of Cyrene carried on his shoulders the triumph of this victory. He was made a partner in the passion, so that he lso 8 And for this reason, 6 Isaiah 42:3. 7 Matthew 27:32. 8 II Timothy 2:11.

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308 9 6 The cross of Christ is our victory, because the cross of Christ obtained the triumph of victory for us. Who among us is so blessed as to be worthy to carry the cross of Christ himself? He bears the cross of Christ who dies to the world and affixes himself m crucified with Christ; I live, but I am 10 Therefore, whoever is a stranger to the life of the flesh, as the apostle said, a stranger to the desires of the world, is crucified with Christ. But whoever lives in the vic but according to the worldly life, the will of the devil. The cross of Christ therefore is the salvatio n of the world and the triumph of the heavenly victory. For long ago, when great kings gained victory over a noble people, they would make a trophy of victory in the shape of the cross and would hang it as a sign of eternal remembrance at the place where t he spoils of the enemy had been captured. The cross of Christ is a very different king of victory. The victory of other kings was made in the destruction of nations, the overthrowing of cities, the plundering of provinces. But here, the victory of the cros s is the redemption of peoples, the salvation of cities, the freeing of provinces, the safety of the entire world. In this conquest, only the Devil is ruined and captures the demons. The cross of Christ redeems the world and makes the demons captives. The spoils of the demonic captives hang from the 9 Luke 14:27. 10 Galatians 2:19.

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309 triumphant cross of Christ. Even today, the demons hang as a sign because the cross of Christ has become their torture and suffering; they are held captive by the faith in the cross and the sign of the passion. 7 11 This he had predicted to happen me 12 Behold this mystery. Long ago, Adam tasted a sweet fruit and gained the bitterness of death for the human race. On the other hand, the Lord received the bitterness of gall in order to recover for our lives sweetness from the bitterness of death. Therefore, he received the bitterness of gall so that he might extinguish the bitterness of sin in us. He accepted the sour taste of vinegar, he shed for us the precious wine of his blood. Thus he endured evils and rendered them as goods. He received deat h, but he gave life. It is not without reason that he was crucified in this place where it was said that the body of Adam had been buried. Christ was crucified there, where Adam was buried, so that life might work there where the first death had happened, in order that he might raise up life from death. Death through Adam, life through Christ who deigned to be crucified and die for us so that, by the tree of the cross, he might blot out the sins of the tree and abolish the punishment of death by the mystery of his death. 11 Matthew 27:34. 12 Psalms 69:21.

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310 SERMON 20 : ON THE PASSION (FRAG MENT) the cross for our salvation, we ought to have this great redemption always before our eyes, and faithful obey all o f his precepts. For we fell in Adam, but we are resurrected in Christ. W e were broken by the sin of Adam, but we are renewed through the grace of is the burial pla ce of foreigners. When we believe Christ, we are made foreigners to the world, but we are in the household of God. Foreigners to the earth, citizens of heaven; strangers in the world, neighbors of Christ. Listen to what the Apostle Peter demonstrated when 1 2 If we are s trangers to the vices of this world, to carnal desires, then we are buried in the this world but we live in Christ. Buried to iniquity, we rise again in justice; burie d to vice, buried with him through baptism in death, so that just as Christ was res u rrected into life, 3 1 I Peter 2:11. 2 Colossians 3:3 4. 3 Romans 6:4.

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311 SERMON 21 : FIRST SE RMON ON SAINT JOHN, EVANGELIST AND APOST LE 1 1 Today we celebrate the heavenly birth of Saint John the apostle and evangelist. He possessed a great and unique grace because Christ held a special love for him. He, after the passion of the Lord, as we read in the Apocalypse, was banished to the isle of Patmos for the sake of the name of Christ and was bound by chains. But the chains were not a punishment for the apostle but an honor. It is an honor, and even the greatest honor, to suffer injustice for the sake of Christ, because all injustice and all pun ishment by men for the sake of Christ raise one to heaven. Thus, John, while he was bound on that island with chains, was raised in the spirit, and, as he testified, the door to heaven was opened to him. Therefore these chains were not for John an onerous burden, but the wings of virtue, by which he was raised to heaven. He recorded in the Apocalypse the great things he saw through the door open to him into heaven. He saw the throne of God in heaven; he saw the son of God seated at the right hand of the Fat her; he saw choirs of angels; he saw the 24 elders and the four living creatures and many other secret mysteries, which he was told to remain silent about, as he reports. 2 When he was on the island, a book was given to him for him to eat, just as he says in my mouth it was sweet as honey but in my stomach it was bitter. Now it was said to 2 That is what happened. The book which he received to eat, the book was the gospel, which he wrote afterwards. For after Emperor 1 XXII de saint 110. 2 Rev elation 10:9 10

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312 Domitian, who had banished John, was murdered, John was set free from the island and then he wrote the gospel book which bears his name. This is why he said that it was sweet in his mouth but bitter in the stomach: sweet for the sake of preaching, bitter for the sake of persecution; For when he preached the sweetness of the faith, he incurred the bitterness of persecution. The bitterness of persecution, however, carries with it a great sweetness, because persecution earns the sweet glory of martyrdom. While the roots of trees are bitter, they are wont to produce sweet fruit. Thus even though persecution appears bitter, it produces the sweet fruit of salvation, since they are made to be confessors or martyrs, those who are persecuted. 3 But it can be understood in another way that the book of the gospel was that which John received to eat, which he said was sweet in his mouth but bitter in his stomach. Those who understand in the spirit of faith the words of John attribute to his mouth, which is his preaching, sweetness because they understand the words in the piety of faith. But those who receive the words of John in a wicked sense rouse the bitterness of heresy for they t urn the sweetness of faith into the bitterness of treachery. That is why these are shown to be in the mouth and those in the intestines. In the mouth are the catholics, whom God blesses; in the stomach are heretics from which they are expelled. John, in hi s gospel, displays the sweetness of catholics against the bitterness of heretics. Photius, who denied that Christ is God, was full of bitterness according to word was wi 3 Arius filled himself with bitterness by not believing that the Son proceeded from the Father. One cannot believe that the Word of 3 John 1:1.

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313 God is the Son unless he admits that he must proceed, properly speaking, from the heart of the Father. All heretics, who attack or destroy the faith of his preaching, are filled with bitterness according to John. Saint John intends the sweetness of his preaching for catholics but the bitterness for heretics. He intends the sweetness for the faith o f the church, bitterness for the treachery of the synagogue, which did not want to receive the preaching of John. 4 After he was freed from the island of Patmos, Saint John wrote the gospel which has been preached throughout the entire world. After many persecutions which he endured for the name of Christ even though he was a weak old man, he departed from this world t 4 But the reason that the Lord said this was not because he would not die, but that he would die free from pain. He continues: 5 For the Lord comes for a single saint when he leaves his body. John, when he was burdened by excessive age, said this to his disciples, just as scripture, which refe rs itself to falling asleep, shows, so that they might make him a grave. It had been said to him by the Lord what day he would die. And so his disciples made him a place, wherein his body could be laid. And so the Blessed John laid himself down, and withou t pain, without motion and without strain, and he departed from his body, so that he could be seen to go out rather than be knocked out of his body. It was for this reason 4 John 21:22. 5 John 21:23.

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314 because he received the sleep of the blessed without pain. In that place, great forces and great wonders happen so that even the incredulous might believe. It is not strange then if his grace works there, where his body has been assumed, when it works even in those places where just a little of their ashes remain. Therefore, because even our church merited having his remains, we ought to celebrate with all the faith and devotion his having fallen asleep so that we may be able to receive a portion with him a nd with all the saints of God.

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315 SERMON 22 : SECOND SERMON ON SAI NT JOHN THE EVANGELI ST AND APOSTLE 1 1 Many great and illustrious things are reported in the gospel about Saint John, whose spiritual birth we celebrate today. But since we cannot reco unt all of them, let us say a few words on the vast subject. To speak some about the merits of the saints is to merit holiness. He was the junior among all the disciples; by age the younger, but in the gospel he was placed among the first of the faith. Ind eed, whenever the Lord wanted to chose some among his disciples, John was among those that he selected to be with Him. 2 When he entered the house of the chief of the synagogue in order to raise his daughter form the dead he selected Peter, James and John He wanted those three to be witnesses when he raised the girl from death. The Lord did this for two reasons: first 2 Second, no one could be raised from the death of sin without the faith and grace of the Trinity. Therefore the Lord employed the three disciples when he raised the girl from the dead so that he might show the mystery of the Trinity. This death of sin is put to flight when the faith of the Trinity is present. When he wanted to reveal his glory to the disciples on the mountain, he took with separately, and he was transfigured before them. And Moses and Elijah appeared with 3 And the voice of the father was heard from 1 The Latin text for this sermon is drawn from: XXII de saint Revue Bnedictine 92 (1982): 105 110. 2 Deuteronomy 19:15. 3 Matthew 17:1 3.

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316 4 Behold this mystery: how the Son of God manifested himself as the God of heaven and earth and the places below. From heaven the Fa ther bore witness to the Son; on earth the three disciples were elected to be witnesses; from below Moses was called as a witness because Moses tasted death. And lest there be any place empty of the testimony of Christ, even Elijah, who never tasted death, was brought from heaven. So the God of heaven, earth, paradise, and places below had witness on all sides and from all places. And thus, here saint John was chosen among the first of the apostles. 3 Even at the time of the Passion, when the Son of God was hung on the cross for the salvation of the world, the Lord commended his earthly mother Mary to no one 5 Leaving his mother and John to one another; not so that he, wh o guards all in his divine honor, might abandon saint Mary he who is defender and protector of all but so that he might demonstrate the proper affection of a son for Mary. The Lord ought to display a pious respect for his holy Mother Mary, because he i s the author of piety. Therefore here John is preferred among the holy apostles, because he merited a unique grace to be beloved by Christ. 4 After his passion, when the Lord rose from the dead, Peter and John, hearing about the resurrection of Christ, r an to the tomb and beheld it. John arrived at the tomb first, although he did not enter it first because it was reserved for Peter to enter in first. Thus John arrived at the tomb before Saint Peter because of the love which he had 4 Matthew 17:5. 5 John 19:26 27.

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317 towards Christ; but he c eded that place to Peter out of humility. There where he ran ahead to the tomb he led the way along the trail of the love of Christ. When he ceded the place to Peter, it was to give priority to honor. In all of this he proved his humility and faith, humili ty towards fellow servants, faith in Christ. 5 Saint John also wrote a gospel as no one is unaware of how excellent and glorious a thing it is. The gospel according to John is most necessary against all heresies, because within it clearly declares the div inity of Christ, and it displays Him to be evidently God. Therefore because today is the heaven birthday of such a great apostle, we celebrate his memory with due honor, so that with the aid of his prayers, we might be admitted to the eternal glory which i s prepared for all the saints of God.

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318 SERMON 23 : CAIN AND ABEL 1 In the present reading, divine scripture recounts the story of Cain and Abel as pass that bot h of them offered their gifts before the Lord. Abel offered the first part of his lamb and its fatness. And the Lord looked well upon the offering of Abel; but he did not look well upon the offering of Cain. And Cain was very angry, and his face was crestf 1 And what do we say? Is God a respecter of persons, so that He accepted the offering of Abel, but he rejected the offering of Cain? It cannot be believed! Nothing can be hidden from God who probes the heart and mind of each and is the judge of cons ciences. Therefore, God regarded with favor the offering of Abel because he offered to the Lord with simplicity of heart and a pure mind. For the Lord said to him who ou have 2 The Lord argued with Cain so that he might not complete the thoughts of his heart. But his mind was so blinded by hatred of his brother that he did not consider fraternal piety or the pressing judgment of God. Neither the piet y of his brother, nor the charity of brotherhood, nor the divine rebuke were able to recall him you bring your offering to the altar and remember that something agai nst your brother, take back your offering form the altar and go reconcile with your brother and then offer 3 If you want your gift to be acceptable to the God, you must be reconciled with come like Cain. 1 Genesis 4:3 5. 2 Genesis 4:7. 3 Matthew 5:23 24.

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319 2 Regarding the offerings made by Cain and Abel, God fixed his gaze upon the gifts, but he considered the inner thoughts of the mind so that he whose heart was pleasing to God would be pleasing in offering, but he whose heart was displeasi ng would find his offering disfavored. The offering of Abel pleased God because he offered the gift of a pure heart to God; the offering of Cain was displeasing to God because he, who thought about the death of his brother, offered his gift to God not with a pure heart but with a wicked mind. Moreover, the offerings themselves, in a typological sense, displayed the vast difference between the two worshippers. Cain offered a gift from the fruits of the earth because his thought was earthly. Abel, however, of fered a gift of a lamb from his sheep in order to show and signify his innocence. And not only did Abel offer a gift from the fruits of his flocks, but also the fat of his sheep, for the fat stands for the works of mercy. For this reason, God accepts this offering of our innocence, when we add, like the fat of sheep, our works of mercy. But it was not merely for show that Abel was a shepherd; he prefigured in his lays down his l 4 In Abel, the image of the shepherd led the way, so that in Christ it might be truly manifested. One is the shepherd here below, the other is the shepherd of heaven. Abel is the shepherd of animals, Christ of martyrs. Abel is the shephe rd of irrational beasts, Christ of sheep with reason. 3 But let us attend to the greater mystery. While it is correct to call our Savior a shepherd, he is also, however, named sheep or lamb. It was an allusion to the passion of the Lord, in the present r eading, when Abel offered a lamb from his flock to the Lord 4 John 10:11.

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320 God. The saintly patriarchs and prophets, in consideration of their innocence, are called their clothing and 5 6 It is from this flock of saints that a sheep came forth pure and without blemish, which is Saint Mary, who, contrary to nature, brought forth for us a lamb in purple, which is Christ the king. Justly Christ the Lord is understood as the lamb of purple, fo r he was not made king but was born as such. Every other king did not become king upon birth; only after being born is he made king, either taking over the royal purple, or receiving the royal dignity. But our Lord and Savior came out of the womb of a virg in with royal authority because he was king already before he was born from a virgin. He was born from God the father as king and son of God. Listen to what 7 The Magi from the east had recognized this royal dignity already at the moment of his Jews? We 8 Like the greatness of the faith of Abel who offered a gift of the lamb from his flock to God, So is the religious devotion of the Christian people, which we are, who offer to the Lord offering of inn Therefore, we offer to God gifts from our flock of sheep if we live simply and innocently 5 Psalms 65:13. 6 Psalms 95:7. 7 John 18:37. 8 Matthew 2:2.

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321 in the sight of God. We offer also a gift of the fatness of ours flocks to God if we exhibit, like fat, work of piety and mercy before God.

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322 SERMON 24 : ON THE SACRED PATRIA RCH JOSEPH 1 Divine Scripture tells us several things about the sacred patriarch Joseph. For that reason let us try to say some things like showing crumbs from a great loaf of bre ad. 1 If the crumbs from such a great banquet do not fill us, at least they nourish. When we first came to believe we were nourished by crumbs like th e precepts of the apostle. But when we advanced in the faith then we were admitted to the abundance of the bread of heaven so that we might be satiated by the bread of heaven 2 Th erefore, let us not reject the crumbs of doctrine which are crumbs of the bread. For that reason we ought not to suppress the crumbs so that we might merit to be filled by the bread of heaven. But let us look now at Saint Joseph in order that we might be n ourished, like the bread of heaven, by his example of chastity and modesty. 2 Saint Joseph, as you, Dearly Beloved, heard in the present reading, was handsome in appearance, but more brilliant in mind because he was modest in body and had a chaste mind. H e shone in bodily appearance, but the excellence of his soul shone even brighter. And thought the appearance of the body is usually a hindrance to salvation, it was not able to harm the holy man, for the brilliance of his soul was master over his bodily ap pearance. The soul ought to rule over the flesh, not the flesh over the soul; for the soul is the master of the flesh and the flesh the servant of the soul. 1 Matthew 15:27. 2 John 6:51.

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323 Unhappy is that soul which is ruled over by the flesh, and instead of being master is made a servan t because it loses the faith of the Lord and undertakes the slavery of sin. But the soul of the Patriarch Joseph held its dominance faithfully and the flesh could not rule in anything. When his mistress, an impudent woman, asked him to lie with her, he re fused, because he had not lost the mastery of his soul even in his condition of servitude. Falsely accused of rape, he was sent to prison. But the saint considered the prison as a palace, or rather he himself was a palace in prison for where faith, modesty and chastity are, that is a palace of Christ, a temple of God, a dwelling of the Holy Spirit. If any man flatter himself because he is handsome in body or any woman boasts about her fleshly beauty, he should follow the example of Joseph and she the exampl e of Susanna: They are chaste in body and modest in soul, and so are not only beautiful to men, but are so even to God. There are three examples of chastity in the Church which everyone ought to imitate: Joseph, Susanna and Mary. Joseph for the men to imit ate, Susanna for women, Mary for virgins. 3 Secondly, in the mystical or allegorical sense, Joseph prefigure d the Lord. If we consider the deeds of Joseph, we recognize clearly the presentation in advance of the figure of the Lord. Joseph had a coat of ma ny colors; our Lord and Savior is known to have a coat of many colors, for he received the church which was gathered out of many nations just like a coat. This coat of many colors is the church which Christ took on. The church i s diver se and varied in grac e: it has martyrs and confessors. It has priests and ministers. It has virgins and widows. It has those who perform works of justice. The variety of the Church is not a variety of colors but a variety of grace. And our Lord and Savior showcases this variet y of the church just as a coat of many colors.

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324 Joseph, dragged by his brothers, was sold to the Ishmaelites; also, our Lord and Savior was dragged by the Jews and sold to the gentiles. The Ishmaelites who bought Joseph, were carrying various spices with hi m in order to represent that the nations coming to faith would spread the diverse works of justice throughout the entire world. 4 Let us turn now to the greatest mystery: Just as Joseph was sold for 20 pieces of gold, the Lord was sold for thirty of silve r. The servant was sold for a dearer price than the master. Of course, humanity was deceived in estimating the value of the Lord because He who was sold is inestimable. But let us turn to the fullness of this mystery. The Jews offered thirty pieces of silv er for the Lord, the Ishm a e lites twenty of gold for Joseph. The Ishmaelites paid more for the servant than the Jews for the Lord. The Ishmaelites respected in Joseph the image of Christ, the Jews had contempt for the truth which was in Christ. Therefore, t he Jews offered a meaner price for Christ, for they placed a meaner price on the passion of the Lord. But how could the passion of the Lord be held so cheaply when it was the price of redeeming the entire world? For the passion of Christ redeemed by death the entire world and all the human race. Listen to 3 by gold of this world or pe rishable gold, but by the precious blood of the undefiled Son 4 If we had been bought from death by gold of silver, our redemption was of little price because a man is worth more than silver or gold. Now, however, we have been 3 I Corinthians 6:20. 4 I Peter 1:18 19.

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325 redeemed at an inesti mable price because he who redeemed us by his passion is of inestimable worth. 5 If we consider as well the other deeds of the life of Joseph, we recognize in all of them a prefiguring of the image of Christ. Joseph suffered the false accusation of an impudent woman; the Lord was often the object of slander by the synagogue. Joseph su ffered punishment in prison; Christ suffered the passion of death. One was sent to prison, the other descended to hell. Frequently divine scripture is accustomed to call 5 The s aintly prophet desired to be free from hell. But here, behold the mystery. After Joseph came out of prison, he was made lord of Egypt. So also, after our Lord and Savior came out of his prison, he took the lordship of the entire world through the knowledge of his faith. Everywhere the name of Christ reigns, His domination extends everywhere. The world believes in Him, He is manifested throughout the world. The nations honor Him, and kings adore Him. To him be glory and empire forever and ever. Amen. 5 Psalms 142:7.

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326 SERMON 25 : SERMON ON SAINT ELIJ AH 1 We were introduced in the reading to Saint Elijah. It is fitting to read about saint Elijah during this time of fasting, for Elijah fasted for forty day and forty night without seeking earthly bread, for he ha d within himself the bread of life, which is the word of God that comforted him and acted as food for him during those forty days, so that he might appear stronger than he had been at any other time. We read of many miracles by this Elijah, which you, dear ly beloved, heard in part in the reading. Since it would take too long to explain a single event, for an hour of time or even days would be insufficient, let us say a few things on the vast subject so that we might understand many things by studying some. 2 When Elijah suffered extreme persecution at the hands of king Ahab and his Script 1 From this we see the great are that the Lord has for his saints that he deigns to nourish them by the ministry of the ravens. Already before, David had rightly and truly said in the 2 Righteous, it was said, was the soul Saint Elijah the Prophet. The lord did not wish him to suffer hunger than so he fed him by the ministry of birds. Without doubt the food of the sou l is entirely inner; it is the word of God was is always refreshing, yet thanks to the mercy of God he was not deprived of bread as well. For saint Elijah, it was provided to him in the desert 1 I Kings 17:3 4, 6. 2 Proverbs 10:3.

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327 by the ministry of ravens; For Daniel, when he was held in the commanded that his meal be born to him by the ministry of an angel. Daniel suffered persecution at the hands of the leaders of Babylon for the sake of righteousness. But the iniquity of the persecutors could not harm the soul of the just. T he ravens fed Elijah, the wild animals did not touch Daniel; yet men prepare ambushes and persist in persecuting. 3 But let us return to the subject at hand. God fed his servant Elijah in the desert by the ministry of ravens, who brought bread in the morn ing and meat in the evening to him. What does this say about the Jews who think that in this world they must abstain from foods which the law has declared in mystery to be impure? Certainly the raven, according to the law, is an unclean animal; and whoever touches an unclean animal, according to their interpretation, necessarily becomes unclean. How could Saint Elijah have used the meat which was brought to him by the ravens, if whatever a raven touches is unclean? But, for Elijah, the food which was carrie d to him by ravens could not be unclean, for he whose conscience was pure. Clearly, it is not food but the clean to the clean; but for the unclean and defiled nothing is 3 Even if the food they receive is clean, they pollute their clean food through their impure conscience. Thus, the Jews believe it is good to abstain from impure food, but they, who are filled with the impurity of sins, are never clean. If only the y could abstain from the impurity of sins like they do from unclean food, then they would be made truly clean. For, to eat clean food and to carry an unclean conscience profits nothing for salvation. For this 3 Titus 1:15. This quote varies from the SC. It springs fro the discovery of a new manuscript recorded in:

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328 reason, we ought to always bear a clean conscie nce, so that we can hold all the food which we receive as clean. It is not the food which renders a man unclean, but a bad conscience. 4 We have said these things of the Jews, who think that only in abstaining from certain foods can they be clean, so tha t it might teach us by when saint Elijah, who was always pure, received food which the impure ravens carried to him. And as far as he was not polluted by the meat, not only was he not offended, he was transported to paradise. If, however, we consider the d eeds of Elijah in a spiritual sense and through the eyes of faith, we discover a great and mystical mystery. For Elijah, who suffered persecution at the hands of that most evil woman, Jezebel, stood for a type of the Lord, who suffered persecution by the s ynagogue, a sacrilegious woman. The ravens, which carried food to Elijah, represent the figure of our calling; we came to belief out of the unclean nations, carrying our devotion and faith to Christ the Lord. The devotion and the faith of believers are foo d to Christ. But let us look more fully at the mystery of the 4 In the morning, they carried to the Lord bread which is those who believe in Christ with all their heart ; they have true nourishment in their mouths: faith. In the evening, they brought the flesh of the martyrs, who, at the evening of their life, handed over their body and flesh for the name of Christ. And this meat, they carried in their mouth, because they suffered martyrdom for Christ by the confession of their mouth. 5 Let us now consider why Elijah was sent to the house of a certain widow which was in Zarephath in Sidon so that he might be fed and not die from hunger. This 4 I Kings 17:6.

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329 woman, as the reading reporte d, had only a little flour and a little oil. Elijah came to her and told her to make bread for him so that he might eat. She responded to him saying that she had only a little flour and oil to make a loaf of bread for her son and then to die hunger. Elijah Neither shall the jar of flour nor the vessel of oil be empty before the Lord sends rain 5 Great was the grace of the prophet who promised such a thing to this wo man. But the faith of the woman helped the grace of the prophet. She believed with total faith and performed the requests of Elijah. How full the woman was of faith that she believed this thing Elijah told her. With the little flour which was all that rema ined, she made bread and offered it to the prophet before giving something to her own sons. She valued more the merit of the prophet than her love for her sons. Justly then, she is a figure of the church in all things, for she venerated in Elijah even then the image of Christ, whose love and grace, she preferred before her own sons or even her own life. 6 yet she fulfill ed this precept of the gospel before she heard it. In Elijah she saw the mystery of Christ at work. This woman was a widow; she had not yet believed in Christ the man, of whom John the was prior to 7 This man came after John because, according to the flesh, he deigned to be born of a virgin after John. But he was before John because he was begotten by God the Father before all things. 5 I Kings 17:13 14. 6 Luke 14:26; Matthew 10:37. 7 John 1:30.

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330 6 But let us consider the image of the church w hich is presented perfectly in the woman. Before Elijah came to her, she suffered from hunger with his sons; she suffered completely and from a grave sense of hunger, because not yet had Christ, the bread of life, descended from heaven; not yet had the Wor d of God become incarnate from a 8 For whoever suffers a famine of the word of God runs the risk of true hunger. For truly different is a famine of bread upon the earth than a famine of the word of God. A famine of bread on the earth can kill only the body not the soul. But a famine of the word of God murders the body and puts the soul to death. A famine of bread in this world ends the present life of men; A famine of the word of God rejects the man from eternal and perpetual life. Before it received Christ, the Church suffered this kind of peril; but after receiving him, it has escaped the danger of eternal death. Before the coming of Christ, this woman had a little flour and a little oil, which were the preaching of the law and the prophets. Yet these were insufficient for her life so the grace of Christ fulfilled the law and prophets. 9 The salvation of the human life could not be in the law or the prophets, but only in the pa ssion of Christ. For this reason, after the Church received Christ, they abounded in flour, oil and wood. The flour prefigures the nourishment of the word; the oil the gift of divine mercy; the wood, the mystery of the hallowed cross, through which is give to us the rain of heaven. For thus Elijah said to 8 Amos 8:11. 9 Matthew 5:17.

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331 10 Our Lord and Savior brought to us the rain of heaven, which is the preaching of the gospel, through w hich the parched hearts of the human race, like the thirsty earth, receive the water of life. Therefore, because we are filled with such spiritual food, we ought not to complain about the burden of fasting. Rather we should say to the Lord what the prophet 11 So when the Lord sees the devotion of our faith surrounding him, he might reward us with the grace of heaven and all the spiritual goods. 10 I Kings 17:14. 11 Psalms 11 9:103.

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332 S ERMON 26 : FOR THE DEDICATION O F THE CHURCH OF CONC ORDIA 1 We need to make inexpressible thanks to our God, who has finished decorating his church. The basilica in honor of the saints is completed and has been completed quickly. Following the example of ot her churches, you are roused to a similar kind of devotion. But we welcome your faith because it preceded this example. Although you began late, you finished first, because you deserved to have the relics of the saints first. We received from you the relic s of these saints you received from us the pursuit of devotion and the emulation of the faith. It is a good struggle, and religious battle, where we contend not over secular desires but for the gift of grace. We took that which had brought to you a religio us greed; but this very thing aroused your zeal, so that you begged for just a portion. It could not be denied to you, for just was your demand. A portion was given to you, so that you have the whole in this portion, and we lost nothing from that which had 1 Therefore, this church of Concordia is decorated with the relics of saints and the construction of the basilica and the office of the bishop. This saintly man, my co bishop and brother, merited the honor of the high priesthood, and who, through this kind of relics of the saints, honored the church of Christ, the eternal priest. 2. Numerous are the merits of the apostolic saint whos e relics we have here. But of the many, let us speak a little. It is fitting that we preach some of their merits, whose faith and grace shine in the entire world and whose virtues and grace operate 1 II Corinthians 8:15.

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333 2 The voices of the apostles came out clearly through the whole country, not only at that time when they physically preached Christ to the world, but even today and every day they spread, when the power of the faith and the grace of the spirit operate against the different maladies of sins. But we should not expect a lesser grace of the apostles because we do not seem to have all their relics. Where two or three are, all a re, because the faith is common and 3 If, therefore, Christ is with two or three, all the apostles are with Christ. I t is necessary that where Christ is all the chorus of the apostles stand by. Consequently, we ought to believe and hold that all are present even if only a few are. Because we are not able to explain the merits of each individual apostle, we ought to say s omething briefly of these whose relics we have, so that we might obtain some increase in faith. 3. The evangelists manifest how great John the Baptist was in the eyes of the Lord and also how great John the evangelist was, whose relics we have here. There John the Baptist, here the evangelist. That one recognized his Lord while still in his this one reclined on the breast of the Lord. That one is spoken of first among t hose born of women; this one was loved with a special affection. This one was named by an angel; the other is named son of thunder. This one made known to the people Christ when he 2 Psalms 19:4. 3 Matthew 18:20.

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334 4 The other, by beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God. All things were made through Him and without him nothin g 5 Both excellent, both the greatest. That one saw the Holy Spirit descend in the form of a dove onto the Lord; this one, carried off by the spirit, understood the secrets of heaven. Finally, that one was sent to prison by king Herod for th e sake of chastity; the other was banished to an island by the Emperor Domitian for the name of Christ. 4. What to say about the apostles Andrew and Thomas, about the evangelist Luke? For we have relics of them here as well. Andrew was the brother of Saint Peter. He, just like his bother Peter, suffered crucifixion for the sake of Christ. They were equal in the passion because they were equal in the faith. Both of them were equal in the service of Christ; they suffered the of the same cross. And it was clea rly right that those who were brothers in blood also shared in their glorious passion. Thomas was also one of the apostles. When Thomas he doubted after the 6 When he 7 And the Lord said 4 John 1:29. 5 John 1:1 3. 6 John 20:27. 7 John 20:28.

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335 and have belie 8 Saint Th o mas doubted after the resurrection of the Lord, but his doubts confirmed the faith of the Church. Thomas touched the hand of the Lord, so that he might feel the imprint of the nails; he touched the side of the Lord, in order to feel the sig ns of the bodily wound, lest in the present it is asserted by enemies of the faith that the Lord did not suffer death in his body. Yet, while Thomas proved by the sight of his eyes and the touch of his hands that Christ had been re surrected in the body, ne ither M arcion nor the Manicheans, however, wanted to believe the Lord was raised in his e he conquered death and raised up his body from death by his own power, it is only by this man went abroad to the Indians, according to the saying of the Lord, so that he might preach Christ the Lord in India. After many wonders and miracles which confirmed the faith to believers, he suffered in reward a glorious death. Since, therefore, his body was to be buried in India, one merchant, a Christian and very religious, went to India for the cause of business, to bring back precious stones or goods He would bring the desire for earthly gain to the Romans. But the man of trade in the things of the world was found to be trader in the t hings of God. For when he came t o India, it was shown to him through revelation where the body of Thomas lay, and he was admonished to bring the body with him to Edessa. But he as a merchant of God, despising earthly gain, began to think only of heavenly gain. He found a better reward than that of the precious 8 John 20:29.

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336 SERMON 27: ON THE R ESURRECTION OF LAZAR US 1 Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ showed the power of his divinity by many signs and wonders, but the greatest was the death of Lazarus, which you, dearly beloved, 1 Our Lord and Savior performed these wonders with two meanings: bodily and spiritually, that is, visible a nd invisible, so that he might show by the visible work his invisible power. Previously, he gave sight of the eyes to a man blind from birth as a visible work, so that he might illuminate, by his invisible power, the blindness of the Jews to the light of h is knowledge. Truly, in the present reading, he gave life to a dead Lazarus so that, in life, he might arouse the unbelieving hearts of the Jews from the death of sin. Finally, many Jews believed in Christ the Lord because of Lazarus. They recognized in th e resurrection of Lazarus the manifestation of the power of the Son of God, because the power to properly command death is not the state of humanity, but of the divine nature. We read, certainly, that the apostles raised the dead, but they prayed to the L ord in order to raise; they also did not raise by their own power or their own force, but by invoking th e name of Christ who commands both death and life. The Son of God himself 2 he immediately came out of the tomb. Death was not able to hold him for whom Life called. The smell of the burial was still in his nostrils when Lazarus stood alive. Death did not wait to hear the voice of the Savior repeat itself, for it was not able to endure the power 1 Psalms 46:7. 2 John 11:43.

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337 of life. But at the love voice of the Savior, death left the body of Lazarus in the tomb and his soul in hell. All of Lazarus, who had not been wholly there, proceeded out of the tomb alive. One rouses someone sleeping more slowly than Lazarus from the dead. The smell of death was in the nostril of the Jews and Lazarus stood alive. But now let us look at the beginning of the reading. 2. The Lord said to his disciples, as you, dearly beloved, heard in the present arus is sleeping; but I hurry in order to rouse him from his 3 going to raise him from death just as from sleep. But the disciples, ignorant as to why he said this, said t 4 5 If the Lord said there that he was joyful about the death of La zarus for the sake of the disciples, why is it reported that later he wept for the death of Lazarus? But we observe the nature of joy and tears. The Lord was joyful for the sake of the apostles; he wept for the sake of the Jews. For the sake of the discipl es he was joyful, because through the resurrection of Lazarus, he was able to confirm their faith in Christ. For the sake of the Jews, he wept at unbelief, for even despite the resurrection of Lazarus, they would not believe in Christ the Lord. Or perhaps the lord wept to blot out the sins of the world by his tears. If Peter could wash away their own sins by the shedding of their tears, why should we not believe that the tears of the Lord blotted away the sins of the world? After the weeping of the Lord, ma ny from the Jewish 3 John 11:11. 4 John 11:12. 5 John 11:14 15a.

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338 people believed. The display of piety of the Lord conquered the unbelief of part of the Jews, and the piety of his shedding of tears softened their rebellious minds. And this is perhaps why the Lord is referred to in the present reading as both joyful and weeping, 6 Therefore, the tears of the Lord were the joy of the world: he shed tears so that we might merit joy. But let us return to the subject. He said to his dis 7 Let us examine this mystery: How did the Lord say that he was not there for the death of Lazarus? For when he said clearly, he showed, by his evidence, that he had been present. The Lord could not have said this, without any message to himself, unless he was present. How was it that the Lord, who surrounds all the places of the whole world in his divine majesty, was not present in the place where Lazarus was dead? But here, again, our Lord and Savior showed the mystery of his divinity and his humanity. He was not there according to the flesh; he was according to his divinity, because God is everywhere. 3. Therefore, when the Lor d came to Mary and Martha, the sisters of Lazarus, 8 Did the Lord not know where Lazarus had been laid, he who had announced, even while absent, that Lazarus was dead and was everywhere in the majesty of his divinity? But here the Lord acted according to the ancient custom. For he said in a like manner to A 6 Psalms 126:5. 7 John 11:14 in the first clause and switching credatis for sciatis. 8 John 11:34.

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339 Adam 9 Not because he was ignorant where Adam was, but he asked so that Adam might confess his sin from his mouth first, and he could merit pardon for his sin. And He now 10 It was not because he was ignorant where Abel was that the Lord asked Cain, but so that when he denied it, the lord might accuse him of the crime which he had committed against his brother. In fact Adam was forgiven because he confessed the sin he had committed about which the Lord asked. Cain was condemned to an eternal penalty because he because he did not know where Lazarus had been laid, but so that crowd of Jew s might follow him to the tomb of Lazarus and then, shown the divine power of Christ in the resurrection of Lazarus, they would become witnesses against themselves, if they did not believe in such a great miracle. For the Lord had said previously to them: not believe me, believe at least in these works, and know that the Father is in me, and I in Him 11 Then when he came to the tomb, he said to the Jews who were standing around, 12 What do we say? Was the Lord, who by his own power removed the bars of hell, not able to remove a stone from the tomb by just a word? But he commanded men to do that which could be done by man; but in that which was of divine nature, he showed his power. For it was within the power of humanity to re call the stone from the tomb; but to recall the soul from hell is divine power. Truly with ease, if 9 Genesis 3:9. 10 Genesis 4:9. 11 John 10:38. 12 John 11:39.

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340 he had wanted to, he, who created the world by a word, could have removed the stone from the tomb with an order of a single word. 4. When they had removed the stone from the tomb, he said in a loud voice: 13 14 will give a strong voice to 15 This voice, which called Lazarus from death to life in an instant, is clearly powerful and majestic. The soul had been returned to the body before he uttered a sound of his voice. Although the body and soul were in different places, the voice of the Lord himself restored the soul to the body, and brought back the body to the soul. Death was frightened away by hearing a voice of such great power. And it is no wonder if Lazarus was able to rise at a single word of the Lord, when it says in the g hour comes when all who lay in the grave will hear the voice of the Son of God and will 16 Hence without doubt then, death, hearing the voice of the Lord, could have released a ll the dead from its own grasp, if it had not known that only Lazarus was 17 And what should we say here? Was the Lor d, who laid waste to the bonds of death, not able to break the bonds of the grave? But here, our Lord and Savior, by raising Lazarus, showed his power twice, so 13 John 11:43. 14 Psalms 29:4. 15 Psalms 68:33. 16 John 5:25. 17 John 11:44.

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341 that he might administer the faith of belief even to the doubt of the Jews. For it is no less w

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342 SERMON 28 : ON THE WORDS OF THE APOSTLE: DO YOU NOT KNOW THAT THOSE WHO RUN IN A R ACE 1 The Blessed Apostle Paul exhorts us to win the crown of heavenly glory not only throu gh the teaching of the law, but also by examples from this world. Thus he run so as 1 According to the earthly example, there are many who run, as the Apostle says, but only one receives the crown, that is he who runs best. So it is in the present race of life, there are many who run, but only one receives the crown. The Jew s run according to the law, Philosophers run according to empty wisdom, the heretics run according to the proclamation of false things, the catholics run according to the preaching of the true faith. But of all these, only one receives a crown: it is the c atholic people who by the right course of faith, aiming at Christ, so that they might reach the prize and the crown of immortality. 2. This is why the Jews, philosophers, and heretics, who do not walk on the correct path of faith, run in vain. What profit is it to the Jews to run in profit of the law while they are ignorant of Christ the master of the law? And the Philosophers run according to empty wisdom of this world, but that course is useless and fleeting, which does not know the true wisdom of Christ. For Christ is the true wisdom of God, which is not adorned with language or shining speeches, but made known through faith of the heart. And the Heretics run according to their poisoned statement of faith, they run according to fasting, they run according to almsgiving, but they will not achieve a crown, because they do not believe in Christ faithfully. For their false faith does not merit to 1 I Corinthians 9:24.

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343 receive the grace reserved for the true faith. The apostle shows this in another place all that I have to the poor, and if I deliver my body to the fire 2 Whoever does not believe in Christ faithfully, he does not have love of Christ. And for that reason the Apostle adds this faithfully the course of the faith of Christ, in the commands of God, in the works of justice, so that we might attain the crown of eternal life. 3. Finally, the apostle shows us how who strives for mastery is self controlled in all things; now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown, [but we are 3 See by this example of the apostle, he invites us to the promised crown o f immortality. In contests of this world, whoever wants victory abstains themselves from certain foods, from too much drink, from all impurity, lives under a chastity so great they will not even touch their proper wives; they have no other hope of conqueri ng their selves, except they keep their bodies in pure chastity. And after such a great labor what do they receive other than a small, corruptible, vile crown? If, therefore, such a great labor is suffered by some for a corruptible crown, how much more oug ht we to bear, who are promised the reward of heaven and the crown of eternal glory? Therefore, the contest is not an insubstantial contest. We struggle against spiritual wickedness, against the devil and his angels. We struggle against injustice, against the enticement of sins. And if we conquer in this struggle, we receive as many crowns as vices we overcame. 2 I Corinthians 13:3. 3 I Corinthians 9:25. The Latin does not contain the final clause either through oversight of writer or transcription. I have given it here for reference to the reader.

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344 4. And so it is a great contest in which we display the spectacle for the Lord. When we fight, the Lord watches us, his angels watch us. We conquer on the earth, but we receive the reward of courage in the heavens. In fact, the saintly martyrs battle for mastery, and they overcame not only the vices of sins but death itself and received the reward of immortality. In this combat, our Lord and Savior fi rst fought and conquered, so that he might display his example of struggle and victory. Thus by explaining this to you, we plant the seed of good battle in your hearts like the ploughman with a plow of righteousness. Cultivate the word which we have plante d in you, so that it can grow and be sufficient. Then God, when he visits, will pour out on you the dew of his piety. It will give growth to our seeds, so that at the harvest we will have bunches of merits producing results in the hundreds.

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345 SER M ON 29: ABOUT HOW SAI NT PETER WAS RELEASE D FROM P RISON 1 1 You, dearly beloved, heard in order how Saint Peter was cast into prison bound with two chains, given over to four groups of soldiers, and was hence freed by an angel of the Lord. Saint Peter had b een cast into prison because of the name of the Lord, but he did not dread the punishment of prison because he was himself, even in prison, the temple of God. He was bound with two chains, but when he was in prison, he tore away the chains of the crimes of the believers. He was guarded by four squads of soldiers, that is sixteen men for just as a centurion has a hundred soldiers under him, so a quaternion has four but under custody, he introduced the four gospels to those coming to the faith. He, who wa s kept under divine guard, could not fear human guards. 2. Therefore, when Peter, bound by two chains, was carefully guarded in prison by four squads of soldiers, an angel of the Lord came to him, as you, dearly beloved, heard, opened the door of his cell 2 At that, he rose, following. When he came to the iron gate with the angel, at once it opened itself before them. It is no wonder if a iron gate opened itself of its own accord for Saint Peter, who already upon this rock I will build my church. And the gates of hell will not prevail against it. And w hatever you bind on earth will be bound even in heaven, and whatever you loose in 1 The text of th Revue Bndictine 98:1 (1988): 259 271. 2 Acts 12:8. Approximate.

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346 3 Thus, there, he who opened the gates of hell opened the gate of iron for Saint Peter. There he who overcame death itself rescued Peter from death. 3. But we know that whatever was done for Saint Peter in the literal sense happens for us in the mystical sense, if we follow the faith of Peter. For we are held in this world like in a prison. Therefore, if we merit to be visited by God and an ange l of the 4 For we gird ourselves if we surround the loins of our body with 5 And we shod our feet if we defend the steps of our life with the commandments of the gospel of faith, so that we might securely tread on the thorns of sins and the thistles of iniquity. W e put on our clothes, if we wholly preserve in ourse lves our wedding garment, which is the grace of baptism. If you faithfully fulfill this, then at once shall fall the chains on our hands, which was the chains of sins, by which we were held fast and bound according to the soul. 4. But there can be no other way to escape from our prison, which is the error of this world, unless we are visited by the Lord through an angel. The gate of iron, which is the gate of death and punishment and was broken into pieces by the Son of God through the power of his passion, is open to us. Thus, we come to the house of Mary, which is the church of Christ, where Mary, the mother of the Lord, dwells. There, a girl whose name is Rhoda comes to meet us. The name of Rhoda is a fitting one according 3 Matthew 16:18 19. 4 Acts 12:8. 5 Luke 12:35. Chromatius errs in memory here.

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347 to the mystery of our sa language. Therefore, we cannot come to the house of Mary unless we are met by Rhoda, which is the congregation of saints which shines with the blood of the glorious

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348 SERMON 30 : ON THE B IRTH OF THE CHURCH 1 After our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ conquered death, arose and ascended into heaven, his church, as you, dearly beloved, heard in the present reading, had in number one hundred persons. The church was meeting in the up per room with Mary, who was the mother of Jesus, and his brothers. It could not be called the Church except Mary, the mother of the Lord was present with his brothers. For there is the Church of Christ where the incarnation of Christ from the virgin is pre ached. And wherever the apostles, the brother of the Lord, preach, the gospel is heard. The synagogue of the Jews cannot be called the church, because it refuses to believe in the incarnation of Christ from a virgin and to hear spiritual preaching. 2. At f irst, after the ascension of the Lord to heaven, the Church numbered only a hundred and twenty persons. Afterwards, it spread to such an extent that it filled up the entire world through countless peoples. That future, the Lord himself revealed to his apos 1 Clearly, the resurrection of the Lord after his passion brought forth much fruit of salvation of people. For in the grain of wheat, our Lor d and Savior signified his body. And when he was buried in the earth, he brought forth innumerable fruits, because through the resurrection of the Lord the whole world became the fruits of virtue and a harvest of believing people. One death has become the life of all. Rightly it is like a mustard seed planted in garden. It is the smallest of all seeds, but when it has grown, it will become greater than all the other plant s, so that the birds of the sky dwell 1 John 12:24.

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349 2 The Lord likened himself to the mustard seed and although he was the Lord of glory and eternal majesty, he became the least of these because he was born from a virgin with the body of a small child. Thus, he was sown in the earth when his body was laid in the tomb. But after he arose from death through the glory of this resurrection, he grew on earth in order to become a tree having branches in which the birds of heaven dwell. This tree represents the church, which the death of Christ resurrected into glory. Its branches are understood to be none other than the apostles, becau s e as branches adorn a tree, so the apostles adorn the church of Christ with the beauty of their grace. In these the birds of he aven are known to dwell. The birds of heaven signify us allegorically, who rest on the teaching of the apostles, as on some branches, when we come to the church of Christ 3. But let us return to the matter at hand. At first, after the ascension of the Lord, the church was few in number. But afterwards, it developed until it filled the entire world, not just the cities but the many nations. It is believed among the Persians, it is believed in India, it is believed in the entire world. It is neither the fear of sword, nor the fear of the emperor which has brought all these nations to adore Christ; rather faith in Christ has rendered them peaceful. When people fought one against another to establish their power on the earth, they asserted their proper to the faith and confessed the name of Christ, no longer do they fight, for all acknowledge the one king of all, Jesus Christ. Under this king, there is no enmity between peoples; all of a common accord honor, adore and venerate him. It is for him that they lay down their wild passions and glory in his grace. Granted that the diversity 2 Matthew 13:31 32.

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350 of the kingdom makes them quarrel with respect to the kingdoms of this world, however with respect to the kingdom of God, they appear as united in harmony under the faith in one emperor, all are soldiers of Christ because of faith. From Him they receive the pay of salvation each day, and they obtain the gifts of spiritual graces. If necessity should also demand, they are prepared to lay down their lives for their king more easily than to lose the faith; and this is indeed just because this king for whom we are soldiers grants a reward even after death A king of this world can perform nothing for a soldier after he is slain, for even the king is subject to death. But Christ the king grants to his soldiers who are slain a reward of eternal immortality. The soldier of this world, if he is slain for the sake of his king, is conquered; but the soldier of Christ more than conquers, if he dies f or Christ.

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351 SERMON 31 : ON THE APOSTLES HEAL ING THE SICK 1 How great and manifold was the grace the Apostles were filled with in the presence of the Lord, as you, dearly beloved, heard in turn. First, they spoke in diverse languages so that they might preac h to the entire world the Lord and creator of all languages, the only begotten Son of God. No language would have been understood in apostles had no need of interpreters; they had for their interpreter God and the Holy Spirit. They had no need to be taught by men because they had learned all that they preached from Christ, the master of life. Therefore, first the apostles received grace so that they might speak in all lang uages, then they began to perform these divine wonders: restoring sight to the blind, the deaf to hearing, walking to the lame, health to the sick, and life to the dead. These acts were not done by human ability, but by divine power. These works and miracl es were not performed according to human qualities but according to divine power. Just as iron, which by its nature subdues or destroys everything by its force, when it is placed in the fire and heated, the smith changes and controls it not by its own natu re but by the power of the fire. Just so, the apostles, inflamed by divine fire, which is the Holy Spirit, began to perform divine miracles not by their mortal nature but by the power of God. For it is not in the mortal nature to command death but in divin e power. 2. The apostles wrought a double grace in the infirm, bodily and spiritually. They freed the body from its maladies, but they freed the soul from the illness of sin. The sickness of the soul is more serious than that of the body. David clearly di splayed this in

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352 1 The diseases of the soul are much more grave than the diseases of the body. The diseases of the body bring temporary death to men; but the diseases of the soul acquire eternal death. In fact, long ago, when Adam transgressed the divine command, he incurred not a bodily illness but weakness in the soul, which made him perish an eternal death, if the grace of Christ had no t redeemed 2 medicine by which humanity is saved. The diseases of the soul are treated not by human medicine but only by the grace of Christ. The diseases of the soul, which are the fevers of sins of and the wounds of offenses, advance not from outside onto the body but from within the soul. Wounds of this kind, on the soul, are treated not by men but by God. It is not a sharp needle of the earth but the sharp word of God which penetrates 3 Hence David al so said of this: 4 It was a good thing that when the prophet Gilead or no doctor there? Why does the health of the people not ris 5 Here the prophet is not speaking of a balm but of heavenly medicine, not of a human physician but of the Great Physician. 1 Psalms 103:2a, 3. 2 Isaiah 53:5. 3 Wisdom of Solomon 16:12. 4 Psalms 107:20b. 5 Jeremiah 8:22.

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353 3. But we ought to consider also this: when there are numerous sicknesses in the human race, in particular diverse illness es of sins, how can the prophet promise a single medicinal balm to heal all maladies? According to the example of the earth, different sicknesses require different medicines. But in the mystery of heaven, a balm is the single medicine which has cured and t reats every day all the sicknesses of sin. We know that the origin of this remedy is not from any source other than the tree. Hence, when the prophet promised a cure by a balm, he meant, without doubt, the medicine of the cross of the Lord, which gave to t he human race eternal health. Thus, here is a medicine which healed the diverse maladies of the world and treats them every day, because the preaching of the cross of Christ is the remedy of sins, as you, dearly beloved, heard. It heals not only the illnes ses of the body, but even the illnesses of the soul. For when they believe in Christ, they are freed from all the maladies of sin. The sick on their beds were brought before the apostles, as was retold in the reading, but also those who were spiritually s ick, and all were cured. And whoever was touched by even the shadow of Peter at once received health. The grace in the apostles was so great that even the shadow could cure the maladies. But perhaps some doubters or less faithful find these things incredib le, that the shadow of the apostles could serve to heal the infirmities of men. Doubtful minds do not believe that the apostles could do these things, if they do not see similar miracles being done now. For the shadow of the apostle operates among the sick or afflicted and among those beset by unclean spirits, and they display the healing of heaven in reward of their faith. It cannot be doubted that the shadow of the apostles once had such an ability, when we know that now their relics have such a power. An d if they performed these things in the

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354 place where they suffered for the sake of Christ, it was a miracle. That now, they even act where they did not suffer, so that the greatness of their merits might be rendered greater still by the greatness of their m iracles. WE have said this because it was read in the present reading that the shadow of Peter and the rest of the apostles freed the sick from the maladies by which they were bound. 4. You, dearly beloved, also heard how great was the charity and unanimity of one said of the things he possessed that they were his own, but they held all things in 6 For this reason, they were pleasing to God because they were living such a good life. For why do they divide the goods here when they have without division heavenly goods? Or why do they, who possessed the Lord of all commonly, not have all in common? That which was to one was had by all, and that which was to all was had by each. In that sharing they were imitating the community of future glory where the reign of the saints will be common to all, where no one struggles over boundaries, possessions, or houses. There, joy and delight are common to all because tha t which is to one is for all, and that which all have, each have. But I am afraid that the well known agreement and charity among the faithful which existed in the time of the apostles may be our condemnation since we preserve neither agreement nor peace nor charity because of our zeal for greed. They used to view property as common; we want to make the things of others our own. We fight about boundaries and possessions as if we are never going to die. We expect everything of earth, nothing of heave n, everything of the present life, nothing of future 6 Acts 4:32.

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355 glory and eternal life W e 7 8 For this reason, we ought to be strangers to covetousness and desire, strangers to envy, to discord, to dissension. W e ought to study peace, concord and agreement so that we might have eternal life in common with such 9 And for this reason we ought to come to the aid of the needs of our brothers and the poor who suffer as if we shared in their afflictions, beca use we have in common one God and Father, and one Lord, the only begotten son of God, and one Holy Spirit, and one faith, and the grace of one baptism through which we are born again by God into eternal life. 7 Matthew 16:26 (Mark 8:36). 8 Luke 12:15. 9 Acts 4:32a, c.

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356 SERMON 32 : ON THE BIRTH OF THE LORD 1 came to pass in those days, it was sent out an edict of Caesar Augustus that all the world should be taxed. This taxing was first made when Quirinius 1 If we consider these things in the spiritual sense, we see no small mystery. The first census of the entire world was put in motion at that time when the Lord was born according to the flesh. It was impossible to begin the first counting of the entire wor ld at any moment except when he was born for whom the human race should be counted. Not under another emperor, but under he who first received the name Augustus, because the true and eternal Augustus was he who is born from a virgin. One was emperor of the earth, the other the emperor of heaven. One was the king of men, the other the king of angels. Even the name of this governor, Quirinius, under whom the census was begun, agrees with the heavenly mystery. Quirinius is translated from Greek into Latin as a name which fits none more so than Christ the Lord who ruled over the bodies and rules not only on the earth but also in heaven. Indeed, there are many powers in earth and even heaven, but the Lord is the only one who rules over all. Therefore, it is fitting that a census of the entire world was begun at the time of the birth of the Lord because it was him by whom the entire world was numbered in salvation. Tho se who are counted by the terrestrial emperor are numbered so that they might judge the tribute due and pay the necessary head tax. We have been assessed for this by Christ, the eternal king, 1 Luke 2:1 3.

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357 that we may weigh the tribute of our head tax and pay the necess ary tax of faith, which the martyrs did in the highest degree, who offered themselves for the name of Christ. At that time when a census of the entire world was begun, the Lord was born according to the flesh. He was born in Bethlehem, and it was not fitti ng that he be born 2 was he who was born in Bethlehem from a virgin. If one praises the gre at cities which brought forth great kings, what place is higher than that place where the Lord, the king of heaven and of earth and of the entire world deigned to be born? 2. Therefore, when Joseph and Mary arrived in Bethlehem to register, as the present 3 He is here shown to be the first born who was born of a virgin and not only the first born, b ut the only begotten. First born of the Father, first born from the virgin. First born of the Father because he was born of the father before all things. Only begotten of the father because he was the only son of the Father. In a like manner, he is declare d first born and only begotten of the virgin: first born because he was first from a virgin, only begotten because he is the only one born of a virgin. Behold how far the Son of God debased himself in humility for us: He, who with the Father reigned in hea ven was laid in a manager; He who grants the robe of immortality was wrapped in swaddling clothes; He who is excellent and mighty appeared in the body of a small child. 2 John 6:41. 3 Luke 2:7.

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358 3. But these things of the life of the Lord contain sacred mysteries. He was wrapped in swaddling clothes because he took on our sins on himself like the rags, just 4 Thus, he was wrapped in rags so that we might cast off the rags of our sins. He was wrapped in swaddling so that he mi ght weave together the precious robe of the church by means of the Holy Spirit; for that reason certainly he was wrapped in swaddling so that he might summon the different nations who believe in him We came to belief out of different nations, and we surro und Christ just like rags, for we had been rags long ago, but now we are made into a precious robe for Christ. And when our Lord and Savior was laid in a manager, it showed that he would be the food of believers. The manager is where animals gather to rece ive food. Therefore, since we are rational animals, we have the heavenly manger at which we gather. Our manger is the altar of Christ at which every day we gather to take the bread of salvation and the body of Christ. But the Lord was placed in the manger, prejudiced by the error of unbelief, it was not worthy to receive Christ into itself. But we rightly understand the inn to be the synagogue because just as the diverse ra ces meet in the inn, so the synagogue has become the inn of all unbelief and all errors, and so Christ could never find a place there. So he was found lying in a manger, which is the Church of the nations which, full of devotion and with total faith, recei ved into themselves our Lord and Savior because he is the true food of all who believe and the spiritual nourishment of the soul. 4 Isaiah 53:4.

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359 4. An angel announced the physical birth of the Lord first to shepherds who were watching over their flocks. No one except the shepherds ought to have known first the birth of the prince of shepherds. Spiritually, the shepherds of the flocks are the bishops of the churches who watch over the flocks committed to them by Christ so that they do not suffer the traps of wolves Thus i shepherds 5 If therefore we always keep watch in the faith of Christ and in the commands of the Lord, we protect the flocks rightly entrusted to us by Chri st and are rightly called the shepherds of the Church. But if we are guilty of the sleep of negligence and infidelity, not only are we unable to keep flocks entrusted to us but we cannot keep our own selves, just like the teachers of the Jews long ago beca me evil and useless shepherds, who lost both themselves and the sheep of the Lord. May the Lord turn away peril of this kind from us so that we are never overwhelmed by the sleep of infidelity. May he give his mercy and his grace so that we may be able al ways to keep watch in the faith of Him. Our faith is able to be watchful in Christ. Therefore, in faith always let your devotion also keep watch, that as the teaching of the priest arouses his people to works of justice, so the devotion of the people enliv ens the priests, and thus it happens that the flock rejoices in its shepherd and the shepherd his flock. 5. So the angel said to the shepherds, as you, dearly beloved, heard in the e city of David is a 6 It is a great joy, clearly, for the shepherds. He was born the 5 Luke 2:8. 6 Luke 2:10 11.

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360 prince of shepherds to guard his sheep and flee the wolves that are demons. The birth of Christ according to the flesh became the joy of shepherd s, the safety of the flocks been a greater joy than what the angel announc ed to the shepherds: the king of glory, the Christ and Lord of eternal majesty, desired to be born from a virgin for the sake of human salvation? But the present reading declares to us that the birth of the Lord was not only a joy for the shepherds, but al was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host singing: Glory to God in the highest 7 It was appropriate that for the birth of such a great king not only men, but angels should rejoice, because he was the creator of men, the creator of angels and the god of all powers. Therefore, because our Lord and Savior deigned to be born according to the flesh on this day, we rejoice. We, along with the heavenly exultations of the angels, are spiritually jubilant with faith, with devotion and with holiness in our hearts. 7 Luke 2:13 14.

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361 SERMON 33 ON ALLELUIA 1 1 The word alleluia invites us to the praise of our Lord and all to confession of faith. Alleluia, when translated from Hebrew to La faith and our salvation. ago to those who were not, that is the gods of the nations and the images of idols. But then we sang in vain, because they were empty things that we worshiped. We sang in vain when we spoke to the base things, when we praised the gods of the nations, when we constructed unlawfu l and profane loves of the gods of the nations, of which the 2 gods of the nations are 3 And so for a long time we sang in vain, but after we came to belief and to divine understanding, we began fashioner of the world, h 4 He is who always was and who will endure for eternity. We sing Alleluia rightly and with merit to him who is the reason we are and live. It is not by our virtue or our power but according to his dignity and piety. Therefore 1 The Latin text of this sermon comes from CCSL, not SC. The editors changed the text to reflect new manuscript discoveries. The SC sermon 33 is sermon 36 in CCSL and this translation reflects that. 2 Jeremiah 10:11. 3 Psalms 96:5. 4 Exodus 3:14.

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362 we ought to sing for such a great God as this who is worthy, to whom belong praise and majesty, who is eternal, omnipotent, unfathomable, who is creator and savior of the world, who has such a great love for men that he would hand over even his own son for he sent his only begotten son that whoever believes in him shall not perish but have eterna 5 interpretation is very appropriate for our faith and salvation. For when we say Alleluia, by harmony, by concord, we are worthy to merit the blessing of God all together. For 6 7 And so we are blessed by God if we are found all together, that is remaining in the unity of faith, in the harmony of peace, in the affections of love, following what the apostle beg of you that you be likeminded in all things, and there be no divisions among you. 8 Hence if discord, if division, if dissension are among us, we do not meri t the blessing of God. How are we able to 5 John 3:16. 6 Psalms 133:1. 7 Psalms 68:6. 8 I Corinthians 1:10.

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363 when we are not found together? Let us be always all together, so that we merit the blessing together. The response of Allelui a does not belong to heretics, nor schismatics, nor all the opponents of the unity of the church. They are not together with the church as one, who are not gathered with us together. The Lord clearly proves this in the gospel by saying: 9 It is the property of Christ to gather into unity; the devil scatters to diverse places. Therefore, whoever loves the unity of the Church, he follows Christ. Whoever delights in division fol lows the devil because the author of division is the devil. And for this reason 10 The time was long ago when the devil divided us by difference. But the time came again when Christ gathered us together. For that reason we ought to shun and avoid discord, of which we know the devil is the author. Instead we should follow the peace and unity of 3. See how rich the grace is in this interpretation of Alleluia! We each respond and we seek a shared blessing so that we are each blessed together. We are one body in the church. For this reason, that one prays and he obtains for all. They all pray, and it is given to each people, out of which the church is gathered. For this purpose we ought to accept what was said of the people of the nations and of the Jewish people. In short, there was made a distinction between them which 9 Matthew 12:30. 10 Ecclesiastes 3:5.

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364 11 signified who altogether had the people of the Jews who seem to have had something in the law and the prophets, the merits of the patriarchs, the grace of the judges, bu t lay in the dung heap because he laid with fleshly vices in the filth of sins and in the error of the nations. But the people of the nations, who we recognize were signified by the helpless man, laid in the dust because they used to worship idols of the e arth the whole of the earth had no hope of heaven. Both, thus, were raised for both were saved; both were lifted because both were liberated; here from the vices of the earth, there from the dung heap of sins; here from the cult of idols, there from guilt of justice. And they were raised to this so that they might be placed with princes, that is with the apostles and prophets who are the princes of the church of God. 4. But this is not an idle thing, that while two groups were discussed, only one is shown s tationed with the princes, because the two peoples became one people of the church, were placed in honor as the prince of the peoples and associated with the apostles and prophets. Therefore, out of the two that were called, one people was made for both be 12 Finally, in order to show that one church came from two callings, he adds at the end of the psalm: 11 Psalms 113:7. 12 Ephesians 2:17b, 14a.

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365 13 Before the coming of Christ, the church was a barren woman because it had not received the seed of justice, it has not given birth to faith. It was barren in regards to faith, barren of the child of justice. But after the coming of Christ and after it received the seed of the divine word, it was made fruitful and fertile. It bears and gives birth each day to countless sons of God throughout the entire world, in all nations. Each day it conceives, a nd each day it bears sons, because all who come to faith in the spiritual belief are produced by its not bear, break forth and sing you that did not bring forth, because mo re numerous are 14 For a long time the synagogue had a husband, which was the law that ruled over it. But it was unable to bring forth the fruits of justice and thus the sons produced were useless. It produced them not of God, but of the world; not from the salvation of God, but from authority. But the church, which was barren and sterile for a long time, has now become fruitful. Each day it conceives a fetus of justice, gives birth to salvation, pr oduces countless sons of God, because each day God produces sons from the Church. They are conceived when they come to belief; reborn through the washing of water; born by the baptism of God. 5. Therefore since believers are saved every day, it is as if ev ery day sons were produced from the church by the Lord. It is shown that of these numerous sons the 13 Psalms 113:9. 14 Isaiah 54:1.

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366 15 these sons are of her whom it had been spoke n in Genesis 16 Not of the dead but of the living because the church produces only living sons, those it gives birth to live through faith in God, and are strangers to the works of death. But of th e dead, that is unbelievers and sinners, the church does not condescend to be the mother of, for all the unbelieving and unfaithful are counted as dead by God, even if they live in the body. 17 But the just and faithful, even if they depart from the body, are counted as living by God. Thus e dead, but of the 18 Certainly, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob live with him. According to the flesh, they are now dead, yet they are called alive, because with the merits of the faith and righteousness before God they were still living. And so whoever l ives justly and faithfully in this world, is shown to live even after death, and to live a better life for in this life there is opportunity for sins, but in that life there is sanctuary in the kingdom. In this life, there is death, there immortality is th e rule. Here, adversity, there happiness. Therefore, if we live justly and faithfully in the sight of God, we are rightly called sons of the church, for the church is only the mother of the living. But if we are unfaithful in this life and take par t in iniquity, we do not merit to be called sons of the church. And 15 Psalms 113:9. 16 Genesis 3:20. 17 Matthew 8:22. 18 Matthew 22:32.

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367 for this reason we ought to live and act in this world so that we can be said to be sons of the church, in order that we might rightly merit to reign with the church in future glory.

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368 SERMO N 34 ON THE BAPTISM OF TH E LORD (FRAGMENT) 1 This day, as he heard when the divine passage was read, our Lord and Savior was baptized by John in the Jordan, and for this reason it is no small feast but a great one. For when our Lord deigned to be baptiz ed, the Holy Spirit came upon him in the 1 2. Oh how great the mystery in this heavenly baptism! The father from heaven was heard, the son wa s seen on earth, the holy spirit is shown in the form of a dove. For there is not true baptism, no remission of sins where the truth of the trinity is not present nor can the remission of sins be given if one does not believe in the perfection of the trini ty. But the baptism of the church is one and true, which is given once, in which you are dipped once and you are made new and clean. Clean because it displaces the filth of sins; New because you arise in new life, the old sins laid aside. The bath makes th ese baptismal candidates like snow, not in the skin of the body, but in the brightness of the mind and the purity of the soul. Thus, the heavens are opened by the Lord in baptism. The bath of regeneration opens the kingdom of heaven to believers as shown b y this sentence of the Lord: 2 He enters then who is reborn, and who does not neglect to guard his baptism. And likewise, he who does not enter was not born again 1 Matthew 3:17. 2 John 3:5.

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369 3. Therefore, because our Lord came to give a new baptism for the salvation of the human race and the remission of all sins, he himself deigned to be the first one baptized, not so as to lay aside sin since he had done no sin, but to sanctify the water of baptism for the blotting out of all sin for believers through the rebirth of baptism. Thus, for this reason, he was baptized in the waters so that we might be washed from all sins 3 He was plunged into the water so that we might be purged from all sins. He received the bath of regeneration so that we can be reborn of water and the Holy Spirit. The baptism of Christ then, washes us of our sins and renews us for the life of ny of you as have been 4 him through baptism in death. Yet just like Christ arose from the dead, you also walk in 5 And so through baptism we die to sin, but we share life with Christ. We bury our former life, but we arise to new life. We put off the old errors of man and put on the new clothing. Even in his baptism, the Lord fulfilled all righteousness because he wanted to be baptized in order that we might be b aptized. For that purpose, he received the bath of regeneration so that we might be reborn into life. 3 Matthew contains a tractatus on this same passage, Matthew 3:13 15 (Tractatus XII). There, the end of this fra gment matches almost word for word with the middle of the commentary. It seems reasonable to follow the lead of the SC in giving the rest of the commentary h ere, which, interestingly, makes the 246. 4 Galatians 3:27. 5 Romans 6:4.

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370 And this John baptized our Lord and Savior, but rather he was baptized by Christ. For Jesus sanctified the water, John was sanctified by it. Jesus gave g race, John received it. John deposited his sins, Jesus forgave them. All of this because John was a 6 And for this reason John 7 John needed baptism since he was unable to be without sin. Truly Christ had no need of baptism since he had done no sin. Hence in this baptism which our Lord and Savior received, Jo hn was first to be purged 8 The grace of the baptism of John was prefigured mystically long ago when the people were led through the river Jordan into the promised land. Just as the people then, going through the river Jordan into the promised land, were preceded by the Lord, so now, through the same water of the river Jordan, a heavenly road is open for the first time, by which we are brought to that blessed land of the promise, which is the promised kingdom of heaven. Then Joshua, 9 the son of Nun, was the leader of the people into t he Jordan; for us it is Jesus, the Lord Christ, who, by his baptism, is the leader to eternal salvation, the only begotten son of God, who is blessed, world without end. Amen. 6 Mark 2:7 (Luke 5:21). 7 Matthew 3:14. 8 Matthew 3:15. 9 NB: In the Latin text, Joshua is rendered as Iesus.

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371 SERMON 35 ON SUZANNA (FRAGMENT ) 1 In the reading that you just heard, we were told about the most noble woman of Suzanna, who gave us a model of purity and an example of chastity. She had a beautiful appearance, but even more beautiful virtues. She was more beautiful in her soul than her body. The beauty of the body is transitory, but the beauty of the soul is eternal. She did not adorn her body with jewels, nor did she have on earrings or rings or pearls, but within she was completely full of the ornaments of virtue. She had in the place of earrings the divine word, for a ring the proper faith, and in the place of pearls the precious works by which she ornamented the beauty of this soul and mind. 2. The blessed apostle Paul rejoiced at this example of Susanna and exhorted ot with pleated hair, or 1 Hence, those elegant women who think that they only if they put on ornaments of this kind, despite the teaching of the apostle, are wrong. Truly thi s kind of presumption is worthy of the anger of their creator. Why do you paint your face white or red as if to improve in yourself the image of God, who made your face as he desired? Or that work in you which is natural is the work of the creator God. Wha tever you add to yourself is the evidence of the devil who wishes to defile the work of God in you. Why do you desire to adorn yourself with rings or beautiful clothes when you ought to be adorned with faith and holy morals? Therefore, if you desire to ple ase God, follow the example of Susanna: be chaste, be pure, be of honest morals, do works of justice, and you will be sufficiently beautiful not only in the sight of God but also beautiful in the sight of men. 1 I Timothy 2:9 10.

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372 This beauty will please even a husband, if he finds his wife beautiful in acts and fair in mind. 3. Therefore, Susanna, for the sake of her purity, despised even death. She was denounced by two desperate elders, accused as guilty, and condemned as an adulterer. But this saint and admirable woman pref erred to suffer death so as to save her purity rather than live with complicity in evil. When she was led to death, however, God aroused the Holy Spirit in the young Susanna an d to display the false claims of the accusers. Thus, it came to pass, by the right justice of God, that Susanna, being innocent, was freed, and the priests, being false accusers and adulterers, were given the death they deserved. The king of Babylon roaste d them in a fire for the evil they had done in Israel and because they had committed adultery with the wives of his citizens. 4. Therefore, Susanna prefigures the church by the example of her purity and chastity. By his faith and conduct, she remai ned in the paradise of Christ, just as all the faithful remain in the church by their chaste morals, by the holiness of good works, by correct faith, by firm hope, and perfect love. They vie to please their chief, the God Christ. Finally, chastity and puri ty are supported when we fast. For we fast from those things, not only to deprive ourselves of nourishment, but to separate ourselves from all carnal vices which are passions of the flesh, lust of the mind, depraved thoughts, hatred and envy, gossiping and complaining, fury and anger and from all the like vices and sins. Truly, to abstain only from food, is not fasting. For this reason, when we fast, we

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373 the fast I hav 2 2 Isaiah 58:5.

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374 SERMON 36 (FRAGMENT) 1 is harmony, one faith, one hope, and one love. And so God consents to be praised by the justified, not by sinners; pra ised by Catholics, not by heretics; praised by the faithful, not by the unfaithful. For this reason, we ought to act and behave in such a manner that we have the ability to praise God and that the words of the prophet might be said of us: 2 We do this rightly if we obey his desire and commands faithfully. 1 tradition. With the restoration of the correct end of 33, the paragraph has been separated an d moved here. The text comes from CCSL 9, p. 162. 2 Psalms 113:1.

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375 SERMON 37 ON THE C A LMING OF THE S TORM 1 [Our Lord Jesus Christ went up in a boat with his disciples, just as the gospel truly relates, in order to sail across the water. And a great storm came up on the water, so that the boat was covered by waves.] 1 This boat, upon which Christ went, can be understood in two ways. W e can see the cross on which Christ went up for our redemption in this boat. Our Lord and Savior, who pilots the whole world, was carried by a small wood boat. He who created the world saved it by the wood of his cross. He, who humbled himself to death on a cross for our sake and who keeps eternal watch over his people, slept in t he boat. He who agreed to free us from the danger of eternal death faced the danger of the sea. He, who awakens us each day in his holy church from our sleep in ignorance and unbelief by the preaching of the saints, was awoken by the disciples. In another way, we can understand this boat as the holy Church. For, although there were few in the number of the faithful at the first, afterwards it grew into a great number of believers and now it fills the entire world. Therefore it is now no longer called a boa t but a great ship. And the sea is a symbol of the world. 2 A great persecution arose against the church no long after the passion of the Lord. The cruelty of wick ed men, instigated by demons, fought against the faithful of the church. The persecutions of the wicked people almost overwhelmed the faithful of the assembly. While the disciples were sailing, Christ was asleep, by 1 This first part seems to be a commentary inserted by the manuscript compiler to replace the beginning of the sermon, which is now lost to us. The commentary comes from the commentary of St Epiphianus of Cyprus. See: Sancti Epiphanii epics. Interpreatio Evangel, Ed. A. Erikson (Lund 1939), 110. 2 Matthew 8:24.

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376 which we understand he permits the press ures and persecutions of this world from time to time to try the church, in order to prove its faith. Then, getting up, he commanded the winds and the sea and a great calm came ab 3 When the prayer of faith has no hesitation, whenever the prayers of the faithful, in their necessity, address the Lord, then he arises quickly to mercy. But we, whenever we are pressed down by tribulation or dire straits, just like a storm on the se a, we ought to arouse our Lord and Savior to mercy by insistent prayers and merit of faith so that he comes to the help and aid of those who hope in his mercy. Thus he says through the nd you will praise 4 Therefore, let us call on God with our whole heart and in all faith so that he might free us from all tribulations: famine, war, death, captivity, and from all danger. Then we can praise his name in all things and laden wi th the worthy fruits of our good works, we might merit to reach the gate of his heavenly kingdom. 3 Matthew 8:25 26. 4 Psalms 50:15.

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377 SERMON 38 SERMON OF SAINT AUGU STINE ON T HE P ASSAGE: GOD MADE FOR ADAM AND HIS WIF E COATS OF SKINS (FRAGMENT) 1 We heard in the divine reading how great the grace of God towards men was 1 After their sin, they were both naked for they had lost their covering of modesty, as they listened to the words of the devil speaking through the serpent rather than the command of the Lord. For this reason they were naked, robbed of their robes of the grace of God and the clothing of his love. Whoever does not have on the clothing of the grace of God, even if he has many coats, is naked of all good things. But it is not without reason that God made coats of skins for Adam and his wife and clothed them. In this, he demonstrated the grace of the passion of Christ. Otherwise, the human race, stripped and bare, wo uld be unable to be clothed in the grace of God, unless by passion of Christ the Lord. He redeemed the entire world and freed it from eternal damnation and death. forth 2 It is not without a mystical meaning that God forbid man, to whom he had given the commands of eternal salvation, from living forever. But God prohibited him from touching the tree of life for this reason: lest he live in eternal punishment. For, if man was not redeemed from sin, and tasted the tree of life, he would live forever indeed, but in eternal punishment not in glory. Hence it was necessary that men were first condemned to death for the transgression of the command in order that they might be saved by grace. In fact what 1 Genesis 3:21. 2 Genesis 3:23 and 22. Chromatius must be quoting from memory here as he combines two verses in the wrong order.

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378 the tree of life could not then procure for men, the passion of Christ procured for them. By the tree of the cross, man recovered the grace which he had lost and cou ld not then

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379 SERMON 39 ON THE BEATITUDES (F RAGMENT) 1 When our Lord and Savior was visiting many cities and regions preaching and around 1 It is fitting that the most high God goes to a high place to preach the uplifting message to those men who desire to climb to the highest virtues. It is good that the new was preached on a m ountain, since the law of Moses was given on a mountain. That one was given in ten commandments for instruction and discipline of the present life. This one is in eight 2 The meek must be peaceful in mind, sincere in heart, of which, the Lord illustrates clearly that it is no small written: 3 The inheritance of that earth then is the immortality of the body and the eternal glory of the t is 4 5 Not those who mourn for the loss of dear ones, but those who weep correctly for sin, who wash their offenses 1 Matthew 5:1. 2 Matthew 5:4. 3 Psalms 27:13. 4 Matthew 11:29. 5 Matthew 5:5.

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380 with tears. Or, at least, those who mourn the iniquity of this world or bewail the sins of others. 6 Behold the great merits of the peacemakers, who are no longer called servants but sons of God. This is not wrong, for whoever loves peace, loves Christ, the author of peace, whom the apostle Paul named peace when he said: 7 But whoever does not love peace pursues dissension, because he loves the devil who is the author of dissension. In fact he first made the conflict between God and man when he made man break the command of God. But for this reaso n, the son of God descended from heaven, to condemn the devil, the author of discord, and to make peace between God and man. He reconciled man to God and recalled God to man in grace. For this reason we ought to be peacemakers so they might merit to be cal led sons of God. Without peace we lose not only the title of sons, but even the name of servants, as the 8 6 Matthew 5:9. 7 Ephesians 2:14. 8 This citation is a combination of Hebrews 12:14 and 11:6. In T ractatus XVII, on this same passage, Chromatius cites the verse correctly.

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381 SERMON 40 PRAYER 1 Among other saving prec epts, our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ gave to his disciples when they asked how they ought to pray this form of prayer which you just heard in the present reading. You, dearly beloved, heard in what manner he taught his disciples to pray to God, the Fathe 1 In speaking of the chamber he does not mean a hidden place in the house, rather he calls to mind the secrets of our hearts made known to the father alone. And we ought to pray to God with a closed door, that is we must lock our hearts from all evil thought and, with closed lips, speak to God with an uncorrupted mind. God hears our faith and not our voice. Therefore let us lock our hearts with key of faith from t he snares of the enemy and open it only to God, whose temple we know it to be, so that when he dwells in our hearts, he himself may be an advocate in our prayers. Therefore, Christ our Lord, the word of God and the Wisdom of God, we pray it also. 2 Here is the voice of freedom and complete confidence. Therefore, you must live a life of moral so that you can be a son of God and brother of Christ. Who has the temerity to presume to call God his father if he deviates from His w ill? Hence, beloved, show yourselves worthy of divine adoption, for it is 3 1 Matthew 6:6. 2 Matthew 6:9 3 John 1:12.

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382 he is always holy but rather we ask that his name be hallowed in us, so that, sanctified in his baptism, we might persevere in that which we have begun. of our reign, which God has promised to us and which Christ obtained for us by his blood and passion. want in heaven, we reproduce faultlessly in the earth. 4 We call the bread daily because we ought to ask always for th e forgiveness of our sins so that w might be worthy of the heavenly food. that we are unable to win pardon of our sins lest we first remit other who offend us, just as the Lo 5 not tempt us with 4 John 6:51. 5 Matthew 6:15.

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383 6 7 know what you ought to pra 8 Hence we must pray to God Omnipotent so that whatever human weakness we have do not prevail over us. Then we can be given the power of Jesus Christ our Lord, who, being God, lives and reigns in the unity of the Holy Spirit through all the ages. Am en. 6 James 1:13. 7 Matthew 26:41. 8 Romans 8:26.

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384 SERMON 41 SERMON OF CHROMATIUS BISHOP OF THE ROMA NS, ON THE 5TH CHAPTER OF MATTH EW OR SERMON ON THE EIGHT BEATITUDES 1 The assembly of people and the crowds for market day gives us, dear brothers, the opportunity to relate the speech of th e gospel. The things of the world are wont to be figures of the spiritual and earthly images give away the heavenly ones. Even our Lord and Savior often relates to us the things of heaven through earthly 1 2 Therefore, if the market contains within itself reason, so that each, according to his need, sells what is superfluous to him or buys th ings that are wanting, not inappropriately will I also set out the merchandise that the lord has committed to me, the preaching that is assuredly from heaven, since indeed he has chosen me, even if unworthy and the least of those servants to whom the Lord has distributed talents, to conduct business and make a profit. Merchants are not lacking at all where, through the grace of God, there are such hearers and so many of them. Indeed, where earthly advantage is not neglected, one must strive even more after a heavenly profit. I desire, dear brother, to set out before you the precious pearls of the beatitudes from the holy gospel. Open the treasuries of your heart, buy, receive eagerly and possess with joy. When the numerous crowds have come together from diff erent region, our Lord and Savior, the only begotten of the most high Father, who deigned to be made man or in spirit, for the 1 Matthew 13:47. 2 Matthew 13:45.

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385 3 Our Lord and Savior established very firm degrees of precious stones so that the holy souls of the faithful might be able to discover and climb to the highest good, which is the kingdom of heaven. Shortly therefore, dearest brothers, I want to show what these degrees are. Let your whole mind and soul be intent on this, for the things of God are no small matter. 2 4 What a wonderful beginning, brothers for the doctrine of heaven! He did not begin with a matter of dread but of happiness, making us not scared, but rather desirous. In the manner of an organizer of games or an official he offers a great reward to the contestants in this spiritual stadium, so that they will neither fear the labors nor tremble at the dangers. not say simply or confu For not all the poor are happy, because it happens often out of necessity, sometimes as a result of poor behavior, and even out of the anger of God. Therefore, blessed are the poor of spir it, those men, who make themselves poor in spirit and will for the sake of God, renouncing worldly goods, voluntarily giving out their own funds. These deserve to Th ey, by their voluntary poverty, attain the riches of the kingdom of heaven. 3 Matthew 5:1 4. 4 Matthew 5:3.

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386 5 shall inherit the ear stand on the second step unless one climbs the first, so man is unable to be meek unless he is first made poor in spirit. How therefore will the spirit placed among riches, among cares and worldly anxieties, from which difficulties, lawsuits, appeals, provocations, and exasperations without end are born, how will the spirit, among these I say, be able to be meek and calm among these disturbances unless it first cuts itself off and renou nces all causes of anger and opportunities of quarrels? The sea is not made calm unless the winds cease; fire is not extinguished unless the matter of incendiary material, branches and thistles, are removed; thus neither is the soul meek and quiet unless t hose things which raise it up and inflame it have been laid aside. Therefore, it is a good thing that the second step is joined to the first, since those who are poor in spirit are already on the road of meekness. 3 those that mourn, for they will be 6 What should we understand in these healing tears? Certainly not those tears which arise from damage to our things, nor those form the loss of dear ones, nor the loss of secular offices; none of these things make the poor in spirit to have pain. The healing tears are those which are poured out for sins, for the recollection of divine trial. When the soul is situated among countless difficulties and preoccupations, it is not able to think about itself. Now, wit h the effects of security and meekness, it begins to look 5 Matthew 5:4. 6 Matthew 5:5.

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387 closer at itself, to examine its actions of the day and the night, and thus the wounds of past crimes begin to appear, and then the tears of healing follow, and so health, for as soon as that, the t 4 7 Truly, after repentance, after mourning and tears for our sins, what other hunger and thirst could arise than for righteousness? For, just as those who wander in the darkness of the night are eager to reach the light, and those who pass yellow bile desire food and dri nk, so the mind of Christian men, after passing through mourning and tears for his sins, now he is hungry and thirsty for the righteousness of God alone. And rightly, he rejoices when he is satisfied with what he desires. 5 Let us come to the fifth step: 8 No one can give to another that which he does not give to himself. Therefore, after he has obtained mercy for himself and the satiety of righteousness, now he begins to feel sorry for the wretched, b egins now to pray for the sins of others. Becoming merciful even towards his enemies, he prepares for himself an accumulation of mercy merciful, for they will obta 7 Matthew 5:6. 8 Matthew 5:7.

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388 6 9 Clearly now, they are poor in heart, able to see God, who are poor in spirit, meek, lament their sins, are refreshed by righteousness, are merciful, who, in adversity, guard the eye of their heart in lucidity and clarity so that without any malice of the eyes or obstacle of any kind, they might be able to see the inaccessible clarity of God. For purity of the heart and purity of conscience will suffer no c loud in regard to seeing the Lord. 7 10 Great is the merit of those who are devoted to peace since they considered as having the name of sons of God. It is good the n to establish peace between brothers who quarrel over earthly goods or for the sake of vain glory or 11 sk not again 12 13 We ought to understand that there is a peacemaking which is higher and better. I am speaking of those who led those men of the gentiles, who were enemies of God, to peace by the presence of the doctrine. Also peacemakers are those who corrected the sinners and reconciled them to God through repentance, of those who corrected the rebellious ways of the heretics, and of those 9 Matthew 5:8. 10 Matthew 5:9. 11 Luke 12:14. 12 Luke 6:30. 13 John 5:44.

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389 who made unity and peace out of the discord within the Church. Truly, Such men as these are peacemakers, not only are they blessed, but they earn the reward of being and our reconciliation, they receive the fellowship in his name. 8 14 It cannot be doubted, brothers, that good deeds are always accompanied by envy. Setting aside the cruelty of the persecutors, when you begin to hold to a strict righteousness, striking against arrogance, and calling the unbelievers to the peace of God, beginning, in fact, to differ from worldly men who live in error, at once persecution arises. It is necessary to let their hatred arise and their jealousies tear at you. Thus, Christ finally adds for his listeners this highest step, to the very top, where they not only suffer patiently, but also embrace d ying for his sake. 9 evil against you falsely for the sake of righteousness. Rejoice and exult for there is a great reward for you in heaven. For, they also persecuted the prophet s who came 15 The perfect virtue, brothers, comes after many works of righteousness, suffering insults from men for the sake of truth, afflicted with torments, ending in death, the example of the prophets should give us no cause for alarm, since the prophets, though wounded in different manners for the sake of righteousness, merited to be participate in the suffering and the reward of Christ. This step is higher, of which Paul, ose things which are 14 Matthew 5:10. 15 Matthew 5:11 12.

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390 behind and extending my hand for things which are in front of me, I chase the prize of 16 And even more clearly he said to 17 As someone who 18 In truth, completing the whole course that was left to him, Paul, suffering tribulations and persecutions, joyfully reached the is a result of the increasing persecution. 10 The eight s teps of the gospel shown to you, my brothers, are built from precious stones, as I said. You see this ladder of Jacob, whose top reached from the Earth to heaven. Whoever climbs to the top, he finds the gates of heaven, and entering through them, stands jo yously without end in the sight of God, praising the Lord with his holy angels throughout eternity. This is our merchandise, this our spiritual market day. Let us give, blessed ones, that we might have. Let us offer ourselves as poor in spirit so that we might receive the riches of the kingdom of heaven according to his promise. Let us offer meekness so that we might possess the earth and paradise. Let us mourn the sins both of ourselves and or others in order that the goodness of God might be our comforte r. Let us hunger and thirst for righteousness, so that we might be fully satisfied. Let us give mercy that we might obtain true mercy. Let us live peacefully, in order that we might be called sons of 16 Philemon 3:13 14. 17 II Timothy 4:7. 18 II Timothy 4:8.

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391 God. Let us offer a pure heart and a chaste body so that we might be able to see God Let us not fear persecution for the sake of righteousness so that we might be made heirs of the kingdom of heaven. Let us embrace happily and joyfully insults, torments, even death, if they happen for the sake of the truth of G od, that we might be given a great reward in heaven with the prophets and apostles. But now so that the words of the end might agree with those of the beginning, if it is a joy for merchants to gain the present and perishable, we ought to be glad and greatly rejoice all together, since we find such pearls of the Lord today, to which no worldly goods can compare. In order to merit to acquire and possess them, we ask the help and grace of the Lord himself, who is in glory, world without end. Amen.

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392 SE RMON 42 ON THE PASSION OF SA INT PETER (DUBIOUS F RAGMENT) 1 What should we say about this? Did not the Lord, who knew the secrets of the heart, know that Peter loved him? Or was a single response of Peter not sufficient for the Lord who knows a ll even before we speak? But three times the Lord asked Peter, so that the three confessions might condemn the thrice denials. and went wherever you desired to go. But when yo u are old, others will gird you and 2 In the old age of his life, Saint Peter suffered on the cross for Christ. For the Lord had said in another pla 3 The disciple of truth fulfilled this command of the master. He suffered the cross for the Lord so that he might glorify the cross of the Lord. But when he was le d to the cross, he proposed to be crucified with his feet inverted. Not shrinking from the passion, but he kept his humility, being judged not the equal of the Lord, but a servant. The punishment was like that of Christ, but the grace was not, for Peter wa s crucified for himself, but Christ for the salvation of the world. Peter was crucified so that he might acquire the glory of his own passion; Christ was 1 John 21:15 16. 2 John 21:18 19. 3 Luke 14:27.

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393 crucified so that the fame of his passion might crown the whole world. Peter was fixed with his feet u pwards so that he might hasten with quick steps to heaven; Christ was raised on the cross with his hands fixed so that the extent of his arms might cover the entire world...

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394 SERMON 43 ON THE VICTORY OF TH E CROSS OF THE LORD (FRAGMENT) When the kings of this world conquer their enemies and obtain victories, they make trophies in the likeness of the cross of the Lord, which weigh upon the captives of war as a sign of eternal memory. And although now in all battles the image of the cross s ignifies victory, it is far removed from the victory of the cross. In the same manner that we see their victory over a king, the destruction of the enemy is the capture of the wretched, so the true victory of the cross of the Lord is the salvation of all p eople, redemption of sinners, hope of the resurrection, and the means of eternal life. 4 4 The sermon continues, though it is not likely from Chromatius. It is a composite text and draws from a variety of sources. The first paragraph matches up with Sermon 19 we ll and is thus provided here.

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395 LIST OF REFERENCES Primary Source Bibliography Ambrose. De fide (ad Gratianum Augustum) Ed. Otto Faller. CSEL 78. Vindobonae: Hoelder Pichler Tempsky, 1962 --. Letters. Trans. Mary Melchior Beyenka. New York: Fathers of the Church, 1954. --. Luc Trans. Gabriel Tissot. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1971. Ammianus Marcellinus. The Later Roman Empire (A.D. 354 378) Trans. Walter Ha milton. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1986. Basil. Saint Basil, the letters Ed. and Trans. Roy J. Deferrari and Martin McGuire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1950. Chromatius, Sermons. Ed. Joseph Lemari. SC Vols. 154 and 164. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1969 1971. --. Chromatii Aquileiensis Opera. Eds. and Trans. R. taix and J. Lemari. CCSL, 9A. Turnholti: Brepols, 1974. --. Spicilegium ad Chromatii Aquileiensis Opera. Eds. and Trans. R. taix and J. Lemari. CCSL, 9A supplementum. Turnholti: Brepols, 1977. Chromatius and XXII de saint Revue Bnedictine 92 (1982): 105 110. Claudianus, Claudius. Claudian Trans. Maurice Platnauer. London: W. Heinemann 1922. Commodianus, Instructions ANF Vol. 4. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1980. Eunapius, History Trans. R.C. Blockley. In The Fragmentary Classicizing Historians of the Later Roman Empire, 2 150. Vol. 2. Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1983. Herodian Herodian T rans. C. R. Whittaker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969. Ignatius. Lettres: Martyre de Polycarpe. Ed. Pierre Camelot. SC 10. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1998. Irenaeus. Against Heresies. Trans. Dominic Unger. Ancient Christian Writers 55. New York: Paulist Press, 1992. Saint Jerome, Dogmatic and Polemical Works Ed. and Trans. John Nicholas Hritzu, 45 219 Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1965

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396 --. Jerome's Chronicon: A Translation and Commentary Trans. Malcolm Donalson. Ph. D. diss., Florida State University, 1991. ----1118. --. On Illustrious Men. Ed. and Trans. Thomas Halton. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1999. --42. --. The Letters of St. Jerome Eds. and Trans. Thomas Comerford Lawler and Charles Christopher Mierow. New York: Newman Press, 1963. John Chrysostom. Discourses against Judaizing Christians Trans. Paul Harkins. Fathers of the Church 68. Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1979. --. Homily VIII, Habita Postquam Presbyter Gothus PG LXIII:499 511. Justin. Sai nt Justin Martyr: The First Apology; The Second Apology; Dialogue with Trypho; Exhortation to the Greeks; Discourse to the Greeks; The Monarchy, or The Rule of God Ed. and Trans. Thomas B. Falls. New York: Christian Heritage, 1948. Maximus of Turin. The S ermons of Maximus of Turin Trans. Boniface Ramsey. Ancient Christian Writers 50. New York: Newman Press, 1989. Origen. Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans 2 Vols. Trans. Thomas P. Scheck. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2001. --. Contra Celsum Trans. Henry Chadwick. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953. --. Homilies on Leviticus Trans. Gary Barkley. Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1990. --. On First Principles (Peri Archon) Trans. Paul Koetsch au and G. W. Butterworth. New York: Harper & Row, 1966. Orosius. Seven Books of History against the Pagans Trans. A. T. Fear. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2010. Palladius. Dialogue sur la vie de Jean Chrysostome Ed. and Trans. Anne Marie Malingrey. SC 342. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1988.

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397 The Western Fathers: being the lives of SS. Martin of Tours, Ambrose, Augustine of Hippo, Honoratus of Arles, and Germanus Auxerre Ed. F. R. Hoare, 145 190. New Y ork: Sheed and Ward, 1954. Philostorgius. Church History. Trans. Philip Amidon. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 1997. Prudentius. Prudentius Trans. H. J. Thomson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961. Rufinus, Apology to Jerome In NPNF 2:3, 434 481. --. The Church History of Rufinus of Aquileia: Books 10 and 11 Ed. and trans. Philip Amidon. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. --Scolies Ariennes sur le Concile Ed. and T rans. Roger Gryson. SC 267. Paris: Editions du cerf, 1980. Sozomen. and Laurent Angliviel de La Beaumelle. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 19 83. Strabo. The Geography of Strabo Ed. and Trans. Horace Leonard Jones and J. R. Sitlington Sterrett. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959. Tertullian. Apology Trans. T.R. Glover. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984. Theodoret. Histoire Hansen, and Jean Bouffartigue. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 2006. The Theodosian Code and Novels, and the Sirmondian Constitutions Trans. Clyde Pharr. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 1952. Vegetius, Epitomia Rei Militaris. Ed. and Trans. Leo Stelten. New York: P. Lang, 1990. Zosimus. Zosimus: Historia Nova; The Decline of Rome Trans. James J. Buchanan and Harold T. Davis. San Antonio: Trinity University Press, 1967. Secondary Source Bibliography Adcock, F.E. Roman Political ideas and Practice. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1959. Amory, Patrick. People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489 554. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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398 Asad, Talal. Genealogies of Rel igion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1993. --Social History 11:3 (1986): 345 362. Auwers, Jean Chroma tius of Aquileia and His Age: Proceedings of the International Conference held in Aquileia 22 24 May 2008, Eds. Pier Beatrice and Alessio Per 359. Turnhout: Brepols, 2011. Against Apion. Identity and Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean: Jews, Christians and Others. Essays in Honor of Stephen G. Wilson, Eds. Zeba Crook and Philip Harland, 99 112. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2007. Vita Antonii Vigilae Christianae 28 (1974): 169 174. Barnes, Timothy David. Constantine: Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell, 2011. --. Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of H istorical Reality. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998. --. Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993. -Phoenix 33 (1979): 254 257. --. Contra Symmachum The American Journal of Philology 97 (1976): 373 386. Lordship and Community in Medieval Europe ed. Fredric Cheyette, 291 314. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967. Barth, Fredrik. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland, 1998. Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi, 56 59. Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008. the Pagans according to Chromatius Chromatius of Aquileia and His Age: Proceedings of the International Conference held in Aquileia 22 24 May 2008, ed. Pier Beatrice and Alessio Per 64. Turnhout: Brepols, 2011.

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399 Bell, Catherine. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Benedict XVI. The Fathers of the Church: From Clement of Rome to Augustine of Hippo. Ed. Joseph Lienhard. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009. ileia nelle Aquileia e il suo patriarcato 67 74 Udine: Deputazione di storia patria per il Friuli, 2000. --Aquileia in IV secolo, ??. AAAd 22. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1982. --, 99 336. Milan: Libri Scheiwiller, 1980. Blockley, R.C. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire. Vol. 1. Liverpool: F. Cairns, 1981. Bori, Pier Cesare. (Atti 2,42 47, 4,32 37) nella storia della chiesa antica. Brescia: Paideia, 1974. Bovini, Giuseppe. Le a 1972. Bowersock, Glen. Julian the Apostate. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978. Bowes, Kim. Private Worship, Public Values, and Religious Change in Late Antiquity Cambridge: Cambridge Univer sity Press, 2008. Boyarin, Daniel. Border Lines: The Partition of Judaeo Christianity. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004. Bradbury, Scott. Severus of Minorca: Letter on the Conversion of the Jews. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Brakke, D Journal of Early Christian Studies 9 (2001): 453 481. --. Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. Aquileia e il Suo Patriarcato, 101 149. AAAd 35. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 2000. Vita Antonii Vigilae Christianae 30 (1976): 52 54. Brown, Peter. Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christainity in the West, 350 550 AD. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012.

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400 --. "Conversion and Christianization in Late A ntiquity: The Case of Augustine. I n The Past before Us : The Challenge of Historiographies of Late Antiqui ty, eds. Carole Straw and Richard Lim 103 117. Turnhout: Brepols, 2004 --. The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, 200 1000 AD 2 nd ed. Blackwell, 2002. --. Augustine of Hippo: A Biography 2 nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. --. Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire The Curti Lectures. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992. --. The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. --JTS n.s. 21 (1970): 56 73. Adriatico: Aquileia e Grado, ed. Sergio Tavano 15 22. AAAd 1. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1972. --. Gli scavi di Aquileia. Udine: La Panarie, 1934. Buell, Denise. Why This New Race: Ethnic Reasoning in Early Christianity New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. --. Making Christians: Clement of Alexandria and the Rhetoric of Legitimacy. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999. Advances in Identity and Research eds. Peter Burke, Timothy Owens, Richard Serpe and Peggy Thoits, 195 216. New York: Kluwer Academic, 2003. Cain, Andrew. The Letters of Jerome: Asceticism, Biblical Exegesis, and the Consturction of Christian Authority in Late Antiquity. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. Calderini, Aristide, and Gian Domenico B ertoli. Aquileia romana: ricerche di storia e di epigrafia "Vita e pensiero", 1930. Cameron, Alan. The Last Pagans of Rome. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. --. Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius. Oxford: Cla rendon Press, 1970. Heresy and Identity in Late Antiquity, eds. Eduard Iricinschi and Holger Zellentin, 102 114. Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008.

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401 --Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33 (2003): 471 492. Castelli, Elizabeth. Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making. New York: Columbia University Press, 2004. Cavallera, Ferdinand. Jerome: sa vie et son oeuvre. 2 vols. Paris: Louvain, 1922. Chadwick, Henry. The Early Church 2 nd Ed. New York: Penguin, 1993. Charles, Michael. Vegetius in Context: Establishing the Date of the Epitoma Rei Militaris. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2007. Chauvot, Alain. Opinions Romaines face aux barbares au IVe sicle ap. J. C. Pa ris: De Boccard, 1998. Chevallier, Raymond. Le Romanisation de la Celtique du P. Rome: Ecole Franaise du Rome, 1983. Clark, Elizabeth. The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992. --, ed. Elizabeth Clark, 175 208. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1986. Cooper, Kate. The Fall of the Roman Household. Ne w York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. --. The Virgin and the Bride: Idealized Womanhood in Late Antiquity. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996. Cromazio di Aquileia: al cro cevia di genti e religioni, edited by Sandro Piussi, 280 285. Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008. Courcelle, Pierre. Histoire littraire des grandes invasions germaniques 3rd ed. Paris: tudes augustiniennes, 1964. Cracco Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi, 184 191. Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008. --Rome and the Barbarians: the Birth of a New World, ed. Jean Ja cques Aillagon, 204 215. Milan: Skira, 2008. --The Past before Us : The Challenge of

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402 Historiographies of Late Antiquity, eds. Carole Straw and Richard Lim, 33 48. Turnhout: Brepols, 2004. --Vita sociale artistica e commerciale di Aquileia romana 57 95. AAAd 29. Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1987. --, 353 381. AAAd 12. Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1977. --Studi storici in onore di Ottorino Bertolini, 272 278. Pisa: Pacini, 1972. --. Economia e Soc iet nell' "Italia annonaria": rapporti fra agricoltura e commercio dal IV al VI secolo d. C. Milan: Giuffr, 1961. --. Rome: Pontifical University, 1959. American Historical Review 102 (1997): 1372 1385. Crouzel, Henri. Origen. Trans. A.S. Worrall. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989. Cromazio di Aquileia: al cr ocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Sandro Piussi, 380 386. Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008. --Cromazio di Aquileia: al crocevia di genti e religioni ed. Sandro Piussi, 324 331. Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2008. --Aquileia dalle origini alla costituzione del ducato longobardo 511 560. AAAd 59. Trieste: Editreg, 2004. --Vita sociale artistic e commerciale di Aquileia romana, 1:183 210. AAAd 29. Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1987. --Studi su Portogruaro e Concordia 69 84. AAAd 25. Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1984. --Aquileia nel IV secolo 189 253. AAAd 22. Udine: Arti Grafiche Friulane, 1982. --. Padova: Associazione nazionale per Aquileia, 1980.

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403 Dale, Thomas. Relics, Prayer, and Politics in Medieval Venetia. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. Dauge, Yves Albert. Le barbare: Recherches sur la conception romaine de la barbarie et de la civilization. Brussels: Latomus, 1981. De Bruyn, Theodore. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. Ethnic Identity: Creation Conflict and Accommodation, eds. Lola Romanuccui Ross and George De Vos, 15 47. Walnut Creek, CA: Altam ira, 1995. HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies 68 (2012): 1 10. Diehl, Ernst. Inscriptiones, Latinae Christianae veteres Berlin: Apud Weidmannos, 1 925. Aquileia e Il Suo Patriarcato, 153 167. AAAd 35 Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 2000. Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam Church History 80 (2011): 749 772. Duval, Yves Marie. Histoire et historiographie en Occident aux IVe et Ve sicl es. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 1997. --. Aquile (381), Hilaire de Poitiers (367/8) et Ambroise de Milan (397) Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 1997. --C hromatius episcopus: 388 1988, 151 183. AAAd 34. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1989. --Aquileia, la Dalmazia e 331 379. AAAd 26. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1985. --et la Palestine entre 370 263 322. AAAd 12. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1977. --Aquileia e l'arco alpino orientale 237 293. AAAd 9. Udine: Arti grafiche friulane, 1 976.

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415 BIOGR APHICAL SKETCH Robert McEachnie is lecturer of history at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte, specializing in the ancient world. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Florida in history in 2013. Before coming to the University of Florida, Robert McEachnie completed a masters in the history of Christianity at Wheaton College. He is a graduate of Palm Beach Atlantic University and an alumnus of the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies in Oxford. He has been recognized as the Calvin A. VanderWerf Graduate Teacher of the Year at the University of Florida in 2009. His work has been published in Studia Patristica Augustinian Studies and the Bryn Mawr Classical Review.