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1 DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS AS CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS: LOCATING CULTURE IN THREE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS IN YUCATAN, MEXICO By ANNA M. BRODRECHT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012
2 2012 Anna M. Brodrecht
3 To my m om and d ad, Kathy and Bobby Brodrecht
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Every accomplishment is the end result of effective teamwork and this completed dissertation is no different. These pages hold an abridged story of the many relationships that have been forged, built and strengthened during my time as a graduate student at UF. I t has been quite a journey and I am so thankful to have had a supportive network of friends, family and colleagues with which to walk the long road. I would like to take this very small space to give a very big thanks to the people who were instrumental in the completion of this dissertation. I would first like to thank Allan Burns, who agreed to work with me based on an application essay written in the not so scientific narrative style he has come to know and hate! He has been a perfect advisor, always the re when I needed advice and support but never pushing me to be something I am not. His patience and guidance have been invaluable in shaping me into the kind of anthropologist I dreamed of being when we started this journey six years ago. As a mentor, Dr. Burns has a brilliant gift of making every great idea seem like it came straight from the mind of the student. So ng like cornstalks from a kernel he secretly planted during our conversations. My favorite of these secret kernel s was when he asked me to be the graduate assistant on his study abroad program in Yucatan during the summer of 2008. He knew I would fall in love with the pla ce and, when I did, he let me take ownership of here. My thanks to Dr. Burns extend well beyond this dissertation. I am grateful to him for providing a model of true leadership patient, selfless and empowering that has shown me who I want to be as a professional.
5 I owe a great deal of thanks to my c ommittee members, who are responsible for my steady progress as a graduate student. I would like to thank Marianne Schmink for setting the bar high and being honest in her assessment of my work. I respect her as a pioneer in international development and a m thankful to have her as a role mod el for my future career. Willie Baber was essential in the completion of this dissertation as a mentor and a friend. His mentorship as a professional of applied anthropology showed me the many and varied ways I can put m y knowledge to work in the service of others, while his encouraging smile and belief in my abilities gave me the confidence I needed to keep going. I would like to thank Philip Williams who, despite his infinite responsibilities at UF, still made time to a dvise me degrees. The hospitality of Dr. Williams and his wife Victoria made Gainesville feel like home. My dissertation fieldwork was funded by a Fulbright Garcia Robles Grant, a Boren Fellowship and a Summer Foreign Langu age and Area Studies (FLAS) Grant. While their funding was absolutely essential in completing my dissertation fieldwork in Yucatan, I also appreciate these institutions for all their hard work in promoting cross cultural opportunities for American students I thank Fulbright not only for providing me the opportunity to conduct research in Mexico, but also for providing opportunities for foreign students to come to the United States, one of which has influenced my life in immeasurable ways. I am grateful to have received the double benefits of being a Boren Fellow and look forward to putting my degree to work for the US Federal Government. The FLAS greatly enriched my interviews and friendships in Yucatan by introducing me to the language of the modern Yucate c Maya. I sincerely hope the FLAS will survive to
6 promote cross cultural interaction and mutual understanding in the future. I would like to specifically thank the COMEXUS crew, Michael Saffle at the Boren Awards and the faculty and staff of the UNC Summer Yucatec Maya Program for all their hard work, concern and hospitality during my time abroad. I also owe a huge thanks to Paul Ortiz and my friends at the Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, who generously shared of their expertise and limited funding to make this research a success. I have many Yucatecan friends and colleagues to thank for the success of my fieldwork. I thank the Faculty of Anthropology at the Autonomous University of Yucatan for agreeing to host my research. I am indebted and eternally g rateful to my colleagues at the Secretariat for their support and interest in my research since the summer of 2010. It was through their recommendation and willingness to host my research that I was able to write a successful proposal for research funds. A nd it was through their openness and friendship that I was able to complete my fieldwork with such ease and efficiency. If not for our agreement to maintain their confidentiality, I would thank them each individually for inviting me into their professional and personal lives and providing me every resource I needed without hesitation. I hope this dissertation furthers our shared goal of making the future of development even brighter. I owe a huge thanks to Rosy Couoh Pool, who started our relationship as a and culture were indispensable as we traveled the countryside interviewing recipients of the stove program. While it was her respectful demeanor that led recipients to invit e us into their homes, it was her sense of humor and kind heart that led people to invite us to stay for lunch. I greatly appreciate her willingness to call on old friends and revisit her
7 old stomping grounds in pursuit of data. As if her contributions to the interviewing phase were not enough, Rosy also translated and transcribed our interviews with stove recipients. What I did not pay her in pesos, she paid me i n friendship. I am so grateful f or her hard work, her adventurousness and her company as I got to know the best part of Yucatan. I had the great fortune to also be surrounded by loving, caring friends outside of work. In particular, I would like to thank Carlos Encalada Gonzalez for his endless hospitality to me, my family and my friends. I am so v ery thankful to have landed in his care during the study abroad program in the s ummer of 2010 and to have landed there again for my dissertation fieldwork. He became a close friend as we shared many conversations, many (blind) car rides and enough beers to float a battleship. I hope to one day host him in the United States with the same generosity and friendship he showed me. I would like to thank Alberto Gamboa, whose impeccable ability to make any situation enjoyable kept me from missing home most days. I will always appreciate my friends in the Viera Castro family, who welcomed me to Yucatan and did everything in their power to make me comfortable. I would also like to thank Felipe Castillo for continuing my interest in Yucatec Mayan through so many conve rsations and Addy Alcocer for all our adventures. I would like to thank my network of friends at UF who were always available to talk shop or get out of town. In particular, I thank Alison Montgomery and Meredith Marten, my development buddies, for sharing sources, ideas and good times. I thank Carmen Alondra Laguer Diaz for her friendship and help with Spanish translations. I thank Gypsy Price, Chris Brafford, Kristina Ballard and Chris Altes for encouraging me
8 to take breaks and have fun. I am so lucky to have such a supportive group of friends and look forward to sharing many more roads with them. Extra special thanks go to my family, old and new. This dissertation is dedicated to my mom and dad for one simple reason: I am who I am because of them. Their resourcefulness and support throughout my life have afforded me such opportunities as going to graduate school. They gave me Robert, my role model who taught me how to think critically and to push the envelope. Mom and Dad ignited and fueled my passion for travel early in life and never held me back from pursuing new adventures, no matter how dangerous they seemed at the time. They came to visit me in Mexico when I most needed them and when it came time to write the dissertation, they provided me everything I needed in the comfort of my childhood home. It is my hope that this dissertation makes them proud of what they have accomplished too. My new family consists of Irene Dessing and Johan Morsink, who have offered unfettered support of my academic and profe ssional goals. I am fortunate to have received them, their wisdom and their humor in the best package deal of my life. Finally, I would like to acknowledge Joost Morsink, who picked me out at orientation and has been my main support ever since. Joost has k ept me grounded, but pushed me further than I thought was possible. He has been a cheerleader, a coach, a critic and a confidant. I have not always liked his advice, but so much of it got me to this point. He is the other half of me the bold, the confide nt, the fearless all of which can be found in the pages of this dissertation. I thank him for never giving up on me, or on us.
9 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 11 LIST OF FIGURE S ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 12 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 13 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 16 Research Problem, Purpose and Hypothesis ................................ ......................... 18 Research Objectives ................................ ................................ ............................... 24 Research Design ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 26 Conceptual Bases ................................ ................................ ............................ 27 Context of the Study ................................ ................................ ......................... 35 Project Design ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 42 Data Collection and Analysis Techniques ................................ ........................ 45 Organization of the Dissertation ................................ ................................ .............. 54 2 THE ENCOUNTERS APPROACH ................................ ................................ ......... 57 Practice Oriented Field Methodology ................................ ................................ ...... 57 The Roots of a Relational Approach ................................ ................................ 59 Elements and Characteristics of a Practice Oriented Approach ....................... 61 The Model and Concept of Culture in a Practice Oriented Approach ............... 66 The Encounters Approach ................................ ................................ ...................... 72 The Sociality of Practices ................................ ................................ ................. 72 Toward a Relational Concept of Encounters ................................ .................... 75 Encounters as Essential Practices ................................ ................................ ... 83 3 CULTURE IN THE GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK .............................. 87 The Paradigm Framework ................................ ................................ ...................... 88 Foundations of the Paradigm Framework ................................ ............................... 89 Treatments of Culture in Global Developm ent ................................ ........................ 92 Culture as a Barrier ................................ ................................ .......................... 94 Culture as a Problem ................................ ................................ ........................ 99 Culture as a Distraction ................................ ................................ .................. 105 4 CULTURE IN MEXICAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE ................. 113
10 Mexico in the Top Down Flow of Development ................................ ..................... 113 ................................ ................................ ..................... 115 ................................ ................................ ........ 118 ................................ ................. 121 Culture in Mexican Development Policy and Practice ................................ ........... 125 5 CULTURE IN YUCATECAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE ............ 131 Yucatan in the Top Down Flow of Development ................................ ................... 132 ................................ ................................ ................... 133 ................................ ................................ ...... 139 ................................ ............... 146 Culture in Yucatecan Development Policy and Practice ................................ ....... 152 Outline of Practitioner Culture in Yucatan ................................ ............................. 163 6 DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS AS CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS ......................... 168 RedCuidar ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 168 Program Origins ................................ ................................ ............................. 170 The Role of Practitioner Culture in Data Collection and Program Design ...... 172 RedCuidar as a Cultural Encounter ................................ ................................ 177 Outcomes of Data Collection ................................ ................................ .......... 183 The Bakers Program ................................ ................................ ............................. 186 Program Origins ................................ ................................ ............................. 188 The Role of Practitioner Culture in Program Implementation ......................... 188 The Role of Participant Culture in Program Implementation ........................... 197 Outcomes of Implementation ................................ ................................ .......... 206 The Ecological Stove Program ................................ ................................ ............. 210 Program Origins ................................ ................................ ............................. 211 The Role of Practitioner Culture in Program Outcomes ................................ 212 The Role of Recipient Culture in Program Outcomes ................................ ..... 223 Program Outcomes ................................ ................................ ........................ 234 7 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 243 Interpretations and Treatments of Culture in Development ................................ ... 244 The Encounters Approach ................................ ................................ .................... 248 The Role of Culture in Development Programs ................................ .................... 254 Recommendations ................................ ................................ ................................ 258 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 272 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 284
11 LIST OF TABLES Table page 6 1 Summary of holistic and relational results from each program ......................... 169
12 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 The Secretariat is located in Merida, the capital city of Yucatan, Mexico (CIA 1994; CIA 1997) ................................ ................................ ................................ 36 5 1 A view of Janal Pixan in the main plaza of Merida ................................ ............ 160 6 1 A three stone hearth ................................ ................................ ......................... 210 6 2 The materials delivered to stove recipients ................................ ...................... 216 6 3 A stove installed and lit with the cooking s urface lifted t o expose the inner construction ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 217 6 4 An installed stove as seen from inside and outside the home. ......................... 218 6 5 The inner construction of the stove and the associated alternative use of the stove like a gas burner ................................ ................................ ..................... 236 6 6 A second model of stove delivered by the state government ........................... 241 6 7 A model of stove delivered by a municipal government ................................ .... 241 6 8 Three models of stoves delivered by agencies of the federal government ....... 242
13 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS INEGI National Institute of Statistics and Geography MDG Millennium Dev elopment Goals PAN National Action Party PRI Institutional Revolution Party PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers SEDESOL Secretariat of Social Development UADY Autonomous University of Yucatan UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme
14 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS AS CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS: LOCATING CULTURE IN THREE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS IN YUCATAN, MEXICO By Anna M. Brodrecht December 2012 Chair: Allan Burns Major: Anthropology This research addresses a significant inconsistency between the practical goals and theoretical foundation of global development. Alt hough development practice has been revised to focus on the anthropological problems of human development and poverty reduction rather than just economic development, the theory underpinning these efforts has not been revised accordingly. Gaps between the intended and actual outcomes of development programs demonstrate that the holistic, positivist theory that guided previous decades of economic development provides an inadequate foundation for addressing the anthropological problems at the center of the Mi llennium Development framework. This research argues that more relational theory is needed to scientifically understand the complexity of the problems of human development and to formulate solutions that effectively and responsibly address these problems. The dissertation proposes the encounters approach as a methodological alternative for operationalizing the application of anthropological theory in local development practice. The encounters approach, a practice oriented relational perspective, reconceptu alizes development programs as platforms for cultural interaction between practitioners and program recipients and ultimately recognizes the
15 active roles both practitioner and recipient culture play in determining the outcomes of development programs. Appl ied anthropological research of the role of culture in three state development programs in Yucatan, Mexico allowed for the investigation and testing of the encounters approach as a methodology for systematizing cultural considerations within the Millennium Development framework.
16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This research addresses a significant inconsistency between the practical goals and theoretical foundation of global development. Although development practice has been revised to focus on the anthropological problems of human development and poverty reduction rather than just economic development, the theory underpinning these efforts has not been r evised accordingly. Gaps between the intended and actual outcomes of development programs demonstrate that the holistic, positivist theory that guided previous decades of economic development provides an inadequate foundation for addressing the anthropolog ical problems at the center of the Millennium Development framework. This research argues that more relational theory is needed to scientifically understand the complexity of the problems of human development and to formulate solutions that effectively and responsibly address these problems. The encounters approach proposed in this research operationalizes the application of anthropological theory, particularly a practice oriented relational perspective, as it promotes the reconceptualization of development programs as platforms for cultural interaction between practitioners and recipients. This approach was investigated through anthropological research of three development programs of the state government of Yucatan, Mexico. The topic of this research deriv ed from an enco unter. In f all 2010, Columbia University assisted fourteen universities around the world in ini tiating their own Global Master of graduate level students with the skills and knowledge re quired to better identify and address the global (Columbia University N.d.) The introductory
17 students from all fourteen universities met online through a live video forum. Each bia professors who played a large role in engineering the Millennium Development Project of the United Nations. The lesson continued with a video lecture by a development practitioner and concluded with a question and answer session directed by McArthur. During a lecture concerning the incorporation of gender in development practice, a student from the University of Florida raised a question about the cultural concerns of a particular development program. How do practitioners promote gender equality while still respecting the specificities of local culture? The lecturer responded to the question and, as was common, attention turned to McArthur who often provided a concluding remark before turning to the next question. In a cascade of agitation uncharacteris tic of this otherwise collected professor and global practitioner, McArthur dismissed the question, stating that culture is a distraction in development. The professor of the course at the University of Florida, herself an anthropologist and practitioner o this development discussion. Many students in the class sat silently in shock or confusion, or both. Minds reeled to the first day of class when our professor had drawn a large forward slash on the board and engaged us in a lecture about the single greatest weakness in development theory. That forward slash represented a number of outdated assumptions based in social evolutionistic thinking. Among those are that progress is cross cultura lly homogenous, inherent and unidirectional, always leading
18 development had been defined as economic development, but this introductory course in sustainable development practic e would prepare us to understand newer development objectives like those of the Millennium Development Project that focused on poverty reduction and real human development. Then, in front of fourteen universities around the world, one of the engineers of t he Millennium Development Project dismissed culture as a distraction to development. discuss the role of culture in development, but that he was unable. This thesis elucidates that global development theory lacks a consistent definition or concept of culture on which to operationalize development practice from the global to the local level. McArthu ulture has been treated as a distraction in developmen t because we are yet to understand the role of culture in development programs. However, this research demonstrates that this problem is neither inherent nor static as it recognizes development as a dynamic institution that is not only capable of improving through an infusion of anthropological science, but is also interested in its possibilities. Research Problem, Purpose and Hypothesis The problem identified in this research is the mismatch between the human centered goals of contemporary global developm ent and the social theory that underpins the achievement of those goals. After a fifty year commitment to economic growth, the United Nations pioneered a shift away from a purely economic focus toward the more human centered approaches of poverty reduction and human development (Fukuda Parr 2004) The Millennium Development Project presents an updated framework that redefines development as the coordinated improvement of the
19 conditions associated with survival, equality and stability. Economic growth is no longer a goal in and of itself, but is understood as an end result of poverty reduction and human development (Fukuda Parr 2004; UNDP 2003) The problem identified in this research is embedded in this recent shift in the focus of global development. While the framework for global development was revised to place the quality of human life at the center of development practice, less attention was given to revising the theoretical tenets of the broader institution of development. As a result, the human centere d goals of the Millennium Development Project are underpinned with many of the same theoretical tenets, concepts and assumptions that derived from and justified the economic f ramework of the twentieth century. A holistic and specifically positivist framewo rk of development theory reflects the belief that complex social phenomena like human development can and should be understood through macro level examination (Guba 1990; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) This contrasts with contemporary social theory, especially anthropological theory, that has long since shifted away from holistic approaches in favor of relational ones (Emirbayer 1997; House 1977; Ortner 1984; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Such contemporary approaches examine the relationships between and among the w hole and its various parts to understand the full complexity of social phenomena (Gardner 2004; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) While holistic theory may have provided an appropriate foundation for theory hold that it is neither an appropriate nor adequate foundation for the human centered goals of the Millennium Development Project
20 Although many issues arise from this mismatch in the human centered goals and holistic theory of development, this res earch focuses on the theoretical and practical problems associated with one significant casualty: culture. This complex and traditionally qualitative anthropological concept has never been welcome in the positivist theoretical framework of global developme nt. For decades practitioners believed that development and the global economy were cultureless institutions that could be understood and manipulated in a scientific vacuum (Sen 2000) The Millennium Development Project responded to the failures of the pre vious framework by recognizing the need to incorporate humans and their diverse anthropological problems into the equation. Although this practical response pointed to the need to incorporate cultural considerations into development, the maintenance of a h olistic, positivist framework failed to follow through in a methodological sense. The global development literature evidences that culture concepts are avoided wherever possible while that little is being done or will be done to address the elephant in the room (personal correspondence, November 2010; Sachs 2005). culture, the theoretical framework of d evelopment lacks a systematic concept of culture. At times culture has forced its way into the literature, particularly in areas such as gender equality and technology that are notoriously resistant to development efforts (Crewe and Harrison 2002; Sachs 2 005b) In these few areas where culture has been identified as a factor influencing the success of programs, it, like all other complex social phenomena, has been subject to the methodological holism of development theory
21 ( Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Culture is often interpreted as an inert, unchanging structure deriving from the past (i.e. heritage and ethnicity) that dictates the behaviors and beliefs of humans. The lack of systemization becomes evident in the haphazard application of the concept culture only applies to certain populations, namely those of the developing world and those who show resistance in adopting the ideas and materials of development (Crewe and Harrison 2002) The unsystematic and partial treatments of culture from within a holistic interpretation allow for culture to be incorporated into development practice when necessary without cluttering development science with in favor of simplicity and t he maintenance of an outdated theoretical framework. The problematic mismatch between the human centered goals and holistic theory of global development are evidenced through the difficulties development practitioners face while implementing projects and p rograms. Yucatecan development practitioners expressed a common concern when they agreed to host this research; marginalized and vulnerable populations, program outcom es often reflect gaps between anticipated and actual results. To Yucatecan practitioners, these gaps represent has been echoed around the world as the lagging resu lts of the Millennium Development Goals trouble practitioners and renew public doubt about the efficacy of global development (Sachs and McArthur 2005; Satterthwaite 2003; UN General Assembly 2010) These disappointments of a new framework follow several d ecades of concern over the hegemonic goals and practice of global development that often
22 reconfigure local lifeways and leave hopeful recipient countries and populations with a dangerous dependency on the materials of development (Crewe and Harrison 2002; Escobar 1995; Maren 1997 ; Warman 1976 ) This research hypothesizes that ubiquitous gaps in the anticipated and actual results of contemporary development programs directly relate to the maintenance of holistic theory in the human centered framework of the Millennium Development Project More specifically, the maintenance of a holistic theoretical perspective disallows a scientific understanding of the complex role culture plays in the outcomes of Millennium Development programs, allowing it to remain an el usive and confounding concept in the development context. An examination of the role of culture in the design, implementation and outcomes of three development programs of the state government of Yucatan provides data to support this hypothesis. This resea rch suggests that an alternative approach is needed to understand the full complexity of the problems of human development and to formulate solutions that effectively and responsibly address these problems. The purpose of this research is to present and test the encounters approach as an appropriate theoretical and methodological alternative that fits within the practical framework of the Millennium Development Project The encounters approach steps away from the holistic perspective of development progra ms as institutionalized mechanisms for the top down transfer of benefits from development agencies to program recipients. Instead, it embodies a practice oriented relational perspective of programs as cultural encounters through which the relationships amo ng the actors and structures of development are practiced, manipulated, modified and reified (Bourdieu
23 1977; Giddens 1984; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Both practitioners and program recipients are recognized as development actors and cultural agents who part icipate equally in the negotiation of program outcomes (Giddens 1984) Anthropological analysis of actual encounters examines programs for what they are places of interaction between various cultural agents rather than what they are designed to be and, in so doing, systematically captures the scientific complexity of th e role of human culture in development. Gaps in unanticipated and actual results are not interpreted as failures or shortcomings, but as scientific data that inform the improvement of future development programs. This research presents the encounters appro ach as a method for operationalizing the application of contemporary anthropological theory in development while at the same time testing its utility and appropriateness through application in local level development efforts in Yucatan, Mexico. Breaking f rom the critical discourse trend in anthropology and development, this research examines best practices and conceptual alternatives as it seeks to improve development efforts within the existing framework. It argues that the weaknesses of development are n ot inherent, but are today the consequence of pursuing human centered development strategies without factoring human culture into the equation. The time is ripe for su Millennium Development Project embodies a key shift in pr actice while a new emphasis on higher level education in development theory and practice reflects a willingness on the part of development institutions and leaders to explore new ideas (Columbia University N.d.; Fukuda Parr 2004) As our practices and poli cies continue to change, it is essential to continually reconsider and update the concepts and assumptions that underpin development
24 theory. This research emphasizes and demonstrates the ability of anthropological science to improve the efforts of an insti tution centered on changing human lives. Research Objectives This research is guided by four interlocking theoretical and practical objectives. First, the study seeks to determine how culture is interpreted and treated in the Millennium Development framewo rk. This objective is undertaken through a comparative examination of the theoretical and practical frameworks of global, national and local development. In a theoretical sense, this examination determines how culture is conceptualized by policymakers and practitioners at each level. It then connects this theoretical conceptualization with how culture is treated in global and national policy and how it is actually practiced at the local level. Second, the study seeks to establish the encounters approach as an alternative theoretical perspective to guide practices within the Millennium Development framework. This objective is addressed through a presentation of the encounters approach as a method for operationalizing the application of contemporary anthropolo gical theory in development. It embodies a practice oriented, relational perspective that allows for the systematic consideration of the role of culture in development processes. Unlike the current holistic theoretical framework of development, the encount ers approach recognizes culture as a scientific concept that can be understood and operationalized despite its qualitative complexity. The objective is further addressed as the research begins testing the utility and appropriateness o f the encounters appro ach in local level development Appropriateness is ultimately without training in anthropological theory and methods. Of course, concerns of the
25 appropriateness of the a pproach relate directly to the likelihood of this concept being utilized within the existing development framework at the local level and beyond. Third, the study aims to utilize this approach to determine the role of culture in three development programs in Yucatan, Mexico. Both practitioner and recipient culture are of interest to this study as the encounters approach emphasizes that members of both groups are cultural agents that actively participate in the negotiation of program outcomes The explicit s tudy of the role of practitioner culture in development stands in contrast to the global development literature, which tends to locate culture only within the realm of program recipients (Crewe and Harrison 2002) Further, this research examines three gene ral stages of development programs including design, implementation and outcomes. These stages are not theoretical but practical, as they derive from the differing encounters that occur throughout the life of a development program. This objective is addres sed using the encounters approach, which aims to determine how practitioner and recipient culture influence the anticipated and actual outcomes at each stage of development programs. The research ultimately examines each program to identify the gaps in ant icipated and actual results and to determine whether practitioner and/or recipient culture played a role in these gaps. To promote a fuller and more balanced understanding of the role of culture in program outcomes, this examination of anticipated and actu al results also includes unanticipated results and those anticipated results that were achieved. The final objective of this research is to utilize its data and conclusions to elaborate recommendations and tools that will aid practitioners in improving dev elopment planning and practice through the incorporation of anthropological
26 science. T his objective focuses on development practice specifically, as it aims to demonstrate practical ways of incorporating the encounters approach into development practice. T he dissertation itself serves as an example of the application of many of these tools, but the aim is to ma ke their application explicit in relation to the da ily tasks of practitioners. This very practical objective focuses specifically on the improvement of the methods and programs of the development community of the state government of Yucatan, which hosted this research out of its own interest in incorporating anthropological science toward the improveme nt of their programs. Yet, b ecause the research co nnects local level development to broader global theory and practice, these practical conclusions may also be generalizable beyond Yucatan Research Design Data collection and analysis were organized to address each of these f our interlocking goals. Data w ere collected during a year of anthropological fieldwork on three development programs in Yucatan, Mexico. The data collected from this fieldwork included formal and informal interviews with practitioners and program recipients, field notes on participant observation in each program and in various offices and agencies of the state government, documents and reports concerning various public programs and field notes taken throughout long term cultural immersion in Yucatan. The data were analyzed during the fi eldwork period and throughout the course of writing the dissertation. This section first reviews some conceptual bases in order to situate the research within the field of applied anthropology. It then describes the temporal, spatial and social context in which the data were collected and reviews how the fieldwork was structured in order to collect data that effectively addressed each of the four research objectives. Finally, it reviews the specific tec hniques that were used to collect and
27 analyze the data. The methodologies that guided data collection and analysis are the subject of Chapter 2. Conceptual Bases This research is a study of applied anthropology and therefore should be situated in relation to the anthropological concept of culture and the previous work of applied anthropologists. First, this research takes on the difficult task of identifying a concept of culture that is both useful and appropriate to the development context. This is an impo contexts such as Yucatan, Mexico, but the unsystematic and impartial concepts evoked To scholars of anthropol ogy, this concept confusion comes as no surprise As early as 1952, Kroeber and Kluckhohn now famous study had identified 156 definitions of culture and six decades of continued inquiry and scholarship have only complexified this conceptual landscape. Ch apter 2 identifies a practice oriented concept and model of culture that is b oth useful in and appropriate t o local level development efforts. Although a complete review of the concept of culture is beyond the scope of this dissertation, some basic concept ual comparisons can be generalized to elucidate the particular practice oriented concept of culture used in this research. Prior to the entry of a practice oriented approach, two theoretical trends dominated anthropological scholarship On one end of the spectrum were the holistic trends (namely functionalism and structuralism but also cultural ecology), which (Giddens 1984:2; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) These holis tic theoretical perspecti ves tended to conceptualize culture in terms of external rules and structures that guide human
28 behavior In this way, h umans do not act out of free will but merely follow a set of natural, objective guidelines of the world around them. From a structure ori ented perspective, for instance, social structures in the world around an individual are at the center of investigation (Gardner 2004) Perhaps the most common example of a structuralist perspective is Levi idea that society is naturally st ructured in opposites man/woman, light/dark, raw/cooked. From this perspective, a researcher of the population into mestizos and indigenous people structure the be haviors and beliefs of Yucatecans. On the other end of the spectrum were the individualist approaches, commonly referred to as hermeneutic approaches in anthropology, which hold that culture and other complex social phenomenon are best understood through m icro level examination of individual perspectives (Gardner 2004; Giddens 1984; Ortner 1984; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) In a reaction to the constraint on free will posed by structuralism specifically, individualist approaches intentionally work from the opp osite direction, (Giddens 1984:2) These individualist approaches thus generally conceptualize culture in terms of individual perspectives and worldviews. F or Geertz (1973) one of the key proponents of symbolic anthropology, culture is located within a person in his or her system o f meaning, beliefs and values rather than in the external world of structures ( Ortner 1984 ) For example, a symbolic anthropologist would not be interested in the production flag, citizenship or the State Development P lan. Rather, that researcher would examine
29 the particular expressions, symbols values and meanings of Yucatecan identity as understood by individual Yucatecans. Yucatecan identity may mean something very different to an immigrant than to a politician even t hough both are citizens of the state. To a symbolic or hermeneutic anthropologist, those myriad personal perspe ctives are the fabric of culture. Mutual criticism between the individualist and holistic perspectives signaled to social scientists that both culture concepts represented extremes objectivity versus subjectivity, constraint versus free will and society versus individual (Emirbayer 1997; Ortner 1984; Popkewitz 1990) Relationist perspectives like the practice oriented approach grew out of the expansive middle g round between these two extremes. Rather than focusing exclusively on the whole or the parts like holism or individualism, respectively, relationism examines the relationships between and among the whole and its various parts (Emirbayer 1997; Ritzer and Gi ndoff 1992) Likewise, analysis of social phenomena is not conducted exclusively at the macro level or micro level but is multi scalar as it examines the connections and disconnections between and among the various elements that make up a total system (Gar dner 2004) Such multi scalar analysis of relationships avoids a top down or bottom up view to systematically capture the full complexity of social phenomena like human behavior (Ortner 1984; Popkewitz 1990; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Chapter 2 presents an operational definition of culture as practices and conceptualizes cultural practices as the manifestations of the relationship between structures, on one hand, and the free will of humans on the other hand. From a practice oriented perspective, culture is geographically unbounded and diachronic as it connects
30 past and present actions to the construction of a framework for encountering unforeseen circumstances in the future (Bourdieu 1977). A practice oriented definition and concept of culture is appropriat e in the context of Mexico, a country made up of heterogeneous histories and a cultural panorama so diverse and mobile that it transcends political lines drawn around states or municipalities (Gamio 2010) The definition of culture as practices encou rages onlookers, be they researchers or practitioners to examine the empirical as a pathway to understanding the implied. From a practice oriented perspective, Yucatecan identity is illustrated through practice. Yucatecan culture is what Yucatecans do pre cisely because action reflects understanding of who they are in relation to the world around them. This dissertation explores both development culture and Yucatecan culture as unique, overlapping systems of practices, multi scalar structur es and ag ency that reflect the past, present and future of an institution and a state. However, the operational definition of culture provided in Chapter 2 can be applied in any local development context, allowing this research to promote the systematic considerati on and incorporation of culture in development contexts around the world. Second, this research can be situated in relation to the literature of applied anthropology. T engage their und erstanding of human organization to ward problems that exist beyond the walls of academia (Chambers 1985 ; Ervin 2005; McDonald 2002 ) While applied anthropologists certainly participate in the creation of theory and therefore the reification of the broader discipline of anthropology, their primary professional interest s lie in the realm of practice in which r esearch problems
31 originate from real world situations, policies and programs that need improvement. Ervin (2005) conclude s that policy analysis and the formation of policy prescriptions are the bread and butter of applied anthropologists, who are well equipped to examine the practical problems of communities from various angles and with a particular empathy that d erives from cultural immersion. Their work often focuses on improving program efficacy through systematic needs assessment, program evaluation and social impact assessment that can be conducted before, during or after program implementation. The following description of the research design evidences the role of each of these methodological foci in this study of development programs in Yucatan, Mexico. The goals and design of this research can be situated within the broader history and trends of applied anthropology. T he inherent connection between anthropology and development provides a basis for understanding the particular brand of applied anthropology that characterizes this research. Ferguson ( 2005 ) points out that development is an integral par history, it same focus on non Western peoples in an international context. This historical connection was formalized during the 1970s as the bust of the academic job market sent many anthropologists into the worlds of policy and d evelopment (Chambers 1 985). This mass exodus to policy and program evaluation created a niche and a need for anthropologists in global development agencies that has persisted into the twenty first c entury (Mosse and Lewis 2006). Today there are generally contributions within the realm of international development. The first is the applied anthropologists who work in global
32 development agencies as researchers or fiel dworkers (Mosse and Lewis 2006:2). These applied anthropologists are generally recruited as experts on culture, particularly that of developing people, and aim to improve on the ground success of development projects and programs by helping to control for socio cultural factors ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; Mosse 2005a ; Mosse and Lewis 2006 ) Their theoretical contributions help to reformat the development framework to adapt to changing public opinions ( Mosse 2005a ; see Nolan 2002 ) The encounters approach pre sented in this research draws from the instrumental school as it proposes a theoretical alternative that fits within the current framework of development. I nstrumentalist scholars like Nolan (2002) have already advocated for the introduction of relational development theory and interactive engagement in development practice The encounters approach follows this trend, going to work at the local level by instilling development practice with a relational rather than a holistic perspective. The encounters appr oach functions as an instrumentalist contribution as it works within the current positivist paradigm of development and guides practitioners in thinking anthropologically while still upholding their responsib ilities as development experts. This will be dis cussed in more detail in Chapters 3, 4 and 5. This research is further influenced by the example set by Mary Elmendorf ( 1972; 2000; 2004), an instrumentalist anthropologist who conducted anthropological research on women and change in Maya communitie s and later applied her anthropological knowledge to conduct social impact assessments as the first anthropologist at the World Bank (University of Florida 2006). Her success in global development emphasizes the
33 potential for applied anthropological concep ts and methods to improve program efficacy in diverse development contexts. generally includes applied anthropologists who work in the private sector of development from the glob al to the local level. Populist contributions, in contrast to development and instead promote participatory approaches ( Mosse and Lewis 2006:3 ; Olivier de Sardan 2005:9 ) Oliv ier de Sardan ( 2005 ) further subdivides populism into two forms. The first is ideological populism, which favors an overhaul of development to prioritize indigenous knowledge over scientific knowledge. The terminology reflects Olivier of these bottom up approaches, which is not shared by all scholars (Crewe and Harrison 2002). Ideological approaches, the most developed of which is probably Participatory Rural Appraisal, facilitate participants in identifying their own needs ( Chambers 1 997; Ervin 2005; Olivier de Sardan 2005; Crewe and Harrison 2002 ). Second, methodological populism seeks to incorporate indigenous knowledge and perspectives as objectively as possible without romanticizing its possibilities. In this way, populist contribu tions, be they ideological or methodological, advocate for a step away from one extreme, holism, toward the other extreme, individualism, but do so to different degrees. The encounters approach draws from methodological populism in operationalizing a step away from holistic needs assessments toward more relational ones. By recognizing programs as sites for cultural negotiation between practitioners and recipients, the encounters approach emphasizes interactivity and collaboration that
34 allow recipients some space in voicing their needs. The encounters approach does not venture into ideological territory, however, as it recognizes the need for and permanence of a top down structure of development, particularly in the context of public development coordinated by state and national governments. Finally, the third school is made up of deconstructivist critiques that focus on ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; Little 2000 ; Mosse and Lewis 2006:4 ) In this view, development is a self p romoting mechanism through which developed countries maintain their hegemonic and institutional dominance over developing countries ( see Escobar 1995 ; see Leys 1996 ; Mosse and Lewis 2006 ) Unlike each of the first two schools of development anthropology, the deconstructivist school does not fit within the realm of applied anthropology; d econstructivist anthropologists are overwhelmingly employed in academic positions rather than within pri vate or public development institutions and largely reject the idea that putting anthropologists in development can solve the obvious problems associated with the standardizing, universalizing principles of development. Rather than suggesting improvements to the framework of development, they generally argue for its demise as a necessary and responsible end to the destruction of the developing world ( Little 2000 ) This research and the encounters approach represent a break from this trend of critical disco urse that is promin ent in the current literature of anthropology and development. Instead, it examines development as a meaningful cultural structure and historic institution that should not be abandoned or overhauled, but modified through systematic resea rch and the identification of best practices. The encounters approach is
35 thus influenced by the deconstructivist school only in a reactionary sense, as it operationalizes the uniquely constructive qualit ies of anthropological science. Context of the Study Fieldwork for this research was conducted over the course of one year from August 2011 to July 2012. This research was invited by one of several secretariats of the state government of Yucatan, Mexico that guide development policy and design corresponding programs 1 drive and evaluate social and communitarian policy designed to combat poverty, grant equal access and opportunities for development, promote the formation of human capital and create b (Yucatan 2007a:25) ed at groups whos e special needs are commonly overlooked by society and/or government. The term vulnerability will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5, but can be briefly summarized as dependence on another entity for survival As such, the priority to children, mothers, the elderly, migrants and differently abled people, as well as municipalities with high marginalization (Yucatan 2007a:25) The term marginalization will also be e xplo red in more detail in Chapter 5, and can be summarized here a s populations whose geographic and social isolation combined with low income lead to limited access to state resources such as health and education. 1 Practitioners who agreed to participate i n this research advised that the name of the secretariat be withheld from this dissertation out of respect for the broader image of the state government and other secretariat employees who did not directly participate in this study. The secretariat that ho sted this research will be referred to as the Secretariat throughout the dissertation.
36 Figure 1 1 The Secretariat is located in Merida, the capital city of Yucatan, Mexico (CIA 1994; CIA 1997) Within the Secretariat, there are seven offices, five of which oversee the elaboration and implementation of social development programs and policy in Yucatan. Among these are the office of Planning, which focuses primarily on coordinating programs to promote employment; the office of Regional Development, which coordinates agricultural and farming programs that improve output for the commercialization of product s; the office of Coordination, which elaborates sociocultural and educational activities that promote awareness of government services; the office of Organization, which foments civil society through programs that present opportunities for and encourage co mmunity participation; and the office of Programs for Vulnerable Groups, which coordinates events and programs aimed at meeting the needs of the ( Yucatan 2011 ; Yucatan 2012 ) The se five offices within the Secretariat directed more than 20 development and social assistance programs between 2007 and 2012. At least ten of these programs recur on a yearly basis.
37 The Secretariat, as a whole is directed by a Secretary who primarily funct ions as a public figure representing the actions of the Secretariat. Each office is coordinated by a single director whose primary responsibilities are to generate and attend events and design programs in line with the objectives of the Secretariat and his or her particular office. After the design/planning phase, the director generally delegates the actual implementation of the event or program to a field director within his or her office. The see and evaluate the execution of the event or program toward the achievement of pre set objectives. Field directors generally manage a team of field practitioners who execute the daily operations of programs and communicate directly with participants and potential participants. Depending on the program, an outside expert may be contracted to coordinate a specific technical aspect of a program. This research was conducted during the final year of the governorship of Ivonne Ortega Pacheco, who held office fr two employment tracks were available including contract and tenure Most directors, field directors and field practitioners were of the first track in that they were hand selected by the governor to serve th e state government during her five year term. These directors and practitioners were employed on six month contracts that could be terminated depending on the ebbs and flows of the state budget and the demonstrated need of the programs on which they worked For example, in 2011, the contracts of forty Secretariat employees were not renewed due to budget constraints associated with the economic crisis ( Chan Caamal 2011 ) Some of these employees were re hired within a eed for their labor was demonstrated. The
38 second track includes those co veted few who are said to have base or tenure within the government system. Unlike their contracted colleagues, their employment is guaranteed across gubernatorial terms and can only b e terminated in the event of poor performance. The time period in which this research was conducted was a year of economic crisis, political turnover and unprecedented drug related violence in Mexico. The effects of the 2008 economic crisis in the United States were slow to hit Mexico and primarily manifested in price hikes on quotidian goods. The Fund for Peace (2011) reports that, on the way to recovery. Perhaps the m ost obvious lingering effect during the research period was the slightly higher than normal inflation, in which the Mexican Peso dropped against the American Dollar from 11.73 in May 2011 to 14 in May 2012 ( INEGI 2012b ; XE Currency Converter 2012 ) The vol atile price of manufactured oil was a constant gasoline ( INEGI 2012b ) Higher transport costs are but one factor leading to fluctuations ds Basket, which rose by 5.75 percent between May 2011 and May 2012 ( El Universal y Nortimex 2012 ) These lingering effects of the crisis are signaled in Yucatan by an increased price for public transport since 2010 and a number of state programs that prov ide monthly food packets to vulnerable groups. The fieldwork period marked an historical moment of political change for Mexico and Yucatan. Mexico holds federal elections every six years with 2012 being an election year. 2012 was also the first time in his tory that Yucatan joined five other states in hosting their state and municipal elections at the same time as federal elections. Prior to
39 the term of Governor Ortega Yucatecan state, city and municipal elections were held the year after the federal electi ons. Governor Ortega volunteered to serve a five instead of a six year term to align Yucatecan elections with those of the federal every elected official from the municipal to the federal level. Tensions among the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI), National Action Party (PAN) and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) ran high in the 2012 presidential race and saw significant echoes at the state level. The PAN ha d run the presidency since 2000 when Mexico elected a party other than the PRI for the first time in over 70 years (Haber 2006; Middlebrook 1986) Even in premature. Further, the 2006 election was turned upside down when PRD presidential runner up Manuel Obrador accused the PAN of rigging the elections. A rec ount of the public were high in 2012 as Obrador entered the 2012 election ready with the same defense in the case of suspected fraud. State level elections were no less ten se. During the 2000 2012 PAN presidencies, Yucatan only elected one PAN governor. All others, including Ivonne Ortega Pacheco, maintained PRI control of Yucatan With great proportions of the state budget depending on federal funding, the practitioners of the Secretariat looked forward to the 2012 election as an opportunity to realign the state and federal governments
40 under the PRI. In July 2012, the hopes of Yucatecan practitioners were realized as the PRI won the Mexican presidency and the governorship of Yucatan. Not least of the issues that tipped the 2012 political elections was the drug violence that engulfed the northern part of Mexico during the 2006 2012 presidency. By 2012, the situation had adversely affected the economy of Mexico, as much of the manufacturing industry supported by foreign direct investment is located in the border region (Baklanoff 2008; Gwynne 2004) remained low at four to six percent between 2010 and 2012, the employment profile is shift ing toward informal and self employment in the face of massive formal job loss on the border ( INEGI 2012a ; Villareal 2010 ) commercial capitals and continual narcotrafficking related deaths across the country during the fi eldwork period further roused international doubt about the security of the country. Yucatan has suffered minimally, as few acts of violence related to narcotrafficking have been reported and those that have occurred have resulted in deaths of people direc tly connected with trafficking (Boffil Gmez 2008) The only points on state highways that connect Merida with other major cities, particularly those such as Cancun that have experienced significant violence. In just five years, Mexico has climbed the list of failed states from 102 to 94 out of 177 (Messner 2011) Despite the unique economic and political setting of this research, Yucatan was selected as an appropriate field s ite for two main reasons. First, for nearly two decades Mexico has been a major receiver but also a supporter of global development agencies,
41 agencies was involuntary. In 1982 Mexico became the first Latin American country to default on its foreign loans and enter into the International austerity programs and restructuring (Franko 1999) Mexico emerged from these dark years, this lost decade, as a countr y committed to the global development model. Today, the federal government of Mexico has embraced the top down, objective based approach of the Millennium Development Project and a significant presence of the UN Development Program has ensured steady rate s of development since 2000 (UNDP 2011c) Mexico is on track to achieve all but one of the eight Millennium Development Goals by 2015, placing it among the highest achievers ( MDGMonitor 2007 ) pment is provided by the development theory enters Yucatecan policy and practice is t he subject of Chapters 3 and 4. Yucatan provides a favorable environment for the proliferation of development programs as it ranks 16 out of 32 Mexican states in its level of poverty and second in the percentage of its population that speak s indigenous lan guages ( INEGI 2010 ) provides an excellent setting for research concerning the role of culture in development programs. Further development agencies promotes the usefulness of the research conclusions at the global level. The second motivation for basing this research in Yucatan relates to the feasibility of the rese arch project. My graduate advisor, Allan Burns, is a renowned
42 scholar of Yucatecan anthropology with research interests in Maya studies, international development, applied anthropology, migration and medical anthropology (Burns 1983; Burns 1993; Burns 2001 ) He is a fluent speaker of Yucatec Mayan and has significant experience applying his expertise in the context of Latin American public policy. Burns introduced me to the field site by inviting me to serve as the graduate assistant to his study abroad cou rse on the peninsula. This experience put me in contact with the Autonomous University of Yucatan (UADY), which became an affiliate of this research, and provided me the opportunity to propose this research to the Secretariat. Practitioners of the Secretar iat expressed interest in hosting the research for its perspectives while at the same time promoting inter institutional collaboration with the University of Florida and UADY, Yu of the Secretariat and the research affiliation with UADY not only promoted the feasibility of the research, but also ensure the immediate and long term application of the research conclusions to Yucata Project Design Three programs were selected from a range of approximately ten possible programs offered by the Secretar iat during the fieldwork period and were selected to provide an experiential view of each of three stages of de velopment programs. These three stages include data collection and planning, implementation and outcomes. Again, these stages are not scientifically or theoretically distinct, but are demarcated by differences in encounters that occurred throughout the lif e of programs in Yucatan. The first, the Ecological Stove Program, was a stove replacement program that originated in 2009 when the director of the office of Planning encountered one of
43 several federal programs that delivered prefabricated wood burning sto ves to families that used the open flame of a three stone hearth for cooking. The prefabricated stove was designed to achieve the ecological goal of reducing the amount of wood needed to cook food and also a health goal of reducing illnesses related to smo ke exposure The director proposed a carbon copy program within the Secretariat, resulting in the design and delivery of a re designed stove to 3,961 families in communities of high and rginalization meant that recipients were poor and living in rural communities that lack adequate state culturally embedded three stone hearth meant that most recipien ts were of Maya heritage and native speakers of Yucatec Mayan. This program provided an experiential view of the long term outcomes of a development program, including how recipients use and understand the materials and ideas of the program but also how pr actitioners interpret the results. The second program, the Bakers Program, was a reoccurring labor training program that occurs in two phases in the capital city. In the first phase, participants are provided an intensive two to three month course in brea d making The second phase is optional as it offers groups of graduates some financial and technical assistance in establishing their own bakery. The goal of the program is to provide people of vulnerable groups with the skills they need to integrate or re productive workforce. While the program was originally designed to reintegrate people recovering from alcohol and drug addiction into a productive lifestyle, the program h ad, by 2011, incorporated other vulnerable groups who face di scrimination or difficulty in
44 fin ding formal employment, namely people affected by disability and self supporting women This program provided an experiential view of program implementation and short term outcomes. The two month training course took place between February and April 2012. Two groups from the training course opted to participate in the second phase of the program, but only one followed through with the legal pre requisites between April and July 2012. Finally, the third program, RedCuidar (S afety Net), was a two phase state initiative to consolidate disability databases toward the improvement of life conditions for disabled citizens. In the first phase of the program, practitioners conducted surveys and worked with municipal and state agencie s to collect and consolidate the many extant databases on disability into a single state wide database. The second phase of the program utilized this consolidated information to elaborate a variety of short term programs that benefited disabled people thro ugh labor training, financial assistance for small businesses or provision of educational materials. A pilot version of the first phase of the program took place in five municipalities throughout 2011. This study examined the final six months of this pilot stage. Unfortunately, the program did not receive state funding during budget meetings in January 2012 and was postponed indefinitely before Phase Two began. Although the program was postponed before programs could be implemented the pilot stage of the p rogram nonetheless provided an experiential view of the planning stage of a program. Research of these three programs involved two categories of research participants that belonged to four particular groups. Of course, the two categories of participants in this research are development practitioners and program recipients (also
4 5 called respondents and participants, depending on the program) This pragmatic division is appropriate in two ways. First, the two groups do not overlap in that there are no program recipients that are also practitioners and there are no practitioners that are also program recipients. Second, group boundaries are specified by non cultural factors. Employment by the Secretariat provides the only necessary parameter for classification a s a practitioner, while participation in the program provides the only necessary parameter for classification as a recipient. The three programs selected for this research were designed and implemented by two different offices and served three non overlapp ing populations. In this way, five groups participated in this research, including 1) the practitioners of the Ecological Stove Program, 2) stove recipients, 3) practitioners of the Bakers Program and RedCuidar 4) participants of the Bakers Program and 5) respondents of the RedCuidar disability survey. Data Collection and Analysis Techniques Field research took place over the course one year in three general stages that overlapped in time and place. The first stage of this research pertained to establishi ng an appropriate research design. Tape recorded semi structured interviews were conducted with department directors within the Secretariat in order to understand the variety of programs that were available for this research. One of the five directors who coordinate programs could not be reached for an interview. However, the interviews that were successfully conducted as well as informal conversations with other practitioners provided a sufficient basis for selecting which programs would be studied. From t hese semi structured interviews, the three aforementioned programs were chosen and subsequently approved by their respective program coordinators for this research.
46 The second stage of the research examined each of the three programs toward the fulfillment of the third objective of this research, which was to determine the role of recipient and practitioner culture in the design, implementation and outcomes of programs. Research for stage two initiated with an examination of practitioner culture and the pra ctices of practitioner s in the ir administration of the three programs. Semi structured interviews were conducted with each program director in order to gather the history and details of each program. Interviews elicited information about the origination of the idea for the program, the planning process, program objectives and methods, program implementation, anticipated outcomes, actual outcomes and reactions to them. of culture, understanding of what development is and how it works, and how culture factors into development. The same interview was conducted with as many field practitioners on each program as possible, though the degree of formality of the interview depe nded upon the preferences of the interviewee. Interviewing was coupled with long term participant observation within each program. In the case of RedCuidar participant observation included two months of accompanying practitioners on daily surveying trips and participating in the coordination of survey brigades and meetings with municipal agencies. Approximately five surveys were recorded and transcribed, while approximately twenty more were observed. Subsequent participant observation of mundane office ac tivities associated with the program continued throughout the budget hearings until the program was postponed by the state budget committee. In the case of the Bakers Program, participant observation involved daily observation of the two month course in wh ich participants were taught the
47 skills of professional baking. Participation in all aspects of bread making was invited by the bakers and professor of the course. Participant observation of this program continued into the second phase of the program and i ncluded observations of mundane office activities but also the attendance of meetings between the participants and state, municipal and city representatives who provided technical assistance or oversaw the loan process. Continued participant observation in the office during a subsequent round of the Bakers Program in 2012 promoted an understanding of the administrative practices associated with the program, all of which were documented extensively in daily field notes In the case of the Ecological Stove Pr ogram, the implementation of which concluded in 2010, participant observation consisted mainly of mundane office activities but also the field practices of practitioners who provided transportation to and guidance within the field. Extensive field notes we re recorded during the participant observation of each program. All interview transcripts and field notes w ere organized by program using qualitative data analysis software called MaxQDA. Transcripts and field notes were then text analyzed and photos and t ranscripts were coded in MaxQDA using the analytic methods discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. Given the variety of programs, different techniques were utilized to collect and analyze data concerning recipient culture and the role of recipient culture in devel opment programs. The early termination of RedCuidar meant that no further data were collected beyond that already discussed. The data collection and analysis of the Ecological Stove Program were quite complex given the geographic spread of the program. Pra ctitioners in the state office recommended that I formulate my proposed list of interview topics into a two page survey, the answers to which could be quickly
48 communicated and recorded on the standardized form. I followed this recommendation despite my pre ferred method of semi structured interviewing and was sent to the field with a Secretariat employee who participated in stove delivery on the west side of the state and speaks Mayan natively. After the first interview, my translator and I agreed that the p aper created a physical and conceptual barrier between the interviewer and the interviewee that discouraged natural conversation and made the situation more tense than necessary. The survey was quickly adapted to a cheat sheet for tape recorded semi struct ured interviews. The technique eventually evolved to my conducting semi structured interviews from memory while my translator jotted down the answers and reminded me of any topics I had missed. Over the course of three months, 81 interviews were conducted in 12 recipient communities. Communities were selected for interviewing based on three factors, including their location in the state, their location in relation to a major highway or city over 1,000 people and the size of their recipient population. Whil e all recipient communities of the program were located in six municipalities in the southern half of the state, they were spread across a wide east west axis. Interviews were conducted in at least one town in each municipality, as political and geographic boundaries often affect what plants can be grown and what animals can be raised, which significantly determine the daily practices of agriculturalists and particularly su bsistence agriculturalists (Batllori, et al. 2000) Interviews were also conducted in communities at various distances from a major highway or city of over 1000 people, which can significantly influence daily practices by opening access to government servi ces and
49 capitalist markets. Interviews reflect a wide range of distances as they were conducted in recipient communities ranging from one on the major highway to Cancun to one 25 kilometers from the nearest town of over 1000 people and 30 kilometers to the nearest highway. Finally, communities were selected to represent a broad range in the size of the recipient population. The smallest extreme was a population of one and the largest was a population of 612. The inconsistency in field assistants and transl ators deserves mention. The first half of the recipient interviews were conducted in those communities within a two hour drive of Merida. Practitioners who had assisted me in gaining access to the state program also offered transport to the field and assistance in locating the homes of recipients. It quickly became clear that, while their assistance in the field was necessa ry, it also had the potential to bias the response of the recipient for reasons that will become apparent in Chapter 6. Further, the Secretariat employee who translated during the first two days of interviewing had helped deliver stoves to the communities, which could potentially bias his translation of my questions to recipients and of access to these communities, I did not attempt to visit recipient communities in the sou thwestern part of the state without being accompanied by Secretariat practitioners. However, those communities located in the southeastern part of the state were too far for Secretariat employees to travel. I thus had the opportunity to hire an unaffiliate d field assistan t who served as a local guide, translator and survey assistant. This field assistant also transcribed all 81 interviews with stove recipients, including those translated by the Secretariat employee who accompanied me on interviews in the
50 so uthwestern part of the state. To identify and address any biases in the Secretariat the interview and noted this translation in the transcript. As such, the inconsisten cy of field assistants and translators results from both social factors and physical constraints of the research project, but was taken into account in the analysis of the data. Approximately eight interviews were conducted in each recipient town, though t his number depended on how quickly the interviews reached a point of saturation. Saturation occurs when continued interviewing yields little to no information that has not already been elicited in other interviews (Glaser and Strauss 1967) Further, the me thod of selecting interviewees varied per town depending upon the field assistant or field were usually selected from a list of recipients provided by the state. A passerby would be asked the location of the first recipient on the list and, upon completing the interview, another passerby would be asked the location of the second recipient on the list and so on until saturation. The other main method of selecting i nterviewees was being guided by one recipient to the families she 2 knew that received a stove. In either case, only those willing to participate would be interviewed, but very few people declined. In most were taken to capture the context in which the stove was or was not being used. All 81 interviews were later transcribed and, if necessary, translated. Using the same qualitative data analysis program, MaxQDA, 2 Our guide was always a woman both because most stoves were delivered to women, rather than men, and because interviews were conducted during hours in which male family members were usually working outside the home.
51 these transcripts were text analyzed and photo s and transcripts were coded from a practice oriented approach. In contrast with the Ecological Stove Program, the Bakers Program was centrally located and took place in a specific period of time, which simplified the methods and techniques for collecting and analyzing data for participants of the Bakers Program. The w orking conditions of this program as well as preferences for participation in the study limited the possibility of conducting semi st ructured interviews Thus, rather than record semi structured interviews, research questions were embedded in less formal conversations with participants. The contents and context of the conversation were then detailed in daily field notes. Participant observation was a key method for understanding the process of implementation as well as the practices and perspe ctives of participants Finally, ethnographic photography allowed for the visual documentation of research themes that arose through conversations and participant observation. All participants agreed to appear in these photos and were given a digital copy of the album to remember their experiences in the program. Again using MaxQDA, all field notes were text analyzed and photos and field notes were coded using the analytic methods discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. The third stage of the research included the a nalysis of development literature from the global, national and local levels. This research fulfilled the first objective of the research, which was to determine how culture is interpreted and treated in the Millennium Development framework at the global, national and state levels. Given the limitations on the scope of any research project, global development literature in this research only includes that concerned with the Millennium Development Project. It
52 therefore regretfully excludes the important work being done by international non government organizations, bilateral agencies and regional organizations. This research examines how the Millennium Development Project has shaped Mexican and Yucatecan development policy, and also the reverse: how the pract ice of development in Yucatan and Mexico can influence global development theory and practice. While and practice (i.e. bilateral and private development initiatives), this research light but also as a funnel through which many otherwise independent development efforts flow. Indeed, a key goal of the Millennium Development Project is to engag e with many other independent initiatives and funds to promote meaningful development at the local level (UNDP 2003) Literature at the global level included reports about the Millennium Development Project published online by the UN (Sachs 2004; Sachs 200 5a; Sachs 2005c; Sachs and McArthur 2005) Jeffrey Sachs and John McArthur are recognized within the development community as two key engineers and continued proponents of the first (2005b) book The End of Poverty (2007) book The Bottom Billion was included. Although Collier has not played the same role as Sachs and McArt hur in the actual engineering of the Millennium Development Project, he is also a prominent global development practitioner and his book provides recommendations toward the improvement of the Millennium Development Project.
53 Literature at the national level includes that concerning Mexican development policy and initiatives. Because this is an expansive collection, only the literature concerning national development in general and that concerning the federal Secretariat of Social Development (SEDESOL) were i ncluded. Analysi s of federal SEDESOL literature provides the national equivalent of the Secretariat that participated in this research Likewise, literature at the local level includes Yucatecan development policy and initiatives. Only literature concernin g state development in general and that concerning the Secretariat were analyzed in this research. A gain, the necessarily limited scope of this research regretfully excludes the work of numerous non government, humanitarian and private development organiza tions that operate i n Mexico and extend assistance to Yucatan. Finally, the combined methods and techniques of all three stages of the research were essential in achieving the fourth objective of this research, which was to elaborate recommendations and to ols to aid practitioners in improving development planning and practice through the incorporation of anthropological science. The first and second stages of this research provided a multi scalar understanding of the current framework of development with a thorough, hands on understanding of how the framework both influences and is influenced by practices at the local level. Further, the use of the encounters approach in this research created a reflexive test run for determining whether this approach could b e applied to the development context while also being comprehensible to practitioners at the l ocal level. These data and testing of the encounters approach allowed for the formation of a set of recommendations and tools for the improvement of programs that was both appropriate and tailored to the
54 Yucatecan development context. A translated copy of this dissertation will be provided to the Secretariat to promote the future understanding of this research and the perpetuation of its conclusions toward the impr ovement of development in Yucatan and beyond. Organization of the Dissertation and design that guided this research. Chapter 2 continues this organizational mission as it descri bes the methodology used in data collection and analysis. Unlike techniques, which are the specific instruments for collecting and analyzing data, the methodologies discussed in Chapter 2 are founded in the rel ational theoretical perspective that guide s th e whole of this dissertation. A practice oriented approach founds an operational concept of culture as recursive practices that both inform and are informed by the interplay between agency and structure. The encounters approach is extrapolated from a pract ice oriented approach to identify encounters in development as essential recursive practices and therefore the core of culture. Chapter 2 ultimately serves as a same time introducing the practice oriented, relational perspective that this dissertation both reflects and embodies. Chapter 3 introduces the paradigm framework as a systematic analytical method ology for examining theoretical interpretations and practical t reatments of culture in development. The paradigm framework is used across Chapters 3, 4 and 5 to structure a cross comparison of global, national and local development frameworks. Chapter 3 applies the paradigm framework at the global level to examine the ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets of the Millennium Development
55 framework, then connects these tenets with specific interpretations and treatments of federal development policy. Chapter 5 concludes the series through an examination of Chapters 3, 4 and 5 allows for an understanding of how development theory is generate d at the global level and filters down to the local level. The global to local cross comparison that concludes in Chapter 5 results in a clear view of the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. Chapter 5 closes by outlining the cultural practice s of Yucatecan development administrators that inform and national and global structures in which they work. Chapter 6 then applies this understanding of practitioner culture through an examination of three state development programs. The encounters approach is used to identify the role of practitioner and recipient culture in the design of RedCuidar the implementation of the Bakers Program and the outcomes and interpretation of the outcomes of the Ecological Stove Program. Chapter 6 focuses on the actual encounters that took place in each of these programs and analyzes how practitioners and recipients negotiated the success of each stage in program completion. The anticipated and actual results are compared and gaps, similarities and unanticipated outcomes are examined in relation to the cultural negotiation between practitioners and recipients. Chapter 7 concludes the dissertation by summarizing the research findings and the major theoretical contributions of the study. Most importantly, the encounters approach is assessed in terms of utility and appropriateness at the local level. The data
56 and conclusions of this dissertation are used to elaborate a set of recommendation s and tools toward the improvement of Yucatecan development efforts.
57 CHAP TER 2 THE ENCOUNTERS APPROACH The purpose of this chapter is two fold. First, it continues the organizational mission of Chapter 1 as it describes the methodologies that guided data collection and analysis. The chapter first outlines the practice oriented approach taken in this researc h through a brief literature review. This approach ultimately informed the collection of specific data during the fieldwork period, which was essential in narrowing down the vast amount of data presented through long term cultural immersion and daily parti cipant observation. This review of the practice oriented literature lays a foundation for outlining the encounters approach as a second analytical methodology used in this research. The encounters approach, which derives from a practice oriented perspectiv e, informed the collection of highly relational data during the fieldwork period. The encounters approach will be applied in Chapter 6 as a methodology for analyzing the practice oriented data collected during the field period. The second purpose of this chapter is to present the encounters approach as an alternative theoretical perspective to guide practices within the Millennium Development framework. This practice oriented, relational approach stands in contrast to the holistic framework that currently drives development practice from the global to the local level. In accordance with the second objective of this research, this chapter establishes the encounters approach in order to test its utility and appropriateness in the local development context. P ractice Oriented Field Methodology The practice oriented approach described in this section serves two interlocking purposes. In a practical sense, this description identifies the practice oriented
58 methodology that was used to focus data collection during the fieldwork period. The techniques of long term cultural immersion and participant observation bombard the researcher with abundant and diverse data that must be sifted through and pared down throughout the course of a research project. While all data is important in the real time contextualization of the research and researcher, a field methodology helps the researcher to d istinguish the core data that are directly engaged in answering the research questions. A practice oriented approach served that purp ose in this research as it was used to examine the role of culture in development programs and, more specifically, in the outcomes at each stage of program completion. Given the complexity of literature on practice orientations, this section describes the specific practice oriented approach generated through constant comparison between the theoretical literature and field observations. Second, and in a related sense, the practice oriented approach used in this research provides an example of relational soci al theory that characterizes much contemporary social science research (Emirbayer 1997; Gardner 2004; Ortner 1984) Chapter 1 differentiated relational theory from holistic theory based on unit of analysis. Relational approaches focus on multi scalar exami nation of the relationships between and among the system as a whole and its various parts, whereas holistic approaches focus on macro level examination of the system as a whole (Emirbayer 1997; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) The historical development of a prac tice oriented approach illustrates how contemporary social science research shifted away from holistic theoretical perspectives in favor of relational theories that capture the fuller complexity of social phenomena (Ortner 1984; Popkewitz 1990) As such, a practice oriented approach to
59 data collection guided field methods in collecting specifically relational and multi scalar data toward an understanding of the role of culture in development. The Roots of a Relational Approach Relational perspectives like the practice oriented approach grew out of two extreme theoretical approaches that previously dominated anthropological theory. On one extreme were the holistic trends (namely functionalism and structuralism but also cultural ecology and others), which emp (Giddens 1984:2; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) From these holistic theoretical perspectives, human behavior is dictated by factors in the world external to human consciousness. Humans do not act out of free will but merely follow a set of natural, objective guidelines of the world around them. From a structure oriented perspective, for instance, social structures in the world around an individual are at the center of investigation, giving way to a holistic definition of culture as the structures that guide human behavior (Gardner 2004) On the other extreme were the individualist approaches, which hold that human behavior and other complex social phenomena are best understood through micro level examination of individual perspectives (Gardner 2004; Giddens 1984; Ortner 1984; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) In a reaction to the constraint on free will posed by structuralism specifically, individualist approaches intentionally work from the opposite direc (Giddens 1984:2) For individualists, culture is generally located within a person in his or her system of meaning, beliefs, values, etc. rather than in the external world of stru ctures ( Ortner 1984 ) For example, a symbolic anthropologist would not be interested in what a
60 unity, etc.), but in what it means to each individual. The anthem may mean something very different to an immigrant than to a politician even though both are citizens of that nation and, to a symbolic or hermeneutic anthropologist, those myriad personal perspectives are the fabric of culture. Mutual criticism between the indivi dualist and holistic perspectives signaled to social scientists that both represented extremes objectivity versus subjectivity, constraint versus free will and society versus individual (Emirbayer 1997; Ortner 1984; Popkewitz 1990) Relational perspectiv es like the practice oriented approach grew out of the expansive middle ground between these two extremes. Rather than focusing exclusively on the whole or the parts like holism or individualism, respectively, relationism examines the relationships between and among the whole and its various parts (Emirbayer 1997; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Likewise, analysis of social phenomena is not conducted exclusively at the macro level or micro level but is multi scalar, as it examines the connections and disconnectio ns between and among the various elements that make up a total system (Gardner 2004) Such multi scalar analysis of relationships avoids a top down or bottom up view to systematically capture the full complexity of social phenomena like human behavior (Ort ner 1984; Popkewitz 1990; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) For practice oriented scholars the whole is conceptualized in terms of structures, loosely defined as the systems and principles of the outside world that guide human behavior (Bourdieu 1977) Individual s are referred to as agents who are capable of exercising and acting out their free will (Giddens 1984) A practice oriented approach draws these two basic elements from the previous theoretical debates, but differs in that
61 neither structure nor agent triu mphs over the other. Rather, holding true to a relational perspective, structures (wholes) and agents (individuals) are interactive, and the focus of a practice oriented approach is this interaction. Elements and Characteristics of a Practice Oriented Appr oach Practices : The word, interaction necessitates the immediate discussion of practices as the most important concept in a practice oriented approach. Ortner (1984:149) definition, however, a practice oriented approach is unique in recognizing a fundamental relationship between structures and agents, a relationship that is made possible only through action on the part of agents. Without practices, humans are culturally inert and str uctures never come to exist. Once structures come to exist through a history of repetitive practices, continued practice is necessary in the maintenance of structures, with maintenance referring to their perpetuation as well as their modification over time If practices were to stop, the structures associated with those practices would cease to exist and people would become disassociated with that structure. In this way, practices can be defined conceptually as necessary vehicles through which structures an d agents interact. This research takes a practice oriented approach to data collection by examining, for example, the practices associated with planning a development program. In Yucatan, programs are often planned exclusively by the director of a departm ent with no collaboration on the part of the target population of the program. It is significant that program planning is conducted solely by practitioners and, further, by only one practitioner. This practice of autocratic development planning encapsulate s both the relationship between the human empowered with free will and the external structures of
62 his or her environment. Planning could just as easily be a collaborative effort on the part tic practices are guided by the broader autocratic structure of development in Yucatan, which emphasizes top enactment of this autocratic structure in the very office in whi ch he or she works do not enact this structure, however, it ceases to exist and practitioners become disassociated with the structure. This is not to suggest that a top down structure should or even could be abandoned, but rather is used here only as an illustration of the primacy of practice both in a practice oriented cul tural model and practice oriented research. Both definitions of practice are useful in a practice oriented approach to data (1984:149) operational definition of practices as what people do combined with the more conceptual definition of practices as the necessary vehicle through which structures and agents interact creates a methodological definition in which practices are the physical manifestations of the interactive relationship between agents and structures A practice oriented app roach examines practices as the empirical evidence that makes possible and therefore encapsulates the relationship between social structures and agents. Practice orientation is not just an empty name, but summarizes that practices are the necessary center of investiga tion. Without practice, there are no data.
63 Structures : This basic understanding of the definition and primacy of practice in the practice oriented approach has already drawn in the concepts of structure and agency. Prior to the birth of practice oriented approaches, structures were understood as objective an d inert social frameworks that dictate the actions and thoughts of the people who live within them (Giddens 1984; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Bourdieu (1977) founded a more relational definition of structures that engages them in an interactive internal/exte rnal opposition. Of course, structures are located in the external world as they are understood as frameworks that are shared by many people rather than existing in the mind of just one person. Yet, Bourdieu emphasizes the engagement of these external stru ctures by agents who are capable of expressing their (internal) free will. He concludes that structures are not entirely objective, as they emerge from human history and are built of the repetitive practices in that history. Structures are therefore create d by agents and the way they come to exist is through the practices of agents. Unlike (1977) Practice Theory recognizes the essential, active interplay between structures and individuals. Agency : Whereas Bourd ieu provides a structure oriented perspective of the practice oriented approach, Giddens comes out of the same middle ground with a more agent oriented perspective. Giddens (1984) defines agency as the capability of intervening in the world external to the individual. In this way, agency empowers the individual (the agent) to interact with the structures around him or her rather than simply oriented approach the term agent is specifically employed to emphasize the human ability to exercise free will (e.g. creativity, resistance, etc.) in making and enacting decisions. Agency is universal among humans
64 (Gardner 2004) All humans have the capacity to act out of their own free will, meaning that all humans are agents in a practice oriented approach. A practice oriented understanding of the agent differs from that of individualist theories in that it resists the conclusion that the free will of the agent is unfettered (Ortner 198 4) Rather, external factors in the world around an agent come to shape a realm of possibilities from which the agent makes choices on how to act (Gardner 2004; Giddens 1984) An agent is, likewise, unlikely to engage in practices out of his or her realm o f possibilities or beyond the structure familiar to him or her. Yet, given the free will of humans recognized in a practice oriented approach, agents are not absolutely restricted by their structures; they have the ability, the agency, to intervene in thes e structures. The t otal r ecursive s ystem : In defining agency as the capability of intervening in the world external to the individual it is important to note that intervene in a practice oriented approach does not carry the same meaning of purposeful chang e or interruption that it carries in daily use of the term. Intervene in a practice oriented approach can also refer to a practice that upholds or perpetuates a structure. This important distinction is captured in what Giddens (1984) terms the recursive ch aracter of practices in a practice oriented approach. Structures are created by agents and Bourdieu (1977) concludes that structures in the present derive from repetitive past actions on the part of individuals or groups. As agents continue to make choices and act on those choices, they participate in the maintenance of these historical structures. A continuation of the same practices leads to the perpetuation of the structure. A perpetuation of the structure in turn perpetuates the realm of possibilities f rom which
65 agents will base their practices in the future. Likewise, a change in practice leads to modifications, or in extreme cases abandonment, of its corresponding structure. Changes to structures correspond with changes in the realm of possibilities. M uch like structures are created through repetitive actions of individuals, so too do they continue to be constructed through the repetitive actions of individuals. Structures are not inert but, on the contrary, are in a constant state of becoming as indivi dual actions continually feed into the make up of social structures and vice versa. The recursive character of practices leads to the concept of temporality in a practice oriented approach. Temporality refers to the bracketing of the past, present and futu re that occurs as a result of the total recursive interaction among practices, structures and agency (Giddens 1984:36). Bourdieu concludes that the continuity of and ever combine into a total project of continuity and perpetuity. Through participating in the continuation and modification of past structures, an individual is first of all presented with a set of time tested tools for acting and reacting in the external world in the present. That individual then participates through his or her own recursive practices in the continual adaptation of these tools to new circumstances and stimuli that are presented by the external world in the future. Past, present and future are thus bracketed through a total recursive system of practice, structures and agency. Hegemony and p ower : To conclude this section, the discussion turns to one final note concerning hegemony in a practice oriented approach. Ortner (1984) suggests that the total recursive system of practice, structures and agency is defined by
66 power relations, specifically hegemonic power relations. This is to say that the total system maintains and r eproduces an innate structure in which one individual or group is dominant over another (cf. Gardner 2004) Hegemonic power relations are of great significance to this study of Western led global development and state led development programs in a region w ith a long history of hegemonic invasion. However, this research resists what appears to be a structuralist concept of hegemonic relations and instead treats hegemony as just one of many structures, albeit an important one. The Model and Concept of Cultur e in a Practice Oriented Approach Like many other contemporary schools of anthropological theory, practice oriented approaches are not explicit about a model of culture or a single culture concept. Indeed, anthropologists often avoid attempts at pinning do wn definitions of culture to avoid the theoretical complications that inevitably derive from it and have, as a result, largely abandoned use of the word in academic discussions. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 demonstrate that the global development literature has joi ned in this conceptual national and local level development where cultural considerations cannot be so easily avoided. Conceptual avoidance at the global level (and in the anthropological literature, to some degree) ultimately forces local practitioners to use the word without knowing what it means. This research goes against the grain in proposing an operational model and concept of culture that allows practitioners to begin systematically factoring culture into program planning and implementation while at the same time helping them to with the values of applied anthropology as it refers to the ability of a concept to be applied, used and practiced in real world contexts beyond academic discussions
67 (Chambers 1985; Ervin 2005; McDonald 2002) In order for practitioners to understand the role of culture in development programs, it is necessa ry to make the term explicit and operational in the development context. Model of c ulture : A model of culture in general seeks to visualize the organization of human behavior, with each theory resulting in its own model of culture. The model of culture in a practice oriented approach involves two elements: agents and (Ortner 1984) Agents create structures over time as a framework for informing the decisions one faces in life (Bourdieu 1977) At the same ti me, structures influence humans by providing them a realm of possibilities from which to make decisions (Giddens 1984) Human actions are the essential mechanism through which humans and structures interact. That is, practices are the outward expressions t hrough which humans create and modify structures while they possibilities. This relationship, pulled together through practice, continues over time, adapting, renew ing and sometimes disintegrating as new circumstances and stimuli arise and humans are forced to act in response. It can be said then that a practice oriented model of culture is this mutually influential relationship between humans and structures, and tha t human behavior or practices are the essential mechanisms through which this relationship is made possible and maintained over time. Concept of c ulture : The operational concept of culture that derives from this cultural model relates specifically to the p ractices that allow and mediate the relationship between humans and structures. A practice oriented approach holds that neither humans nor structures have dominance over the other, but that they interact and
68 mutually influence one another (Giddens 1984) W hile practices have been described as the mechanism through which humans and structures interact, practices are equally will and regulated by the structures in which the y take place. Although oversimplified, the culture concept can be understood as the relational process created as humans interact with structures through practice. Because practice is also the empirical manifestation of the interplay between humans and str uctures and encapsulates the window into the relational process. As such, in a very opera tional way, culture is practice, particularly those recursive practices through whic h agents are influenced by and influence structures. Characteristics of c ulture : With this operational definition of culture, the discussion now examines some operational characteristics of culture that derive from the model of culture in a practice orien ted approach. Most importantly, culture is not static and synchronic but processual and diachronic. In this practice oriented approach, culture is recursive practice, as practice makes possible, mediates and therefore encapsulates the relationship between agents and structures. The temporal bracketing of a practice oriented model of culture means that structures derive from repeated past practices and are perpetuated or modified through practices in the present (Giddens 1984) This discussion has establishe d that these practices are not random but relate to the realm of possibilities laid out by the very structures that they inform. This constant feeding of practices into structures and structures into practices means that culture is (Bourdieu 1977)
69 Because culture is constantly in a state of becoming, it is constantly in a process question as this depends upon the degree to which practices modify structures. Pra ctices that correspond and agree with the structure perpetuate it with minimal modification, which is especially true in situations of cultural preservation. Yet, even the consciousness associated with a goal of preservation changes practices, as the meani ng behind them and the reason for doing them (i.e. the agency of the practice) changes. Here it is also important to recognize that, even in situations in which practices correspond exactly with their related structures, external factors will inevitably in terfere. indigenous people. Other examples of external factors may be changes in weather condition s, media or the arrival of a development program, just to name a few. These external factors require people, to differing degrees, to adapt their practices in order to accommodate new circumstances. The diachronic character of culture in a practice orient ed approach is of significant importance in the development context. As will be discussed in Chapters 3, 4 and 5, both global and local development practitioners often gloss culture as tradition, customs and ancestry in a way that connects recipients with their past without recognizing what they do in the present. The diachronic character of the culture concept allows a practice oriented approach to examine tradition, customs and ancestry as practices that play into cultural history and therefore simultaneo usly inform practices in the present and future. Traditions, customs and ancestry are not understood as inert,
70 immovable and static, but as changing, incorporative and dynamic as they continue from past to present and ultimately inform practices in the fut ure. In the mode of differentiating the culture concept of a practice oriented approach from that of other approaches, it should be made clear that a practice oriented approach to culture is not bounded. In one sense, this means that a practice oriented ap proach used to refer to a group of people with shared practices or a specific way of life. This unbounded characteristic of culture relates to the aforementioned poi nts that structures are multi scalar and agents are endowed with free will. The scale of a structure depends upon the size of the population that practices within it. In Yucatan, for example, disabled people simultaneously operate within broad social struc tures of Yucatan through their citizenship in the state, but also social structures of disability that are familiar only to those affected by disability. This example illustrates that each person practices within a number of structures on a daily basis and by an even greater number of structures throughout their lives. Further, people sharing practices that relate to a common structure need not be geographically centralized. Diasporic communities commonly upkeep practices and structures of their mother land, precisely because of the infinite variation in life experience and the uniqueness of each agent as a human being with fre e will. Because of these infinite possibilities, it is impossible in a practice oriented perspective to draw the boundaries of culture either geographically or conceptually.
71 In the same vein is one final characteristic of the practice oriented culture con cept in this research, which is that everyone is a cultural actor. This is particularly important in the development context in which literature at the global level and practitioners at the local level speak only of recipients as cultural actors, neglectin g that practitioners, researchers, and everyone else on the administrative end of development are also cultural actors. Practice was defined earlier in a very practical way as anything people do. Therefore, any person who does something is practicing and p articipating in the construction, modification or reification of structures, be they local or global, in a total recursive system. Every person who acts is thus a cultural actor, including A co ntinuation of this characteristic reemphasizes that everyone who acts has agency. That is to say that everyone who acts has the capability of intervening in the outside world, including its structures. This is important in the development context, where re cipients are often viewed as passive in the process of development programs. Recipient passivity is easy to misjudge in top down programs in which a program is designed and implemented without the participation or input of recipients during the planning st ages. What is often overlooked is that receiving is a recursive action that is imbued with agency and is both informed by and informs structures of development. That is, receiving involves actively accepting, a practice that contrasts with other options li ke rejecting a program or attempting to change the terms of it. In the practice oriented approach of this research, both recipients and practitioners are recognized as cultural agents who actively participate in development programs and the structure of
72 de velopment as a whole. Chapter 6 examines the role of both practitioner and recipient culture in the outcomes at each stage of development programs. The Encounters Approach The discussion thus far has reviewed the basic components of a practice oriented app roach in order to establish an operational model and definition of culture for use in this research. These theoretical cornerstones of a practice oriented approach were essential during data collection, as they helped to focus investigation on practices, s tructures, instances of agency and their inter relations that are informed by and inform the total recursive system of development. However, the establishment of these theoretical cornerstones is essential in a second mission of this research, which is to introduce the encounters approach as an alternative theoretical perspective to guide practices within the Millennium Development framework. As a practice oriented, relational perspective, the encounters approach is firmly rooted in the concepts that have b een reviewed thus far. This section uses the practice oriented approach as a springboard for proposing encounters as essential practices of cultural negotiation that intimately influence the maintenance and continuity of the total recursive system over tim e. The encounters approach serves as a methodology for both data collection and analysis in this research. The Sociality of Practices This discussion of a practice oriented approach has focused heavily on individual participation in the total recursive sys tem of practices, structures and agents and has also examined the interaction between structures and a gency. However, the discussion ha s yet to address the social aspects of a practice oriented approach that require interaction between individual agents. S cholars have long noted the absence of sociality
73 in the foundational literature on practice orientations. The absence is particularly striking in relational theory, which emphasizes the very social units of multi scalar relationships and inter relations (E mirbayer 1997; Gardner 2004) An examination of sociality in a practice oriented approach is essential to the conceptualization of encounters in this research. In order to develop the encounters approach as a truly practice oriented and relational approach to understanding development programs, this section briefly reviews considerations of sociality in the foundational literature and the more recent contributions that have made up for this surprising deficiency. In terms of foundational literature, neither Bourdieu (1977) nor Giddens (1984) gives much attention to the sociality of practices or the role of social participation in the (1977) structure oriented presentation of practice theo ry does very little to bolster the concept of agency in the first place, while his primary interest in habitus as an individualized structure (1984) emphasis on the conscious abi lities of individual agents to influence structures through practice largely overlooks the social nature of human beings (Gardner 2004) The only apparent step Giddens makes from individual to social participation is through the concept of co presence. Thi (2005) theory of face to mutually recognized presence of two or more bodies in a given place and time (Giddens 1984:4) Bodies, in this case, are objects in the material world made special by their being inhabited by an agent. Much like the literature from which the concept derives, presence remains on the micro scale as it is
74 discussed only in terms o f reaffirming individualized structures and the structures associated with communication. In other words, it does not recognize co presence as structures beyond the structur e of conversation are influenced by collective agency. Giddens (1984) pragmatic space for co presence. Through the definition of co presence, then, encounters encompass social interaction b etween two mutually recognized agents in place and time. However, Giddens (1984:xxvi) resists the draw to individualism as he presence as in some way the basis upon which larger, an encounter influence (not just build) the structures from which they draw. That is, it cuts off discussion of the role o f collective agency in the total recursive system. Relationist scholars have, since the 1980s, identified the lack of social considerations as an essential gap in the foundational literature on practice orientation. Rather than be troubled by it, however, these same scholars have simply addressed the gap by making the obvious connections that practice theorists themselves did not. Gardner (2004) highlights the work of George Herbert Mead who emphasized the social it follows that agency and anything connected to it must also be a relational process. As Hodder (2011:155 157)
75 Gardner (2004:4) how groups of people ca their study of temporality and agency in a practice oriented approach, Emirbayer and Mische (1998:969) conclude that the bracketing of past, present and future that occurs through repetitive pr (1998:973) as well as others in system. In other words, structures inform and are informed by expressions of agency and, while agents themselves may be individuals, agency is necessarily social. With these more recent contributions on sociality within the total recursive system, the role of encounters and the practice of interaction must be reassessed. It is true that interaction is practiced. Like any other practice, interaction is carried out by an agent from a realm of possible actions and both influences and is influenced by corresponding structures. Furth er, like other practices, interaction is a physical manifestation of the relationship between agent and structure. The next section goes one step further in examining the relational properties of interaction in which interaction is understood as a social p ractice that involves collective agency in the modification and maintenance of social structures. Toward a Relational Concept of Encounters The concept of encounters utilized in this research picks up where Giddens (1984) leaves off on the sociality of enc ounters. Whereas Giddens stops at the participation of the agent in practices of interaction, this research proposes the next step in understanding encounters as relational practices that encompass social interaction and collective agency. This research ho lds that the sociality of interacting makes it a
76 special type of practice, a super practice in many respects, as it brings together two or more human beings but also the total recursive systems to which they are familiar. In interaction, it is not just one agent grappling with external structures through his or her own calculated practices (Giddens 1984) Rather, it is a space of cultural negotiation in which agents work to understand each other in real time while at the same time cross comparing their own experiential knowledge with that of another person. It is therefore a space of action and reaction, agreement and disagreement, comprehension and confusion that is made more complex by the physical proximity of two bodies that are simultaneously revealing and embodying their experiential knowledge. In short, interaction is the coming together and reciprocal assessment of two or more total recursive systems of practice, structures and agency. It is the core of cultural negotiation. Composition of e ncounters : The total result of an encounter, and indeed what constitutes an encounter, is 1) the transmission of perspectives and 2) the formation of (2005) work on co presence and encounters does well in developing the fi rst half this equation, though he refers to it as As individuals participate in encounters, they communicate from their own understanding of themselves, the structures around them and how they fit into the structures a round them. In short, individuals represent the total system of practices, structures and agency with which they are familiar. From this arises perspective of the world that he /she knows to other people engaged in the encounter.
77 agency and is both influenced by and influences social structures. This highlights the importance of sociality in e ncounters, as the perspective one practices in an encounter often depends upon who else is involved. Goffman (2005) does not go far in second half of the equation concerning the formation of perceptions as he primarily examines the practice of interaction as a strategy taken on by individuals and maintains a micro level focus on the individual. He does, however, mentio others may have placed upon his acts and the interpretations that he ought perhaps to (Goffman 2005:13) The relational properties of an encounter take this observa tion one step further. As agents transmit their own perspectives of their selves, the world and the role of their selves in the world, other agents in the encounter work to understand that perspective. Listeners begin by collecting the data necessary to co everyday encounters. The information then enters into fast paced internal processing on own framework of experiential knowledge, making analogies and metaphors for unfamiliar information (DiMaggio 1997) Once located, it is cross e speaker. The result is the formation of perceptions both of the information and the speaker.
78 On e example of this relational process is evident in the concept confusion from the Ecological Stove Program. Practitioners used three terms to differentiate between different cooking apparatuses in this program. Within the office, they used the word estufa to describe the ecological stove provided to rural recipients by the state. Estufa directly translates to stove in English and, because the ecological stove was modeled after a gas stove commonly used in urban homes, this terminology was well understood am ong practitioners. However, practitioners found that the word fogn was more appropriate when speaking with recipients, as the word estufa misled recipients to think they would be receiving a gas stove, not a modified gas stove. Fogn encompasses any appar atus with an open flame, which may include a fireplace/hearth, a burner on a gas stove, a ring around a fire pit and others. While in the field, practitioners explained that the fogn was designed to replace the candela that recipients were using. A candel a is a three stone hearth, which is an open flame closed in by three stones that also serve to balance pans and pots over the fire. The transmission of perspectives and the formation of perceptions occurred as practitioners began registering people to rece ive the state fogn Many of those who had not seen the equipment prior to registering drew from their own practical understanding of a fogn to estimate what the equipment would look like and how it would work. They knew it would not be a three stone hear th because practitioners used the word fogn instead of candela They also knew it would not be a gas stove because practitioners had not used the word estufa so it had to be something in between. Being unfamiliar with the apparatus, recipients listened t mapped it onto their own knowledge of cooking apparatuses. The result was that many
79 recipients thought they would be receiving the materials to build a three walled slab to replace the three stones around their open fire. T his cement wall would allow them to wandering children from being burned by the open fire. When they received the stove, they were disappointed to find that it was indeed a fogn in that it was a cooking rather than a modified three stone hearth from their own kitchen. Many such recipients chose not to use the stove and instead continued using their three stone hearth. While recipients overwhelmingly appreciated that the state attempted to provide them new cooking technology, this situation of unmatched perspectives led practitioners to ipients to conclude that the state does not really understand their needs. Although practitioners modified their original terminology of the apparatus to better meet the expectations of recipients, this relational encounter ultimately re enforced a number of pre existing structures in development that will be further discussed in Chapter 6. The interrelation does not stop at the end of an encounter. Because interacting is a practice, it is recursive in that it is both influenced by and influences the relati onship between agents and structures. It has already been discussed how structures influence the processes of transmitting perspectives and formulating perceptions, but it is also true that these processes simultaneously influence the structures that influ enced them by introducing new information or reiterating old information. The perceptions that arise from these encounters, influenced by previous knowledge of structures, serve as a (Bourdieu 1977) The previous exam ple
80 recipients as stubborn and stuck in their ways does not remain an individual perception, but feeds into an institutional framework that will influence the de sign of future programs. This may lead to the abandonment of technology transfer programs or their modification to include long term education and training programs to fight this perceived f the state as willing derived from past experiences with this same perception. The reaffirmation of this perception might encourage them to register for future programs without expecting any real solutions to their problems. From this, we see that interaction is a practice, but a specifically relational practice in that it involves both action and reaction, perspective and perception, that ultimately construct, maintain or change structures. Encounters are the epicenter for cultural negotiation. The concluding chapter of this dissertation reminds us that, while such cultural negotiation h as the potential to simply maintain existing structures and social relations, it has equal potential to promote positive change and mutual understanding. Dimensions of e ncounters serves as a point of theoret ical departure in relation to the dimensions of an encounter. Goffman (2005) primarily observed situations in which agents interacted with one another in the same time and place (Ortner 1984) This serves as a basis for the inclusion of co presence i elaboration on the variety of interactions that can take place. Fieldwork for this research
81 elucidates the need for further theoretical consideration that recognizes the variety of encounters that are m eaningful in a practice oriented approach. Indeed, the concept of encounters pursued in this research extends beyond co presence to examine a greater variety of interaction that occurs on a daily basis, particularly in the context of development. Without t he limitation of co presence, encounters 1) need not involve human bodies, 2) need not be bounded by space and 3) time and need not be reciprocal. Each of these variations will be discussed individually. (2005) encounters that are limited to face to face interaction, the concept of encounters in this research incorporates those forms of through letters or over the telephone are therefore understo od as encounters, as are those situations in which an agent or representative of an agent (be it a symbol, object or another person) coordinates the processes of transmitting perspectives and/or forming perceptions. Another example of a non physical encoun ter is given in Chapter 6, which examines the design of the Bakers Program as an artifact of practitioner culture. Although practitioners are not physically present in the program workshop, recipients encounter practitioner culture through their interactio n with the design of the program. Second, and in a related sense, the concept of encounters in this research does not require that interaction be bounded in place and time, which is to say that agents need not occupy the same place to interact nor must th is interaction be concentrated in a single consensual moment. This is logical in relation to the first point, as written, telephone or represented interaction often results from some difficulty in two agents
82 occupying the same place or time. In one way, th e frequent use of forums that overcome spatial or temporal distance is a practical demonstration of the necessity of interaction in maintaining the total recursive system of practices, structures and agency. (1984) and G (2005) interaction, encounters in this research need not be mutually recognized in that they can be one way encounters. It is true that encounters must involve more than one agent. However, two way engagement between these parties is not nec essary in the transmission of perspectives and formulation of perceptions. One typical example of a non reciprocal encounter in this research is a broadcasted speech of the governor in which she addresses the people of Yucatan. In this top down encounter, the governor provides people with information about herself and the state government, but she learns nothing about the people she is addressing. The two parties cannot be said to be mutually recognized as one party is transmitting its perspective and the o ther party is forming perceptions, but not the reverse. Such non reciprocal encounters are still recognized as encounters in this research. Another example relates to the use of non human representatives. Often times in development, a symbol and/or logo o f the donor is stamped on the goods provided by a development program. In the state context, a logo stamped in the newly cemented floor of a rural home or a newly paved sidewalk in a suburb serves as a constant reminder that a certain government and/or pol itical party provided that much needed item. As the perspective of benevolence, recipients form their perceptions about the state but are unable to communicate with the
83 state via that stamped logo. Even though the interaction is not reciprocal, the transmission of perspective and the formation of perception create an encounter. Encounters as Essential Practices The discussion has thus far established several fundamental ways in which the concept of the en counter in this research takes off from the concept provided by Giddens (1984). First, encounters are explicitly social, as they are spaces in which interaction between agents take place. Second, the interaction that takes place in an encounter is characte rized by its distinctly social nature as it brings together two or more agents, but also the total recursive systems of practices, structures and agents with which they are familiar. Interaction has been identified as a practice of cultural negotiation. Th ird, an encounter is made up of two processes, including the transmission of a perspective on the part of one agent or group of agents and the corresponding formation of perception on the part of the other agent or group of agents. Finally, encounters are diverse, as they are not bounded by space or time, are not restricted to physical interaction between agent bodies and need not be reciprocal. While this concept of encounters takes off from the foundations provided by Giddens (1984) it is here developed as a practice oriented, relational approach to data collection and analysis. A methodological proposal concerning this newly elaborated concept of encounters concludes this section. This discussion has been careful in theorizing encounters as spaces for in teraction and interaction has been recognized as a practice that is unique among other practices in its sociality. However, it has also demonstrated (1984) use, is limited to instances of co presence (Goffman 2005) In t he mode of reconceptualizing the encounter (as a site for interaction) to
84 include more varied forms of interaction with the particular processes of transmitting perspectives and formulating perceptions, I propose the use of the term encounter as a practice Much like interaction is a space for the practice of interacting, I propose that encounters provide a space for the practice of encountering. Giddens (1984) argues that interaction is practice because it is patterned and contributes to the maintenance an d continuity of social structures. The same can be said about the practice of encountering, or of transmitting perspectives and formulating perceptions of others. Most importantly, encountering, like interacting, contributes to the maintenance and continui ty of structures. The main difference, however, is that encounters recognize the perception in the total system, the practice of encountering is necessarily social as it incorporates how that message is received and the social effect of it. That is, it includes the formulation of perceptions on behalf of listeners/receivers and their application of those perceptions to their own recursive practices. This theoretical difference between encounters and interaction, and between encountering and interacting, emphasizes the essential role of encounters in the maintenance and continuity of social structures More than any other practice, encounters capture the process of cultural negotiation essential in the process of maintaining a total recursive system. In this research, encounters are understood as essential practices in which the outcomes of development programs are negotiated. Encounters occur throughout each stage of development programs including planning, implementation and use of the materials, ideas and knowledge of the program. As such, the process of development
85 programs is imbued at every stage with the transmission of perspectives and the formulation of perceptions, forming an encounter between development practitioners and program recipients. These encounters not only determine the objective and methods of the program but also its short and lo ng term outcomes. Further, because encounters are understood as practices, they are understood to encapsulate the unique relationship between agency and structures associated with development programs. As will be seen in Chapter 6, this research examines t he diverse array of encounters as physical manifestations of the relationship between agency and structures in development programs. Finally, encounters also serve as the basis for the theoretical reconceptualization of development proposed in this resear ch. In the process of locating the role of culture in development programs, this research explores a practice oriented relational approach to development that recognizes development programs as encounters or essential points of cultural interchange betwee n development practitioners and program recipients. This encounters approach to development stands in contrast to current holistic conceptualizations of public programs as mechanisms for the top down transfer of materials and ideas. The encounters approach recognizes both practitioners and and through which agents reify modify or create cultural structures, influences how he or she engages with the materials, ideas and knowledge of the program (Giddens 1984) This approach therefore explicitly recognizes that culture influences the design,
86 implementation and receiving o f programs, which ultimately determine program outcomes.
87 CHAPTER 3 CULTURE IN THE GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK Having established the encounters approach as the theoretical framework that guides this research, this chapter takes a first step toward meeting the first objective of this research. The first objective is to determine how culture is interpreted and treated in the Millennium Development framework, which was designed at the global level and is implemented in Mexico through national and stat e level development policy and practice. This chapter begins a journey from global to local as it examines interpretations and treatments of culture in global development. The chapter first introduces the paradigm framework as an analytical method for loca ting the global development framework within a positivist epistemology. Use of the paradigm framework demonstrates that the ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets that guide global development policy give way to specific theoretical interpr etations and practical treatments of culture. This chapter acts as a theoretical and methodological model to Chapters 4 and 5. Theoretically, this chapter outlines global development as a model for national and state development, as the next two chapters c ompare and contrast Mexican and Yucatan development with the global model. This cross comparison identifies how policy and practice at each level are influenced by global development, but also how local structures and expressions of agency influence unique characteristics at each level. Methodologically, this chapter introduces the paradigm framework as an analytic methodology that structures the discussions of global, Mexican and Yucatecan development in this and the next two chapters. The application of t he paradigm framework at each of the global, national and state levels provides methodological
88 continuity across chapters as they highlight how culture is interpreted and treated in the Millennium Development framework. The Paradigm Framework The practice oriented, relational perspective of the encounters approach guided data collection in Yucatan, Mexico as well as the analysis of this field data. While the encounters approach was both an appropriate and sufficient methodology for analyzing data that was t ailored to this research, it proved less sufficient as a methodology for analyzing the literature on development theory and policy. This is because theoretical and policy literature is written from only one perspective, that of the development establishmen t, and lacks relational discussion of practice that would enable the examination of encounters between practitioners and recipients. In other words, the literature transmits a perspective, but does not provide information on how this perspective is perceiv ed by recipients. While the encounters approach as a methodology for analyzing the literature is weakened by the lack of encounters in the literature, its practice orientation and relational perspectives are still useful in analyzing and understanding the total recursive system of development, including recursive practices, instances of agency and structures. It is therefore useful in understanding the culture of development administration. A second analytic methodology was elaborated to structure the exam ination of the development literature while at the same time meeting two research objectives. The paradigm framework structures analysis through an examination of the ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets of development at each of the glob al, national and local levels. This structure allowed for the fulfillment of two research objectives. First, the paradigm framework addresses the first objective of this research
89 which is to identify the theoretical interpretations and practical treatments of culture in the Millennium Development framework. It clearly demonstrates that global development embodies a holistic theoretical perspective that promotes the understanding of culture as a barrier to development, a problem development must solve and a distraction within development. Second, the paradigm framework promotes the achievement of the third objective of this research, which is to determine the role of practitioner and recipient culture in three development programs in Yucatan, Mexico. More spe cifically, it sets the stage for outlining the culture or recursive practices of development practitioners in Yucatan. Cross comparison of literature at the global, national and local levels establishes the global model of development as an overarching str ucture that is modified at more local levels through agency, practice and the influence of local structures. These changes at the local level result in differing interpretations and treatments of culture in Yucatan and thus set the stage for an examination of development encounters in Chapter 6. Foundations of the Paradigm Framework The paradigm framework used in this research derives from the work of Guba (1990:17) connection with avoids the politics associated with selecting any one of the 21 meanings with which Kuhn originally used the word paradigm (Hacking 2012; Masterman 1970) This generic definition provides a sufficient foundation for the fuller concept of paradigms used in this research. Hacking (2012:xxi) adds some substance to this foundation through his conceptualization of paradigms as models of scientific inquiry that are supported by the commi tment of a corresponding scientific community. Paradigms are ultimately defined
90 by the problems they address and membership in the scientific community is prevailing model. Hacking (2012:xxiii) adds what could be understood as a practice oriented perspective to the definition of paradigms as he notes that a model (structure) is supported by a scientific community (group of agents) and corresponding methods (practices) inform future practices. This conceptualization captures the basic components of a practice oriented approach and recognizes the temporality of the recursive system, which brackets the present and future. A paradigm shift occurs when the paradigm cannot cope with a cluster of anomalies; crisis results until a new achievement redirects research and serves as a new (Hacking 2012:xxiii) The structuring capability of the paradigm framework as an analytic methodology derives fro (1990) He proposes a simple rubric of three questions that identify and differentiate between paradigms by outlining the ontological perspective of the inquirer, which pertains to the nature of reality or what is exploring the relationship between the inquirer and what is known or can be known. The f inal question draws out the methodology of inquiry as it asks how the inquirer should approach and extract this knowledge. The paradigm framework used herein organizes information around the three elements of ontology, epistemology and methodology. Only t wo paradigms are of interest in this research, which relates to the theoretical delineations that have already been made in this chapter and in Chapter 1.
91 The paradigm framework determines global development theory and policy to fit within a holistic, posi tivist paradigm (Guba 1990) The deductive reasoning of the positivist paradigm of development starts with holistic generalizations (often beliefs in universality) and objective scientists test these generalizations using an empirical experimentalist metho dology. From this positivist paradigm, the problems of human development and poverty reduction are treated as mechanical processes that are only at times influenced by social factors However, the encounters approach proposed in this research derives from what may be called the relationist paradigm in which much contemporary social inquiry is also located. A relationist paradigm holds that reality is made up of relationships among individuals, groups and societies and can only be understood through specific ally relational concepts (Ritzer and Gindoff 1992:132) The encounters approach provides an opportunity to test run a relational methodology at the local level while the relational perspective taken in this research demonstrates what development would look like from a relational perspective. This research does not advocate for a paradigm shift, but provides the perspectives and tools necessary to imagine and test drive a more relational Millennium Development framework at the methodological level. This analytic framework, called the paradigm framework for lack of a better title, was determined to be especially useful in the exploratory mission of this research. For in that theoretical additions to established concerns of development have been referred to as paradigms (Shuurman 2000) Only a handful of authors have examined the paradigm (not theories) of development in a way that takes ontological, epistemological
92 and methodological beliefs into consideration (Mitchell 2002; Shuurman 2000) The paradigm framework allows this discussion to cut to the core beliefs of development without becoming entangled in the rise and fall of various theoretical trends in the hist ory of development. This focused exploration reveals the persistence of a positivist paradigm of development that has not faltered despite changes in theory. On a second front, the delineation between ontology, epistemology and methodology creates some dia logue across the theoretical literature. The philosophy of science is frequently discussed using this framework, meaning that much of the literature on theoretical perspectives also structures discussions based on the ontological, epistemological and metho dological tenets of each theory. The paradigm framework organizes data analysis and discussion in this research along the same structure and terminology used by other scholars, thus constructing bridges across disciplines and themes. Treatments of Culture in Global Development This section examines interpretations and treatments of culture in the global literature. The paradigm framework structured analysis of the global development literature with the goal of identifying the paradigm of global development and linking specific trends in the literature with the ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets of global development theory. Analysis determined that global development fits within a positivist framework, which is characterized by a realist ontology, objectivist epistemology and empirical experimentalist methodology. Analysis also determined that culture is theoretically interpreted and practically treated in three ways that correspond with the ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets of global development. First, a realist ontology promotes an understanding of culture as an impediment to
93 objectivist epistemology leads to the interpretation of cu lture as a problem that development must solve when it impedes development efforts and leads to the failure of projects. Third, an empirical experimentalist methodology connects with the understanding of culture as a distraction to development as it introd uces qualitative considerations in an otherwise quantitative pursuit. In addition to exploring the paradigmatic tenets of global development theory and policy, this section also serves to outline global development as a model for national and local develop ment. The historically top down structure of development means that theory and policy are set at the global level and implemented at national and local levels. The Millennium Development Project re oriented this top down flow by allowing countries the free dom to adopt the Millennium Development Goals in ways that fit their own needs and conditions (Fukuda Parr 2004; Sachs and McArthur 2005) Although this freedom re oriented the top down flow of development, the United Nations and other global institutions are still largely influential in shaping the development policy of individual countries. In the case of the Millennium Development Project, country level Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers that detailed how the goals would be implemented were then revised b y the United Nations, which gave further recommendations and guidelines for implementing the program in accordance with the global system (Sachs and McArthur 2005) As such, the following discussion of the theoretical tenets of global development policy de scribes a development structure. Chapters 3 and 4 will discuss how this structure influences the structure of national and local development, but also how agency and practice influence modifications to that structure at more local levels.
94 Culture as a Barr ier Realist o ntology: Global development theory tends toward realism, which reflects the positivist belief that there is only one reality common to all beings and that ( Guba 1990:19 ) A realist ontology di ffers from a relational ontology in its belief that such complex social phenomena as human development can be explained thro ugh holistic universal principle s rather than through the relationships that influence these processes (Emirbayer 1997; Ritzer and G indoff 1992) The realist ontology of contemporary global development is evident in the persistent belief in the applicability of social evolutionism (Crewe and Harrison 2002) This holistic social theory, deriving from 19 th century anthropological researc h, holds that human development can be understood as a process by which populations increase in social complexity over the course of history (Ferguson 2005) In the development context, social evolution blurs with modernization, as theorists have long beli eved Western style modernity to be the end point of this universal process of social complexification (Ferguson 2005; Sachs 2005b) Although anthropologists refuted this holistic theory long ago, it proved more resilient in the development context where it still undergirds theory and policy (Crewe and Harrison 2002; Ferguson 2005) Trends in the l iterature: Several trends and operational assumptions in the global development literature reflect the realist ontological belief in a single development reality ( Guba 1990:19) First, development is discussed as a universal process. The use of economics as a universalizing methodology allows practitioners to locate populations along a continuum between poverty and modernity, between undeveloped and developed. The M illennium Development literature defines poverty in a socio economic sense to include a lack of basic necessities, poor health, low technology and high
95 vulnerability to external shocks, all of which relate to low economic complexity like that seen in subsi stence farming (Collier 2007; Fukuda Parr 2004; Sachs 2005b; Sachs 2005c) Modernity approximates a Western model characterized by such features as industrialization, participation in global capitalism, democracy and advancing technology. The perceived uni versality of the development trajectory is illustrated (2005b:5 25) metaphor of a global family portrait. In this metaphor, all countries and populations can be located within the same frame of economic growth and complexity. The metaphor pa ints more developed countries as family elders and less developed countries as young children and implies that these children are not only following the path of their elders, but are in need of their experience and wisdom as they embark upon this universal journey. Second, development is discussed as an historical process. (2005b) global portrait aids in visualizing this history as elders (developed countries) have already gone through the processes of development and modernization and thus set the p ath for the next generation (less developed countries). Development is further discussed as an historical process as the literature frequently equate s a specific Collier (2007:3) exist within the twenty first century, but their r eality is fourteenth century of populations along a single historical trajectory emphasizes the realist belief in a universal development reality. However, it also carries two implicit assumptions which are that modernity is the end point to which all populations are headed and that all populations will experience
96 Third, and in a related sense, development is thought to be a uni linear process. ss that brings populations closer to modernity. Sachs (2005) ap tly illustrates the presumed on specific rungs of the ladder. Collier (2007) similarly relates development to a linear board game as he writes: Think, for a moment, of development as chutes and ladders. In the modern world of globalization there are some fabulous ladders; most societies are using them. But there are also some chutes and some societies have hi t them. The countries at the bottom are an unlucky minority, but they are stuck. [Collier 2007:5] The realist belief is that all countries should be advancing along this universal trajectory. From a holistic perspective, failure to advance along this uni l inear trajectory is not related to a desire on the part of agents to maintain their current living condition, but relates to top literature, these barriers range from market inequalities a nd traditional culture (Sachs 2005b) to conflict and instability (Collier 2007) Through this lens of ontological realism, development is understood as a natural process that can be sped up by drawing from the experience and history of developed countries. The development literature frequently mentions the possibility of triggering, jumpstarting or skipping over stages in order to promote the rapid development of development ( 2001:650 ) improve the lot of another group through directed action.
97 Interpretation of c ulture : It is also through this lens of ontological realism that culture is interpreted theoretically as a barrier to natural (little d) development and an limited in the developme nt literature, but it is frequently conceptualized as a set of rules that guides the behaviors and beliefs of recipient populations (Crewe and Harrison 2002) Sachs (2005b:60 61) the development potential of specific groups like women and religious or ethnic culture to form a wall between developing countries and their modern, developed counterparts (Sachs 2005b:36 37) Practitioners understand this wall to slow or fully are often used in the development literature to describe countries whose limited economic growth is t hought to be linked with the persistence of traditional institutions and customs (Collier 2007; Sachs 2005b) In relation to (Big D) development efforts, culture is often treated as an impediment to the modernizing efforts of development institutions (Cre we and Harrison 2002) As projects introducing new technology or promoting alternative practices experience low acceptance rates, practitioners blame the shackles of culture for limiting new ideas and practices. In this way, culture is interpreted through a holistic theoretical lens as a set of top down, unchanging rules and is thus treated in a practical sense as a barrier to development that binds recipients to their underdeveloped situa tion. This contrasts with a relational perspective, which understands culture as recursive practice through which
98 agents engage in the production and reproduction of cultural structures. In a relational sense, recipients are not understood as drones of cul tural structures that merely follow rules, but as active participants in deciding what practices and ideas best fit their needs and desires. Schola rly p erspectives : Contemporary social science scholars overwhelmingly ntology and the persistence of social evolution in global development theory and policy. Mitchell ( 2002:1 ) highlights two key critiques of first century still divided by a way of think argue that a holistic theoretical perspective reflects a lack of innovation in development science as it grapples with problems of globalization and modernity using a theoretical framework that pr e dates these significant global processes. Second, and in a related sense, this holistic theory tends to oversimplify reality into easy to operationalize contain the s cientific data most relevant to the people whose lives are changed by development processes (Mosse 2005b:6) holistic theory renders complex data into models comprehensible to development practitioners, but sacrifi ce the contextual detail and accuracy that make development meaningful to people other than practitioners. While anthropologists agree that holistic theory and evolutionistic assumptions are fundamentally flawed and painfully outdated, they offer few pract ical alternatives that would begin to address the problems of a realist ontology. Many anthropologists simply argue that anthropology should have a greater presence in development theory
99 and practice. They then highlight the various areas of anthropologica l research already conducted that should be incorporated in development considerations or ethnographic themes that could further highlight the theoretical and practical problems of development (Little 2000; Mosse 2005b) Edited volumes present anthropologi cal studies toward these missions of infusing development with anthropological perspectives. Such efforts have made strides toward increasing the numbers of anthropologists working in development and may have played a role in the more human centered focus of the Millennium Development Project (Mosse 2005b) This research joins this mission but, rather than entering at the theoretical level and merely pointing out what could be improved, it proposes the encounters approach as a methodology for current practi tioners to test drive relational methods in actual development contexts. Culture as a Problem Objectivist e pistemology: Global development upholds an objectivist epistemology, which imagines the researcher to be fully detached from the natural phenomena he or she is researching. As the researcher is on the outside looking in, his being examined (Guba 1990:20). This positivist epistemology contrasts with a relational ep istemology, which recognizes the unavoidable entanglement of the inquirer in the reality he or she is examining. Researchers may be separate entities from the phenomena or people being researched, but the act of researching creates a relationship between t he two entities that necessarily introduces (inter)subjectivity. Trends in the l iterature: An objectivist epistemology is evidenced through several trends in the global development literature. First is the prevalence of
100 dichotomies in development (Crewe an d Harrison 2002; Ferguson 2005; Mitchell 2002) The most obvious and fundamental opposition in the literature is the us/them dichotomy in which developed countries (us) are differentiated from developing populations (them) (see Crewe and Harrison 2002; Mosse 2005b) This derives from the idea that developed countries have garnered expertise in the processes of development as they not only underwent and completed the process, but simultaneously pioneered the path that is ontologically accepted as the univ ersal path to development. Use of the us/them dichotomy serves to empower developed countries and development policymakers and practitioners as experts of development who, having graduated from the experiential curriculum of development, are now beyond it and separated from it. From this epistemological position, these experts can view the development processes of others as objective, uninvolved outsiders. This leads to a second notable trend in the literature, which is the top down, problem/solution format of development. As developed countries and practitioners are imagined as experts on the terrain of the universal path to development, they are able to objectively identify and diagnose the problems other countries or populations face on their path to deve lopment. Problems most commonly relate to the ontological belief in toward modernity, stagnation or perceived retrograding. Practitioners set to work analyzing these moveme nts along the universal path to development and identify democratic governance and traditional culture, which will be discussed below. Solutions generally come in the form of intervention and aid with Sachs (2005b) and Collier ( 2007 )
101 invoking the us/them dichotomy to motivate people of developed countries to recognize their responsibility in promoting the development of others (see Mosse 2005b) While Collier ( 2007 ) goe s so far as to suggest military intervention in halting political and social unrest, most global development literature prefers the infusion of Western technology, money, science, education, infrastructure, etc. Interpretation of c ulture : It is through th is objectivist epistemology that culture becomes a problem development must solve. As was previously mentioned, the term culture is rarely used in the global development literature, but other words and phrases are used in its place. The most significant eu phemism for culture in this epistemological that are not shared by developed populations. In this context, tradition stands as the logical opposite to modern, the ontologically accepted end point of development, and thus creates a modern/traditional dichotomy that evokes evolutionistic categories (Crewe and Harrison 2002) While non modern culture is glossed as tradition, the lack of mention of modern or developed c ulture suggests two operational assumptions. The first is that modern populations do not have culture. What anthropologist would identify as modern culture is treated in the global development literature as the frame (2005b) global portra therefore devoid of cultural connotations and instead serves as a standard to which all populations are compared. The second reflects the objectivist belief that, even if modern populations (including development exp erts) do have culture, it does not factor into their examination of development processes, their identification of development problems or the solutions they generate. In this way, modern culture is not mentioned in the global
102 development literature becaus e the objectivity of development experts and their separation from development reality renders its consideration irrelevant to the discussion. From a holistic perspective, culture is thought to slow natural (little d) development by imposing steadfast rule s that guide behaviors and beliefs. Culture (i.e. traditional institutions and customs) becomes a problem development must solve when institutions and customs are often located at the root of other practical problems, particularly, but not limited to, poverty. For example, Sachs (2005b:36 37) identifies traditional gender roles as a key instigator of poverty as women spend the majority of their lives in non wage ear ning domestic work instead of contributing to a growing economy. The problem/solution format of development leads to the conclusion that these traditional institutions and customs must be unraveled and the modern alternative implemented in its place. As a result, global development tends to target what are understood as pre modern cultural institutions, practices and associated beliefs of people in developing countries, and particularly those of the poor (Mosse 2005b) Typical cultural targets mentioned in the global development literature are gender roles, healthcare, fertility and local economies, just to name a few. Scholarly p erspectives: ontology, it follows that anthropologists are also critical of d epistemology. The subject of expertise has received much attention in the anthropological literature. The fact that expertise is understood as the human agency that drives development processes and underpins development theory has led
103 anthropologists to identify it as the root of many of their issues with development. In depth analysis of the concept of expertise has already been eloquently summarized by Mosse ( 2005a ) and Mosse and Lewis (2005b). Rather than attempt to repeat these valuable contributions, this discussion merely skims the surface of the literature by synthesizing the most salient points concerning development epistemology. In terms of the general concepts, Mitchell ( 2002 ) argues that development expertise is as much a manufactured construct as the science to which it applies and illustrates this point by highlighting the science/nature dichotomy of development. In this dichotomy, science is heralded as the logical opposite to nature and, following the realist ontology of development, the job of development scientists is to tame nature by engineering it. Expertise is therefore located in the scientific handbooks and reports produced by development practitioners and expert status is bestowed upon the community of people who subscribe to and support the power of science over nature (Hacking 2012; Mitchell 2002) precisely because it is distinguished and made to exist through a manufactured development reality and involves t he manipulations of socially constructed calculations in a socially constructed science of development. In line with this criticism of the fundaments of development, anthropologists take particular issue with the agency of experts who utilize their experti fulfilling ( Crewe and Harrison 2002:97 ) To borrow the term of Mosse ( 2005a:136 ) uphold it through policymaking and practice (also see Hacking 201 2; Mosse 2005b) Experts support a realist ontology that simplifies the world into universal trends, which
104 has the practical effect of allowing them to understand an otherwise infinitely complex world ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ) This manufactured omniscienc e empowers them, as scientists, over the natural phenomena presented to them ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; Mitchell 2002 ) From this starting point, expertise is able to begin reaffirming itself. Experts operating from within this simplified reality are able t o identify problems that can be solved using the methods of positivist development science. Crewe and Harrison ( 2002:109 ) development. The formation of dichotomies in development aids in this legitimation by summarizes a number of other dichotomies that paint practitioners as experienced, objecti ve, rational and modern, ultimately separating them as scientists from the n atural phenomena they study ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; Ferguson 2005 ; Mitchell 2002 ) Unlike non experts, these individuals are not mired in tradition or subject to the whims of nat ure and are set apart by their ability to reason along Western ideals and rationality. Further, these experts of rationality form a non democratic global community that maintains exclusive control of setting frameworks, determining policies and assessing p rojects ( Mosse 2005a ; Mosse 2005b ) These networks in themselves tend to reaffirm the development project as their cohesiveness relies upon the very technologies and principles that experts use to solve the problems of development ( Mosse 2005b ) In the anthropological literature, then, expertise is imbued with agency and that agency is responsible for the perpetuation of a positivist paradigm in development. Without experts to defend and uphold the positivist paradigm of development, we would
105 be f orced to grapple with the complexities of development and ultimately reconsider its foundations (Hacking 2012) Of course, anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of facing this challenge. In a theoretical sense, anthropologists argue for greater eth nographic study of expertise in development and celebrate the work of such anthropologists as Babb ( 2003 ) Goldman ( 2007 ) and Anders ( 2005 ) for documenting the meaning of expertise and the processes that both reaffirm and are reaffirmed by it ( see Mosse 20 05a ; Mosse 2005b ) In a more practical sense, anthropologists recognize the necessity of their own role in keeping development experts on their toes and helping to balance power through continued ethnographic inquiry. This research adds to this practical m ission by offering development experts the methods and concepts necessary to operationalize relational theory in their work. The encounters approach does not challenge the top down structure of development and development expertise. Instead, it takes a fir st step toward equipping development experts with contemporary anthropological tools that enable them to develop new forms of expertise while at the same time improving development efforts in the new millennium. Culture as a Distraction Empir ical experimen talist m ethodology: Global development efforts uphold an empirical experimentalist methodology. Whereas an objectivist epistemology recognizes the separation of the inquirer from the phenomenon being investigated, the potential for nter into the research is still present. An empirical experimentalist methodology aims to reduce inquirer interference by casting questions in such a way that nature must respond with empirical answers. Steps are also taken to control for any abnormalities that may be presented by the natural phenomenon under investigation. This may be done preemptively by controlling for various factors that influence the
106 phenomenon during research or after the fact by taking into account the circumstances that influenced the empirical response given by nature ( Guba 1990 ) Trends in the l iterature: An empirical experimentalist methodology in development is characterized by the use of calculative sciences and strategies that aim to 1) make barriers to development and other d evelopment problems empirically development processes (Guba 1990; Mitchell 2002) Several of these calculative measures are evident in the global development literature, the most important of which is economic calculation. Economics has always been respected in development as a global science; economic principles are thought to be universal and economic calculations are guided by objective rules that can be used to measure and und erstand economic processes anywhere in the world (Mitchell 2002) The standardized quantitative data that derive from economic calculations have been used to objectively locate populations and countries within a universal development reality or, to use Sa (2005b) realist metaphor, the global family portrait. Indeed, economic calculation was the bedrock upon which development was founded and operated until the new millennium. Development efforts in the new millennium have consciously stepped away from t human development and poverty reduction only as necessary first steps toward economic growth demonstrates the persistence of an economic logic even in these revisions (Fukud a Parr 2004; Sachs 2005b; Sachs 2005c) Practitioners are yet unwilling to step back from the holism of economic calculations as they still offer them
107 the power to standardize diverse development experiences and simplify them into universal models. A secon d body of calculative measures is evidenced in the Millennium Development Goals, which are celebrated across the literature for being specific and concrete, enabling progress to be objectively measured and monitored (Fukuda Parr 2004:397; Sachs 2005c:1; UN DP 2003:15) Of course, the majority of these objective measures involve statistical calculations that quantify and ultimately standardize progress for comparison across countries (Fukuda Parr 2004) Outcomes are intentionally quantifiable, which has the t endency to limit the identification of problems to those that can be measured. However, the Millennium Development Goals have as their predecessor the Human Development Index, another statistical calculation that is acclaimed in its ability to capture a fu ller range of development complexities than mere economic calculations. Indeed, the global literature often highlights the Millennium Development Project as a step away from the purely economic calculations that proved elusive and evadable in the previous century (Fukuda Parr 2004; Owen 2006; Sachs 2005b:74 89) The Millennium Development Goals draw from the Human Development Index, but also demographic calculations, measures of health, ratios, poverty statistics and other quantifiable indicators (Fukuda Pa rr 2004; Millennium Project 2002; Satterthwaite 2003) Millennium Development practitioners have also proposed entirely new measures designed to capture the complexity of the human condition and how this influences development. Collier (2007) proposes the use of political statistics to understand development traps in developing countries. These measures are extracted through
108 controlled experiments that examine how certain factors (i.e. political stability and democratic consolidation) influence economic gr develop. These data based experiments allow for the objective identification of development traps or problems. Sachs (2005) recognizes the inadequacy of attacking problems of human development with economic measure s alone and proposes the use of clinical economics to diagnose developing countries the same way a doctor would diagnose an ailing patient. Although clinical economics takes a step toward more relational calculations in some of its tenets, it ultimately ap proaches the problems of development from the same realist foundations. It treats broken economies as technical rather than social problems and proposes the scientific rigor and systemization of medicine to fix these problems (Easterly 2006) Economies rem ain finite organisms, like the human body, that can be addressed through objective expertise. Each of these measures minimize the entry of practitioner bias into development inquiry and, in accordance with an empirical experimentalist methodology of positi vism, are preferred over more qualitative forms of inquiry (Satterthwaite 2003) Interpretation of c ulture : Culture becomes a distraction within the empirical experimentalism of development as it is understood to complicate objective science with the highl y unpredictable will of human beings. Development practitioners trained in the quantitative and universalizing field of economics are confident in their ability to understand humans as rational beings that are interested in pursuing their destiny of modern development. However, as was previously mentioned, culture is understood to interrupt rationality as it slows what practitioners see as a natural process toward better living conditions. The trouble is that culture and culture concepts are understood to l ack
109 the universality, objectivity and empirical measurements that comple ment development practitioners to differ by location and to affect programs in different ways. This lack of universality is unfamiliar to development experts who do not have the tools or anthropological knowledge to track and understand cultural phenomena. In effect, the culture practitioners know does not fall within a realist ontology, challenging the epis temological beliefs in expertise and dichotomies and giving way to methodological confusion. Culture is thus understood as a distraction in development that should be avoided when possible. Anxiety over the role of culture in development is heightened in the new millennium as human development and poverty reduction stra tegies unearth data that expose a greater diversity of human needs and desires than is accommodated in the realist ontology of global development. For practitioners who are genuinely interes ted in helping developing countries to escape poverty and its associated problems, the rabbit hole of culture is a temptin g distraction from the straight forward and universal principles of economics. However, Millennium Development practitioners are operat ing under high pressure and on a limited timeframe as the world awaits the results of the Millennium Project in 2015. Cultural considerations may be tempting, but the benefits are not sure to outweigh the investment of exploration. Rather than take on the perceived risk of getting lost in the rabbit hole of culture, global practitioners simply sidestep it in favor of maintaining the positivism of development. Chapters 4 and 5 demonstrate that cultural considerations become less avoidable in more local level s of development policy and practice. Rather than maintaining this structure of cultural avoidance, Mexican and
110 Yucatecan practitioners have made strides to incorporate culture into policy and practice. Scholarly p erspectives: Anthropological opinions of experimentalist methodology include two main critiques. First, while the application of economics to the development context aims to make development problems empirically recognizable, anthropologists contend that it has merely boil ed down complex and interdisciplinary data to what can be observed and understood economically. Put more simply, economic questions prompt economic answers and, while these answers can be useful, they do not provide the entire story. Anthropologists tend t o understand economics as only one lens for viewing and deciphering development. There is no doubt that this economic approach has been successful in identifying and solving problems, even if the definition of success itself is internally defined ( Mosse 20 05a ) However, anthropologists doubt whether those problems are actually the ones that need to be solved in order to reduce poverty and real human development. In this way, economic calculations not only boil the information down to what development experts ar e interested in, thus biasing the data in a way that leads to fundamental doubts about positivism in general, they also divert attention toward only one set of data and one set of problems that struggles to encompass the broader reality (Crewe and Harrison 2002; Mitchell 2002; Mosse 2005b) Second, social science scholars question the perceived objectivity of calculation; they note that the effective use of calculative methods in identifying certain problems of development and engineering appropriate soluti ons has promoted an almost religious enthusiasm for calculation. This enthusiasm serves to bind experts together in the
111 exclusivity of development knowledge, furthering the incestuous theory building that occurs in expert networks ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; Mosse 2005b ) Rather than distancing these experts from their research subject in order to promote objectivity, the use of economic calculations instead tends to perpetuate us/them dichotomies. Economics and the rationality on which it is based are attrib uted to modern societies, whereas a lack of economic rationality is attributed to development recipients, those calculative strategies to define what modern is, experts who are presumed to be objective for the very modernity and calculations that distance them from development have quite subjectively determined that economics, rationality and calculative abilities are exactly what developing populations need. In the weaknesses o assumed objectivity, calculation becomes a ready made problem solution pair or what has been called a self fulfilling prophecy ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ) Social science scholars are thus highly critical of an empirical experimental methodol ogy in developm ent. Calculative and highly quant itative methods help to standardize data in order to highlight empirical problems, but they miss the more qualitative issues that go unnoticed if not pursued. Rather than sacrifice accuracy for scientific sim plicity, anthropologists advocate for the problematizing of these neat frameworks. Anthropologists working in development contexts have ethnographically captured the qualitative issues that are overlooked in more calculative strategies. These efforts have certainly helped to demonstrate the usefulness of adding more qualitative anthropological techniques to the battery of calculations. Of course, critical anthropologists are well aware that simply influencing field techniques is no triumph, as
112 the developme nt establishment is known to co opt methods and themes in order to fend off public criticism ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; Mosse 2005b ) Many anthropologists seem to have lost hope, concluding that development is doomed to fail without significant changes to its positivist ontology, epistemology and methodology (Escobar 1995; Leys 1996) This research proposes the encounters approach to development as a relational methodology that can and should be co opted into development (Crewe and Harrison 2002; Mosse 2005 b) It encourages the use of this practice oriented approach as a way to test the utility of relational methods while at the same time offering a no risk test drive of a relational ontology and epistemology. Even if these methods do not find their way into the daily repertoire of practitioners, their mere consideration presents an alternative that recognizes the important, active role recipients play at each stage and in the eventual outcomes of development programs.
113 CHAPTER 4 CULTURE IN MEXICAN DEV ELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE This chapter utilizes the paradigm framework introduced in Chapter 3 to examine the theoretical lens through which Mexican practitioners conceptualize and practice culture in development at the national level. The previous chap ter established global development as a model for national and local development and used the paradigm framework to outline the positivist structure of global development. This chapter continues that trend as it utilizes the paradigm framework to cross com pare the positivist structure of global and Mexican development. At the same time, the discussion identifies how agency interacts with global and local structures and determines how Mexican practitioners treat culture in their daily work. The discussion de monstrates that cultural considerations are less avoidable at more local levels of development and particularly in democratic national contexts. As global theory and policy provide little guidance on how to incorporate cultural considerations in the human centered goals of the Millennium Development Project, practitioners at the national level are left with the burden of reconciling a key mismatch in development theory and practice. Mexico in the Top Down Flow of Development It is thought that development trends follow a top down flow from global to local, particularly in countries like Mexico that have so thoroughly consolidated global development structures. Since at least 2007, Mexico has been the tenth largest contributor of resources to the United Nati ons (Permanent Mission of Mexico to the United Nations 2012; Romn 2007; UNDP 2011a) Mexico serves as the leader in the Latin American region as it is home to 20 UN offices, including seven offices that focus on Mexican development and 13 that manage Lati n American and Central American
114 efforts (Permanent Mission of Mexico to the United Nations 2012; UNDP 2011a) The United Nations Development Program maintains offices in Chiapas and Yucatan to coordinate development funding, programs and projects from acro ss the UN system (UNDP 2011b) (UNDP 2011b) Mexico has proven an avid supporter of UN development policy, i ncluding the Millennium Development Goals. Currently, Mexico is on track to complete all but one of national development policy in consolidating the MDG framework in Mexico (MDGMonitor 2007) The remainder of the discussion examines the influence global development theory has on the current structure of national development policy. In a general sense, national development policy adopts the positivism of the global developme nt literature. carbon copy of global development policy. While Mexican development is certainly influenced by global structures, it is also influenced by national structures, su ch as democracy, and the collective agency of policymakers. Mexican development policy is ultimately an artifact of the total recursive system of Mexican development that differs in important ways from the global model. A par adigm framework is used to unpack the theoretical entanglement of global development and national influences to ultimately identify how culture is theoretically interpreted and practically treated in Mexican development policy. This discussion lays the gro undwork
115 for understanding the global, national and local influences in Yucatecan development eflects the positivist belief that there is only one development reality and that all Mexican populations can be located within this reality ( Guba 1990:19 ; Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007 ) he National modernize the life of the nation, in all its facets, to construct a prosperous, ju st and fully (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:8) Indeed, the Plan goes on to explain how the government and the people can participate in shaping institutions that development (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007; Sachs 2005c; United Nations 2003) As such, this statement captures the belief in a universal development path, not only for Mexicans, but for Mexico as a nation amidst other countries who have paved the path to development. The above quotation identifies democracy as a national structure that significantly influences the total recursive system of realist ontology is communicated through the language of democracy, which recognizes a common destiny of people who are united through their citizenship in a bounded un pueblo (a community) global family portrait to unify the people of Mexico through a common history, shared
116 national values and their need to work together to ensure that their collective future is a positive one (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:30) I n this sense, the belief in a common development reality derives from the belief in one national reality, more generally; Mexicans share one national reality, so everyone will follow along the same development path. Manifestations : While the belief in the universality of development is present in the National Development Plan, the manifestations of it differ significantly from those in developm ent in a uniquely Mexican model that deviates from the model of unidirectional evolutionism drawn by global development institutions. Rather than mention generic stages of growth, the Plan instead refers to periods of Mexican history that have prepared the country for major developments in the new millennium (i.e. an open, diversified economy, minimal foreign debt and democratic governance ). The Plan history as the process of p utting those pieces in place. While the pieces are recognized are placed. Plan does not c s of another country Although the Plan recognizes Mexico as a developing country with more ground to cover on the path of development, it does not view itself as being backward or behind. On the contra
117 than how far it has left to go. suggest a universal path to development. It generally does not use the terms of unidirectional evolutionism, like above/below and forward/behind, and directional metaphors such as development (Collier 2007; Sachs 2005). Rather it speaks in te rms of proposed by the global development literature, which is to describe those who retur ned (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:7) Discussion belief in one development reality appears to derive directly from global development theory. This is evident in the understanding of development as a path from poverty to location in the broader structure of global development. Mexico became familiar with the concept, theory and practice of development as a developing country in the broader global system, meaning that its understanding of development is overwhelmingly limi realist ontology is influenced by global structures because policymakers recognize the role these structures played in the successful development of the country and wish to continue that trend. However, it is also now influe successfully developing country (Warman 1976) This experience has made
118 the modification of global structures that reflect the needs a nd interests of the country. structure of Mexican development. political structure. The in fluences of democracy are evident in the National Development Plan, which works simultaneously as a declaration of intent to the global development community and as a presidential promise to the people of Mexico. Policymakers and elected officials actively development structure as these ideals are shared by the population these officials country are practiced in de velopment policy. This recursive practice influences the reconstruction of a global ontology into a uniquely Mexican structure. National development policy supports an objectivist epistemology, which reflects the belief th at development experts can and should maintain objectivity in the investigation of development processes and the identification of development problems. Of course, this epistemological belief derives from the structure of global development, which imagines development experts to be fully detached from the processes under investigation. Mexico fully supports the global development structure and its pre packed belief that development research can be conducted objectively. In this regard, developing nations li already accept global practitioners as experts of development processes. Whether t hese experts or their science are objective is not important; they have determined what
119 characteristics make a m (see Hart 2001) Manifestations : This discussion has already highlighted how expertise manifests in the National Development Plan. Other manifestations of an objectivist epistemology are largely co mparable to those trends noted in the global literature. First, the Plan takes on a problem/solution format that is unquestionably influenced by the global structure in its holistic theoretical understanding of these complex processes (see Hart 2001) Almo st mirroring the global literature, the Plan explicitly recognizes that the benefits and opportunities of globalization have been unequally available and government programs and services had, in past decades, not reached their intended audience. The result ing inequalities are what Mexico has identified as the root of poverty, marginalization and vulnerability. Inequality is understood to limit ability to participate in a democracy that both represents and meets their needs. It is also understood to limit employment opportunities, causing the economy to be slower than it could be if everyone were working in wage earning jobs. Without the means to participate in the political and economic life of a modernizing country, these disadvantaged groups conti nue to be neglected. The problem/solution format of sustainable human development is evident as the Plan targets the mechanisms by which populations are neglected. It is thought that, by taking steps to incorporate these populations, poverty will take care of itself. Second, this holistic understanding of development processes gives way to a few loose dichotomies in the national development literature. By identifying inequalities as the root of poverty and marginalization in Mexico, the Plan necessarily div ides the
120 country into people who have enjoyed the benefits of globalization and those who have not. The plan suggests that those who have been neglected by globalization are those living in regions that are isolated from the modern economy and government s ervices like education and healthcare. The Plan suggests that these are rural regions as it talks (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2 007:7) S everal dichotomies emerge and begin to define isolated and lack are characteristics of people who were left out of modernization and contrast with such characteristics as urban, globalized and laden with oppo rtunity. While the Plan speaks in the language of solidarity to unite Mexicans in the mission for pment will be determined by his or her social, economic and even geographical position. Discussion : While global development practitioners are accepted as objective researchers of development processes, some national structures influence objectivist objectivist e of global development. As experts from a successfully developing country, Mexican practitioners are caught in a liminal space of expertise. In relation to the global system, they are research subjects still under investigation by objective global practitioners. From within Mexico, however, they are development experts who would naturally take the role of objective researchers of national development processes. The Plan thus reflect special form of expertise Their responsibility is not to produce or question the structure, but to reproduce it through
121 application at the national level. This is not to say that Mexico only passively recei ves development. While the pieces of the development puzzle might have already been practitioners act as conduits of the global structure in Mexico. Yet, while Mexic an practitioners fulfill this more passive role in global development, they are also participating in the construction of a uniquely Mexican structure of expertise. The Plan reflects that policymakers and development administrators view themselves as being development. Policymakers are elected or appointed based on their expertise in development and political affairs, which involves identifying problems and generating solutions that benefit the entire country. While t he ability of a practitioner or policymaker to use objective judgment is prized, expertise in these politically oriented position s also identify with those suffering fr om development problems. The democratic structure of Mexico again plays a role in the practice of positivism, as Mexican development administrators must maintain balance between expert objectivity and democratic ideals. Methodology While the National Development Plan provides little information concerning the methodology of Mexican development, the literature published by the federal Secretariat of Social Development (SEDESOL) evidences an empirical experimentalist method ology (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007; SEDESOL 2012) This positivist methodology aims to reduce if not eliminate the interference of researcher bias by casting questions in such a way that nature alone exposes the answer (Guba 1990) Like in the global lite rature, an empirical experimentalist methodology in Mexican
122 development is characterized by the use of calculative sciences and strategies that function in 1) making barriers to development and other development problems empirically recognizable and 2) red from development processes. National structures and practices also support and give local meaning to empirical experimentalism within the total recursive system of Mexican development. Manifestations : As methodology is primarily characterized by a belief in the objectivity and universality of economic calculation. The emphasis on economic calculation no doubt derives from term entangle ment with global development institutions during the last few decades of the nineteenth century. Not only was global development characterized agencies began as the result of the 1982 debt crisis that caused a domino effect in many Latin American economies (Franko 1999) Development was thus introduced in Mexico as economic development, specifically, a concept that was reinforced by global development theory until the start of the Millennium Development Project. Given this history, it is no surprise that economic calculation is still highly respected and frequently used among Mexican development agencies and practitioners. Indeed, it i s through the objectivity of economic ca confidently identify persistent poverty, marginalization and vulnerability as key development problems in the country. Mexican enthusiasm for the Millennium Development Project has introduced the Mil lennium Development Goals as a second form of calculative measures. Mexico is
123 well equipped to take on the challenge of forming indicators and measuring progress thanks to the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI). INEGI has been collectin g and monitoring statistics toward various political ends since 1882, but its realized until 1983, just one year after Mexico found economic refuge in the arms of global development agencies (INEGI 2011b) Today it is linked with a number of multi lateral and global development agencies not least of which is the UN Millennium Development Project, and is responsible for developing i ndicators of and collecting quant itative data on economic, social, demographic and geographic trends in the country (INEGI 2011a; INEGI 2011d) Each of these indicators ultimately informs These statistical calculations are of utmost importance in the development context as Mexican practitioners use them to identify meaningful development indicators, design programs, allocate funding, select recipient populations and measure program outcomes. INEGI is rical experimental methodology. Discussion term entanglement with global development institutions. ts development history of economic crisis and rescue by economically oriented global development agencies. This is not to mention that the United States has helped (for better or worse) to solidify lateral and international economic s as an engine for development (Franko 1999; Scott, et al. 2006) Development is today structured by the Millennium
124 be objectively measured and monitored (Fukuda Parr 200 4) INEGI has played an integral role in developing the measures and indicators and collecting the data (INEGI 2011c) It has also provided the standardized data necessary for global development agenc ies to assess (INEGI 2011d) However, an empirical experimental ist methodology has added meaning in the total recursive system of Mexican development thanks to a few national structures. The most importan t of these structures is the Federal Law of Transparency and Access to Public Information, which was implemented in 2003 to dismantle past structures of governmental corruption by granting full access to public information (Cmara de Diputados 2012; Heyer 2006) Under updated versions of the law, all federal and state agencies are required to provide the public with information concerning budgetary resources, expenditures and allocations, regulations and organizational framework (Guerrero Amparn 2005; Heye r 2006; Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007) A brief look at the transparency information of any federal or state agency demonstrates that transparency has, in most thematic areas, become synonymous with the provision of standardized, quantified data. These nume rical figures and statistics are imbued in Mexico with a sense of honesty and fairness as they promote transparency through influenced by the structure of global development an d national and local practices surrounding the use of economic data and quantified calculations serve to re enforce and reaffirm this structure.
125 Culture in Mexican Development Policy and Practice rategy and the global development literature, including that related to the MDGs, is the frequent use of development literature generally attempts to avoid bringing cultur e into the equation, the national development literature pushes it to the fore, illustrated by its use of the words recognizes how important culture is to its citizens as historical wealth that makes us proud and whose roots continue to be fundamental in (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:8) It also cites its cultural diversity as an important part of Mex a globalizing world. At the outset it is important to recognize the now deeply institutionalized contributions of Mexican applied anthropologists who played a foundational role in the democracy and development policy. The prominence of the term culture in the National Development Plan undoubtedly derives from the foundational work of Manuel Gamio. Often cited as the father of Mexican anthropology, Gamio 2010) was responsible for democratic structure and establishing cultural diversity as a Mexican value (Brading 1988). His studies in archaeology and anthropology emphasized the indigenous roots of Mexico and illustrated the country as a conglomeration of various cultural groups that could and should be unified into a single Mexican nation. contributions in national policy and rhetoric, but his foundational conclu sions also laid
126 the groundwork for the continued influence of Mexican applied anthropologists in national development policies and programs. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltr n was among the first anthropologists to examine how national development policies and progra ms favored modernization at the expense of indigenous culture (Collier 1987) A number of programs aimed at protecting and promoting indigenous culture came out of this research, not least of which were those organized and directed by anthropologist Alfons o Caso (Leon Portilla 1973). The later academic work of Arturo Warman (1976) exposed the continued exploitation of indigenous agricultural producers that took place as a side (Friedlander 197 7; Pittman 1983; Womack 1977 ) Much of his professional work in reforming various institutions of the federal government ameliorated this exploitation by empowering indigenous people with the legal power to address grievances and request reparations (Azuel a et al. 2004) The work of these applied anthropologists illustrates a long history of institution building in Mexico. Their contributions have forged a close relationship between democracy and development that simultaneously recognizes the role of cultu re in Mexico and opens space for its inclusion in national policy. The prominent role of culture in the National Development Plan further suggests that as development becomes more local, culture can be less and less overlooked or avoided. This is illustra ted in the ethnically diverse case of Mexico, but is probably also visible in other developing countries whose multiculturalism includes indigenous groups, multi generational immigrant populations and a former colonial population. This places national deve lopment policymakers in a precarious position as the global development
127 literature, which sidesteps culture, provides no guidance for handling this aspect of development. perhaps forces) policymakers to confront the issue head on. The Plan takes up this mission by connecting potential culture loss with development, defined as the modernization of political, economic and social institutions. It states: We are, at the end of the day a nation that, faced with the challenges of globalization and global change, has everything it needs to achieve a better and higher level of development that permits us to raise the quality of life and have a competitive economy that generates employment without losing our cultural essence and our social and natural patrimony. [Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:8] The Plan is less explicit about how it will go about ensuring that culture will not be lost in the march of modernization, particularly as it fails to clearly define or conceptualize culture. Analysis of culture concepts in the National Development Plan determined that policymakers understand culture from a perspective of methodological holism, which is to say that culture is understood as a fixed st ructure that determines the behavior, beliefs and worldview of its cultural members (Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) This is apparent in the national literature, which conceptualizes culture as heritage or the specific lifeways into which a person is born. In fa ct, culture is often wrapped up in generation and will be passed on to the next. While patrimony is sometimes clarified as being social, natural or financial, giving a sense of its breadth, it is more frequently used patrimony, liberties and rights of all Mexican are protected, Rule of Law will provide a firm base for the optimal dev (Poder Ejecutivo
128 Federal 2007:10) Patrimony, in this sense, refers to all things inherited, including culture. Further, culture is frequently coupled with history as in the above quote that (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:8) Such couplings solidify the concept of culture as a structure that derives from the past and is lived in by those born into it. This structure is responsible for the way people dress, how they co ok their food, where they wor k, their family values, etc The implication of this methodological holism is that human will plays little to no role in how people behave, the decisions they make or what they believe (Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) It is this perc eived passivity that the Plan seeks to overcome. On one hand, the Plan urges Mexicans to improve their own lives by participating actively in the social, political and economic life of their communities and of their country. Such activity encourages people to step outside of the cultural structures reproduced within the family political system and economy are those in which people can participate fully and equally without discrimination. While the plan urges some portion of the population to become more active, it reminds everyone to respect the diversity of others as they integrate into public life. These measures pave the way for Mexico to protect its culture in the proc ess of modernization Because Mexico defines poverty in a social sense to identify social inequality as the root of economic poverty, respect for diversity is a key aspect of ins discrimination that limits people from social, political and economic opportunities. Thus,
129 while Mexico follows the global model of introducing an open, free market economy and employing Mexicans in this market, it rejects the idea that employment in an open economy necessarily results in cultural homogeneity. On the contrary, a non discriminatory society in which people of different cultures actively participate allows for Mexi cultural space. Anthropologists would be quick to point out that economic organization is an important cultural factor, so much so that reorganizing it necessarily leads to culture treatment of culture as structures inherited from the past means that culture can be protected through preservation That is, people can still remember their past and practice the empirical elements of their culture, such as enacting traditions, dressing a certain way and honoring their ancestors, even if their public lives contribute to modernity. The implication is that cultural structures stay intact in the private life of an individual, particularly in the realms of family and community affairs the ve ry institutions This conclusion is reflected in the work of Warman (1976), whose study of the impact of national development efforts on indigenous culture determined that many indigenous practices w ithstand modernization as they are needed to promote the survival of indigenous agriculturalists being exploited by capitalist production. Among these practices are subsistence farming, compadrazgo (fictive co parenthood) and strong interdependence among f amily members, to name a few (Warman 1976; Friedlander 1977). Thus, from a holistic perspective, the National Development Plan pledges to protect culture from the march of modernity in the public realm by equal participation and a lack of discrimination, and in the private realm by individual family and
130 community based efforts to maintain inherited cultural structures. From a more practice oriented perspective, culture may also be understood to protect itself in the private realm through the maintenance of daily practices as survival strategies. Unfortunately, the National Development Plan does not lay out any methods for fre e opportunity for global institutions to see what happens when a development institution attempts to incorporate cultural goals and data. In other words, Mexico and other developing countries that must incorporate cultural goals can serve as a model for gl obal development institutions and even a testing ground for working out issues associated with cultural goals. Of course, this would need to be a conscious rather than a retrospective effort as it would require the development of new tools and the streamli ning of concepts to understand the role of culture in national development. This dissertation aids in that project through the presentation and testing of the encounters approach. Chapter 5 aims to develop the recommendations and tools necessary to begin s ystematically identifying the role of culture in development.
131 CHAPTER 5 CULTURE IN YUCATECAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE This chapter simultaneously works toward the achievement of two of the research objectives. First, it is the last of three chapters that determine how culture is interpreted and treated in the Millennium Development framework. This mission began with an ex amination of the global development framework in Chapter 3 and moved to national chapter continues the trend of using the paradigm framework to examine Yucatecan development as a total recursive system of practices, agency and structures that is highly influenced by global development but is uniquely influenced by local structures and forms of agency. Use of the paradigm framework allows the discussion to connect the positivist te nets of Yucatecan development policy and practice to specific theoretical interpretations and practical treatments of culture at the local level. The discussion demonstrates that cultural considerations are unavoidable at more local levels of development a nd particularly in the context of a democratic state government. Global development guides local development efforts, but the avoidance of culture concepts in global development theory leave local practitioners painfully ill prepared to address human cente red problems in a multi cultural, democratic context. Second, the global to local cross comparison that concludes in this chapter results in a clear view of the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. The final section applies the conclusions of t he chapter toward an outline of the culture of Yucatecan practitioners. That is, it highlights the recursive practices that inform and are and global structures in which they work. This outline of practitioner culture is essential
132 in meeting the third research objective, which is to determine the role of culture in three development programs in Yucatan, Mexico. Both practitioner and recipient culture are of interest to thi s study as the encounters approach emphasizes that members of both groups are cultural agents that actively participate in the negotiation of program success. The description of practitioner culture provided in this chapter promotes the achievement of the third objective in Chapter 6, which examines the role of practitioner and recipient culture in three state development programs in Yucatan. Yucatan in the Top Down Flow of Development It was originally assumed that development follows a top down flow from global demonstrated interest in participating in and upholding the global development framework has allowed for significant influence of positivism in the total recursive system o f Mexican development. Mexican development is by no means a carbon copy of global development, but the heavy influence of global structures is undeniable. Given develop Indeed, this centralization means that most state funds for development come directly from the federal government and are regulated according to federal interests. Despite this centra overly influenced by national development policy. This section demonstrates that, rather than adopt the uniquely Mexican aspects of national development policy, state policymakers instead went stra ight to the source to implement global rather than national structures. At times, the literal translation of the global development structure into Yucatecan development seems to highlight that Yucatecan policymakers
133 purposefully skipped over national polic y in favor of direct guidance from the original source. This preference is most likely an expression of political agency in a specific moment in Yucatecan history. It has been noted that the 2007 2012 gubernatorial term in Yucatan is the first time in at l east eight decades that the state government has not been presided by the same political party as the federal government. Yucatecan and practice, but non discursive carries a chip on its shoulder for being led by a federal PAN government. While down flow of development, it challenges the assum ed course of this top down flow. The case of Yucatan demonstrates that development policymakers may express their agency in favor of a more direct top down flow. Yucatecan development policy and practice embody a realist ontology which reflects the positivist belief that there is only one development reality and that all Yucatecan populations can be located within this reality ( Guba 1990:19 ) This realist ontology undoubtedly derives from global development theory, which serves a s an influential structure in the total recursive system of Yucatecan and Mexican development. However, a number of national and local structures influence the particular way in which this realist ontology is expressed. The primary goal of Yucatecan devel (Yucatan 2007b:5) The emphasis on modernity, specifically, derives from the Mexican National Development Plan, as the global literature generally minimizes the u se of the word
134 The goal does, however, embody many of the evolutionistic principles that guide the global development structure but are less evident in national policy. Also like the n ational Plan, (Yucatan 2007b:1) .While it is possible that Yucatecan policy derived its emphasis on structure influenced the state development plan independently. Manifestations: The realist ontology of Yucatecan development policy and practice is evident as practitione rs base their work on two universalizing structures, both of which derive from global development agencies. The first is the international human rights structure, which derives from the United Nations ( 1948 ) respect for human rights is not surprising, it is their insistence on the universality of these rights that calls attention to a realist ontology ( Cerna 1994 ) One Yucatecan administrator in this research clarified that he recognizes five fundamental human rights, including the ri human rights derive from this base. This particular understanding of the structure of human rights allows for practitioners to base their practices on a second universal struct ure, that of capitalist fulfillment ( Seabright 2010 ) The same administrator s o that we can incorporate them in the productive scheme. This is going to allow them to be self sufficient and, to a great measure, their wages improve. And with improved
135 st 2011). While work promotion support s the development of a state economy, it is also understood as an investment in the well Alongside these universalizing structures practitioners imagine a single state development reality r own characteristics They are historic conditions, economic, social and even cultural is comparable to other visualizations of a single development reality in the global literature, such as t he global portrait of development or the ladder of development, both proposed by Sachs (2005b) It also serves the same holistic function; it holds every population up to the same standard of development, which allows practitioners to comparatively identif y which populations are in need of development assistance. The realism on which the total recursive system of Yucatecan development is founded gives way to several trends in development practice. The first is the application of evolutionistic principles t Yucatan. At times, the application of these evolutionistic principles is overt and literal. For example, one administrator noted the evolutionary goals of the Ecological Stove Program as he explai ned: From the ground, they raise [the stove] so [recipients] can prepare food for themselves. Once you have raised them up, you have lifted them. You have taken them out of their simian state. They are stuck to the ground and when they are raised beings, i t is when the human evolves, when he comes upright. You took them out of that because you raised them. That is the
136 world. Take them out of their medium primitive situation and incorporate them into another type of life. [personal correspondence, September 2011] More commonly, practitioners apply evolutionistic principles to shorter term social development rather than physical development of the species. This primarily results from practitioners empirical, practical focus on the problems that come out of co ntemporary historical processes. Practitioners reason that, although Yucatan has experienced only one history of globalization, modernization and development, these processes have not been equal in their distribution. This has resulted in the heterogeneity highlighted by the above quoted administrator. It is from this universalizing, historical perspective that practitioners often refer to populations as portions of Yucatan leaving them in a pre modern stage of development and without the inputs to continue their development. In this way, history serves as a holistic, universalizing framework for understanding development in Yucatan. All people can be holistically classified based on specific historical conditions and, through this classification, can be located within classifying p opulations are influenced by the global structure of development. Practitioners use several categorical terms to locate populations within the natural process of development that occurred in Yucatecan history and, as a result, lack access to formal employment oppor tunities. Marginalized populations are mostly
137 those who practice subsistence farming and live in rural areas that lack state services, transport and communication technology. refers to people whose opportunities to develop and modernize are blocked. While the already have access to or are tryi ng to access the inputs to modernity. This category breaks the limited socio geographic boundaries of marginality to incorporate people refers to people who are depende nt on something (e.g. the natural environment) or someone else for survival rather than the fruits of their own formal work. This category also breaks from the socio geographic boundaries of marginality to incorporate people form any part of the state and from any social background. In contrast to situations of marginality and discrimination, vulnerable groups are mostly spoken of as victims when category that, if sp oken about, would refer to Yucatecan populations who fully engage in the formal economy and the inputs to modernity ( Bourdieu 1977 ) This concept will not be engaged here, but will be discussed in the next section. These three overlapping categorical terms for development recipients allow for most frequently associated with directional words that place people of this category on a uni linear path to development. Mar modern.
138 stagnation in the process of becoming full y incorporated in modernity, particularly the modern economy. These groups are imagined to stand on the threshold of modernity in that they may live in a modern (urbanized) society, use technology, have access to state services and engage with the formal m arket as consumers, but lack the opportunity necessary to fulfill their development destiny as wage earners in the formal Discussion : Each of these manifestations of a realist ontology can be connected with the structures and agency within the total recursive system of Yucatecan logy is largely influenced by the structure of global development. This is evident in the realist beliefs of practitioners, which include the universality of human rights and the model of capitalist fulfillment, the applicability of social evolutionism, an d the holistic understanding of such social processes and situations as marginalization, discrimination and vulnerability. These beliefs inform positivist practices like the sketching of a state development scheme and the classification of populations base d on their access to the inputs of modernity and participation in the formal market. Such practices uphold the positivist structure of Yucatecan development, which derives from the global model. ding and practice of a realist ontology are also influenced by the structure of Mexican development and Mexican policymakers that modernization, specifically, is the key to d evelopment. This belief is practiced as Yucatecan policymakers identify marginalization as a key
139 development problem. Practitioners follow through with this idea in their own daily practices by categorizing populations based on their level of and access to modernity and designing programs based on these categories. Yuctecan practitioners and policymakers generally express their agency in favor of Yucatecan development structures that are unique from those at the national level. Yucatecan practitioners likel y adopted the Mexican definition of development not as an expression of agency in favor of national influence in state development structures but in favor of continued funding from the Mexican government. Finally, the democratic structure of the nation an d state influence the belief that it and modernize. Holistic categorizations based on economic, social and cultural conditions allow the state to objectively identi fy the populations most in need of state assistance. It is the agency of practitioners that ensure s that democratic values find their way into the structure of Yucatecan development. Of course, fuller participation in modernity, particularly the modern eco nomy, feeds back into the goals of economic growth and free market promotion that are favored by global practitioners. Democratic practices in Yucatecan development thus serve to connect the state with its people, with its country and, ultimately, with glo bal development. State development policy and practice support an objectivist epistemology, which reflects the belief that development experts can and should maintain objectivity in the investigation of development proces ses and the identification of development problems ( Guba 1990 )
140 opportunity to check this objecti vity by adhering to the anti corruption strategy of transparency (Guerrero Amparn 2005; Heyer 2006; Yucatan 2007b:2,4,8,9,12) Development practitioners share in this objectivist belief and practice it through their work in policymaking and in designing, implementing and interpreting the outcomes of development programs. overwhelmingly influenced by the structure of global development. The structure of Mexican development ha s very little influence in the objectivist expressions and manifestations of Yucatecan development, which suggests that the political agency of Yucatecan policy makers played a key role in the structuring of Yucatecan development. However, the Law of Trans parency and Access to Information, which is a legal structure of the country and state, influences the expressions of objectivism in the State Development Plan. Manifestations : The concept of expertise frames the objectivist epistemology of development pr actitioners in Yucatan. At the state level, the idea and meaning of expertise is imbued with the diverse responsibilities one must fulfill as a liaison between budget co upled with a political structure that seeks re election through democratic practice. On the other side is a pluralistic, voting public with diverse needs. All at once, practitioners must balance the interaction between society, economy and politics, all th e while being personally engaged in each of these realms through their own employment and interest in maintaining that employment. The responsibility of development experts is thus three fold. First, they must be able to comprehend and work within budgetar y
141 limitations, requiring the skills of long term planning and resourcefulness. Second, they must be able to work with the public in ways that allow them to understand the needs of various groups, many of which are unfamiliar to practitioners. Third, and mo st importantly, they must be able to translate between these two areas of expertise, requiring the special skills of locating public needs within policy interests and justifying erefore and politician. The disproportionately high percentage of Yucatecan practitioners with science, technology, engineering and mathematics degrees corresponds wit h the objectivist belief that experts of scientific measure and calculation are most qualified to perform these various roles. In a related sense, the holistic theoretical perspective of development, coupled with a realist ontology and objectivist epistemo logy, means that development expertise is also partly defined by training in holistic theory and methods. Those with degrees in fields that specialize in holistic theory and methods, such as engineering or accounting, are often automatically accepted as de velopment experts. Although holistically trained experts are not guaranteed to be any good at their roles as anthropologists and politicians, it is assumed that their objectivity and holistic perspective will guide them through these hazards. What occurs i s that every role a development practitioner must play is handled with the same form of expertise, even those that are not improved by or well suited to objectivist or holistic treatments. Of course, this research argues that this mismatch between theory a nd the demands of practice results in gaps in outcomes at
142 each stage of development programs. This will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 6. Training in holistic theory and methods is essential in being able to visualize populations face in this process, such as discrimination, marginalization and tradit ional culture. However, while identifying the barriers is the first step, the real expertise of a Yucatecan practitioner is the ability to identify practical problems that can be effectively correspondence, August 2011). Budget limitations ultimately require practitioners to narrow larger theoretical problems into more specific practical problems in order to justify spending. As is reflected in the global development l iterature, a problem/solution format coupled with an emphasis on expertise gives way to a top down flow of development. The top down flow of development is partially a matter of mechanics: once a government is voted into office, it controls the state and f ederal funding that makes programs possible. Practitioners reaffirm this structure in development through their own practices. For one, practitioners often talk in terms of aid and intervention. Words any strategies for aiding people in to look for [recipients] and find them and generate public policy to help them, so we can
143 abate the backwardness of these communities w correspondence, August 2012). The state is responsible for creating public policy that aids communities in escaping conditions that they were not able to escape on their own. This top down thinking on the part of pract itioners gives way to a number of dichotomies in Yucatecan development practice. First and most important is the us/them dichotomy that also pervades global development theory. In terms of recursive practice, the us/them dichotomy is a pragmatic separation development. Non discursively, however, the definition of development in Yucatecan policy leads to the practice of a modern/marginalized dichotomy ( Giddens 1984 ) The achieving this goal is the reduction of marginality. Marginality generally refers to rural subsistence farmers whose geographic isolation limits access to state services, formal employment and technological inputs that would otherwise help them out of marginality. As marginalized populations lack access to inputs of modernity, they are understood as non marginalization and makes up an implied fourth category of Yucatecan citizens ( Bourdieu 1977 ) those who have access to the inputs of and recursively practice modernity and incorporates practitioners who both practice and promote mod ernity. The us/them dichotomy is therefore the practice of an objectivist epistemology and social caught in a pre modern state who need help in overcoming the barriers they face to modernization.
144 This modern/marginalized dichotomy and ideas of expertise come into play as practitioners embrace their responsibility in helping marginalized populations through modernization. As practitioners are responsible for promoting mo dernity, they often also serve as a model of modernity. This was evidenced in the Ecological Stove Program as now they are going to learn to use the stove of a normal kitc practices, in this case cooking practices, serve as a standard or model of modernity. He judges use of state provided cooking technology to promote definition of normality. It is essential to recognize that such value based dichotomies, arbitrary as they may seem, are validated by objectivist be liefs in the expertise of practitioners. Discussion: practices that are overwhelmingly influenced by the structure of global development. This discussion has highlighted how the global structure influences practitioner beliefs concerning expertis down flow of Yucatecan development. Practitioners support the maintenance of this structure through their daily practice of dichotomies and the design of programs as intervention and aid. Pr actitioners also express their agency in ways that influence a uniquely Yucatecan structure of development at the state level. In relation to expertise, the governor of Yucatan broke from the mold of hiring economists and engineers by
145 appointing a sociolog ist to serve as the director of programs addressing vulnerability. This sociologist is the only social scientist in a director position of the Secretariat (and perhaps the only social scientist in the entire staff of the Secretariat) and also maintains a h olistic theoretical perspective of development processes. However, the placement of a sociologist in a director position suggests recognition that social science perspectives are useful if not needed in Yucatecan development and open s space for them to gu ide all practices concerning the reduction of vulnerability. The political agency of Yucatecan policymakers is again suggested in the conspicuous absence of influence from the Mexican National Development Plan. It is true that both national and state devel opment policy are influenced by the democratic political structure, but this democratic tone is presented differently in each Plan. At the national level, Mexican practitioners and policymakers are included in a Mexican citizenry that is bound together by Development Plan, on the other hand, emphasizes its top down management of development, as it concludes that development is made possible through public policy and that policymaking is the responsibility of the government. The Plan states that the government will work to incorporate the voices of citizens, but even this inclusive action maintains a top down gatekeeping role on the part of the government. It is possible that the differences in the national and state plans are influenced by the differences in the PAN and PRI models of governance. The PRI, which governed Yucatan during the 2007 2012 period, is known for its top down governance, so much so that its similarities to authoritarianism led to the elect ion of the PAN in the 2000 elections ( Haber 2006 ) As an opposition party to the top down governance of the PRI, the PAN took on a political
146 persona of democratic unity that is evident in the 2006 2012 National Development emphasis o n top down management of development may purposefully set Yucatecan PRI politics apart from the PAN politics laid out in the down flow of development is simultaneously an expression of agency in favor of the global structure and against the Mexican structure. methodology that reduces potential expert bias by asking questions in a way that allows nature to answer ( see Guba 1990 ) State policy upholds the global structure of development as the State Development Plan (2007b) uses quantitative measures like statistics and demographic calculations to maintain objectivity through empir icism. Such calculations support realist beliefs, as their universal applicability and standardization are used to expose the natural state of reality and the comparative location of efers to the objective identification of the problems of development, which is achieved through the use of calculative measures and use of the scientific method. The influence of the global ments t he Clinical Economics proposed by Sachs (2005b:74 89) in the global development literature. Manifestations : The empirical experimentalism of Yucatecan development practice is evidenced primarily through the use of the scientific method and calculative mea sures. One administrator emphasized the need for practitioners to use empirical
147 wou ld allow bias to enter into the process, which threatens the democratic balance on which Yucatecan practitioners are so focused. This same administrator explained his preference for the scientific method, which is widely regarded as the premier positivist methodology for reducing researcher bias and maintaining objectivity. This particular administrator explained that he begins by hypothesizing a problem, then identifies the independent and dependent variables to demarcate the boundaries of that problem. In dependent and dependent variables are usually identified through national and/or state census data that was generated by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) in years past. In the case of marginalization, for example, statistical data concerning geography, language, e ducation and employment provide a basis for practitioners to objectively identify the independent and dependent variables that give dimension to the problem. Once the problem is identified and envisioned from a holistic th eoretical perspective, practitioners select indicators to measure the gravity of the situation and the influence of independent and dependent variables. Again, many of these indicators are found in INEGI data or other previously conducted survey or census data. Indicators ultimately form the basis of program justification and are presented in the form of statistics, probabilities, percentages and other quantitative measures that encapsulate objectivity and are designed to be universally comprehensible. When INEGI or oth er previously gathered data do not contain the information needed to identify variables and select indicators, Yucatecan practitioners may create their own tools for objectively capturing new information. Surveys are by far the most common too l as they simultaneously gather and quantify data that address specific
148 questions. Indeed, one of the key purposes of the RedCuidar program was to collect data on specific dimensions of disability that had not been collected by INEGI or other statistical o rganizations. Practitioners frequently explained that INEGI disability research had not captured the difference between illness and disability, which practitioners identified as a significant variable in problems associated with vulnerability. The first ph ase of RedCuidar aimed to formalize the difference between illness and vulnerability through one on one surveying, which would aid in forming programs that more accurately fit the needs of disabled citizens. The scientific method, calculative measures and the use of quantitative tools like surveys fit within a holistic theoretical perspective. They maintain focus on macro level examination and thus function to simplify otherwise complex and contextual social s in his or her ability to view development processes and problems through a holistic theoretical perspective and to devise empirical experimentalist methods for objectively exposing those problems. I had the experience of witnessing the holism of practiti oners at work during the course of this anthropological research. The field director of the stove program offered to look over the questions I would be asking to recipients as part of my research. When I provided him a list of about twenty open ended, qual itative questions that would serve as a guide during my interaction with recipients, his expertise went to work. He immediately began categorizing the questions and, in a matter of moments, had drawn boxes that previous stove, expectations of the state into a single sheet, rephrase my questions to solicit closed ended responses and
149 swers. The goal of this restructuring was to streamline and standardize my interaction with recipients while at the same time quantifying recipient responses. His ability to quickly and effortlessly quantify and standardize my research questions speaks to his expertise as a field director in the positivist structure of Yucatecan development. It is this expertise in the theory and methods of holism that allows complex situations to be simplified into standardized quantitative figures. Again coinciding with t he global development literature, economic calculation is a second, but certainly no less important, empirical method used in the state literature. Unlike the National Development Plan, which defines poverty in social terms, the state Plan understands pove rty as a purely economic indicator that most commonly refers to monetary income. Concepts like marginalization, vulnerability and discrimination, on the other hand, are more social indicators that refer to isolation from state services, inequality, a lack of opportunities and precarious survival dependence. Even these become socio poverty through the creation of a modern economy (Yucatan 2007b:11) Marginalization and vulnerability drop in the short term through human capital investments made in pursuit of modernizing the country to attract foreign investment. High economic growth, low unemployment and reduced rates of poverty are used as empirical measures of the otherwise qualitati ve concept of modernity. Yucatecan development practice supports the broader goal of economic modernization by designing and implementing programs s programs include employment promotion as a main goal
150 and those that do not, such as the Ecological Stove Program, often result in the infusion of state funds into a local business that is paid to make the products recipients will receive (personal corres pondence, October 2011). In this way, Yucatecan development practice upholds the structure set out by the Millennium Development Project as it invests in human development and poverty reduction to promote economic growth. Discussion perimentalist methodology closely parallels that seen in the global deve lopment literature. C alculative, empirical methods are used in Yucatan toward the same ends they are used in the global development literature, which is to expose reality and the devel opment problems in it and to reduce the entry of researcher bias. Yucatecan practitioners share the holistic theoretical perspective of global development and enact this through the expert practices of using macro level, quantitative calculation to simplif y an otherwise complex and contextual development determining the dimensions and boundaries of a problem and ultimately designing programs based on these dimensions. These re cursive pra ctices encapsulate practitioner s agency in implementing and maintaining structures of global development in Yucatecan development. method ology encapsulate practition agency in a uniquely Yucatecan structure of development. First, the explicit use of the scientific method is unparalleled in the global development literature, which emphasizes calculative measures and economic science as the preferred methods for red ucing researcher bias in the identification of development problems. The scientific method is capable of incorporating a diversity of
151 interdisciplinary data without necessarily simplifying it into quantitative statistics and measures. While this may sugges complexity of development, their use of the scientific method from a purely holistic theoretical perspective serves to maintain the structure of global development in Yucatan. Second, Yucatecan policy and practice again reject the influence of Mexican Development Plan proposes a definition of poverty that involves both social and economic indicators. Yucatecan policymak ers and practitioners, on the other hand, opt for a strictly economic definition of poverty that mirrors that found in the global literature. In practicing the global definition, Yucatecan agency is simultaneously expressed in favor of global structures an d against Mexican structures. In a related sense, Yucatecan practitioners often utilize INEGI data to identify variables and select indicators for determining the dimensions of Yucatecan development problems. This is to be premier statistical agency and thus provides state level data that is rivaled by no other organization. Still, Yucatecan policy and practice frequently utilize other statistical databases such as that of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Develo pment (OECD), a global economic policy institution with official ties to the United Nations ( OECD 2012 ) Further still, practitioners of the Secretariat expended considerable resources in collecting their own data through RedCuidar and frequently cite the gaps in INEGI data as a justification for this invest resources in exploring the mere possibility of exposing new development
152 problems associated with disability Again, these practices that reject the influence of Mexican structures in Yucatecan development may signal the influence of political Culture in Yucatecan Development Policy and Practice C ulture as a b arrier : Much like the global development literature from which modern s backwardness, reducing inequalities and offering better productive and social alternatives to the por (Yucatan 2007b:5) State policy and goals are practiced in the Secretariat as practitioners often emphasize the reduction of marginality as one of the key interests of the Secretariat. This discussion has alrea dy demonstrated that marginality primarily refers to rural subsistence farmers whose geographic location limits access to state services, formal employment and technological inputs that would otherwise help them out of their marginality. Such groups are im agined to be pre The theoretical interpretations and practical treatments of culture in Yucatecan development start with state policy on culture change. The Plan states: The indi genous population, which even today preserves its centuries old customs and culture, deserves the respect of authority, as well as specific assistance that, without affecting their ancestral values, develop all their potential of achieving better life cond itions. [Yucatan 2007:6]
153 culture as something that derives from the past, evident in the use of such adjectives as between past and present and begins to reveal that the state Plan approaches culture from a holistic theoretical perspective ( Ritzer and Gindoff 1992 ) That is, the culture that derives from the past exists today as a structure, or what is referred to in t (Yucatan 2007b: 26, 6, 14) Linking this quotation with the one above, the Plan suggests that thes e customs and centuries old culture, however sacred they are, tend to keep indigenous populations in the therefore the economy. Further, the above quotation insinuates th at, although indigenous groups have the potential developing that potential on their own and need state help to do so. These quotations pment, as it limits the modernity. The definition of culture from a holistic theoretical perspective continues in Yucatecan development practice. When asked what culture is, pra ctitioners generally conclude that it is a structure, derived from the past that guides actions in the present. ancient people, from my ancestors and my grandparents and g reat parents. They
154 correspondence, August 2011). Another practitioner suggested that c ulture is a set of rules that are adopted at birth and guide a person throughout life. He explained that the you, that is the way they were born, stuck to the gro und, and they do not want to culture in Yucatecan development. On one hand, culture works as a barrier to modern modernity. For example, subsistence farming (understood as a cultural practice in this discussion and a tradition in the imagination of practitioners) creates barriers in the form of geographic and social isolation, lack of technology, and poverty, all of which limit possibilities of modernization. Subsistence farmers are overwhelmingly indigenous, leading practitioners to believe that subsistence farming is one such cultural r ule that tends to victimize citizens through insistence on a pre modern lifestyle. While culture is thought to keep indigenous or pre modern people from even imagining a life of modernity, the victimization continues as people attempt to access the inputs to modernity. A practitioner of Maya heritage expressed the inability to town: Many people go to study in Merida. They enter into a program and rather than return to the ir hometowns, they stay in Merida because they get used to the system. You see it as more comfortable and [you] have communication [technology]. But you get to a certain point and you want the pueblos ng out. [You
155 there think, I am better off here. I was raised here. I was born here. I am learn to do whate ver work I do. And I am going to pass all my beliefs to my family. [personal correspondence, August 2011] This quotation expresses the belief that culture presides over a person as it is built into his or her actions, beliefs and desires from birth. Those who attempt to change this innate structure by practicing modernity, in this case, often fail as culture pulls them back to the place and practices into which they were born. Culture victimizes people as they engage in modernity and see its benefits but ca nnot break from their cultural rules. of their own exclusion. Rather than it being cultural rules that keep a person from accessing the inputs to modernity and adopting modern practices, it is the person who is unwilling to break from the practices they know best. In discussions of program as they express disinterest in adopting new practices or trying new ideas. The perceived failure of the Ecological Stove Program led to many such accusations toward the agency of recipients. One practitioner expressed his exasperation as he explained: There is a cultural problem because, look, y ou put the ecological stove in front of them. You show them how to cook with it. They wait very contently. They see that, indeed, the smoke goes out the back of the house. But they 2011] In this program, practitioners demonstrated the benefits of the stove and believed recipients would use the stove when they registered to receive the equipment after the demo nstration. When practitioners found that most people were not using their stoves, recipients explained that the stove was difficult to install and much more difficult to light than the three is that
156 the stove demonstration was provided to women, not men, and that women generally are not responsible for installing such industrial equipment. Those women who successfully taught their husbands to install the stove ended up having trouble lighting the fire. They were not alone in this difficulty, as it took one state practitioner and two engineers who designed and built the stove 45 minutes to light the stove in the demonstration I was given. However, practitioners interpreted recipient responses fr om a holistic perspective and thus understood recipients to be confirming that 1) use of the three stone hearth is a cultural rule and 2) they were unwilling to put the time and effort into lighting the ecological stove because of this cultural rule. The misinterpretation of theoretical perspective of culture and leads to the conclusion that recipients are often agents of their own marginali ty. In these ways, culture comes to be theoretically interpreted as a barrier both to interpretation of culture from a holistic theoretical perspective, obvious as cult ure is now a commonly cited and unquestioningly accepted excuse for program failure. A realist ontology coupled with a holistic theoretical perspective ultimately leads to the practical treatment of culture as both a victimizing and agent related barrier t o development. This treatment not only provides a ready made scapegoat to salvage reputations in the event of project failure, it also gives way to a ready made justification for continued intervention against marginalization. Culture as a p roblem : Yucata interpretation of culture as a problem development must solve. As culture is theoretically
157 interpreted in state policy as a barrier to natural development, the top down engineering processes of development aim to identify and resolve culture problems that inhibit modernization and development. This translates to Yucatecan development practice as development reality and identify pract ical, affordable problems within it. Of course, the objectivist epistemology of Yucatecan development practice means that expertise largely boils down to the ability to think and practice from a holistic and especially positivistic theoretical perspective. The expertise of development practitioners allows them to identify culture as a ensuring that all populations have access to the inputs of modernity and especially employment i n the modern economy. An objectivist epistemology guides the practices that manifest from this problem identification. Most importantly, ideas of expertise and us/them dichotomies give way to cultural value judgments on the part of Yucatecan practitioners. The most obvious of these dichotomies is the modern/marginalized dichotomy that was previously discussed. In this dichotomy, practitioners (us) are modernity and recursively pract ice modernity. They stand in contrast to marginalized In the absence of objective measur es of culture and the role of culture in development, practitioners must use their expertise in holistic theory to identify which populations are in need of assistance in overcoming culture problems. Experts tend to
158 combine empirical observation with pre c onceived cultural ideas of what separates modern from non practices that are observable to practitioners. Those practices that are foreign to the y become the subject of scrutiny. Problems are justified when these traditional practices can be linked with statistical indicators of broader problems 1 One example is provided in the Ecological Stove Program in which the (recursive) practice of cooking w ith a three stone hearth was linked with health and environmental problems documented through global national and state level statistics ( Crewe and Harrison 2002 ; GIRA 2004 ; SEMARNAT and INE 2009 ) The linkage of subsistence farming with economic calcul ations such as poverty and income inequality offers another example common in Yucatecan practice. The cultural value judgment lies in the fact that the recursive practices of modernity are not held to the same scrutiny. Indeed, most practitioners do not re cognize their own goal of realizing a modern economy gives practitioners a sort of tunnel vision that encourages them to target traditional practices as inherently nega tive and promote modern practices as inherently positive. In the top down, problem/solution format of development, culture transforms from address in order to set r ecipient populations back on track to realizing their development destiny. One practitioner clearly summarizes how the culture problem must be 1 It should be noted that, although practitioners tend to focus on practices as outward expressions of culture, their holistic theoretical perspective limits their understanding of these practices as recursiv e practices that encapsulate the relationship between agency and structures in a total system.
159 The culture of these people does not allow us many things. It [requires] a stage of expressing strategies for interventi on. Practitioners explain that people often do not realize that their way of life and living conditions could be improved by development and modernization. These people, who are more often than not marginalized rural practitioners recognize the diff iculty of addressing culture problems. On the subject of History does not skip around. It has to be processes processes, processes, processes in order to get result Whereas other problems might be addressed through short term intervention or one off aid programs, undoing what is perceived to be an age old structure of traditions and customs takes time and effort. Culture as a d istraction: Unlike the global development literature that avoids culture as a distraction in development through its empirical experimentalist methodology, Yucatecan practitioners and policymakers suggest that culture may be a distraction, but it is a worthy distraction. The State Development Plan explicitly recognizes that culture should be protected in efforts to modernize the workforce and, like the Mexican National Development Plan, proposes preservation as a strategy. This
160 concern for culture seems inconsistent with the treatment of culture as a problem development must solve, but can be explained through the mismatch between the use of holistic theory and methods and the goals that guide Yucatecan development. Much like in the National Development protected through preservation measures. The Institute for the Development of Maya Culture (INDEMAYA) was cr eated for this purpose of preservation while various state sponsored events throughout the year celebrate traditional culture. One such event re creates a Maya ceremony called Janal Pixan or Food of the Spirits (Figure 5 1). Figure 5 1 A view of Janal P ixan in the main plaza of Merida
161 early November, the state government aims to preserve the uniquely Maya aspects of the holiday. The main plaza becomes an eclectic Maya village a s individual communities build model homes of wood and thatch and often even complete the scene with live animals and laundry hanging on a line to dry. Women in huipiles cook tortillas and soups over a three stone hearth. That there are no ecological stove s in use at this The roles of individual secretariats and institutes within the state government maintain the division of labor in handling culture. INDEMAYA is an institute of preservation and does not engage in modernization ( INDEMAYA n.d. ) Likewise, the Secretariat is a development agency and does not engage in preservation. Although these treatments of cu lture may seem contradictory, they are understandable in the aforementioned point that cultur e becomes less avoidable at more local levels of development. Practitioners at the global level increasingly find themselves in the conundrum of mismatched theory and goals in the Millennium Development Project, but overcome the problem by avoiding cultura l considerations where possible and co opting anthropological perspectives only in contained spaces when absolutely necessary. Policy and practice at more local levels and in democratic contexts do not have this luxury and instead suffer from the lack of g lobal structures on this important challenge in their work. They are forced to handle culture with the holistic theory they have, even if it
162 is not complete or seems inconsistent. Cultural preservation is the direct result of in the context of Yucatecan democracy, has been expertise to the test. The expertise of Yucatecan practitioners derives, in part, from their ability to identify practical, affordable problems and create programs to address these problems. Previous attempts to address culture problems using the holistic, empirical methods described in the previous section led to gaps in anticipated and actual results. For instance, connecting the practice of cooking with a three stone hearth to health issues and environmental degradation overlooked other important elements of recipient culture that discoura ged use of the ecological stove. These gaps suggest that culture problems are not practical, at least not in the development context where expertise is defined by the mastery of holistic theory and methods. Further, in the struggle to close these gaps, pra ctitioners have concluded that culture problems must be addressed through long term intervention in recipient communities and aid programs that involve training and an extended follow up period. These types of programs test the limits of program affordabil ity, and budgeting committees that prefer objective justifications and quantifiable results are less likely to approve these types of exploratory programs. Yucatecan practitioners who are both professionally and politically motivated to meet the needs of c itizens find themselves between a rock and a hard place; they recognize the importance of understanding the role of culture in development but the empirical experimentalist structure of Yucatecan development limits them from taking on such a project withou t guaranteed results. At the same time, practitioners question their
163 own ability to even understand cultural phenomena as it has proven elusive to the holistic methodologies with which they are most familiar. This is largely due to the holistic definition of culture as an invisible structure or an unstandardized set of unspoken rules that derives from the past and guides the beliefs and behaviors of traditional populations. Most elements of this definition past, beliefs, invisibility, lack of standardizat ion confound practitioners who are trained in holistic and specifically positivist methods. In effect, practitioners feel ill equipped for the multi faceted and seemingly unpredictable challenges culture presents. Outline of Practitioner Culture in Yucat an This discussion of the influences of global development theory in Yucatecan development policy and practice has provided a foundation for outlining the culture of Yucatecan practitioners. Chapter 2 laid out a practice oriented concept of culture in whic h recursive practices are understood to capture and embody the relationship between agents and structures in a total recursive system. This section highlights the recursive practices of Yucatecan development that embody the relationship between development practitioners and development structures in the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. These recursive practices ultimately outline the culture of practitioners, which is the first step in determining the role of practitioner and recipient cultu re in each of three stages of development programs in Yucatan. The first two recursive practices of Yucatecan practitioners were highlighted in inputs to modernity and, mo st importantly, the promotion of formal work among marginalized, vulnerable and discriminated against populations. These recursive practices are informed by the positivist structure of global development, which promotes
164 the application of universal p rincip l e s that locate every population in a single development reality. The promotion of modernity and a modern economy are linked with the provision of universal human rights and self fulfillment through participation in global capitalism. These recursive pract whereby development is understood as the process of realizing a modern economy. The agency of practitioners in relation to this recursive practice is expressed through program design. Chapter 6 illustrates that practitioners design programs around the recursive practices of providing the inputs to modernity and promoting formal work among marginalized, vulnerable and discriminated against groups. The design and implementation of these programs establishes Yu catan as a democratic state making progress toward development as they offer opportunities for modernization to those populations who were disadvantaged in the unequal distribution of global processes. The second two recursive practices of Yucatecan pract itioners were highlighted identification of barriers to development and the identification of problems that can be addressed by the state. These recursive practices are informed by the holistic, positivist complex and contextual social phenomena (like development, marg inalization and vulnerability ) through macro level examination. These recurs ive practices inform the down, problem/solution format. The agency of practitioners perpetuates the continuity of of development as they utilize their holistic theoretical perspective (expertise) to identify problems that can be
165 addressed in a top down, problem/solution format. In addition, the agency of practitioners is again expressed through program design. Chapter 6 illustrates that practitioners design programs around the recursive practices of identifying and solving practical, affordable problems. The design and implementation of these programs establishes Yucatan as a democratic state making progress toward dev elopment as they break down the barriers that are thought to keep marginalized, vulnerable and discriminated against people from realizing the universal development destiny of modernity. The final two recursive practices of Yucatecan practitioners were hig hlighted in the use of the scientific method and calculative measures to 1) identify marginalized, vulnerable and discriminated against populations and 2) determine their specific needs. These recursive practices are informed by the positivist structure of global development, which necessitates empirical methods to reduce the entry of researcher bias. These lopment, as they promote transparency in the selection of populations based on objective measures of need and also identify practical needs that can be addressed by the state. The agency of practitioners in relation to these recursive practices is expresse d through their simultaneous professional and political motivation to accurately identify the populations that need assistance and the dimensions of that need. It is through this agency that the empirical experimentalist methodology of global development i s perpetuated in also expressed through program design. Chapter 6 illustrates that practitioners design
166 programs based on identified needs and select recipient populatio ns based on their categorization as marginalized, vulnerable or discriminated against. The design and implementation of these programs establishes Yucatan as a democratic state making progress toward development as they fairly and accurately distribute dev elopment assistance. In concluding this chapter, it is important to point out some key contributions that derive from this discussion and promote the goals of the next chapter. First, the journey from global to local development has suggested that developm ent is, in and of itself, a total recursive system, as it is built by practices that encapsulate the relationship between agents and structures. Each chapter of this journey has outlined the total recursive system at each of the global, national and local levels. This final chapter has characterized by its holistic theory and positivist paradigm, but also by its democratic ideals. Each of these characteristics, including those democr atic characteristics of through the recursive practices of Yucatecan agents as they interact with state, national and global structures. Second, the holistic theoretical perspective of development would suggest that practitioners and policymakers are the exclusive agents of Yucatecan development and this discussion has not yet suggested otherwise. It is the mission of the next chapter to emphasize that practitioners are o nly one group of agents that influence the structure and character of Yucatecan development through recursive practices. Recipients make up the other group of agents and are equally influential in the total recursive system of
167 Yucatecan development, partic ularly because of its democratic character. Thus, while it might seem that this discussion has outlined the culture of development by identifying the recursive practices within development policy and practice, it has really only outlined half of the cultur al panorama. Use of the paradigm framework has roughly outlined practitioner culture at each of the global, local and national levels, while this closing section has provided a more detailed description of the culture of Yucatecan practitioners. The next c as it engages recipient culture in the reconceptualization of development programs as cultural encounters.
168 CHAPTER 6 DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS AS CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS This chapter analyzes three development programs of the state government of Yucatan as encounters between practitioner and recipient culture. Each program is introduced through a brief description that situates the program in relation to the global, nation al and state development policies that led to its initiation. Each program will then be discussed in relation to one of three stages of program completion including data collection and design, implementation, and outcomes. These stages are not scientifical ly distinct, but are differentiated by the types of encounters that occurred throughout the life of each program. The data collected on each program spanned all three stages of program completion; however, each program was selected to represent the stage t hat was observed by the researcher during the fieldwork period. Using the encounters approach laid out in Chapters 1 and 2, each of the three stages will be analyzed in terms of the actual encounters or interactions that occurred throughout that stage. St ages and encounters within them are treated as interactions between two development agents, practitioners and recipients, and are analyzed from each cultural perspective. The discussion identifies the recursive practices that guided encounters and examines the social structures and expressions of agency that influence those practices. The cultural perspectives of each encounter are then compared to expose the cultural negotiation that took place during the encounter and how this negotiation manifested in th e anticipated and actual results of the program. RedCuidar The Official Registry of People with Disabilities, also known as RedCuidar (Safety Net), is a two phase program to consolidate disability databases toward the
169 Table 6 1 Summary of holistic and relational results from each program RedCuidar Bakers Program Ecological Stove Program Holistic Interpretation Interpreted as a s uccess by practitioners Collected sound, systematic data Objectively justified need for intervention Broad reach of data interpreted as a distraction by some practitioners and an asset by others Interpreted as a s uccess by practitioners 94 percent of participants completed the course Program now meets needs of three vulnerable groups rather than just on e H igh interest in second phase of the program Interpreted as a f ailure by practitioners Only one of the 81 recipients interviewed used the stove as anticipated by practitioners 66 percent were not using stove a year after delivery 32 percent were using t he stove but not as anticipated by practitioners Relational Interpretation Top down format of encounters l imited interaction between practitioners and respondents Collected data in a vacuum free of respondent culture Proved respondents needed what the state had to give Broad reach of data was an asset to the program Work promotion objective was most effective among those who were already employed High interest in objective promoting alternative social networks Low interest in objective promoting alternative routine Few encounters between practitioners and participants resulted in many alternative uses of the program 32 percent of recipients interviewed were using the stove to meet their needs a year after delivery Further, 85 percent of these recipients were using the stove in ways that met program goals 65 percent were currently using the stove or had used it prior to the interview Stove m alfunctions and safety concerns were cited as top two reasons for abandoning the stove improvement of life conditions for disabled citizens. Such a program would be the first of its kind in Mexico and would therefore distinguish Yucatan as a state uniquely concerned with reducing poverty and increasing the quality of life among this vulnerable populati on. The program began in January 2011 as a one year pilot program to establish the need for and feasibility of creating a single statewide disability database. The first phase of this pilot program ran from January to October 2011 and focused on registeri began when the program director met with heads of other state agencies and medical
170 professionals to design a two page survey consisting primarily of close ended questions. Field pr actitioners then collaborated with municipal and state agencies to identify disabled citizens who had been or were currently registered in one of the many extant disability databases across the state. State practitioners trained and led teams of municipal practitioners to communities where they worked together to simultaneously conduct disability surveys and register disabled citizens into RedCuidar Between November 2011 and January 2012, practitioners planned for the second phase of the program, which wo uld utilize the survey data to verify the needs of disabled citizens and elaborate a variety of corresponding projects to address these needs. A state budget meeting took place in January 2012 where practitioners proposed and requested funding for speciall y tailored assistance projects such as medical diagnosis missions, labor training, financial assistance for small businesses and provision of educational materials. Unfortunately, RedCuidar did not receive funding in the 2012 budget and both phases of the program were put on hold indefinitely until resources could be located. This research examined the final three months of the first phase of RedCuidar and gathered rough data on project design. Program Origins The origins of the program illustrate the influ ence of global and national structures at the state level, but also identify RedCuidar as a uniquely Yucatecan program. The Millennium Development framework does not explicitly incorporate care for disabled people. Rather, the goals are focused more heavil y on the prevention of illness and certain health related accidents and do not specifically mention the prevention of disability even though this would be an associated result. When asked where the idea for RedCuidar originated the program director cited international
171 frameworks other than the MDGs, particularly universal human rights and the international rights of disabled people. He continued this emphasis on universality by ligation to provide special attention to disabled people, if not because it is mandated at the global level, then for the humble recognition that anyone could become disabled and find themselves needing special attention (personal correspondence, August 20 11) This acquired motor disability. The Mexican National Development Plan (2007) is very explicit about how disability should be incorporated into development efforts. In t he Plan, disabled people the promotion of equal opportunity (2007:214) The Plan begins to recognize the need for a disability database like RedCuidar as it states that f ederal, state and municipal (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:215) The Plan goes on to specif y a database like RedCuidar as a first step in achieving this objective. It states: A national diagnostic (census) will be conducted about people with disabilities and their families to know how many there are, how old they are, what disability they have, where they live [and] what services they receive, with the goal of putting in march national and state programs that bring them better opportunities for personal, family and social development. [Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:216] Interestingly, Yucatecan pr actitioners do not mention this federal objective as a source of inspiration for RedCuidar even though they frequently quote it almost word for word. Rather than give credit to the National Development Plan, they instead focus on the
172 conclusion that Yucata n would be the first state in Mexico to implement a single, statewide disability registry. Much like the National Development Plan (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007) the State Development Plan (2007b) recognizes disabled people as a vulnerable group and lays out specific measures for promoting equal opportunity, encouraging fuller community participation and improving policies and programs for disabled people. The Plan does not, however, mention a disability database or the coordination of various state and fe deral agencies to provide full and non overlapping benefits to disabled citizens. The connection of RedCuidar to global frameworks rather than national initiatives suggests an expression of political agency on the part of Yucatecan practitioners. The Role of Practitioner Culture in Data Collection and Program Design The first phase of RedCuidar provides an example of the data collection and design stage of Yucatecan development programs. The initial design of the survey put practit ioners of the S ecretariat in direct collaboration with program directors of other state agencies. These meetings constituted recursive encounters among development experts which ultimately served to re enforce a positivist framework. After the survey was designed and approved, practitioners began working with municipal practitioners to survey and register program recipients. This period resulted in recursive encounters between state and municipal practitioners but, more importantly, cross cultural encounters between practitioners and program recipients. The final step of the first phase of RedCuidar involved data analysis and the elaboration of vario us projects tailored to meet those needs of disab led people that emerged from the data. This final step involved en counte rs only among state practitioners of the Secretariat. This section
173 examines these encounters to identify the role of practitioner and recipient culture in the data collection and desig n phase of a state development program. Encounters among s tate p ractitioners : The initial encounters of RedCuidar consisted of official meetings among the various state institutions that have a stake in streamlining a disability database and collecting int citizens. These institutions, recognized as agents in the total recursive system of Yucatecan development, included the Secretari at, the Secretariat of Health, t he Institute for the Development of Maya Culture and a stat e agency charged with the integral protection of the family (DIF). A few outside area specialists, such as a priest and a medical doctor, were also consulted to edit and add questions. These initial encounters among development experts focused on creating a survey, which will be analyzed as an or conceptual product of recursive practices and is thus shaped by the relationship between agency and structure in a to tal recursive system. In this case, the survey, as rejection of structures in the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. The encounter through which the survey was created served as a site in which practitioners negotiated and ultimately upheld the positivist structure of development. From the outset, the creation of a statewide database reflects the realist ontological belief in one reality that can be known to those investigating it. To practitioners, disability is part of a single medical reality that can be extrapolated and differentiated from a complex backdrop of social, economic and geographic elements. One of the key purposes of forming the registry is to
174 August 2011 and September 2011). In an epistemological sense, encounters dealing with survey design were already imbued with a structure of positiv ism as the meetings were open only to practitioners whose expertise derives from their ability to think holistically and enact the tenets of positivism in their daily work. The formation of a universalizing database further solidified their expertise withi n this positivist structure. The creation of the database both derived from and served to re enforce the positivist structure of Yucatecan development by engaging development experts in the project of capturing Finally, the crea tion of a survey as an instrument for capturing reality reflects the empirical experimentalist methodology of a positivist framework. The two page survey, consisting of approximately 80 closed ended questions grouped into 14 thematic areas, promotes the ho listic understanding of disability in Yucatan. For example, the survey asks respondents (or perhaps the survey taker) to classify the ir disabilities into one of five categories, including motor, auditory, language, cognitive or visual disability. When aske d why this question was framed in a close ended format with only five options, the RedCuidar program director within the Secretariat explained that all disabilities can be categorized within these five options (personal correspondence, September 2011). Suc h closed ended questioning derives from the objectivist belief that a single reality can be objectively known while the categorization of disability on the survey holistically standardizes the data that will be used to design programs. Encounters between state and municipal p ractitioners : After designing the survey practitioners of the Secretariat began working with municipal practitioners to
175 survey and register program recipients. Participant observation of training sessions and surveying allowed for the examination of encounters between state and municipal practitioners. In order to begin surveying in a municipality, Secretariat practitioners first approached municipal authorities to explain the goals of RedCuidar and to request cooperation from the muni cipal offices of each of the state agencies that participated in the original design of the survey. All five municipalities granted the Secretariat full access and allocated between ten and twenty municipal level practitioners to assist in surveying progra m recipients. Encounters between state and municipal practitioners took place through training sessions in which diverse agents recursively practiced the positivist structure of development. The goal of the sessions was to communicate the importance of creating a statewide database, introduce municipal practitioners to the survey form and train them how to appropriately record inf ormation on the form. The encounter embodied the top down structure of development. State practitioners, whose expertise derives from their work at the broader state level as well as their participation in the design of the program, led these training sess ions to diffuse that expertise to municipal practitioners. Training sessions also solidified a dichotomy between practitioners and recipients that would ultimately structure practitioner recipient encounters. In the session, practitioners were trained to a ct as objective extractors of information. Respondents were cast as the logical opposite of expertise as they are recognized as speaking subjectively from their own perspective. The survey form both physically and scientifically re enforced this dichotomy. In a physical sense, the form itself would create an opaque barrier between practitioner and recipient. In a scientific sense, the survey was designed to minimize the
176 entry of qualitative information. The liminal position of municipal practitioners in thi s dichotomy created potential openings through which subjective data could enter into the se in objective data collection could allow for this subjectivity to enter into the survey data Training sessions aimed to plant municipal practitioners firmly on the expert side of the expert/respondent dichotomy, which would make for more objective data collection during survey encounters. Practitioners highlighted the need for these training sessions while reviewing the answers that were recorded on a survey taken by a municipal practitioner. When this practitioner asked a mother how her child acquired a cognitive disability, the mother of the rural municipality where the respondent lives, recorded this factual information to be input into the database by state practi tioners. A state practitioner familiar with Mayan medicinal practices explained that the mother was likely recounting the diagnosis provided to her by a local healer who determined that the child was so deeply disturbed by a message or omen that she lost t he ability to speak and process information. An like hands rubbing together, which signals that bad things will happen (personal correspondence, September 2011). Other stat e practitioners charged with inputting the data scoffed and criticized the unnamed municipal employee for cluttering their data with superstition. One state practitioner explained that the training session provided onses, such as asking follow up questions that
177 elicit details of the scenario in which the disability manifested. This negligence on the part of the municipal practitioner meant that state employees would have to estimate the tting the data into the online database. RedCuidar as a Cultural Encounter After the training session, practitioners were arranged into teams and each team was assigned the task of locating and surveying/registering all disabled citizens in an assigned community. The encounters that were created through the survey process are of particular interest in this research, as they constitute the only encounters between practitioners and respondents in the data collection and design phase of programs. Although practitioners understood their interaction with responden t s from their own cult ural perspective as a unidirectional fact finding interview, the encounters approach recognizes this process as a cultural encounter in which the cultural perspectives of respondents and practitioners interact in real time. The r o le of practitioner c ulture encounter with a respondent was the same as it was standardized both by the survey enforced the top down or unidirectional str ucture of the encounter. The encounter began as the practitioner introduced himself or herself and his or her team and explained the purpose of the encounter, which was to register the individual as part of a larger program to streamline disability databas es into a single, statewide database. The practitioner usually did not ask the potential respondent if he or she would like to participate in the survey, but immediately asked if the respondent could produce his or her identification and disability card. R ecording the information from the cards initiated
178 the survey process. After returning the card, the practitioner would simply follow the survey. Although the training session encouraged practitioners to explicitly ask each and every question and verify th e responses with observations when possible, state practitioners themselves rarely upheld this standard. For one, some data could be home when the survey was conducted at tha t location. Practitioners also took some liberty in applying their knowledge of the area, as they often marked certain unverified information based on assumption. For instance, practitioners often marked that a respon dent living in a wooden, thatch roofed house did not have a bathroom, but did not actually ask the respondent. When asked why this assumption was made, practitioners program that provided bathrooms to reduce gastro intestinal infections in rural areas. Whether this was an accurate conclusion or not, the practitioner introduced the potential for subjectivity by applying his or her own expertise in place of verification. One open ended question specifically elic ited a qualitative response, but these responses were ultimately subject to practices of expertise and the maintenance of a top down survey structure. This final question on the survey simply asked the respondent if he or she had any further comments. Most respondents did not have any further comments, an expression of agency that will be discussed below. However, when a respondent did have further comments, the practitioner was responsible for assessing whether it would be included on the form and if so, w hich elements. One state practitioner said that, in general, only information pertaining to the specific needs
179 of the respondent was recorded (personal correspondence, January 2012). Generally these needs referred to specific equipment, therapy, operations economic help and other needs that were elicited elsewhere on the form. Some comments that were typically censored by practitioners were those expressing gratitude, frustration and ended question allowed a sma ll space for subjective expressions of agency. However, the expert handling of responses standardized them in support of the recursive practices of 1) objectively determining needs and 2) retooling them into problems that can be addressed by the state. As was previously mentioned, practitioners entered into these encounters with the expectation of conducting an objective, fact finding mission that would ultimately determine the reality of disability in Yucatan. As such, their practices during the encounter reflected the positivist cultural framework from which the program was designed in the first place. Practitioners themselves dichotomized between practitioners and respondents on the basis of objectivity and expertise, recognizing the possibility that resp ondents would speak subjectively from within their own cultural framework that presumably differed quite drastically from that of practitioners. In dichotomizing between practitioners and respondents, practitioners are aware of the cultural differences the y face. At the same time, however, they are so confident in the ability of the survey and development experts to weed out cultural distortion that they continue to understand the survey not as an encounter but as an extractive mission. The r ole of r esponde nt c ulture : Respondents also recognize the extractive nature of the survey and generally support the positivist mission of the survey through their voluntary participation. However, it is essential to recognize that this voluntary
180 participation is not an e xpression of agency in favor of the positivist structure of development, but of specific recursive practices of state development. In general, respondents support the efforts of the state in determining their needs and forming programs that address these n eeds. In the case of disabled citizens who are in frequent contact with state agencies, these practitioner visits are commonplace and often yield much needed materials and programs. At times, programs yield unneeded materials or insist upon the adoption of ideas and practices that do not meet most immediate needs, but many rural Yucatecans are willing to give any program a try and actively participate in the top down structure of surveys. It is out of this support and desire to receive state pr ograms that respondents voluntarily participate in surveys like RedCuidar Experiential knowledge of the structure of development not only allows many respondents to expect certain behavior from practitioners, it also encourages them to respond to practit tend to smile, speak loudly, make frequent eye contact and engage the visitor in conversation, asking questions and providing detail about his or her experience. If the visitor has n ot already entered the home, the host(ess) does not invite him or her in but leaves the doorway with the expectation that the visitor will follow. This performance was extremely rare in the survey phase of RedCuidar as most respondents saw an unfamiliar f ace wearing a shirt typical of government workers and the recognizable down survey practices. Respondents already understand that practitioners are not social visitors who are interested in a natural conversation about he alth and well being. Rather, they are there
181 to collect specific information and may decide not to provide the program if they are sidetracked by attempted conversation or unsolicited opinions. Instead of engaging in a relational encounter like they would w ith a social visitor, respondents perform what they have come to understand as the top down structure of development. This performance is most often characterized by a respectful distance, a serious and demure tone, limited eye contact and short answers in Spanish (not Mayan). To avoid a completely sterile interaction, the respondent often invites practitioners to come inside out of the heat and offers them a place to sit. In this way, the respondent consciously expresses his or her agency in support of the top down structure of development in which practitioners reward what appears to be passive cooperation. While many respondents supported the top down structure of development by participating in the survey along the expectations of practitioners, others e xpressed their agency in favor of a more relational structure. These respondents recognize the unidirectional design of the survey, but take advantage of the fact that survey takers are human beings (and government employees, no less) who are capable of li stening to qualitative responses. Answers in these situations are longer with greater eye contact actions may be accompanied by expressions of gratitude to the governor for caring Varied responses in these situations suggested that respondents may have interpret ed development practitioners as serving one of two roles. In one interpretation, they are recogn ized as agents of the total recursive system of development as they collect data to offer programs. In another interpretation, they are recognized as agents
182 of the democratic system of governance and have both interest in and the responsibility of listenin Changes in perceived roles influence the relationship between the two agents participating in the survey and thus influence This dual interpretation may result from the temporal context in which this research was conducted, as the RedCuidar surveys were being conducted in late 2011, just months before the 2012 campaign or simply ind icative of the political context is unknown. For the purposes of this research, expressions of agency in favor of a more relational encounter suggest that some respondents recognize some degree of their own agency in the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. These differing practices and perceptions demonstrate that the survey engages respondents in an encounter with state practitioners that encompasses the interactive relationship between structure and agency. Respondents generally do not share in encounter from their own culture and through their own recursive practices. The long term practice of development in rural areas of Yucatan has introduced many rural res idents to the positivist structure of development. However, each new encounter provides a space in which respondents may choose to re enforce, modify or reject those structures through practice. In this research, no one surveyed for RedCuidar chose to reje perspective, the cooperation of respondents served to re enforce the positivist development structure. From perspective, the recursive practice of
183 participati ng in the survey re enforced the structure of giving and receiving between state and citizen. Some respondents practiced encounters to support a unidirectional structure of giving while others, albeit the minority, expressed their agency in favor of a more relational state citizen encounter. These latter expressions could potentially influence modifications to the structure, but the positivist tools and expertise of practitioners control for these types of subjectiv e interference. Outcomes of Data Collection The outcomes of the data collection phase of RedCuidar were determined through the analysis of the survey data. Each governmental institution that participated in the design of the survey was granted access to t he data to use in needs assessment, program design or other recursive practices The program director who attended the initial inter agency meetings on behalf of the Secretariat saw value in the broad reach of the data The program director, a sociologist, understood the socio economic and designing educational and employment projects that were both meaningful to respondents and affordable to the state. Put in terms of r ecursive practices, these contextual data would allow practitioners to identify the specific needs of marginalized, vulnerable and discriminated against groups. Further, they would expose useful variables and indicators to identify practical, affordable pr oblems that can be addressed through social policy and programs of the Secretariat. Other practitioners struggled to, struggled to understand its relevance of this broad data in designing programs that reduce vulnerability. For instance, one practitioner d ismissed data concerning stating that the Secretariat would not design a
184 program to provide televisions to rural residents. Unlike the program director, this practitioner did not recognize television ownership as an indicator of wealth. the way it was designed to function. In only a few instances did subjectivity enter into the data, such as the above mentioned instance in which a munic ipal employee allowed interference was ultimately standardized by state practitioners as they entered the data into the online system. Indeed, the design of the system furt her promoted the streamlining of data into pre set categories. Several questions on the written survey required the survey taker to write in the response, but the online database only provided a set of automated answers. State practitioners were required t o translate the answer on the form to an answer offered by the database. For the most part, the data collected through the written survey maintained its quantitative, holistic perspective. The survey was also successful in providing the data practitioners designed it to provide. This success highlights the circular thinking of the positivist paradigm. Use of the scientific method meant that pr actitioners of the Secretariat designed the survey with a hypothesis in mind. That hypothesis related to the goal of the State Development which is to reduce marginality, vulnerability and discrimination. Secretariat practitioners entered into the survey design phase with the idea t hat the marginality, vulnerability and/or discrimination of disabled citizens could be addressed through projects that provided the inputs to modernity and, most importantly, promoted formal employment. Those questions proposed by the Secretariat ultimatel y collected data to assess
185 example, closed ended questions concerning the presence or absence of a particular technology, utility or apparatus identified what people alr eady had and what people still needed in order to practice modernity more fully. Closed ended questions about work and financial support identified gaps in formal work and ultimately exposed a need for formal work. In this way, the circular logic of practi that the survey seamlessly provided the data practitioners designed it to provide. Likewise, practitioners were able to use the survey data in exactly the ways they planned to use it. The data exposed that disabled peopl e challenged by the barriers of vulnerability, marginalization and discrimination needed access to the inputs of modernity and opportunities for formal employment. The design of the projects was air tight in the same vacuum of positivist circular reasoning Survey questions were designed based on needs that were already hypothesized. The same data that demonstrated those needs also conveniently justified the need for a program that met those needs. It should be noted that, while the positivist structure of this process provides a rather standardized skeleton for program design, it is the agency of program directors and practitioners that adds the flesh and personality to that skeleton. The ability of program directors to transform numbers into ideas that con nect people to broader processes speaks to their creative expertise both as scientists and members of their community. While this creativity is not evident in this description of the data collection phase of RedCuidar it is showcased in the subsequent des cription of the implementation stage of the Bakers Program.
186 It is in the context of the circular logic of positivism that practitioners begin to anticipate the outcomes of programs. With an air tight design and objective data that points toward specific c onclusions, practitioners anticipate full success. What is not accounted for in the anticipation of outcomes is the high degree of control practitioners have in the data collection and design stage of programs. This control diminishes in the implementation and outcomes stages as encounters with recipients are greater in number and interactivity. Although RedCuidar was quite unique in facilitating numerous encounters between practitioners and respondents in the data collection stage, the interaction in these encounters was minimized through use of the survey and the top down structure of the encounter. The minimization of encounters with future recipients has the detrimental effect of allowing the program and its outcomes to be planned in a cultural vacuum th at is not representative of the environment in which the program will actually take place. The role of practitioner and recipient culture in the implementation stage of a program are the subject of the next section. The Bakers Program The Bakers Program, known officially as the Labor Training Program, is a two phase initiative that provides people of vulnerable groups with the skills they need to when the program directo r identified recovering alcohol and drug addicts as a population made vulnerable by their inability to find formal employment during and after rehabilitation. He contacted several rehabilitation centers in Merida to speak with specialists about the specifi c needs of recovering addicts. The data suggested that many recovering addicts had destroyed their social network during their addiction and had thus lost the confidence of their family, friends and employers. This lack of
187 confidence blocks their attempts to find formal employment, leaving many recovering addicts unemployed, frustrated and alone. This not only creates ideal conditions for returning to addiction, but also increases unemployment and financial dependency. The program director ultimately identi fied labor training and socialization as immediate needs that could be addressed by the state. A series of interviews were conducted with professionals of various trades and identified bread making as the trade best suited to meet the needs of recovering a ddicts. This research examined the first phase of the Bakers Program, which engages participants in a two to three month training course in the skills of bread making. From February to April 2012, 18 recipients attended daily courses in the bakery of a p rofessional baker who was contracted as the instructor of the course. Each class began as the instructor announced the recipe, then recipients grouped in teams of three or four to participate in all steps of producing that confection. Daily participant obs ervation as well as informal interviews with participants provided the data necessary to examine the role of practitioner and recipient culture in the implementation of programs. The second phase of the Bakers Program is optional, as it offers groups of gr aduates some financial and technical assistance in establishing their own bakery. Two groups expressed interest in participating in the second phase of the program, but only one group completed the steps necessary to receive assistance. Participant observa tion in meetings between state practitioners and recipients between May and July 2012 provided further data on program implementation and also shed some light on the short term outcomes of development programs.
188 Program Origins The Bakers Program is a human development initiative that simultaneously supports the expansion of the formal market in Yucatan. Although the Millennium and practice, the Bakers Program represents a diver gence from this model. The Millennium Developme nt literature does not mention the reduction of addiction as a development goal and conceptualizes vulnerability in a practical sense, as a synonym to susceptibility (see Sachs 2004; Sachs 2005a) The Mexican National Development Plan (2007) contrasts from the global literature in recognizing addiction as a development problem and lays out objectives to combat addiction in conjunction with other health initia tives, such as the reduction of work related accident s, depression and preventable disease. Yucatecan development differs from global development in considering vulnerability a problematic state of being rather than a condition dependent on external factors. Addiction is not me ntioned in the state Plan and t herefore is not identified as a vulnerable group embodies the agency of the program director, who identified the problem and designed the solution outside the interests of gl obal and state development models. The Role of Practitioner Culture in Program Implementation of the Bakers Program. It is important to recognize that the Bakers Program w as originally designed in 2009 an d 2010 and the first cohort of participants took the training course in 2010. This research concerns the sixth cycle of the program and therefore reflects an implementation stage that is informed by extensive previous exper ience on
189 the part of practitioners. The patterning of the program over the years has minimized recursive encounters in which the implementation of the program is negotiated. Encounters among practitioners during the s pring 2012 program were frequent, but n ot recursive as they generally only concerned the mechanical aspects of day to day operation of the program such as paying salaries, supplying materials and keeping tabs on attendance rates. Encounters between practitioners and participants were minimized to just a very few interactions during the course and were only minimally active in participants Interactive participant practitioner encounters grew in number and su bstance during the second phase of the program. In the absence of interactive encounters during the first phase of the Bakers Program, this discussion analyzes the design of the program as an artifact of practitioner culture. Again, an artifact in this research is the physi cal or conceptual product of recursive practices and is thus shaped by the relationship between agency and structure in a total recursive system. The design of the program, as an artifact, is odification or rejection of structures in the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. This discussion of the role of practitioner culture in program implementation examines how the recursive practices of practitioners fed into the design of the pr ogram and ultimately created an indirect encounter between participants and practitioners during implementation. This discussion will be structured through examination of the three objectives built into the program design. At the outset, it should be noted that the program was originally designed to meet the needs of recovering alcohol and drugs addi cts whose
190 vulnerability results from their difficulties in re integrating into urban life and finding formal employment. The three main objectives of the p rogram were designed to address three immediate needs of recovering alcohol and drug addicts. They include 1) the provision of alternative social networks, 2) the provision of therapy in the form of labor training and 3) the provision of alternative routin es. Objective o ne : The first objective of the program design was to provide therapy in the form of labor training. In the first few cycles of the program, the Secretariat maintained contact with specialists at rehabilitation centers, who helped practitione rs identify which patients were ready to begin reintegrating into a productive lifestyle. The program thus acted as an extension to the therapy provided in the rehabilitation center as it provided a supportive environment for vulnerable people to begin pre paring for esteem by reducing the type of dependency characteristic of vulnerable g roups. The program director reflected his universalizing ontology and value for formal work as he explained that productive work empowers a person to provide for himself or herself while at the same time contributing essential services to society. This dif discouraged by their dependency (personal correspondence, August 2011) The program is design ed to practice this positivist belief (and capitalist value) by offering recovering addicts an opportunity to be sense of pride about the efforts they have made toward recuperation. It was anticipated
191 that this therapeutic aspect of the program would lead recipients to seek formal work and also maintain their efforts at rec uperation. system of Yucatecan development. Through this objective, the program design incorporates the recursive practice of providing the inputs to modernity and, parti cularly, access to formal work. The objective is influenced by and informs the positivist structure of development as it is based in empirical data that was collected through the use of the scientific method. Relational data collection methods allowed prac titioners to collect information from rehabilitation specialists, but interviews were guided by the program through a labor training program. The program director utilize d his expertise to convert the needs of rehabilitation patients to the problems faced by a vulnerable group. The program addresses needs of participants and development problems through a practical, affordable solution. That is, it addresses immediate need for work, while at the same time addressing the problems of discrimination and stigmatization which are simultaneously a problem of vulnerable groups and a barrier to the design of the program ultimately contribute to the continuity of the positivist structure of development. The agency of the program director is evident in the linking of the labor training program with rehabilitation therapy. On one side, this expression of agency worked to modify the positivist structure with an emphasis on inter institutional collaboration. Rather than casting the Secretariat as the only institutional agent in program
192 implementation, the therapeutic goal suggested a collaborative relationship between the Secretariat and rehabilitation centers in program implementation. On another side, this e xpression of agency also worked to perpetuate positivist structures of expertise and the top down structure of development programs. Although the goal supports more collaborative leadership of development programs, it maintains expert control over implemen tation and, in so doing, assures that the program maintains a unidirectional flow from expert agencies to participants. The linkage of therapy with the provision of formal work opportunities is thus a recursive practice that maintains the positivist struct ure of development but advocates for its slight modification to include greater collaboration between experts. Objective t wo : The second objective of the program design is to offer recipients an alternative social network by engaging them in a two to thr ee month intensive course requiring teamwork and collaboration. This aspect of the design reflects the needs of recovering addicts who are at the critical point in which they leave the rehabilitation center and have options for reinserting themselves into a social network. The first phase of the program was designed to offer these recipients an alternative social network to keep them from returning to the broken personal and professional relationships that no longer offer them the support and opportunities they need. This Yucatecan development. The objective is first influenced by and informs the positivist structure of development through use of the scientific method in collectin g data and designing the program. However promoted the recognition of the qualitative aspects of this goal. In promoting the formal
193 employment of vulnerable citizens, a recursive practice in support of the positivist structure of development, the program director emphasized that the program also provides alternative social networks that would qualitatively encourage recovering addicts to maintain their progress. As such, the program director expressed his ag ency in favor of state programs that also meet the more qualitative needs of recipients. The design of this goal was undoubtedly facilitated by the more relational data collection pertise of the program director is evidenced in the way this qualitative goal still meets the positivist expectations of other state actors. Success of this qualitative goal is difficult to measure using quantitative methods, but it is guaranteed through p rogram design; participants must engage with other participants in order to engage in and complete the program. The design thus incorporates the achievement of its own goal, which supports the top down, problem/solution format of programs. Objective t hree : The third objective of the program design is to promote a trade that keeps recipients from slipping back into previous routines that allowed for addiction. Having identified alternative routines as a need of people recovering from alcohol addiction, the p rogram director conducted several fact finding interviews with experts of various professions including a mechanic, a carpenter, hammock makers, a baker and generally offer the most extreme alternative. He explained that b akers work before, during and after normal business hours as they perform all tasks related to preparing and selling mass quantities of bread that are demanded during mealtimes when most peo ple are not working. Beyond not having time to engage in old routines,
194 the physical demands of a baker also keep recipients from engaging in unhealthy day. You get only one day of rest, which [employers] usually give them for spiritual rrespondence, January not only to the hours worked, but also the public demand for the work and the difficulty professional and personal life. pport for the positivist structure of development. Like the other goals, the third objective derives from the original data collected from rehabilitation specialists using the scientific method. In these interviews, specialists likely identified their pati to assist them in their recuperation. From this need, practitioners extrapolated that previous routine is a problem that should be addressed through the program. It is unclear whether practitioners spoke with recovering addicts to understand what their previous routine entailed and what elements of this routine enabled addiction. Practitioners ultimately specifically, would sufficiently restructure what ever elements enabled addiction in the first place. This conclusion reflects a recursive practice in its provision of formal work opportunities as a practical, affordable solution to a variety of problems associated with vulnerability. Although this object ive was extrapolated from the original data set, its manifestation in the program design was based on an entirely different data set. This
195 second data set was created through focused interviews with professionals concerning the schedule of their job. These interviews also supported the positivist structure of rehabilitation. The interviews thus focused on the holistic mission of identifying the job with the most alternative routine. The second goal of the program, which is to provide alternative social networks, then helped to narrow the possibilities to those that promoted teamwork and provided opportunities for socialization. These data pointed to bread making as the ideal profession for recovering addicts. A conversation with course participants and the course instru ctor revealed an error in these data that opened a potential gap in program res ults; that error is the unfortunate fact that bakers in Merida have a reputation for alcohol abuse. These recipients, one of which worked for a baker, and the course instructor, himself a baker, explained that the alternative schedule and hard labor are th e very elements of the job that lead many bakers to addiction. Bakeries are hot and the work is physical, so bakers often spend breaks cooling off with a cold beer and celebrate the end of a long day with excessive drinking. In many respects, alcohol has b een socially accepted as one of the few releases available to bakers whose sche dules do not permit more social or healthy releases such as playing a sport or going on vacation. This oversight in the data suggests that interviews were conducted from a holis tic, positivist perspective that limited the scope of the interview to a pre determined solution. By practicing a top down encounter and using methods to maintain objective distance during the interview, the data only answered the questions they were desig ned to answer and nothing more.
196 That is, they objectively exposed the holistic details about routines and labor, but did not capture the social context that would have alerted practitioners to professional reputations. Anticipated o utcomes : This section on the role of practitioner culture in the anticipated results for the implementation phase. The unspoken goal of every program is 100 percent acceptance and programs are desi gned with this goal in mind. The Bakers Program is no different, as the positivist methods and expertise that went into the design of the program were expected to produce high acceptance rates. Previous cycles of the program demonstrated that even an air t ight design is no match for the social factors that encourage people to return to alcoholism or the various other extraneous factors that keep people from completing the course. The program director estimated that about one or two of a cohort of 20 recipie nts may drop out of the program before graduation, leading to a 90 to 95 percent acceptance rate (per sonal correspondence, August 2011). The instructor of the course reported much lower figures, stating that about five people, or 25 percent of the class, d ropped out each cycle (pers onal correspondence, January 2012). Informal conversations thus suggested that practitioners hoped for a 100 percent acceptance rate, but anticipated that anywhere between one and fi ve of the 18 recipients of the s pring 2012 coho rt would not finish the course. It is important to note that anticipated results were only expressed in terms of graduation and attrition rates of the training course. Only rarely did practitioners discuss success rates in terms of how many people went on to find formal jobs especially in
197 bread making. It is likely that these data are less cited because they are only anecdotal, as a formal follow up stage was not observed during the fieldwork period and none was mentioned. Anticipated results of the three individual goals of the program generally are success of these more qualitative goals. Finally, practitioners made no attempt to estimate results for the second p hase of the program, as past cycles had proven the unpredictability of recipient interest in accepting financia l assistance to start a bakery. The Role of Participant Culture in Program Implementation The discussion has thus far determined the role of practitioner culture in the implementation of the Bakers program. This has been achieved through an examination of the design of the program which, as an artifact of practitioner culture, embodies the rela tionship between practitioner agency and positivist structures in the total recursive system of development. The long term existence of the program means that physical encounters between practitioners and participants were minimized both in numbe r and inte ractivity during the s pring 2012 training program. However, t he implementation of the Bakers P rogram involved daily encounters between the recipients and the design of the program; that is, participants entered into encounters with the program as an artifa ct of practitioner culture. This section examines how participants interact ed with the design of the program to ultimately influence the outcomes of program implementation. This section will be structured by the three program objectives. It demonstrates th at the absence of encounters between practitioners and participants encouraged participants to interpret and use the program fully from within their own total recursive system. The program was not understood as an inert, foreign space that participants ent ered and
198 exited through the bakery doorway, but as a new space that opened within their own recursive system and became subject to their own agency. Although the program was originally designed to meet the needs of people recovering from alcohol or drug ad diction the s pring 2012 cohort included 18 people representing various forms of vulnerability. The most represented vulnerability was disability, as seven participants were disabled and another is a stay at home mother who cares for a disabled child. The second most represented vulnerability was addiction, as three participants were personally recovering from addiction and two more were affected by alcoholism, but not personally recovering. The third most represented vulnerability was single, self reliant women, of which there were two. There were three participants with unidentified vulnerabilities. Two of these were c ollege students who worked part time at the bakery where the course was taught Vulnerability was the criteria by which participants were se lected for the program, interest in promoting formal work, it is also important to consider employment status. Of the 18 participants, nine were already employed, but only four of these were formally employed. Six received some sort of disability benefits but were not engaged in wage earning work. Only four were unemployed, one of which was a student. Objective o ne : The first program objective with which participants engaged was the provision of therapy in the form of work promotion. understanding and use of the program in relation to this objective depended on how each of its elements fit into the total recursive system of each participant The first element of the objective with which participants en gaged was that of the provision of therapy. The objective was
199 designed into the program to meet the special needs of participants recovering from addiction. The three participants recovering from alcohol addiction interpreted and used the program in ways t that the therap eutic goal of the program comple mented their total recursive system, which was highly influenced by the recursive practices of substance abuse and rehabilitation. However, the recursive use of the program as therapy was diminished over time by their minority status within the class. During the first weeks of the training program, these three participants formed a group that allowed them to collectively engage with the therapeuti c goals of the program. Limited supplies, limited space in the workshop and irregular attendance of other participants meant that participants had to be organized in groups of four and that these groups of four were unsteady from week to week. Within a few weeks, the three participants recovering from addiction had begun to disband. While this promoted the second goal of the program by expanding the social network of these participants it limited their interaction with the therapeutic elements of the progr am. Further, the introduction of a majority that was unfamiliar with the recursive practices of addiction and rehabilitation meant that structures of stigmatization influenced encounters between participants ; that is, those who were recovering from addicti on did not speak about it freely in fear that people who did not share in their vulnerability would not understand. Likewise, people who were not recovering did not ask others about their status in relation to addiction. The therapeutic objective of the pr ogram therefore was not practiced in the workshop in ways that informed total recursive systems.
200 The second element with which participants engaged was the promotion of work. The program was originally designed to catch recovering addicts as they began to reintegr ate into a productive lifestyle. Previous cohorts were thus characterized by high rates of involuntary unemployment. However, the participation of people affected b y other vulnerabilities in the s pring 2012 cohort changed this dynamic. Eight of the 18 recipients were already employed and only six of the 18 recipients sought a change in employment status (e.g. informal to formal, amateur to professional, etc.) that could be facilitated through the c lass. What is most striking is that, with the exception of only one participant all those participants who were interested in a change of employment status were already employed. While the original goal was to promote the employment of previously unemploy ed people facing hiring discrimination, the uses of the program by the s pring 2012 cohort meant that the goal actually functioned to promote professionalization of those who were already employed. Only one participant used the program to become employed, a s she was already an amateur baker and sought to professionalize her skills. Although practitioners aimed for formalization rather than professionalization, it can be said that these six participants interpreted and used the program in ways that were antic ipated by practitioners. The other ten of the 18 participants confirmed that they were not taking the course to become employed or to change employment status. Three of these ten participants were students who said they would only become professional baker s if they could not find jobs in their degree field. Their use of the program was as a backup plan in the context of an uncertain job market. Five of these ten participants were those who had an auditory disability. One held a degree and full time job and had n o intention of
201 becoming a baker, two were stay at home mothers who were supported by their husbands and two were unemployed but supported by their families. Another participant became disabled after an accident and the other was a stay at home mother who cared for her disabled child. The use of the program by participants affected by disability was not for work promotion. Rather, they engaged with the program in ways that fit within their total recursive systems of disability in Yucatan, specifically. Some disentanglement is necessary. In the total recursive system of disability in Yucatan, structures of family support allow dependent agents to understand and practice wage earning work as a supplemental, rather than essential, activity. Most Yucatecan c hildren, disabled or not, situation, may contribute much of their own income to the family budget once they begin work. The stigma of disability in Yucatan often result s in an extension of this structure in families affected by disability; families often protect their disabled children within the home, particularly by supporting them financially so they are not subjected to hiring discrimination and discrimination in the work place. A lack of encounters between practitioners and participants meant that those disabled participants who were accustomed to this structure of family support were not discouraged from continuing their recursive practice of unemployment in the con text of the program. In this way, they interpreted and used the program as an opportunity for hobby development rather than employm ent promotion or formalization. Additionally, many Yucatecan women choose to engage in full time childcare rather than wage e arning employment and structures of the Yucatecan family,
202 particularly structures of family support, sustain this as a recursive practice. In the total recursive system of stay at home mothers in Yucatan, baking is generally understood and practiced as one of many reproductive activities that, if it becomes lucrative, is both low paying and informal. Again, the absence of interactive encounters between practitioners and participants allowed for participants to continue the practices of their own total recur sive system in the context of the program. They were not encouraged to interpret and us e the program from practitioner s cultural perspective, as an opportunity for job promotion and formalization, but instead engaged with the program from their own cultur al perspective, as an opportunity for hobby development or improving their technique in a reproductive activity. Objective t wo : The second program objective with which participants engaged was the provision of alternative social networks. Again, the goal w as designed with the special needs of recovering addicts in mind. Two of the three participants whose total recursive system was influenced by practices of substance abuse or rehabilitation understood and used the program in ways that corresponded with pra expectations. It was previously mentioned that the limitations of supplies and space in the workshop as well as the unsteady attendance of some participants promoted this second goal. These situational aspects of the program required the three participants recovering from addiction to interact and complete team assignments with other participants on a daily basis. Because other participants came from various economic and social backgrounds, the program was very effective in providing alternative networks to two of these three participants.
203 However, these same group characteristics worked against the ability of one recovering alcoholic to engage in alternative social networks provided by the class. The total recursive system of this particular par ticipants was not only affected by the practices of substance abuse and rehabilitation, like the other two recipients; it was also influenced by his longer a convict. A lack of encounters be tween practitioners and participants during implementation encouraged participants to understand the program and the people in it from their own cultural perspective. This meant that other participants in the class interacted with this particular participa nt in the same way they would interact with a person of his socialization outside the workshop. Several working groups and individuals ousted this participant from teamwork activities, citing his offensive demeanor and impolite interaction as reasons for n ot wanting to work with him. This participant expressed his eagerness to use the program in ways that corresponded with as a recovering substance abuser. In his case, th e introduction of people affected by other vulnerabilities coupled with the lack of encounters during implementation blocked him from using the program in accordance with the second objective. It is ironic that the high level of vulnerability that qualifie d him for the program also led to discrimination that blocked him from its benefits. The goal of providing alternative social networks was not designed with disability st ructures of disability in Yucatan helped him to identify limited social networks as a problem that also affects many disabled citizens. These structures were discussed in
204 relation to the first objective and refer to the efforts of many families to protect disabled members by engaging them within the household rather than in social activities that might subject them to discrimination. Indeed, four of the five recipients with auditory disabilities knew each other from attending a grammar school for deaf child ren. While the placement of disabled children in special education benefits the child in many respects, it can also result in the socially inhibitive insulation of disabled people. The recursive practice of insulating was evident in the workshop as one of the five women with auditory disability made little effort to work with people outside her pre established throughout the course when memberships in other groups remained mor e flexible. However, four of the five women frequently took opportunities to help other groups with their work and engaged in conversations with others on a daily basis. Disabled and non disabled participants faced challenges in communicating with one anot her but the perseverance of both groups speaks to the conclusion that engaging in social networks became a recursive practice in the context of the program. Objective t hree : The third program objective with which participants engaged hourly schedule, but also the public demand for the work and the difficulty of the labor, fessional and personal life. This goal was designed with the special needs of recovering addicts in mind and all three participants recovering from alcohol addiction interpreted and used s. None expressed a particular enthusiasm for the alternative work schedule but interpreted the
205 program, in general, as an opportunity and fully engaged in the alternative routine as a necessary step in gaining formal employment and earning higher wages. Three female participants expectations. It is significant that two of these women are single and financially self reliant while the other is married and a significant contributor to her fa Their use of the program suggests that the goal fits within many total recursive systems that are influenced by practices of self reliance. This includes breadwinners, single men or women and, not coincidentally, recovering addicts whose sup port network has been damaged by substance abuse. These data as well as the data from the remainder of participants suggest on the other hand, that the goal does not fit within total recursive systems of dependence or inter dependence. Participants with disability and participants who are stay at home parents viewed the alternative schedule and hard labor of bread making as a negative aspect of the program For these participants such drastic changes to their daily practices would change the practices th at were currently entangled with those of other Participants with disability would spend less time with their families and, worse yet, would sacrifice quality in that reduced interaction. Their recursive practices prior to the pr ogram focused on building and maintaining strong familial relationships. Without interpersonal encounters between practitioners and participants that emphasized the benefits of building new relationships through employment, participants were unlikely to ch ange these recursive practices. The practice of an alternative schedule among participants who are stay at home parents would significantly change practices within the household as both children and spouse
206 had become agents in those total rec ursive systems. Even with coaching through practitioner participant encounters, such change is practically impossible for stay at home parents who care for a disabled child. Outcomes of Implementation The discussion has thus far examined how practitioner and participants culture interacted in the implementation of the Bakers Program. The implementation of the program was examined as a cultural encounter between practitioners and participants and thus a space in which the program outcomes were negotiated. This section summarizes, compares and contrasts the anticipated and actual results of the program to ultimately identify gaps and examine the role of practitioner and participant culture in these gaps. This discussion has identified many ways in which practitioner and participant culture differ. Practitioner culture is characterized by practices of positivism and the promotion of modernity, specifically a modern state economy. Participant culture is dive rse, particularly in the context of the Bakers Program in which the total recursive system of almost every recipient was influenced by vulnerability. The vulnerabilities represented in the class addiction, disability, and self support as a female incor porate myriad practices that embody the relationship between the agent and the countless social and economic structures surrounding that vulnerability. This discussion has only named a few of those multi scalar structures that influence the recursive pract ices of individual agents, including structures of family support, child care, stigmatization and self reliance. There are many more that were not mentioned here. The one thing that binds this diversity of participant culture, however, is that none of them significantly overlap with practitioner culture.
207 The implementation of the Bakers Program was a site of encounter between these various cultural perspectives. Practitioners anticipated from their cultural perspective that the top down design of the progra m would create a site for the unidirectional transfer of ideas from the state to recipients. This anticipated result proved largely incorrect. Rather than understanding the program as a controlled space for the top down transfer of ideas, participants inst ead encountered the program, tangling their practices within the program into their own repertoire of recursive practices. Their practices with in the workshop were influenced not by the structure designed by practitioners, bu t by the structures of their li v e s outside the workshop. Although practitioners perhaps believed that they were engineering the acceptance of the program, they were actually only engineering the situation in which the program occurred. As a result, most participants understood and used the program in entirely different ways than practitioners anticipated. Members of the most represented vulnerability, disability, interpreted and used the program from within their total recursive system of disability in Yucatan. They used the program not as a therapeutic activity or an opportunity to engage in formal work but as an opportunity to develop a hobby or improve their skill in an essential reproductive activity. They used the program as an opportunity to get to know people they might not otherw ise meet and to enjoy a new activity. They proved completely uninterested in sacrificing their practices of family engagement to pursue lucrative employment with an alternative routine. In the absence of interpersonal encounters that might have influenced participants affected by disability continued their own recursive practices within the
208 engineered context of the program. In short, the vast difference between their recursive pract ices and the recursive practices of Yucatecan development gave way to significant gaps between anticipated and actual results along the programs qualitative objectives Members of the second most represented group, those affected by addiction, also interpr eted and used the program from within their total recursive system of understand the practices of substance abuse and rehabilitation. Practitioners applied this empirical, obj ective knowledge to program design and thus introduced practices that were intelligible within the total recursive system of these particular participants That participants affected by addiction interpreted and used the program in ways that corresponded w scientific method in designing programs for specific, homogenous groups. That this was can and does influence program outcomes. It illustrates that programs are in fact cultural encounters. Finally, members of the third most represented group, single self reliant women, also interpreted and used the program from within their total recursive system. Each of these women used the program as an opportunity to formalize a profession from what had previously only been practiced as a reproductive activity. In this way, the program was effective in influencing them, as agents, to modify the structure behind a pre existing recursive practice. Both women used the program as an opportunity to get to know new people and their participation in the second phase of the program demonstrated that they used the program to get to know new business associates. The
209 program ena bled them to express their agency in favor of drastic changes to the structure of work in their own recursive system s The program also had what was perhaps an unanticipated outcome as it enabled these women to express their agency in favor of the feminiza embraced the alternative routine promoted by the program but their recursive practices of self reliance supported their use of the program in ways that corresponded with ons. This demonstrates that total recursive systems are multi scalar and overlapping, often allowing programs designed for one homogenous group to be successful among other groups with shared practices, structures or interests. The encounters approach demo nstrated the value of using a relational theoretical perspective to inform program design both before and after implementation. A relational perspective like that embodied in the encounters approach prepares practitioners to collect empirical data on a wid er range of possibilities that than contained in the hypothesis. This broader empirical data, which captures information on practices, structures and agency of potential participants promotes more accurate predictions of program outcomes. The encounters a pproach has demonstrated that success is not always measured in quantitative numbers, such as graduation and attrition rates, but is also wrapped up in the more qualitative and relational outcomes. Graduation rates depict this program as an overwhelming success, as only one of 18 participants did not complete the program. Howe ver, the relational data depict a much different picture in which the program subjected one recovering addict to outright discrimination and program materials were misused, but people generally enjoyed the experience. The encounters approach has also been demonstrated as an effective method in embracing
210 the gaps in anticipated and actual results as scientific data. Analysis of these gaps p rovides valuable information for improving the design of future programs. The Ecological Stove Program The Ecological Stove Program was a stove replacement initiative that aimed to improve the quality of life and promote federal goals for conservation in s ix marginalized municipalities of Yucatan. The program was originally designed in 2009 when a program director of the Secretariat identified deforestation and health issues as two problems resulting from the use of a three stone hearth (Figure 6 1). The st ate Figure 6 1 A three stone hearth contracted a private engineering company to design a wood burning stove that would reduce smoke inhalation and the amount of wood needed to cook, but still allow recipients to prepare the same dishes that they would prepare with a three stone hearth. The implementation of the program occurred in four stages including the selection and registration of recipients, training on how to use the stove, stove delivery
211 and follow up. The completion of the stove program in 201 0 allows for it to be discussed here in terms of long term outcomes and the interpretation of those outcomes, representing the final stage in the life of a state program. The discussion first examines the origins of the program, then examines the outcomes stage as a cultural encounter between practitioners and recipients. The discussion concludes by comparing and identify the role of practitioner and recipient culture i n the negotiation of program outcomes. Program Origins established tradition within improved health and environmental conservation (Cr ewe and Harrison 2002) Stove replacement programs abound at the global, national and local levels and have been implemented by public institutions and private agencies alike (GIRA 2004; SEMARNAT and INE 2009) The emphasis on environmental sustainability in the Millennium Development Goals undoubtedly fuels enthusiasm for stove programs. Target Nine (Millennium Pr oject 2002) The goal has been particularly effective in Mexico, which accepts its responsibility as the fourth wealthiest country in terms of biodiversity but also as a world leader in bio diversity loss (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:237 238) Mexico has funded multiple stove replacement programs through various federal agencies in order to reduce deforestation but also to promote equal opportunity in indigenous communities. The 2006 2012 National Development Plan commits to continued stove provision as a
212 strategy to develop basic infrastructure in indigenous regions (Poder Ejecutivo Federal 2007:209) As a highly indigenous state, multiple federal stove programs reached Interest in of development. Yucatecan practitioners draw from state policy in linking deforestation with the practices of subsistence farmers and rural populations (Yucatan 2007b:39) Subsistence farmers are also linked with marginalization and vulnerability, creating an entry point for the stove program to address several problems and needs simultaneously. The program director utilized his expertise in holistic, empirical reasoning to justify the stove program as a practical, affordable solution that met the needs of marginalized and vulnerable populations. The use of INEGI and state statistics coupled with cultural logic determined that rural families using a three stone hearth suffered from illne sses associated with smoke inhalation or cooking close to the ground (i.e. bronchial diseases, eye infections, gastrointestinal infections, etc.). They also taxing and time co nsuming as deforestation required women to walk further and further to find wood. The provision of an ecological stove would meet the health and gender related needs of rural families while at the same time reducing barriers to development by providing the inputs to modernity. The Role of Practitioner Culture in Program Outcomes This section examines the role of practitioner culture in the outcomes of the Ecological Stove Program. The original design of the Ecological Stove Program budgeted for a formal fol low up stage that would enable practitioners to measure and influence outcomes by engaging in interpersonal encounters with recipients. These
213 encounters would allow practitioners to monitor use of the program materials and ideas and to address gaps in anti cipated and actual use of the program. This outcomes stage, design of the program as practitioners taught recipients how to interpret and use the program beyond their own cultural perspectives. However, the formality of follow up activities dwindled over the course of the program as funds and resources for this stage were applied to other areas of the program. In the absence of a formal follow up, the negotiation of outcom es occurred in four types of encounters spread across the implementation and conclusion of the program. These include recipient selection and registration, training on how to install and use the stove, stove delivery and follow up (loosely conceived). This section discusses the role of practitioner culture in each of these encounters. Recipient selection and r egistration : Encounters concerning recipient selection and registration reflect the recursive practices of practitioner culture. The first step in id receive the Ecological Stove Program. Practitioners used INEGI data to select six rural municipalities based on their levels of marginality and poverty and then selected 67 town s and farms within those municipalities based on the same data. Although the stove program was unlike other programs in that it did not promote formal work among marginalized and poor populations, the selection of these six municipalities ensured that this technology transfer aided in breaking the barriers the state faces in achieving modernity. Practitioners were able to target the areas with the most need for the inputs to modernity using objective statistics and expertise in holistic reasoning.
214 Once thes e locations were selected, practitioners recruited community leaders to identify individual recipients. Practitioners originally planned to assemble a list of names then conduct a brief inspection of the living environment and the general appearance of the potential recipient. This recursive practice would have allowed practitioners to use empirical methods coupled with their own expert knowledge of rural populations to objectively identify recipients with the most need for the technology. However, this pos itivist process was interrupted as practitioners immediately faced competition from several federal agencies. These agencies had independently used the same methods and statistical data to identify the same populations, but had begun distribution a few mon ths earlier. Practitioners were forced to abandon their positivist methods and instead worked with community leaders to identify people who had not already received a federal stove. The list was much shorter than anticipated and included many people who di d not appear to need the technology. The rigidity of the program budget meant that practitioners were required to deliver all 3,941 stoves in the pre selected locations With so few people left to r eceive stoves, the only criterion for selection was that t he person had not already received a federal stove. Practitioners were doubly disgruntled by the situation as it simultaneously highlighted that state and federal development overlap, but that the federal government was capable of beating Yucatecan practit ioners to communities in their own state. Of course, this is understandable within the total politics with regard to the federal government. The registration of recipien ts made up the final encounters in this process. With the list of community members who had not already received a stove, practitioners went
215 door to door to ask potential recipients to register. The encounter remained unidirectional as practitioners initia ted the encounter, described the benefits of the stove they would be delivering and asked the potential recipient if he or she would like to receive one. It is important to note that, at the time these registration encounters were in progress, program dire ctors were still selecting the model of the stove that would be delivered to recipients Most registration encounters thus only communicated the benefits of the stove, such as its ecological and health benefits, but not specifications about the materials, size or design of the stove. The vast majority of those who were approached agreed to receive a stove and registered for it by providing documentation and signing a form. With the great quantity of registrations on a limited time schedule, encounters remai ned brief and recipient input was minimized. Training : Encounters concerning the training of recipients on how to install and use the stove also reflect the recursive practices of practitioner culture. In addition to the reduction of deforestation in rural areas, the program also aimed to reduce marginality and poverty through technology transfers that would streamline reproductive activities. Practitioners drew from their expert knowledge of rural and indigenous households to identify women as those family members responsible for cooking and all its associated practices. Practitioners again drew from their expert knowledge to conclude that training sessions should be directed to those who would be using and maintaining the stove, meaning that training sessi ons were given almost exclusively to women. This strategy would not only promote that the stove was used and used according to design, it would also work toward the gender based goals of the program by involving women in the process of technology transfer and modernization.
216 Training sessions maintained a unidirectional format as practitioners demonstrated all aspects of installation and use of the equipment. Sessions began with a demonstration of the installation process. The stove would ideally be placed on blocks to lift it off the ground and allow for women to cook standing up. Practitioners demonstrated how to remove the cooking surface from the base to expose the inner workings of the stove. Women were taught how to fill the base with sand and arrange the sand to help channel the smoke toward the smoke escape at the back of the base (Figure 6 3) Practitioners also explained that only a certain type of sand (crushed limestone) could be used to fill the stove, which was not included in the kit but could be bought or collected from a local s ource. The chimney, made up of two sheet metal stove pipe s a 90 degree elbow connector and a rain cap, was assembled and attached to the back of the stove (Figure 6 2) I n the training session, the 90 degree elbow was Figure 6 2 The materials delivered to stove recipients
217 connected directly to the back of the base, then the stove pipe and rain cap were attached to the elbow. To install the stove in a thatch roof home, recipients would need to make a hole in the thatch, thread the stove pipe through the hole, then to p it with the rai n cap outside. Concerned that damaging their roof would allow for leaks, most recipients installed the chimney as seen in Figure 6 4, so that the chimney exited through the wall. In either case, the chimney required that the stove be installed at the edg e of the room, next to a wall. While this is typical in concrete homes, three stone hearths are generally located toward the center of thatch roof home s. Figure 6 3. A stove installed and lit with the cooking surface lifted to expose the inner constructi on. The limestone filling is arranged to channel smoke toward the chimney at the back of the stove. Fire derives from the square entrance at the front of the stove. Once the stove was assembled, women were taught how to light the stove. They learned that w ood should be cut in small, thin pieces and placed in the square entrance
218 on the base of the stove. Specific techniques were taught to address the difficulties of lighting wood in a small, enclosed space. The stove was lit and allowed to warm. Practitioner s then demonstrated how to prepare food on the stove by boiling and frying an egg, cooking tortillas, grilling meat and warming water for coffee. Women were then taught how to maintain the stove by putting chalk on the cooking surface after use and how to refill the base when the sand inside settled. Figure 6 4. An installed stove as seen from inside and outside the home. In this instance, the 90 degree elbow was placed between the two pipes rather than at the exit at the back of the stove. This allowed for the chimney to exit the home through the wall rather than the roof. Although women were able to ask questions or participate in any aspect they wanted, the encounter maintained a unidirectional format to streamline the achievement of program goals. The primary goal was to fully replace the three stone hearth with the ecological stove, which would enable women to reap the multiple benefits of the
219 program. The training session thus constantly compared the ecological stove with the three stone hearth to em phasize the benefits of abandoning a traditional practice for a modern one. Practitioners reviewed the benefits of the design by pointing out that the sand inside the stove evenly distributed the heat from the fire so that more food could be prepared acros s the large, rectangular cooking surface. The sand also held heat, which kept the stove hot even with very little fire. Thanks to this design, women would not need to constantly maintain a burning fire to continue cooking, but could light it periodically t o keep the sand hot. This meant that the stove required less wood to cook the same foods that could be prepared over a three stone hearth, ultimately reducing emissions and cha nneled the remaining smoke outside the house, so women would not inhale smoke while cooking. This would reduce respiratory illnesses and eye problems while at the same time keeping the ceilings of the home free of soot. Finally, the asbestos sides of the s tove refracted heat, which protected women and children from being burned while the stove was lit. Stove d elivery : The third set of encounters focused on delivering stoves to registered families. In an ideal delivery, practitioners would deliver the stove and assist the family with installation. This type of encounter provided practitioners a final chance to ensure that the stove would be understood for its environmental and health benefits and also used according to design. These deliveries occurred in se veral towns, particularly in areas where a Secretariat practitioner was stationed for long term community development activities. However, in many towns deliveries did not transmit perspectives as practitioners simply dropped off the equipment without help ing families
220 to install it. This was the case for families who were not at home during delivery and in towns where practitioners were rushed to finish delivery. In these cases, practitioners relied on the transmission of cultural perspectives during the tr aining session to ensure that recipients understood and used the stove in ways that corresponded with Follow up : The final set of encounters involved follow up activities in which practitioners monitored use of the stove over t he long term and addressed any gaps in anticipated and actual usage. Follow up encounters were originally planned to be formal, top down evaluations of each recipient family in which interpretations and uses of the stove would be documented on a standardiz ed survey. These objective data could be used to make adjustments in follow up encounters or to inform future program designs. However, a lack of time and money toward the end of the program changed the nature of follow up encounters. Rather than sending b rigades to conduct formal evaluations of each family, follow up practices were instead tacked onto encounters in other programs. In this way, follow up activities only took place if practitioners encountered stove recipients in their other duties. The str ucture of the encounter depended upon the practitioner who conducted it. Practitioners stationed in Merida generally conducted a revision using empirical methods to assess uses and the condition of the stove. These results were not formally logged or surve yed but were orally reported from memory to program directors. Practitioners stationed in recipient towns engaged in more relational and less formal follow over long term enga gement in the communities encouraged recipients to express the
221 more qualitative opinions and interpretations of the program. Rather than enter the encounter with a list of prepared survey questions, practitioners revised the condition of the stove and aske d situational questions about how recipients used the stove. Finally, because these encounters were focused on mutual understanding rather than meeting program goals, practitioners also came to understand why many recipients had chosen not to use the stove Again, these results were not formally recorded, but were relayed to program directors through oral reports. Anticipated o utcomes : Practitioner culture plays a large role in the estimation of program outcomes, as estimations reflect the positivist struc ture of Yucatecan was designed to address needs and problems that had been objectively exposed ical perspective of practitioners encouraged them to interpret the success of stove programs in other Mexican states as evidence that ecological stoves present a universal solution to the problems experienced by marginalized people using a three stone hear th. Marginalized people were thus imagined and treated as a homogenous group with homogenous needs that could be addressed through a single, universal solution. stone hearth w ith the ecological stove, which would unlock the many ecological and health related benefits of the stove and ultimately reduce marginalization in rural areas. Practitioners anticipated that the objectives of the program were so universal that recipients w ould recognize the benefits and be motivated to change their practices. On a personal level, recipients would connect use of the stove with improved health as they
222 were freed from lung, eye and stomach infections that practitioners concluded were associate d with the three stone hearth. They would recognize the benefits of saving money and time that would otherwise be spent on doctor visits. They would also see that, because the ecological stove used less firewood, they saved time in collecting and cutting f irewood. Beyond their own personal benefits, they would also connect their changed practices with conservation, as they would no longer cut live, oxygen giving trees to burn and would emit less smoke into the environment. Practitioners anticipated that, wi th the help of unidirectional encounters, recipients would fully engage in the universal desire for sustainable development. The stove would allow them to help everyone by helping themselves. Practitioners also anticipated that recipients would appreciate the stove for breaking them free of their traditional practices. Use of a three stone hearth was thought to mire women in the labor of collecting and cutting firewood and to subject them to smoke inhalation and burns as they prepared meals for their famili es. The ecological stove would free them of this traditional drudgery by saving time and promoting a cleaner cooking environment. The program director anticipated that women needed only experience the conveniences of this modern technology and they would n ever go back to the three stone hearth (personal correspondence, October 2011). He explained that, while many practitioners doubted whether these women were capable of breaking from their traditional practices, he believed the universal benefits would inst ill them with the agency they needed to make that step. Indeed, he had seen women discard their three stone hearth for a gas stove and say they would never go back, emphasizing that women are both capable of and interested in modern technology. It was full y anticipated
223 that if the state provided this input to modernity, the women would embrace it for its modernizing properties. The Role of Recipient Culture in Program Outcomes The discussion has thus far examined the role of practitioner culture in the out comes of the Ecological Stove Program. It has specifically focused on four types of encounters initiated by practitioners in order to meet program goals and influence program outcomes that met their expectations. This section discusses the other side of th e equation as it examines the role of recipient culture in program outcomes. While practitioners designed encounters to be a unidirectional transfer of materials and ideas, a more relational perspective reveals the active role participants played in interp reting and using program materials. This section demonstrates that recipients encountered practitioners and the program from their own cultural perspective, rather than that of practitioners, and thus interpreted and used the program in ways that embodied the relationship between their own agency and the multi scalar structures in their cultural environment. This section follows the same format as the last as it examines each of the four types of encounters including selection and registration, training, de livery and follow up. The discussion examines each of these encounters as sites of cultural negotiation that ultimately determined the outcomes of the Ecological Stove Program. At the outset, it is important to note the specif ic context in which the data w ere collected. Eighty one stove recipients were located in 13 towns across the state. I began visiting homes for the purpose of this research about a year after the stoves were ed that they believed my visit to be the evaluation promised by practitioners during delivery. For example, an interviewee might enthusiastically explain the benefits of the stove
224 although it was clear that the stove had never been used. Steps were made to ensure recipients that I was not a state or federal practitioner with a program related agenda but an American student collecting data for a research project. Long term field experience in diverse roles helped me to differentiate between those who accept ed my identity and those who continued encountering me as a practitioner based on behavior throughout the interview. This differentiation is, in the end, entirely subjective, but added rich relational data that will be discussed in the follow up section. S election and r egistration: receive an ecological stove reflect the recursive practices of recipient culture. The believed I was a practitioner ge nerally provided responses concerning the benefits of the stove that had been reviewed in registration and training encounters. The most common response in these scenarios was that they were interested in reducing the amount of smoke in the home, reducing the amount of wood used and protecting themselves and their families from burns. No recipients mentioned the conservation aspects of using less wood and only one mentioned modernization or the reduction of marginality as a reason for wanting the stove. Whi le many of these responses probably o answer the question correctly and add structure of Yucatecan development. Recipients practiced this encounter as a top down affair in which I, the assumed practiti oner, had the ability to take the stove away and
225 passive receiver of goods interested in maintaining the current structure, these recipients ensured the continuation of what is, in their total recursive system, a structure of giving and receiving. The overwhelming majority who seemed to accept that I was not a practitioner gave various other reasons for registering for the program. First, many did not recognize their own agency in the selection and registration encounters and responded that they accepted the stove because it was brought to them. These responses were sometimes coupled with expressions of disdain for having received the stove, as it carried with it the oblig use. Other recipients recognized their own agency, and explained that they registered for a stove to test it and see if it was something they would be interested in using. Others gave more specific reasons for wanting a stove that did not parallel with the benefits described by practitioners. For instance, several said they wanted an apparatus to warm water while they cooked on their three stone hearth. Each of these respons es demonstrates how recipients interpreted the stove from their own cultural perspective rather than the perspective of practitioners. Those who received the stove without particularly wanting it accepted it into their homes and even used it as a perceived responsibility in the top down structure of development. Those who actively requested a stove intended to use it in ways that fit within their own daily practices. These uses may have overlapped with the uses designed by practitioners, but this was not re express goal.
226 Finally, eleven of the 81 recipients interviewed explained that they registered to receive a stove thinking it was a different model. Five other models of stoves were encountered during this research including three federal models, a second state model and a municipal model in the west side of the state ( Figures 6 6, 6 7 and 6 8 ). The precise number of other federal, state, municipal or private stove programs operating in the state is unknown. During registration encounters, practiti oners still were unsure which model the Secretariat would choose and only described the anticipated benefits of the stove. Recipients interpreted the information from within their own cultural perspective to imagine one of several models most common in the ir surroundings. Recipients who were expecting to receive another model were unanimously disappointed with the state stove, particularly as installation required modifications to the home and the kit did not come with all the materials necessary to install and use it. This presented immediate challenges that only the most interested recipients were willing to overcome. Training ncy and the structures of training session was given. It was only through continued conversat ion that it became apparent that women were shown how to use the stove, but the lack of interaction rather than a ustrates that women not only understood but practiced the unidirectional format of the encounter. It is highly
227 likely that women did not ask questions or otherwise interrupt the demonstration out of respect for the structure of the encounter. pretation and use of the training session was informed by several recursive practices. First, gendered gap in the learning process. Women are indeed the primary users of cooking apparatuses, which is why they were invited to the training session, but a male family member is generally responsible for installing this type of fabricated equipment in the home. One woman explained the grapevine process through which her stove was taught us how to install it in a house. ev when my husband came home I showed him how to install s how they showed us (personal correspondence, December 2011). Women atte nded the training session because they were invited, but felt unprepared to understand the technical instruction. For example, one woman December 2011). In this case, the woman understood that the stove should be filled with a certain type of sand, but had difficulty relaying the technical instruction of arranging the sand, which would allow for the smoke to exit through the escape at the back of the stove. Ten of the 81 recipients interviewed for this research claimed that the stove exploded from the insid e or the sides burned or cracked during the first few days of use, two malfunctions that are expected of stoves that are not ins talled according to design. These data suggest that gender structures and the agency of men and women
228 within these structures af fected whether people were able to use the stove and therefore impacted program outcomes. Second, practices of social networking allowed for some registered recipients to skip the training session. In these situations, those women who did not or could not attend the training session would be filled in by those women who did attend. For instance, one woman was recovering from an operation, so her neighbor taught her how to use the stove (personal correspondence, October 2011). This created a conversation bet ween two women, neither of whom felt confident in their ability to relay or apply the technical information that was provided. The woman who had not attended the session would later relay whatever information she had garnered to a man who would be installi ng the stove. Practices of social networking ultimately extended the grapevine process by which training occurred and therefore opened greater possibility for improper installations. Finally, language became another factor influencing raining session Sessions were delivered in Spanish even though much of the population in recipient villages was more comfortable speaking Mayan. Women were already challenged to understand the technical concepts presented in the training sessions and the language barrier for Maya n speakers further reduced comprehension. For example, when asked whether the training session was provided in Spanish or Mayan, one fluent Spanish and, well, nobody used the stove. I used mine and when it broke I stopped using it, but t for
229 clarification and questions. Mayan speakers gathered as much information as possible while listening to and watching the demonstration, then relied on social networking practices to fill in the gaps in comprehension. In this case, the structure of th e encounter coupled with local language practices impacted program outcomes. Delivery : Deliveries were, overall, brief encounters in which practitioners dropped off the equipment and engaged in only perfunctory conversation with recipients. In some towns, however, delivery of the stove also included a brief refresher tutorial on how to ins tall, light and use the stove. Women generally took advantage of the opportunity to ask questions and participate in the process of selecting a location for the stove. Some women even reported that practitioners helped them install the stove, suggesting th at women seized the opportunity to begin using the stove immediately. In general, the few stoves that were installed by practitioners were more likely to have been used for a longer period of time and some were even still in use a year later. Although the women understood the delivery to be a relational process and practitioners understood it to be a unidirectional process, these encounters enabled the two parties to negotiate an installation that met both interests. Follow up : In the absence of a formal fo llow up stage, many recipients believed my interviews to be the evaluation practitioners had promised during delivery. Steps were made to clarify my actual identity and the purpose of my visit, but the situation ursive practices during follow up encounters up encounters are highly influenced by their understanding that practitioners have the ability to take program materials b ack if they are not being used or used properly, and to
230 mark a recipient off the list for other or future programs. Practitioners confirmed that there is no such internal accounting system within the Secretariat, which suggests that this understanding deri ves from some previous experience with development programs. This understanding on the part of recipients is worth exploring as it so greatly influences follow up encounters as recursive practices. This recipient belief highlights several key practices, st ructures and forms of agency that make up a total recursive system of receiving in Yucatan. First, in terms of structures, it suggests that public development programs are a familiar and even engrained structure by which people receive benefits. Recipients understand this structure to be top down and largely opaque as recipients are often unaware of the program until materials are delivered. They also are not informed why they were selected for the program and are therefore unsure of the requisites and requ irements they must meet in order to keep progra ms coming. Second, it suggests a perceived homogeneity of public development agencies as recipients conclude that programs stipu lations. This homogenized understanding of government programs may derive from s prior to the year 2000. It was only in the last 12 years that recipients have really become familiar with the idea of competing parties and the 2006 2012 administration was the first time that the state and federal government were not of the same party in Yucatan. Recipients are possibly still adjusting to the changing structure of Mexican and Yucatecan government, which has manifested in rural areas in the form of multiple competing (and in this case overlapping) development programs. Finally, in terms of agency, it suggests that
231 recipients are interested in perpetuating the structure of giving, be it unidirectional or otherwise. The usefulness of programs has proven hit or miss, but those programs that do bring useful ideas or materials charge recipients with the desire to upkeep this structure of receiving. Because recipients are unsure of the requisites and requirements for ensuring the continuation of this structure, follow up encounters are an anxious opportunity to convince practitioners that the prog ram was useful and that more programs are needed. Several corresponding practices were used as strategies for perpetuating the structures of receiving. It was previously mentioned that, although steps were taken to ensure recipients that I was not a pract itioner with the ability to take away program materials or mark the recipient off the list for future programs, many recipients continued to engage with me in the same ways they would engage with a practitioner. Aside from the usual behaviors of giving sho bit of added enthusiasm about their appreciation for the stove, many recipients also explicitly stated the goal of their behavior. Those who had not used the stove usually explained that they would be installing it soon and took measures to confirm their story. uninstalled and asked that I come back in a few days to see that he had installed it (personal corresp ondence, November 2011). Many of those who discarded their stove after it malfunctioned expressed concern that I might report that they did not take proper care of it or had enrolled in the program just to receive something they could sell as scrap. In con trast, those who had installed their stoves were quick to invite me into the home and show me how they used it. When asked at the end of the interview if there
232 was anything else they would like to add, many of these recipients expressed their appreciation for the stove and for the many other programs they had received. For I come home fr correspondence, December 2011). In these instances, recipients used the encounter as a relational space in which they acknowledged the top down structure of giving but appealed to the pr actitioner on a personal level. Recipients attempted to demonstrate that they met the requisites and requirements for continued receiving but, because they are unsure of what these requisites and requirements are, concluded by simply stating their need or desire to continue receiving. A second strategy became apparent when the condition of the stove did not recipient might explain that the stove had been immensely helpful i n reducing the amount of smoke in the home and protecting from burns, but such clues as cobwebs, a pristine cook surface or lack of smoke stains reflected that it had been used minimally or understood as a practice promoting the continuity of the total recursive system of receiving. It was significant that, in certain cases, the cleanliness of the stove was dramatized as if the recipient had cleaned it just prior to my arrival. The reoccurrence of this situation led me to ask one woman why the stove was so clean. She offered no direct answer but instead began expressing appreciation for Oportunidades a federal program that provides a cash stipend to recipients as long a s they fulfill certain
233 requirements like attend regular health check ups. Further conversation revealed that that non compliance in the stove program would lead to her be ing ejected from Oportunidades She had not found the stove particularly useful, but kept it installed in preparation for the evaluation. This expression of agency again supported the continuity of the structure of receiving while also highlighting a commo n understanding of government programs among recipients. Situations like these highlighted a third strategy used to perpetuate the structure of receiving. It was discussed in Chapter 1 that interviews were conducted until they reached saturation, which is the point in which interviews only reaffirm previous data without generating much new insight (Glaser and Strauss 1967) It is significant that, in most towns, only eight to ten interviews were needed to reach saturation. This circumstance, combined with t he situation of entering into a home to find that the stove had been previously prepared for the interview, pointed to practices of social networking during the follow up phase. Although this was unconfirmed by interview data and did not occur in every tow n, it appeared as though neighbors and family members alerted one another that a practitioner was in the area conducting evaluations. The process likely began after completion of the first interview when that recipient began informing others of the nature of the interview. This allowed people time to prepare answers and, in some cases, to unpack and set up their stoves. Indications of this social networking were especially prominent in towns with a well established history of receiving programs, suggesting more practiced over time.
2 34 Program Outcomes The discussion has thus far examined the outcomes stage of the Ecological Stove Program from each of the cultural perspectives of practitioners and recipients. Four types of encounters were examined as sites in which the recursive practices of practitioners and recipients met and melded to ultimately determine the outcomes of the program. This section summarizes, compares and contrasts the anticipated and actual results of the program to ultimately identify gaps and examine the role of practitioner and recipient culture in these gaps. In the absence of formal follow up surveys, practitioners estimated actual outcomes based on their own informal encoun ters with recipients after the program or, alternatively, through subjective oral reports provided to program directors by field practitioners. Unidirectional encounters tended to capture only the holistic, quantifiable statistics of stove usage; that is, they noted whether the stove was being used or not and, if so, whether it was being used exclusively or in conjunction with the three stone hearth. More relational follow up encounters tended to also capture data on cultural interpretations and uses of the stove. For instance, practitioners reported that several recipients used the base of the stove as a chicken coop while others had adapted the metal cooking surface for use on a three stone hearth. These alternative uses of the materials of the program wer e reported to program directors who promptly applied their expertise to standardize these data into holistic categories. To program directors, these alternative uses were categorized as non use of the equipment simply because they did not fit with practiti The holistic design of the program and these holistic interpretations of the actual outcomes of the program led practitioners to conclude that the program failed. From the
235 outset, success was defined as full acceptance of the stove, meaning that people not only used the stove according to design but also used it exclusively by throwing out their three stone hearth. With this narrow definition, only one of the 81 recipients interviewed for this research co Another 26 people were using the stove a year after it was delivered, but were using it in ways that practitioners did not see as unlocking the full ecological and health benefits of the stove. Each of these 26 cases was glossed as a failure. Practitioners gave four major explanations of why the program failed. First, they blamed the stove, stating that it was constructed of weak materials that broke before women had the opportunity to see the benefits the stove could bri ng. Second, and in a related sense, practitioners blamed recipient culture for keeping the women from recognizing and using the stove for its modernizing capabilities. Because the stove had malfunctioned, these women did not experience the benefits of mode rnity and thus had no incentive to break free of their traditional customs. Third, practitioners blamed federal stove programs by concluding that competition limited interest in the state program. The federal stoves were better constructed and more durable but they also arrived earlier than the state stoves. Without this competition, the state stove would have been more appreciated and used more. Fourth, practitioners admitted that they were not as well prepared and organized as they needed to be. The prog ram was not funded in the 2010 fiscal year budget but by a mid year influx of funds for rural programs. The Secretariat was given a very short time to spend these resources, which forced practitioners to get started without much preparation for field activ ities. The program would have been more
236 successful if practitioners had 1) been prepared to give quality training sessions and 2) had the time and funds to conduct follow up activities. Figure 6 5. The inner construction of the stove and the associated alternative use of the stove like a gas burner A relational perspective takes off from holistic categories to understand how s In this way, a relational examination takes into account who was or was not using the stove at the time of the interview, but also before the interviews. It also defines use in relation to other recursive practices of the recipient. Use becomes any conscious engagement with the equipment, particularly those that meet the curre nt and future needs and interests of recipients. One way to operationalize this relational examination is to ask how a recipient is or was using the equipment not whether they are or were using it.
237 The data collected for this research shows that 27 of the 81 of the stoves located in everyday practices. In fact, 85 percent of these stoves were being used in cooking practices, but recipients had removed the cooking surface to use the stove in the same way one would use a gas stove (Figure 6 5). This was made possible by the inner controlling the fire directly underneath Recipients reported using the ecological stove for items that needed to simmer or boil for longer periods of time. For example, the stove was commonly used in this way to warm pots of soup or bathwater or for nixtamal the slow cook process by which corn is rendered into dough. These slow cook items normally take up valuable space on the three stone hearth but the stove allowed for recipients to prepare these items simultaneously with other items. Although the stove wa s not being used according to design, this alternative use of the stove unlocked several of the anticipated benefits of the program. It reduced the amount of time and firewood needed to prepare slow cook items by shielding the flame from the wind and conce ntrating the heat. This ultimately reduced the amount of smoke that was released into the home. Finally, the insulation of the flame kept it from radiating heat that bothered women as they cooked or had the potential to burn wandering children. In convers e the data also determined that 54 of the 81 stoves (about 66 percent) were not in use at the time of the interview. However, this relational research took off from holistic categories to examine whether and how recipients had used the stove prior to the i nterview. The data show that, of the 54 stoves not in use, 26 people had used their stoves directly after delivery but removed it for one or more reasons. The most
238 common reason for abandoning the stove was a malfunctio n. Ten of these 26 stoves were a ffec ted by such malfunctions as an internal explosion, cracked sides or smoke leaks. The high frequency of malfunctions pointed to two possible causes. Practitioners identified the first, which is that the stove was poorly constructed and made of weak material s. This was also suggested by many families who were still using their stoves despite cracks in its asbestos sides. A second likely cause exposed by this research relates to gaps between the training and installation processes. Language barriers, gender st ructures and practices of social networking opened several possibilities for the stove to be installed in ways that would cause the malfunctions reported by recipients. The data suggest a strong link between these challenges and improper installation as ma ny women who were still using the stove at the time of the interview either sent their husbands to the training session, allowed a practitioner to install the stove or were trained to install the stove in Mayan rather than Spanish. The second most common r eason for abandoning the stove was concern for child safety. Eight women either uninstalled the stove or never set it up for fear that their children would fall on or touch the cooking surface. Two actually experienced accidents before remo ving the stove. In light of these data, the above mentioned alternative use of interest in using the The third most common reason for abandoning the stove was fear of burning the flammable materials of the home (e.g. a thatch roof and wooden walls) At least three homes across the state were burned by state stoves. Social networking practices allowed for the news to travel wide and fast, leading many women to ab andon the stove or, less commonly, to relocate it to an open
239 area. One fire victim was interviewed for this research and explained that the metal chimney had become so hot that it ignited the thatch roof of her kitchen and burned the entire structure to th e ground in a matter of minutes. This led women to the conclusion that the stove was better suited for concrete, rather than thatch roof homes. Ironically, the stove was understood by recipients to draw a line between modern and traditional rather than br idge it. These relational data reveal that recipient culture did not keep women from using the stove as practitioners concluded. Fifty three of the 81 recipients interviewed for this research were using or had used the stove, suggesting that they were open to technological changes in their cooking practices and actively added it to their everyday practices. Practitioners estimated results from within their own cultural perspective so that d with ectations. The data demonstrate that women did not use the stove perspective and located it within their own recursive practices. The insti tutionalization of culture as an unpredictable phenomenon that causes program failure allowed n use of the stove. However these data suggest titutes use were responsible for overlooking the varied successes of the program. This brief overview of the anticipated and actual outcomes of the Ecological Stove Program is facilitated through the use of the encounters approach as a relational, practice oriented perspective. Although practitioners understood the program to be a failure based on holistic interpretations of the data, a relational perspective paints a
240 much different picture. About 65 percent of recipients did use the stove, but the holistic theoretical perspective of practitioners meant that alternative uses and blocked attempts to install and use the stove were glossed as failures. The encounters approach identified the multiple roles of recipient and participant culture in negotiating the gaps in anticipated and actual results through program encounters. In providing the four suspected reasons for program failure, practitioners began to recognize how encounters influence program outcomes and their cultural role in those encounters. They adm itted that they were unprepared for training sessions and unable to complete follow up, and thus did not take full advantage of the opportunity to guide recipients in interpreting and using the program in ways th at correspond ed with ed achievements In other words, they were unable to encounter recipients on a cultural level to guide them in practicing modernity through the program but instead relied on the unidirectional transfer of ideas and practices vis vis the stove. Given pra investment in creating and perpetuating the top down structure of development, it active role recipient culture plays in development programs. Strategies for adjusting are the subject of the next chapter.
241 Figure 6 6 A second model of stove delivered by the state government Figure 6 7. A model of stove deliver ed by a municipal government
242 Figure 6 8. Three models of stoves delivered by agencies of the federal government
243 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION This dissertation has examined a critical mismatch between the human centered goals of contemporary global development and the holistic social theory that underpins the achievement of those goals. It set out to achieve four interlocking theoretical and practical objectives that would establish the dimensions of this problem and also offer practical and theoreti cal solutions for addressing it. This conclusion summarizes the key contributions and findings of this research by revisiting each of these initial research objectives. Chapters 1 and 2 reviewed the methodologies and techniques that were used to collect a nd analyze data toward the achievement of the four research objectives. Field research between August 2011 and July 2012 examined three development programs of the state government of Yucatan, Mexico. Data collection was informed by a practice oriented app roach, which helped to focus analysis on the specific practices, structures research concluded with three major data sets that corresponded to each of the three programs. Each data set was composed of transcripts of formal and informal interviews with program practitioners and recipients, extensive field notes on participant observation, ethnographic photographs and official documents and reports concerning each program. Analysi s of the field data was informed by the encounters approach and was facilitated by MaxQDA, a qualitative data analysis program. Interview transcripts, field notes photos and documents were coded in terms of the interaction that took place during various e ncounters. This involved coding for specific practices, structures and expressions of agency that influenced the encounter and then comparing data to
244 understand how recursive interaction during these encounters influenced outcomes at each stage of program completion. Simultaneous to the collection and analysis of field data, the paradigm framework informed analysis of development policy and practice at the global, national and state levels. Literature at each level was analyzed in terms of the ontological, methodological and epistemological beliefs and the particular manifestations of these beli efs in policy and practice. These cross comparative data informed an understanding of practitioner culture in Yucatan as it outlined the specific practices, structure s and expressions of agency typical in Yucatecan development processes. These data were essential in the analysis of encounters as sites for the cultural negotiation of program outcomes. Interpretations and Treatments of Culture in Development The first ob jective of the study was to determine how culture is interpreted and treated in the Millennium Development framework. This objective was achieved through a comparative examination of the theoretical and practical frameworks of global, national and state de velopment. Use of the paradigm framework determined that the ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets that guide development policy give way to specific theoretical interpretations and practical treatments of culture at each level. Chapter 3 identified global development policy as a guiding model for national and local development policy and practice, as its positivist structure manifests in different ways at each level. Practice oriented cross comparison in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 traced the stru ctural influences of global development in national and state policy, but also identified how local structures, expressions of agency and practices modify that structure at each level. An outline of the total recursive systems of global, Mexican and
245 Yucate can development allowed for a thorough understanding of how culture is theoretically interpreted and practically treated in each recursive system. Analysis guided by the paradigm framework determined that global development fits within a positivist framew ork, which is characterized by a realist ontology, objectivist epistemology and empirical experimentalist methodology. Concepts of culture maintain a holistic definition of culture as an inert structure that guides behaviors and beliefs. Just as this defin ition corresponds with the positivist structure of development, three theoretical interpretations and practical treatments of culture also correspond with the specific ontological, epistemological and methodological tenets of global development. First, cul ture is interpreted as a barrier to development. This interpretation derives from a realist ontology that recognizes development as a natural, universal process that can be blocked or slowed by the maintenance of traditional practices. Second, culture is i nterpreted as a problem development must solve. This interpretation derives from an objectivist epistemology that recognizes development as a process of top down engineering that solves development problems and breaks down barriers to development. Developm ent efforts work to break people free of the traditional practices distraction. This interpretation derives from an empirical experimentalist methodology that, in its focus on quantitative measures and holistic calculations, recognizes culture as an unpredictable local phenomenon that distracts from the universality of the development project. Rather than allow themselves to be distracted by this qualitative concept, global practitioners instead avoid culture when possible and compartmentalize it when it cannot be avoided.
246 m a carbon reflect a realist ontology, objectivist epistemology and empirical experimentalist methodology, but this positivist structure is highly influenced by the national struct ure of democracy and the collective agency of policymakers who are simultaneously development experts and political figures. These recursive differences in the global and national development models result in unique interpretations and treatments of cultur e democratically embraces culture as the wealth of the country and promotes a definition of development that makes room for cultural diversity. Culture is still concept ualized holistically as an overarching structure that guides behaviors and beliefs, but the national perspective understands structures to derive specifically from the past as it unifies Mexicans in a path toward a multi cultural modernity, treats traditional culture as a barrier to development in that it promotes passivity of economic and political participation. Rather than concluding that this cultural barrier is a problem devel opment development must work around Mexican policy holds that culture should be maintained in ways that promote participation in a multi cultural form of Mexican modernity. Fina lly, culture is not treated as an avoidable distraction in national development, but as an culture in the Mexican National Development Plan provides preliminary eviden ce to
247 suggest that cultural considerations are less avoidable at more local levels and in democratic contexts. adopts the positivist structure of global development and is highl y influenced by democratic structures. However, Chapter 5 determined that the political agency of practitioners influences a recursive system of Yucatecan development that differs significantly from the Mexican model and, instead, more closely resembles th e global model. Yucatecan development reflects a realist ontology, objectivist epistemology and empirical experimentalist methodology, but these structures manifest in uniquely Yucatecan ways that reflect the interplay between democratic structures and pol itical agency. Culture is conceptualized holistically at the state level as a structure that derives from the past and guides behaviors and beliefs, but is thought to lie exclusively in the realm of traditional, not modern populations. Much like in the glo bal literature, universal path of development. Traditional groups are understood to be mired in and drawn to cultural rules that inhibit processes of modernization. Yucatan epistemology identifies culture as a problem development practitioners must solve in order to render Yucatan into a modern, developed state. Development efforts provide the inputs to modernity that liberate people of the traditional practice s that inhibit their emphasizes empiricism and calculative measures, practitioners and policymakers understand culture as a worthy and necessary distraction. Practitioners are i nterested in expanding their expertise to better incorporate cultural considerations into program
248 planning. This eagerness on the part of Yucatecan practitioners demonstrates that cultural considerations are unavoidable at more local levels and in democrat ic contexts. Global development guides local development efforts, but the avoidance of culture concepts in global development theory leave local practitioners painfully ill prepared to address human centered problems in a multi cultural, democratic context The Encounters Approach The second objective of the study was to introduce and test the utility of the encounters approach as an alternative theoretical perspective to guide practices within the Millennium Development framework. This objective derives fr om the main problem identified in this research, which is the critical mismatch between the human centered goals of contemporary global development and the holistic social theory that underpins the achievement of those goals. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 demonstrat ed that the holistic, positivist structure of the Millennium Development framework guides development policy and practice at the national and state levels. In the absence of cultural considerations in this guiding framework, practitioners in more local con texts bear the burden of translating the holistic theory of development into democratic development practices that respect and meet the cultural needs of constituents. The guiding purpose of this research was to present and test the encounters approach as an appropriate theoretical perspective that addresses this burden within the current development framework. In a theoretical sense, the encounters approach meets the need for a more relational perspective that is capable of understanding the complexity of the problems of human development. The current holistic framework of development reflects the belief that complex social phenomena like human development and culture can and should be understood through macro level
249 examination (Guba 1990; Ritzer and Gindof f 1992) This gives way to a positivist structure of development that sacrifices contextual detail and scientific accuracy in favor of over The encounters approach contrasts from t his holistic perspective as it pursues multi scalar, diachronic examination that systematically captures the full complexity of social phenomena like human development and culture. As a practice oriented, relational perspective, the encounters approach emb races the contextual detail that characterizes the engagement of people with the multi scalar processes of their cultural environment. Development is thus reconceptualized as an inherently relational process. The encounters approach allows for the systemat ic understanding of the role of culture in development processes. Unlike the current holistic framework of development, the encounters approach recognizes culture as a scientific concept that can be understood and operationalized despite its qualitative co mplexity. From the encounters approach, culture is operationalized as practices, particularly those recursive practices that embody the dynamic relationships between agents and the social structures in the world around them. Encountering is one such recurs ive practice made special by its interactive, social character; encounters become essential sites of cultural negotiation as agents collectively engage in the perpetuation, modification or destruction of the total recursive systems they represent. In a p ractical sense, the encounters approach operationalizes the application of contemporary anthropological theory in development and puts development programs at the center of investigation. From a holistic perspective, programs are treated as institutionaliz ed mechanisms for the top down transfer of benefits from development
250 agencies to program recipients. Practitioners are understood as active engineers of these transfers while recipients are understood as passive receivers of the goods and materials of deve lopment. The practice oriented, relational perspective of the encounters approach re orients this conceptualization to understand development programs as encounters or sites of cultural negotiation in which the actors of development engage in the perpetua tion, manipulation, modification or reification of the total recursive systems they represent (Bourdieu 1977; Giddens 1984; Ritzer and Gindoff 1992) Both practitioners and program recipients are recognized as development actors and cultural agents who par ticipate equally and actively in the negotiation of program outcomes as well as the negotiation of the total recursive system of development (Giddens 1984) The conclusions of this dissertation suggest that the encounters approach is both useful and appro priate in incorporating cultural considerations into state development practices. Relational data like that deriving from the encounters approach are useful in informing program design before, during and after implementation. Entering into data collection with a relational perspective prepares practitioners to collect empirical data on a wider range of possibilities than that contained in a pre conceived hypothesis. While the hypothesis still drives program design, relational data capture the contextual det ail surrounding that hypothesis and enable practitioners to design programs that better fit the needs of those they reach. This allows for more accurate predictions of program outcomes and promotes success of the program in achieving its goals. During impl ementation, the encounters approach allows for the systematic understanding of the role of practitioner and recipient culture in development. This allows practitioners to
251 adjust the interactivity of program encounters to help guide recipients in understand ing and using the program in ways that meet program goals. Finally, the encounters approach is useful in retrospectively understanding the more qualitative and relational outcomes of programs. These outcomes go beyond qualitative measures of success and fa ilure to inform practitioners of how recipients understood and used the program in did not anticipate. Through the encounters approach, gaps in anticipated and actual results become spaces of scientific discovery, as they embody the cultural negotiation that took place at each stage of the program. Relational analysis of these gaps provides valuable information for improving the design of future programs. The encounter s approach is also an appropriate methodology for operationalizing cultural considerations in state development practices. Appropriateness is ultimately without training experimentalist methodology serves as an entry point for a practice oriented concept of culture and the application of the encounters approach in development practice. An empirical experimentalist methodology encourages practitioners to examine culture based on its observable characteristics The daily practices of recipients are already used as a marker of culture, as practitioners understand such practices as use of a three stone hearth and subsi stence farming to delineate traditional culture. However, a holistic theoretical perspective allows for the misinterpretation of culture as an inert structure that guides behaviors and beliefs and daily practices emerges as people of their culture. In other words, practices are nothing more than
252 the unconscious end result of an omnipotent structure. The encounters approach, as a practice oriented, relational perspective, encourages practitioners to continue their observation of pra ctices as expressions of culture, but to recognize the recursive value of practices as they embody the relationship between agency and structure. Part of this renewed focus on practices involves recognizing the actors of development and the active role th ey play in determining the outcomes of programs. In aware of the active role recipients play in the outcomes of elections and this awareness often translates into development pra ctices. However, a holistic theoretical perspective allows for the misinterpretation and treatment of program participants as passive recipients in the top down transfer of development programs. The encounters approach encourages practitioners to recognize recipients in the development context in the same way that they recognize recipients in the democratic political context. Recipients are active participants in development programs who draw from their own cultural perspective in understanding and using th e materials and ideas they receive. In this way, recipients play an active role in determining the outcomes, and ultimately the success, of development programs. At the same time, the encounters approach encourages practitioners to recognize themselves as cultural agents who are both influenced by and influence the total recursive systems of modernity and development. Just as traditional culture can be recognized for its recursive practices, so too are modern culture and development culture made up of recur sive practices. Current dichotomies deriving from
253 representatives of modernity and providers of development. It is from this basis that practitioners may begin to unders tand how their recursive practices of modernity enter into development programs, where they engage with recipient culture to negotiate the outcomes of development programs but also the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. Finally, the appropri ateness of the encounters approach also directly relates to the likelihood of this concept being utilized within the existing development framework at the local level. The encounters approach is appropriate in that it does not require significant modificat ions to the Millennium Development framework, but introduces an alternative theoretical perspective for understanding the work that practitioners do. State development is and will always remain a top down process by natu re of the political structure that d irects it The encounters approach fits within rather than challenges this top down structure as it works at the level of the practitioner. This dissertation has highlighted that practitioners are experts at much more than holistic theory and methods as th ey simultaneously juggle the roles of economists, politicians and anthropologists in their daily work. The encounters approach addresses the very gap in global development theory that leaves local practitioners feeling ineffectual in their roles as anthrop ologists. It does this by providing practitioners the theoretical and methodological tools they need to begin incorporating cultural considerations in their daily tasks of data collection, program planning, program implementation and interpreting program o utcomes. With these tools, practitioners enter into encounters ready to relate to recipients and prepared to capture the contextual data that surrounds recipient needs and desires. As experts in a top down structure of development,
254 practitioners bear the b urden of adjusting their practices in ways that take recipient culture into account. The encounters approach eases that burden in ways that promote mutual understanding and positive changes to the total recursive system of Yucatecan development. The Role of Culture in Development Programs The third objective of the study was to utilize the encounters approach to determine the role of culture in three development programs in Yucatan, Mexico. The encounters approach was introduced in Chapter 2 as a theoretic al framework for reconceptualizing development programs as cultural encounters between practitioners and recipients. It was then applied in Chapter 6 as an analytic methodology for examining the role of practitioner and recipient culture in development pro grams. Application of the encounters approach demonstrated that both practitioner and recipient culture play a role at each stage of development programs In this way, p rograms act as cultural encounters in which practitioners and recipients negotiate and ultimately determine program outcomes. As an analytic methodology, the encounters approach encourages the examiner to divide a program into its various parts, including recursive practices, agents and structures, a process that was demonstrated in Chapter 6. In that chapter, the life of a program was first broken down into three stages, which were loosely differentiated based on the types of encounters that occurred. The data collection and design stage was characterized by encounters between practitioners and top down encounters between practitioners and recipients. The implementation stage was characterized by encounters between recipients and practitioners, and, in the case of the Bakers Program, between recipients and program design as an artifact of pr actitioner culture.
255 The outcomes stage was characterized by field encounters between practitioners and recipients. Each of the three stages was then analyzed in terms of the actual encounters or interactions that occurred throughout that stage. Individual encounters were treated as interactions between two development agents, practitioners and recipients, and were analyzed from each cultural perspective. This involved identifying the recursive practices that guided the encounter and examining the social str uctures and expressions of agency that influence those practices. The cultural perspectives of each encounter were compared to expose the cultural negotiation that took place during the encounter and how this negotiation manifested in the anticipated and a ctual results of the program. The encounters approach proved a useful methodology for understanding the role of culture in the outcomes of development programs and for rendering gaps in anticipated and actual results into scientific data that can be used f or program improvement. RedCuidar (Safety Net) offered an example of the data collection and design stage of development programs. The encounters approach identified survey taking as a recursive practice on the part of the practitioners that was effective in collecting and standardizing the data practitioners sought. However, it also determined that these data were not as objective and free of cultural bias as practitioners may have believed. Encounters between practitioners during the design phase of the s urvey rendered the survey into an artifact of practitioner culture as it embodied the relationships between positivism. Further, the recursive use of the scientific method mean t that data on the needs of gathered along the hypothesis of state
256 practitioners. The hypothesis, as a pre formulated estimation of the situation, is highly dable, practical programs realizing a modern economy. The recursive practices of training municipal practitioners and conducting surveys limited the entry of subjective data o n the part of recipients but, in so doing, ensured that survey answers met the culturally influenced expectations of state practitioners. The encounters approach thus revealed how the recursive practices of state practitioners during data collection led to circular reasoning in program design. That is, survey questions were designed based on needs that were already hypothesized. The same data that demonstrated those needs also conveniently justified the need for a program that met those needs, resulting in a program design that reflects the expertise of practitioners. The RedCuidar proje cts that were designed from these data were postponed indefinitely, disallowing an examination of how this program was interpreted and used by recipients during implementatio n. The Bakers Program took up where RedCuidar left off as it offered an example of the implementation stage of development programs. The encounters approach identified the design of the program as an artifact of practitioner culture, as it resulted from th e recursive practices of data collection and embodied the relationships between Practitioners anticipated from their cultural perspective that the top down design of the program would create a site for the one way transfer of ideas from the state to recipients. However, in the absence of interactive encounters between practitioners and recipients, recipients interpreted and used each of three program goals in ways tha t
257 workshop were not structured by the program, but were recursive to their cultural perspective as they reflected and informed the relationships between agency and structures in their lives outside the workshop. Quantitative measures of attendance and graduation rates pointed to the overwhelming success of the program, but the relational data derived from the encounters approach revealed that most recipients understood and use d the program in ways that did not meet program goals. These gaps in anticipated and actual results ultimately summarize the role of practitioner and recipient culture in the outcomes of the implementation stage and point to some simple adjustments that ca n be made in the program design in order to close these gaps. Finally, the Ecological Stove Program offered an example of the outcomes stage of development programs. The encounters approach determined that practitioner culture plays a large role in the est imation of program outcomes, as they are both Program, practitioners drew from the p ositivist structure of development to estimate that the benefits of the program were universally understandable and desirable and contributed their expertise in creating top down encounters to simply transfer those benefits to recipients. Holistic, quantit ative measures of stove use concluded the program to be a failure as very few people were using the stove in the way it was engineered to be used and/or in ways that were designed to unlock the environmental and health benefits of the program. However, the relational data derived from the encounters approach revealed that recipients had been or were using the stove, usually
258 in alternative ways that met their needs and often still unlocked the benefits of the program. These data confirm that recipients did n ot understand and use the program as a top down transfer, but actively participated in the negotiation of program outcomes by adopting the stove into their own recursive practices. Again, these gaps in anticipated and actual results summarize the role of p ractitioner and recipient culture in the outcomes of development programs and point to some simple adjustments that can be made in the program design in order to close these gaps. Recommendations The final objective of this study was to utilize its data a nd conclusions to elaborate recommendations and tools that will aid practitioners in improving development practice through the incorporation of anthropological science. This dissertation has already served as a practical example of how the encounters appr oach can be operationalized within development processes. An abridged, translated copy of the dissertation will be provided to the Secretariat and to various public and research libraries in Mexico to promote the dissemination of these ideas in the develop ment community. This concluding section takes a final step in making the application of the encounters approach in development practice both clear and explicit. The recommendations and tools presented in this conclusion apply the encounters approach to the programs investigated in this research and are tailored to the needs expressed by development practitioners of the Secretariat. They are incorporated in this dissertation, and thus in the social science record, with the hope that they may be useful to pra ctitioners in other states, in other countries and at other levels of development who face similar challenges in fulfilling their anthropological roles in development.
259 This section is structured in relation to the three stages of program completion that w ere reviewed in Chapter 6, including data collection and program design, implementation and outcomes. Two types of practices will be highlighted in relation to each stage. First, the section highlights best practices, or those relational practices and idea s that fit well within the encounters approach. These will be discussed to provide practitioners a platform for understanding the relational work they already do. Second, the section highlights holistic methodological practices that limit the entry of rela tional perspectives. Each of these practices will be discussed in terms of their impact on the program and will be followed by recommendations and tools to foment greater Data c ollection: Several best practice s in the RedCuidar data collection stage promoted the inclusion of relational data. First, inter agency collaboration encouraged the collection of a wider breadth of data than would have been collected if only Secretariat practitioners had designed the sur vey. Each agency may have entered into the survey design phase with specific hypotheses or questions in mind, but the collaborative construction of the survey opened opportunities for the topics solicited by one agency to provide contextual detail in suppo Further, the engagement of municipal practitioners in the survey phase also provides an excellent basis for implementing more relational encounters with recipients. Municipal recipient families encourages respondents to engage in the encounter rather than provide responses in accordance with the top down structure of development. Inter agency collaboration in survey design ultimately p romotes a relational approach without
260 altering structures of expertise. Second, it is common in relational research to conclude an interview (or survey) with an open ended question that asks the respondent if he or she has any further comments or contribut ions. This question asks the respond ent to assess what has already been asked and provide further information from his or her cultural perspective to clarify an answer or touch on information that was not solicited by the survey. These types of questions d o not significantly alter the top down encounter of the survey but provide contextual data from a relevant cultural perspective. Finally, the training of fieldworkers is essential in large scale, inter agency collaboration. These types of encounters, be th ey top down or collaborative, promote the systemization of data collection as each practitioner is informed of the purpose of the survey and his or her role in the broader methodology. Several practices in the RedCuidar data collection stage also limited t he entry of relational data. First, the survey was made up of mostly close ended questions that disallow respondents from providing answers outside the expectations of practitioners. Obvious examples of these questions include yes/no questions (of which th ere are 52 on the survey), questions that offer categorical responses (i.e. is the roof of the presumed to have factual answers (i.e. how many children do you have). Thes e close ended questions encompass practitioner culture as responses are limited to those anticipated by practitioners and alternative responses must be categorized by the survey taker. Second, given the holistic methodology of the survey, practitioners wer e encouraged to use their expertise to standardize responses to the only open ended question on the survey. Practitioners generally standardized the response into
261 information that had already been provided elsewhere in the survey and often in ways that use often used to document specific equipment, therapy, operations or economic help that was needed by the recipient, all of which were solicited elsewhere in the survey. The expert standardization of these response defeats the purpose of an open ended question, particularly in a relational methodology like the encounters approach. Finally, practitioners behavior during the survey ensured its practice as a top down encounter. Most p ractitioners only briefly explained the purpose of the survey and immediately requested documentation from the respondent to begin the survey. Very little effort was made to relate to the respondent in ways that would encourage them to engage in a more rel ational encounter. Although surveying generally is not the most effective technique for collecting relational data, neither is it an exclusively or intrinsically holistic technique. Surveys are capable of capturing relational data when prepared and used al ong a relational methodology like the encounters approach. The RedCuidar survey was largely prepared along a holistic methodology of positivism, but proved extremely effective in collecting large amounts of contextual data in a situation that depended upon inter agency teamwork. Aside from maintaining the best practices already mentioned, some slight modifications to the survey would further aid in the collection of more relational data. First, all close ended responses could be followed by an open ended sp ace for alternative category can be written in. Factual and yes/no questions could include a
262 ha ended space offers respondents an opportunity to clarify, for example, that a child is adopted or if the family recently lost a child. Rather than anticipate all possible responses, these open ended spaces allow for the full range of contextu al data to enter into the survey. development context often require different types of data. Budget committees, for example, prefer holistic data that is already standardized along specific research questions, but program planning benefits from relational data that reflects the context of a given problem. Surveys could be designed to meet the multiple needs of practitioners by including a space for an exact response that is then lin ked to standardized options. For example, the RedCuidar survey asked respondents what caused a disability, but those who were diagnosed by a local healer provided responses that did not fit within al survey, the original diagnosis corresponding space for standardized information In this relational approach, the standardizing the information is documented. Practitioners then have access to both relational and holistic data as they fulfill their various roles as development experts. during survey encounters, many of which perpetuate the top down structure of development through complacent participation. The creation of relational encounters will be the responsibility of practitioners whose practices of expertise were and still are
263 recursively intertwined in the construction and reconstruction of the top down structure of development. The encouragement of relational encou nters begins through efforts to relate to respondents. Rather than beginning a survey by requesting documents, practitioners may begin by asking the respondent if he or she would like to participate. The data collected in this research suggest that very fe w people will decline participation, but this relational gesture encourages the respondent to actively engage in the encounter rather than just provide answers. Open ended questions and requests for clarification built into a relational survey build on thi s initial encounter by providing contextual data to accompany holistic data. Implementation : The implementation of the Bakers Program included several relational practices that reduced gaps in anticipated and actual results. First, the ctive collaboration with professionals at rehabilitation centers allowed for diverse relational data to shape program design. Rehabilitation professionals maintain interactive relationships with recovering addicts, providing them a relational understanding relational encounters with rehabilitation professionals welcomed the entry of the program design with t heir own profess ional perspectives. Second, these relational data were used to tailor program design to the recursive practices and total recursive system of recovering addicts. In othe r words, the program design spra ng from cultural considerations. Finall y, the incorporation of qualitative as well as quantitative goals encouraged the program to remain ever mindful of the cultural needs of recovering addicts while at the same time meeting the structural requirements of Yucatecan
264 development. Each of these t hree best practices are directly attributable to the program director whose training in sociology introduced him to relational methods and also prepared him to conduct relational research. His ability to implement his relational perspective within the posi tivism of Yucatecan development points to the unique expertise of social scientists like sociologists and anthropologists in the development context. The encounters approach highlighted three holistic design elements that enabled or promoted gaps in antici pated and actual results. First, a lack of interactive encounters between practitioners and recipients during implementation encouraged recipients to interpret and use the program fully from their own cultural perspective. Interactive encounters throughout implementation can be used to streamline the achievement of program goals and embrace the active role participants play in determining the outcomes of programs. For instance, an introductory presentation could inform participants of the purpose of the pro gram, the problems it addresses and the objectives it aims to achieve. By making them aware of the opportunities being presented and why they are being presented, recipients are empowered with the conscious choice of how to express their agency through the program. In addition, practitioners might prompt weekly or bi weekly relational encounters by visiting the workshop and speaking with participants about their experiences. Practitioners may also invite past program participants to speak with the current c ohort, which would simultaneously demonstrate networks. Whatever form these recursive encounters take, it is important to make
265 practitioners visible and available to recip ients as they engage with the program and with other program participants. Second, the application of a universal solution to the diverse problems of various disabilities promoted significant gaps in outcomes as well as several unanticipated outcomes. Beca use the program director is well aware that vulnerability is not homogenous, both as a sociologist and member of a vulnerable group, the operational assumption that problems of all vulnerabilities can be effectively addressed by the same solution seems mis placed. One practitioner suggested that this oversight is the result of mission creep, in that the program has become so engrained and accepted over the last three years that is has lost sight of the interplay between the original goals and design (Babb 20 03; personal c orrespondence, April 2012) A limited state budget clashes with Indeed, this conundrum likely encouraged the use of the Bakers Program as a universal solu tion in the first place. The difficulties of serving diverse needs could be addressed through interactive encounters throughout implementation. An introductory presentation has already been proposed; this presentation could include information about the di fficulties and challenges different vulnerabilities pose and how participants can become agents of change, for themselves and for others, through the program. This type of information introduces the program workshop as a supportive, patient environment whe re recipients are aware of the active role they play in encouraging (and allowing) others to achieve the qualitative goals of the program. In this way, recipient recipient encounters are imbued with the goals of the program and weekly or bi weekly practiti oner recipient encounters could help to maintain this environment. Such
266 adjustments make the qualitative goals of the program more generally applicable, such as those focused on therapy and socialization. Finally, the incorporation of qualitative goals int o the program design takes a first step toward more relational programs, and this could be followed up by actually already demonstrated how practitioners can examine qualit ative results retrospectively using the encounters approach. Some further steps could be taken during implementation to help document progress. First, the course could begin with a qualitative survey or interview that situates the person in relation to eac h goal. The survey or interview could also ask participants why they are interested in the course, what they hope to gain and what their future employment goals are. These encounters could be repeated at the middle and end of the course to allow practition ers to track progress. Of course, the survey or interview should encompass relational methods that mutually engage participants and practitioners rather than enable the top down extraction of answers. Second, participants could be asked to provide feedback about the program at the end of the course. Questions should encourage participants to provide a balanced critique by asking what elements worked well, what could be improved and how it could be improved. Each of these two methods provide practitioners wi th data to 1) track progress toward qualitative goals, 2) improve future rounds of implementation, 3) justify the continuation of the program and 4) inform other studies/program designs. Outcomes : The outcomes stage of the Ecological Stove Program include d some relational practices that reduced gaps in anticipated and actual results. First, the large
267 scale of the program encouraged collaboration with diverse local actors. Field directors called for the assistance of those state practitioners who were engag ed in long term community development in the areas where the stove was distributed and field practitioners recruited community leaders to help identify potential recipients. Each of these strategies introduced relational perspectives into each of the encou nters of the outcomes stage. Second, practitioners promoted relational participation in the program as they explained the program and asked potential recipients if they would like to receive a stove. By asking for their participation, recipients were empow ered to make a decision about their needs and actively participate in what they had previously understood as a purely top down structure of receiving. The data do not contain information about how many people turned down the stove, but the simple act of as king narrowed the recipient population to those who were more likely to use the stove. Third, agement understood the demonstration and also created a recursive encounter that promoted the achievement of program goals. Several holistic methodological practices of the Ecological Stove Program also promoted gaps in anticipated and actual results. First, the top down structure of the training session limited interaction with recipients that would have supplied information useful during the course of the program. Recipien ts overwhelmingly understood the training session as a one way demonstration and thus did not ask questions or clarify points of confusion. Such questions and comments likely would have alerted
268 practitioners that women generally do not install industrial e quipment in the home. An astute practitioner would have quickly determined that the training session should be delivered to men and women in order to meet both the gender and use goals of the program. Such questions and comments would also allow practition ers to understand what elements of the stove needed more explanation. For instance, a more engaging training session might have identified that women understood what type of sand should fill the stove, but did not understand how it should be arranged in th e stove to allow for ventilation. Practitioners could have spent more time on these elements of installation and even invited the women to come forward to practice the technique while under supervision. Some simple ways of encouraging recipients to engage in the training session are to 1) encourage their hands on participation throughout the session, 2) frequently ask if there are any questions, 3) repeat more difficult concepts. Other steps could also be taken such as training a member of the community to assist with in home installations or providing recipients with a pictorial installation guide to take home with them. stove was a universal solution to universal problems associated with use of a three stone hearth. The program design was informed by past stove projects implemented in other Mexican states, obvious in the program justification that was copied almost word for word from a GIRA ( 2004 ) study on a stove program i n Michoacn The program and the stove itself were thus designed around the end goal of reducing the amount of firewood needed to cook. Gaps in anticipated and actual results signaled that cooking practices are not universal, meaning that the benefits of t he stove will not be universal.
269 For example, data collected for previous stove programs in other Mexican states mountainous environments where fires are simultaneously us ed for cooking and as a reduce to embers when they are not cooking. This practice already minimizes the amount of firewood needed compared to other areas. The benefit of using less wood are tha to be cut for firewood. Data from this research is already reduced by fire tending practices and men further reduce this burden by collecti ng wood as part of their farming duties. In terms of conservation, both men and women who collect wood unanimously stated that they do not cut live trees, as the quantities of dried wood lying on the ground are bet ter for burning and easily meet their dail y needs. A relational alternative to designing programs around end goals or program benefits is to design programs around recipient practices. Data concerning daily practices can likely be supplied by field practitioners engaged in long term community deve lopment projects or, alternatively, can be gathered through empirical observation and relational interviews with potential recipients. These relational data on daily practices can help practitioners close gaps in anticipated and actual results by allowing them to tailor programs to the specific ecological structures of Yucatan and the total recursive systems of Yucatecans. Third, practitioners invested considerable time and money in designing and producing an ecological stove. They eventually settled upon a design that had been introduced in another Mexican state, and paid a local business to manufacture the
270 nvestment did not have guaranteed results in the field as a holistic approach to stove design meant that recipient populations were not involved in the design process. A relational approach can be implemented by conducting preliminary interviews with poten tial recipients about ideal stove design. Data from this research suggests that recipient populations are familiar with various stove models that have been delivered through other programs and are quick to point out which model they thought they would rece ive through the state program. The data also suggested that, when it comes to stoves, simpler is better. Recipients were overwhelmingly unhappy with the complex installation process and the extra materials (i.e. blocks and sand) needed to operate the state stove, two circumstances that directly connected with equipment malfunctions. Indeed, many recipients expressed greater interest and content with a stove model they referred to as walled concrete base that reduced firewood use and smoke production by blocking the flame from the wind, but also effectively protected from burns. In this case, the relational engagement of recipients in the stove design process could have 1) promoted recipient use of the stove, 2) made more effi cient use The overarching mission of this dissertation was not only to examine, but to address the mismatch between the human centered goals of the Millennium Development framework and the holistic social theory that underpins the achievement of those goals. Examination of this mismatch has been presented in top down fashion, emphasizing the important role the global development framework plays in shaping the
271 goals and practices of national and local development practitioners. However, the encounters approach taken in this research also explodes the top down notion of development to emphasize that addressing this mismatch will start at the local level. This research was made possible by Yucatecan practitioners who humbly acknowledged the critical gaps in their own expertise in hopes of improving their efforts diverse citizenry. Local practitioners like those who participated in this research a re and will be key players in influencing greater relationism in development and they will do it from the bottom, up. This dissertation provides them the theoretical and methodological tools they will need to initiate this process. In a broader sense, the encounters approach offers just one methodology for operationalizing relational perspectives in local development. There must be many more and it is through continued academic and professional collaboration that these approaches will be elaborated and app lied to meet the needs of practitioners in other diverse locations. This dissertation takes a first step toward influencing improvements in the current framework of development and hopes to be followed by many more.
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284 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Anna Brodrecht is a cultural anthropologist with a regional focus on Latin America. She holds a Bachelor of Arts from Elon U n iversity, where she majored in communications and minored in s and documentary filmmaking coupled with her interest in international development encouraged her to pursue graduate studies in a nthropology a t t he University of Florida. As a m squatter settlers in Lima Peru Much of her fieldwork focused on helping a group of local women to establish a sewing cooperative that would promote self empl oyment. She graduated with in December of 2009. Her m research was approved for publication in a special edition of Globalizations, which will be printed in December 2012. Anna began working on the Yucat an peninsula during the summers of 2008 and 2010 as the graduate assistant to the UF in Merida program. She received a Fulbright Garcia Robles Grant and a Boren Fellowship to fund a year of dissertation fieldwork on state development programs and a Summer Foreign Language and Area Studies Grant to study beginner Yucatec Mayan. She completed her dissertation fieldwork in J uly 2012 and graduated with the doctorate in cultural a nthropology in December 2012. the state government of Yucatan reaffirmed her career goal of working with international development policy. Her dissertation takes a first step toward that goal as it promotes the improvement of development efforts through the inclusion of anthropological science. As a Boren Fellow, she looks forward to starting her career in international development through the United States Federal G overnment soon after graduation.