Leaving Home

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0044548/00001

Material Information

Title: Leaving Home Geography in Voltaire's Philosophical Tales: Zadig, Micromegas, Candide, and l'Ingenu
Physical Description: 1 online resource (168 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Fredericks, Kathryn E
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2012


Subjects / Keywords: geography -- voltaire
Language, Literature and Culture -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Romance Languages thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: In this project, I provide a reading of four of Voltaire's philosophical tales – Zadig (1748), Micromégas (1751), Candide (1759), and l'Ingénu (1767) – through the analysis of Henri Lefebvre's "production of space" (La Production de l'Espace (1974); The Production of Space (1991)). Drawing from Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert's Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (1751-1772) and some of Voltaire's philosophical essays such as the Dictionnaire philosophique (1764) and the Philosophie de l'Histoire (1765), as well as his lengthy, yet relatively unknown work the Questions sur l'Encyclopédie (1770-1772), I show how space is "produced" in the four tales, that is, how man occupies space and for what purposes. Voltaire's philosophical tales, and these four in particular, are fictional stories which deal with philosophical issues such as happiness, Providence, government and power structures, politics and society, and scientific inquiry.  While the "voyage" has often been used as the principal analytical tool from which to examine the tales, in my project I offer a close reading of select spaces in each tale, and discuss how the characters (male and female) live in these spaces.  I explore what these "lived spaces" signify both for Voltaire during the Enlightenment, and for our twentieth-century understanding of conceptions of space and place.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Kathryn E Fredericks.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local: Adviser: Weltman-Aron, Brigitte.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2012
System ID: UFE0044548:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0044548/00001

Material Information

Title: Leaving Home Geography in Voltaire's Philosophical Tales: Zadig, Micromegas, Candide, and l'Ingenu
Physical Description: 1 online resource (168 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Fredericks, Kathryn E
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2012


Subjects / Keywords: geography -- voltaire
Language, Literature and Culture -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Romance Languages thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: In this project, I provide a reading of four of Voltaire's philosophical tales – Zadig (1748), Micromégas (1751), Candide (1759), and l'Ingénu (1767) – through the analysis of Henri Lefebvre's "production of space" (La Production de l'Espace (1974); The Production of Space (1991)). Drawing from Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert's Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (1751-1772) and some of Voltaire's philosophical essays such as the Dictionnaire philosophique (1764) and the Philosophie de l'Histoire (1765), as well as his lengthy, yet relatively unknown work the Questions sur l'Encyclopédie (1770-1772), I show how space is "produced" in the four tales, that is, how man occupies space and for what purposes. Voltaire's philosophical tales, and these four in particular, are fictional stories which deal with philosophical issues such as happiness, Providence, government and power structures, politics and society, and scientific inquiry.  While the "voyage" has often been used as the principal analytical tool from which to examine the tales, in my project I offer a close reading of select spaces in each tale, and discuss how the characters (male and female) live in these spaces.  I explore what these "lived spaces" signify both for Voltaire during the Enlightenment, and for our twentieth-century understanding of conceptions of space and place.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Kathryn E Fredericks.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local: Adviser: Weltman-Aron, Brigitte.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2012
System ID: UFE0044548:00001

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2 2012 Kathryn E. Fredericks


3 To Matt, my very best friend


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would first like to thank my dissertation adviser, Dr. Brigitte Weltman Ar on, for her continued support and guidance throughout this project and throughout my time at the University of Florida. Dr. Weltman Aron taught me how to believe in my work and in myself, and I am grateful for all that I have learned from her during our t ime together. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, Dr. William Calin, Dr. Rori Bloom, and Dr. Edward White for all of their helpful insights and suggestions. I am thankful for the many opportunities that I have had while wo rking for the Department of Languages, Literatures and Cultures at the University of Florida: as Instructor of French at the 1000 level under the direction of Dr. Theresa Antes, and as Instructor of French at the 2000 level under the direction of Dr. Hlo se Sailles; as Research Assistant to Dr. William Calin, Graduate Research Professor of French; and most recently as Program Assistant and Instructor of French at the UF Paris Research Center under the direction of Dr. Gayle Zachmann. I would also like to acknowledge my professors from my previous schools and universities for introducing me to the world of French culture and for always encouraging me to continue with my studies: Mrs. Vicki Bruning (Orchard Park High School), Dr. Henrik Borgstrom (Niagara Un iversity), Ms. Bernadette Brennan (Niagara University), Dr. Grard Bucher (SUNY Buffalo), Dr. Maureen Jameson (SUNY Buffalo), Dr. Franois Par (University of Waterloo and SUNY Buffalo), Dr. Jeannette Ludwig (SUNY Buffalo), Mr. Grant Douglas (l'Universit Catholique de Lille), and Mme. Christine Desmaret (Institut Universitaire de Formation des Matres de Lille). And finally, many heartfelt thanks to my family: my parents MJ and Ned Hunter, for always believing in me and being there for me; my brother, Dan Hunter, for always


5 knowing how to make me laugh; and my grandmother, Livia Czajka, for her unconditional love, and for initially sparking my interest in and appreciation for European culture. A very sincere thank you to my uncle, Jim Czajka, Architect, fo r his never ending support, encouragement, positivity, advice, and for teaching me how to be a citizen of the world. Most importantly, I would like to acknowledge my husband, Matt Fredericks, my very best friend, and my biggest support and source of inspi ration. Matt was absolutely essential in helping me achieve my g oal (along with Minou! ), and I look forward to where life brings us together.


6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: A TIME AND PLACE FOR SPACE ................................ ............ 10 Spatializing the Eighteenth Century, Spatializing Voltaire ................................ ....... 10 The Production of Space and Voltaire ................................ ................................ .... 16 2 GEOGRAPHY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: L'ENCYCLOP DIE AND LES QUESTIONS SUR L'ENCYCLOP DIE ................................ ........................... 22 Geography in the Eighteenth Century ................................ ................................ ..... 22 Jean le Rond d'Al embert and "la mappemonde" ................................ ..................... 29 "Gographie" in the Encyclopdie ................................ ................................ .......... 37 Voltaire's "Gographie" in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie ................................ .. 44 3 GEOGRAPHY AND FICTION: THE PLACE OF THE VOLTAIRIAN PHILOSOPHICAL TALE ................................ ................................ ......................... 57 Geography and Literature ................................ ................................ ....................... 57 The Voltairian Philosophical Tale ................................ ................................ ............ 66 4 WRITING SPACE IN VOLTAIRE'S PHILOSOPHICAL TALES ............................... 85 Space Writing ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 85 The Figure of the Nomad in Zadig ................................ ................................ .......... 86 The Immutable Ingnu and Natural Law ................................ ................................ 93 Candide 's Garden ................................ ................................ ................................ 102 Out in Space: Micromgas Intergalactic Voyage ................................ .................. 109 5 LEAVING HOME: ETHICS, ALTERITY, AND THE FEMININE IN VOLTAIRE'S PHILOSOPHICAL TALES ................................ ................................ ..................... 120 A Space for Ethics ................................ ................................ ................................ 120 Geography, the Feminine, and the Eighteenth Century ................................ ........ 124 The Feminine in Voltaire's Philosophical Tales ................................ ..................... 128 The Relationship of the Self to the World ................................ .............................. 137 6 CONCLUSION: THE SPACES BEHIND AND THE SPACES AHEAD ................. 146


7 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 156 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 168


8 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy LEAVING HOME: GEOGRAPHY IN VOLTAIRE'S PHILOSOPHIC AL TALES: ZADIG MICROMGAS CANDIDE AND L'INGNU By Kathryn E. Fredericks August 2012 Chair: Brigitte Weltman Aron Major: Romance Languages In this project, I provide a reading of four of Voltaire's philosophical tales Zadig (1748), Micromgas (17 51), Candide (1759), and l'Ingnu (1767) through the analysis of Henri Lefebvre's production of space ( La Production de l'Espace (1974); The Production of Space (1991)). Drawing from Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert's Encyclopdie, ou dictionn aire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers (1751 1772) and some of Voltaire's philosophical essays such as the Dictionnaire philosophique (1764) and the Philosophie de l'Histoire (1765), as well as his lengthy, yet relatively unknown work the Questi ons sur l'Encyclopdie (1770 1772), I show how space is produced in the four tales, that is, how man occupies space and for what purposes. Voltaire's philosophical tales, and these four in particular, are fictional stories which deal with philosophical i ssues such as happiness, Providence, government and power structures, politics and society, and scientific inquiry. While the voyage has often been used as the principal analytical tool from which to examine the tales, in my project I offer a close read ing of select spaces in each tale, and discuss how the


9 characters (male and female) live in these spaces. I explore what these lived spaces signify both for Voltaire during the Enlightenment, and for our twentieth century understanding of conceptions of space and place.


10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: A TIME AND PLACE FOR SPACE Spatializing the Eighteenth Century, Spatializing Voltaire The Enlightenment conceived itself as a critique aiming at changing la faon commune de penser, as Diderot wrote in the arti cle Encyclopdie of his Dictionnaire raisonn That purpose was not limited to Europe, but spanned several continents. It is thus considered to be an international movement that included French, English, Scottish, American, German, Italian, Spanish, a nd even Russian schools (Kramnick x). In Les gographies de l'esprit Marc Crpon explores the history of what he calls la diversit humaine (23), diversity existing among people's customs, languages, and religions, and begins in the context of German and French philosophers, specifically in the eighteenth century with Leibniz and continuing until Hegel. Many studies on modern history commence with a study of Enlightenment, for it is best known as a revolution of ideas that opened avenues to new forms of knowledge. Special attention must be paid to the philosophe Franois Marie Arouet de Voltaire (1694 1778), for as John Leigh states in The Search for Enlightenment: An Introduction to Eighteenth Century French Writing : Voltaire is the author most respo nsible for guiding the eighteenth century out of the seventeenth, for giving it new directions while embodying its propensity to look back. Like many of his contemporaries, Voltaire often appreciated the methods of his illustrious predecessors without app roving of the conclusions to which those methods led (15 16). Voltaire is often considered as the philosophe most representative of the period, even being referred to as an apotheosis of the personification of the Enlightenment (O'Brien 21). Along wit h his contemporaries he wrote extensively on topics such as politics, religion, science, art, and literature, and


11 used critical reason in his interpretations as a way of fighting against what he perceived to be excessive reliance on religious dogma and sup erstition. In Voltaire s opinion the acceptance of theological inferences in the political sphere had only led to much suffering and injustice throughout history, thus truly inhibiting the advancement of mankind. Hence, he wanted knowledge itself, along with other notions such as happiness and well being, to be considered chiefly for the purpose of serving the betterment of humanity. Yet, to a large extent, the claim by Voltaire and the other philosophes that they had broken with the past was a strategic account on their part. While they were celebrating their age as enlightened, they were also aware of the ongoi ng uphill st ruggle, as is shown through Voltaire s discussions of optimism (in Zadig and Candide ) and tolerance ( Le Trait sur la Tolrance ), o r in the conflicts surrounding the publication of the Encyclopdie for example. The dark side of the Enlightenment has been exposed by several critics of our time. In Dialectic of Enlightenment Horkheimer and Adorno explain that The Concept of Enlighte nment revolves around the emancipation of thinking: Enlightenment, understood in the widest sense as the advance of thought, has always aimed at liberating human beings from fear and installing them as masters (1). For them, Enlightenment is a conditio n more than a period, a movement aiming to promote the use of reason to replace more archaic beliefs like divine faith, animism, and myth as absolute truths, and thus discover human freedom. However, while doing so, Horkheimer and Adorno also claim that En lightenment relapses into myths of another kind which bring about other threats: Enlightenment, specifically positivism, falls prey to myth the 'myth of facts' (Caton 1308), and


12 enlightenment at the stage of advanced capitalism returns to myth (Caton 1308): Enlightenment is mythical fear radicalized. The pure immanence of positivism, its ultimate product, is nothing other than a form of universal taboo. Nothing is allowed to remain outside, since the mere idea of the 'outside' is the real source fo r fear (Horkheimer and Adorno 11). Dialectic of Enlightenment analyzes the far reaching consequences of such a totalizing, and even totalitarian, thinking. Voltaire s works have been studied from a variety of perspectives, mostly by literary scholars who focus on his texts in themselves or in comparison with those of his contemporaries, but also by historians of ideas and of philosophy. My approach to his work will be an analysis of the production of space, Henri Lefebvre's term for the human occupatio n and interpretation of space, in four of Voltaire's best known philosophical tales: Zadig (1748), Micromgas (1751), Candide (1759), and l'Ingnu (1767). I will first inquire into the plac e of geography in the Enlightenment and Enlightenment studies, a nd analyze how it has been treated previously by eighteenth century scholars over the last four decades. I will then examine Voltaire's considerations of geography. In my study, geography is the starting point that allows me to examine a larger question, that of the production of space, elaborated by Lefeb vre and other authors, such as Michel d e Certeau. Lefebvre does not only reflect on the ways in which space is scientifically measured, but also on how it is lived, experienced, and represented by man When these considerations of space are linked to fiction, for example Voltaire s philosophical tales, it is possible to interpret the tales differently. Critics have consistently pointed out that in the tales, the main protagonist is often led (willing ly or unwillingly, generally by traveling) to encounter others (which


13 entails discovering other customs, other religions, other laws), which leads to an enlightened assessment, often designed to reflect obliquely the state of affairs at home. The emphasis on the production of space displaces that critical objective by focusing on conditions of social coexistence. Voltaire s tales produce an imagined sociable space in which to live with others. I was first drawn to this project while reading La Philosophie de l'Histoire (1765), which was later to become the Introduction to Voltaire's Essai sur les Moeurs (1756). I noticed that Voltaire had, for the most part, divided his chapters geographically, or that a majority of the titles of the sections are names of different peoples of the world and different places on the globe. For example: I. Changements dans le globe; III. De l'Antiquit des nations; VII. Des sauvages; VIII. De l'Amrique; X. Des Chaldens; XI. Des Babyloniens devenus Persans; XII. De la Syri e; XIII. Des Phniciens et de Sanchoniathon; XIV. Des Scythes et des Gomrites; XV. De l'Arabie; XVII. De l'Inde; XVIII. De la Chine; XIX. De l'Egypte; XXI. Des monuments des gyptiens; XXIV. Des Grecs ; XXXIX. Des Juifs en Egypte; and L. Des Romains ( La Philosophie de l'Histoire 295 297). The different place names made me realize that geography was indispensable to Voltaire s philosophical approach to culture across the ages. Voltaire presents these chapters in a way that allows one to belie ve and to understand that the various peoples and cultures of the world are crucial in defining the very make up of a geographic location. For Voltaire, place names are not simply geographic in their physical sense a country or a nation is not just a se ries of latitudinal and longitudinal measurements, for example. Instead, place names and names of peoples belonging to specific nations


14 resonate with one another, in a way that Voltaire strives to elucidate. But I was far from understanding then the many ways in which geography was addressed at the time, linked as it was with determined conceptions of place and space. For example, in Changements dans le globe, the first chapter of La Philosophie de l'Histoire Volt aire calls for a search of revered monuments to provide us with a philosophy of history: Tchons de nous clairer ensemble; essayons de dterrer quelques monuments prcieux sous les ruines des sicles (25). We need to begin by finding and examining monuments left from man's occupation of the Earth, which give accounts of human interaction, of triumphs and tribulations throughout history. Voltaire places man in space by saying that man has inhabited the globe throughout history: Commenons par examiner si le globe que nou s habitons tait autrefois tel qu'il est aujourd'hui (25). In De l'Amrique, Voltaire does not ask about the physical landscape of America, but of the inhabitants of that land instead: Se peut il qu'on demande encore d'o sont venus les hommes qui ont peupl l'Amrique? (61). In De l'Inde, Voltaire shows that mankind thrives there because of the beneficial proximity of the Ganges: S'il est permis de former des conjectures, les Indiens, vers le Gange, sont peut tre les hommes les plus anciennement r assembls en corps de peuple Or il n'y a pas de contre dans le monde o l'espce humaine ait sous sa main des aliments plus sains, plus agrables et en plus grande abondance que vers le Gange (103). He refers to the Chinese people as excellent geo graphers and scientists in De la Chine : Si quelques annales portent un caractre de certitude ce sont celles des Chinois, qui ont joint, comme on l'a dj dit ailleurs, l'histoire du ciel celle de la terre. Seuls de tous les peuples, ils ont


15 constamm ent marqu leurs poques par des clipses, par les conjonctions des plantes (113). And perhaps truest to Voltaire's critical style, in Des monuments des gyptiens, he uses the example of monuments to criticize tyranny and absolutism: Leurs pyramides cotrent bien des annes et bien des dpenses; il fallut qu une grande partie de la nation et nombre d esclaves trangers fussent longtemps employs ces ouvrages immenses. Ils furent levs par le despotisme, la vanit, la servitude, et la superstition. En effet il n y avait qu un roi despote qui put forcer ainsi la nature (131). Voltaire puts the construction of the Egyptian pyramids at the center of a political critique. The physical object that we observe is an immense work, to be admired. But w hat this object represents concerns the oppression of people, both Egyptians and non Egyptians alike. Voltaire's philosophical approach to history and culture is discernible as well in essays such as Les Lettres philosophiques or Les Lettres anglaises (1734 ), Le Sicle de Louis XIV (1752), and several of his plays and poems. Voltaire contributed to what has been called the age of dictionaries with Le Dictionnaire philosophique ou La Raison par alphabet also known as the Dictionnaire philosophique portatif (1764). In addition, he wrote several entries on various topics for Denis Diderot's and Jean le Rond d'Alembert's L'Encyclopdie ou Dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers (1751 1772), such as the entry for Histoire. Perhaps one of his biggest encyclopedic contributions is the lesser known but very rich work Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie (1770 1772), in which Voltaire responds to a number of entries present in Diderot and D'Alembert's Encyclopdie


16 During his life, Voltaire was mo stly celebrated as a magnificent writer of plays and poetry. 1 Critics often point out that Voltaire's Romans et Contes were not the part of the repertoire that defined him as a great writer and as a philosophe during the Enlightenment, whereas today, Candi de ou l'Optimisme (1759) is deemed by most critics as Voltaire's magnum opus and it is precisely this reason which led me to choose the contes philosophiques as the vehicle to present an analysis of the production of space. The Production of Space and Voltaire According to Barbara Piatti: Under the terms of literary theory a fictional or narrated world is made of three components: characters (1), plot/timeline (2), and space (3). While characters and plot have been and are subject to countless philolo gical studies, the topic of space and place in literature is rather neglected (1). Geography was a discipline developing in the Enlightenment in the wake of studies dating back to the Antiquity, and at present there are a few studies on geography and the eighteenth century. 2 Those that have been the most influen tial to my work are Numa Broc's the Gographie des Philosophes: Gographes et Voyageurs Franais au XVIII sicle (1974), David N. Livingstone (Ed.) and Charles W.J. Withers' ( Ed ) Geography and Enlighten ment (1999), and Charles W.J. Withers' Placing the Enlightenment: Thinking Geographically about the Age of Reason (2007). Numa Broc traces the study of geography at the dawn of European history, and demonstrates that since Antiquity geography was not only considered as a physical discipline, but also one which dealt with man in his milieu. Broc shows that in the eighteenth century the philosophes embraced this notion and expanded upon it (7 8). In Lights in Space Dani el Brewer gives different eighteenth century spaces, one of which is social space, a term most


17 notably tied to the philosopher Henri Lefebvre in The Production of Space (1974) 3 (Brewer 178). My project focuses especially on Henri Lefebvre's product ion of space as a way to interpret Voltaire's philosophical tales. In The Production of Space Lefebvre shows that space is always apprehended through human perception, even physical space. Man understands space; he lives in space; and he can represent space. This three pronged approach to space constitutes the production of space. In other words, space is produced through culture. Lefebvre's conception of space can shed light on Voltaire s approach: in La Philosophie de l'Histoire he argues that t he customs adopted by human communities were determined by their geographical background, and that they affected it in return; and in his philosophical tales, he shows that considerations of space must rely on the ways in which it is inhabited. Some of the better known tales by Voltaire include: Le Monde comme il va (1748), Memnon ou la sagesse humaine (1749), Histoire des voyages de Scarmentado (1756), Histoire d'un bon brahmin (1761), Jeannot et Colin (1764), Pot pourri (1765), La Princesse de Babylone (1 768), L'Homme aux quarante cus (1768), Les Lettres d'Amabad (1769), Le Taureau blanc (1773 1774), Le Crocheteur borgne (1774), Histoire de Jenni ou le sage et l'athe (1775), and Cosi Sancta (1784). But this study focuses on four tales: Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu Among his abundant production, they are often grouped together for analysis. For example, Aram Vartanian explains that the purpose of the Voltairian philosophical tale is to reconcile fiction and philosophy as a means to get out of problematic issues, and that works such as Candide Zadig l'Ingnu Micromgas Le Monde comme il va Histoire des voyages de


18 Scarmentado and Histoire de Jenni ou le sage et l'athe are good examples of Voltaire's tales representative of this purpose, whereas other tales such as La Princesse de Babylone Le Taureau blanc and Jeannot et Colin are more comparable to parables, as they do not deal directly with (a) philosophical issue(s) (Vartanian 471). In Zadig and especially in Candide the Leibniz ian thesis on Providence is tested throughout the narrative. Micromgas is a science fiction tale that presents arguments on scientific relativity. In l'Ingnu Voltaire tests the myth of the noble savage in the France of his time. The sustained treatme nt of philosophical issues within a fictional story, and the contrast between the seriousness of the thesis and the incoherent, often amusing incidents of the plot, make these four tales stand out from the rest. A great number of the critical studies on Vo ltaire s philosophical tales have concentrated on the education and evolution of the hero throughout the story. In that view, travel is a metaphor of his progress and development toward enlightenment. Of course the element of travel is essential to the t ales, and cannot (and should not) be ignored. However, while still accounting for the movements described within each tale, I will focus upon the representations of the occupation of space by mankind, which is not necessarily a movement, comparable to Vol taire's study of different people inhabiting different places around the world in La Philosophie de l'Histoire My study builds on Henri Lefebvre's notion of production of space in order to examine Voltaire s imagined sociability and ethical intersubjec tive relations. In the second chapter, Geography in the Eighteenth Century: L'Encyclopdie and Les Questions sur L'Encyclopdie I start by presenting the critical framework for my project through the works of Broc, Livingstone, Withers, Brewer, and Lefe bvre. This


19 chapter shows on the one hand that geography was a discipline taken seriously in the eighteenth c entury by specialists (such as Didier Robert de Vaugondy) and by philosophers. On the other hand, as Brewer recalls, works centrally associated wi th the Enlightenment, such as the Encyclopdie were themselves apprehended in spatial terms. The Encyclopdie was referred to by Diderot and D'Alembert as a world map, and Brewer argues that knowledge from the Encyclopdie crosses both real and imagina ry space (182). Extending that spatial metaphor, I show that the Encyclopdie can be read as a rhizome and a deterritorialized space as expounded by Gilles Deleuze and Flix Guattari. The end of the chapter examines Voltaire's entry on Gographie in h is Questions sur l'Encyclopdie as a starting point in my analysis of the way in which space functions in general in Voltaire. In this entry, Voltaire remarkably writes that Il est bien difficile en gographie comme en morale, de connatre le monde sans sortir de chez soi (320). I show that there are two approaches to understanding what Voltaire is here emphasi zing, approaches which a re epistemological and ethical. Chapter 3 Geography and Fiction: The Place of the Voltairian Philosophical Tale t races the critical attention paid to space as an integral part of fiction, specifically through the works of Gaston Bachelard, Edward Said, Edward W. Soja, and Henri Lefebvre. Furthermore, I examine the position of the Voltairian philosophical tale in the literary canon by looking back to the entries on Conte in the Encyclopdie by both Diderot and D'Alembert, as well as recalling contemporary assessments. Roland Barthes is one of those contemporary critics who have provocatively invited readers to put into question the commonly held opinion that the Voltairian philosophical tale is a


20 roman d'apprentissage a tale that shows the education and evolution of the hero through travel or the voyage. Barthes invitation to read tales not as figures of movemen t (physical travel as well as mental evolution) but of immobility has been an inspiration for me to examine the tales as producing a space of coexistence with others. Chapters 4 and 5 examine the ways in which the production of space functions in the f our tales, by focusing on patterns of sociability and intersubj ective relations. Chapter 4 Writing Space in Voltaire's Philosophical Tales analyzes modes of inhabitation which can become exemplary and can be generalized beyond the tales. For instance, my reading of Zadig shows that in the tale, nomadism, with its specific approach to the desert, determines a relation to others in space that extends to other parts of the story, including those that seem most remote from it, such as the Co urt of Moabdar. While Chapter 4 is about representing or imagini ng sociable spaces, Chapter 5 Leaving Home: Ethics, Alterity, and the Feminine in Voltaire's Philosophical Tales is about analyzing the ethical consequences of such patterns of sociability I return to the ethical discussion of sortir de chez soi leaving home or leaving the self which was first presented in the discussion of Voltaire's entry on Gographie in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie and emphasize the feminine as a figu re of alterity and of hospitality (Emmanuel Levinas) and of marginalization (bell hooks). The concluding chapter draws together and expands upon what has been presented in this project. I also present the possibility of opening up this study to include ot her philosophical tales of Voltaire, or to those of other eighteenth century philosophes in addition to further possible critical approaches to the topic


21 1 Some of Voltaire's more famous tragedies include Oedipe (1718), Zare (1732), Alzire ou les Amricains (1736), Le Fanatisme ou Mahomet (1736), La Mort de Csar (1743), La Princesse de Navarre (1745), L'Orphelin de la Chine (1755), and Les Scythes (1767); and some of his major poems are La Henriade (1723) Le Temple du got (1731), Le Temple de l'amiti (1732), Le Pome de Fontenoy (1745), La Pucelle d'Orlans (1755), Le Pome sur le dsastre de Lisbonne (1756), along with his many ptres Stances and Odes 2 Several existing paintings de pict "the teaching of geography," demonstrating that geography drew the attention of an erudite public in previous centuries: La lezione di geografia (The Geography Lesson) (c. 1750 1752) by the Italian painter Pietro Longhi (1701 1785); Portrait of Doctor Trioson Giving his Son a Geography Lesson (1803) by the French painter Anne Louis Girodet de Roussy Trioson (1767 1824); and The Geography Lesson (Portrait of Monsieur Gaudry and His Daughter) (1812) by the French painter Louis L opold Boilly (1761 1845). For further information on cartography and geography, see : Jefferys & Faden, ed. Mary Pedley, "The Map trade in the late eighteenth century: letters to the London map sellers," SVEC 2000:06 (2000); representations of and traveling across the English Cha nnel: Georges Festa, "Manche et permanence historique: les les anglo normandes dans la conscience d e s Lumires," SVEC 292 (1991), p.81 95; John Falvey and William Brooks, "The Channel in the eighteenth century: bridge, barrier and gateway," SVEC 292 (19 91), p.3 6; and Patricia Crimmin, "The Channel's strategic significance: invasion threat, line of defence, prison wall, escape route," SVEC 292 (1991), p.67 79; the impact of atmospheric influences: Michael Cardy, "Discussion of the theory of climate in t he querelle des anciens et des modernes," SVEC 163 (1976), p.73 88; and a presentation of philosophy and geography : Sergio Moravia, "Philosophie et gographie la fin du XVIIIe sicle," SVEC 57 (1967), p.937 1011. 3 I will refer to the English transla tion, The Production of Space La Production de l'Espace was originally published by Henri Lefebvre in 1974, and reprinted for the fourth time in 2000


22 CHAPTER 2 GEOGRAPHY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUR Y: L'ENCYCLOP DIE AND LES QUESTIONS SUR L'ENCYCLOP DIE Geography in the Eighteenth Century The title of David Lowenthal's book, The Past is a Foreign Country calls one to consider the close relationship of history and geography: The past is everywhere. All around us lie features which, like ourselves and our thoughts, have more or less recognizable antecedents. Relics, histories, memories suffuse human experience (xv). How close is this relationship between history and geography? And how important is the role of the human within it? In Geography and H istory: Bridging the Divide Alan R.H. Baker offers a response: The fundamental difference between them is better expressed in terms of history's focus upon periods and geography's focus upon places, fully recognizing that both periods and places were (and are) peopled and were (and are) constructed and experienced by people. Historical geographers tell us stories about how places have been created in the past by people in their own image, while historians tell us different stories about how periods ha ve been created in the past by people in their own image. (2 4) History and geography can be viewed as having a codependent, interrelated relationship, and the role constructed by people in both time and space truly links them together. 1 In other words, it is the human experience that Lowenthal writes of that binds these two disciplines, and this is what we will consider when speaking of geography and the Enlightenment. Contemporary scholars of geography have paid close attention to the Enlightenment. For example, Numa Broc's La Gographie des Philosophes: Gographes et Voyageurs Franais au XVIII sicle (1974), David N. Livingstone's (Ed.) and Charles W.J. Withers' (Ed.) Geography and Enlightenment (1999), and Charles W.J. Withers' Placing the Enlight enment: Thinking Geographically about the


23 Age of Reason (2007) provide meaningful insights into the ways in which geography was understood in the epistemology of the eighteenth century. These works make it clear that geography and philosophy were intricat ely linked in the eighteenth century. Numa Broc is one of the first critics to discuss geography and the French Enlightenment. He shows that since Antiquity there was an understanding of geography as human geography geography which was both historical a nd philosophical an aspect that was developed by sixteenth and seventeenth century humanists in addition to the study of a physical, descriptive geography. The humanists developed four main trends of geography that existed during Antiquity: 1. Le courant p tolmen, qui reprsente la gographie mathmatique, soucieuse de prciser la figure de la terre et de rsoudre les dlicats problmes de la dtermination des coordonnes et de la gographie cartographique du globe. 2. Le courant aristotlicien, qui intgr la physique classique, tudie les ocans et les terres, les montagnes et les fleuves. Cette bauche de gographie gnrale s'intresse aussi aux Mtores qui affectent l'atmosphre et les profondeurs souterraines. 3. Le courant strabonien, ou descriptif grande description de la terre, est particulirement actif depuis les grandes dcouvertes du XVI sicle. Voyageurs, navigateurs, missionnaires, apportent chaque jour leur contribution une meilleure connaissance des pays et des peuples. 4. Aux confins d e l'ethnographie et de l'histoire, les disciples d'Hrodote et d'Hippocrate mditent sur les rapports entre l'homme et son milieu, et semblent jeter les bases d'une gographie humaine. (7 8) The first three trends above explain geography in a physical, de scriptive manner. The fourth one, however, calls attention to the fact that there is a human element to geography, and this is amplified in the eighteenth century, according to Broc: La gographie est non seulement une 'desc ription de la terre,' mais enco re science objective de l'espace, dtruisant ou rendant caducs les vieux systmes cosmogoniques. Jamais peut tre, plus qu'au XVIIIe sicle,


24 l'effort de rationalisation de la Nature n'a t plus pouss S e situer dans le temps et matriser l'espace, deviennent pour l'homme occidental des proccupations essentielles et complmentaires. Aborder l'tude de la gographie au XVIIIe sicle consistera justement tudier le passage d'une conception la fois rudite et utilitaire de cette discipline une conception plus 'philosophique.' (7 8) In the eighteenth century, geography comes to embrace an objective science of space, and especially, amplifying the positions of the preceding cent uries, becomes a source for knowledge and a philosophical field. A philosophical geography entails a dual attention to time and space, and concerns the human occupation of space in time. This understanding merges temporality and spatiality, using one as a leverage to explain the other, when addressing human experience. In the eighteenth century, the study of human geography coincided with several positions and modes of investigation that are often attributed to the Enlightenment. 2 I n his article Lig hts in Space, Daniel Brewer explains Michel Foucault's phrase the epoch of space by saying that to know things in a contemporary way means knowing them in a spatial as well as a temporal dimension (172). 3 Brewer speaks here of a contemporary or twent ieth century epistemology, but later suggests that one must reflect on the relationship between space and history in the eighteenth century as well. Brewer gives a double reflection on their relation (173), specifically, space in the eighteenth century (175), or real and symbolic places (175) such as palaces and roadways, coffeehouses and ships, bedrooms, drawing rooms, laboratories, libraries, gardens, and restaurants (173), and space of the eighteenth century (175), be it physical (176), social (178), colonized (179), epistemological (181), and esthetic (182). These eighteenth century spaces show the ways in which history and space are produced (175).


25 Before expanding upon the notion of production of space, let us first turn to the two ot her contemporary critics mentioned above, David N. Livingstone and Charles W.J. Withers. We have shown that Numa Broc called attention to the importance of philosophical geography in the eighteenth century, and Livingstone and Withers point out that that there was a gap that existed in the eighteenth century scholarship of the late twentieth century: Scholars of the Enlightenment, only too ready to debate essential characteristics, such as the 'what,' and even the 'why,' have been less confident about the 'where' of Enlightenment (3 4). 4 Furthermore, Livingstone and Withers show that the location of epistemology was international: The existing corpus of work on this theme has tended to assume that the geography of Enlightenment necessarily and neatly fol lowed the contours of national boundaries. Yet Enlightenment was also about the movement of ideas across borders and over time (4). Voltaire often resided abroad, both far away from and bordering France. In doing so, he contributed to this movement of ideas. For example t he Lettres philosophiques based on his experiences while in exile in England, were first published in London in 1733 as Letters Concerning the English Nation ; In 1735, he was permitted reentry to Paris, but remained at Madame du Cht elet s in Cirey, on the border of France; In 1736, Voltaire goes to Holland after the publication of his poem Le Mondain and in 1738, he publishes lments de la philosophie de Newton ; For the next several years, he continued to move within Europe, to Pru ssia, coming and going from France; Voltaire was eventually banned from both the court of Paris and the court of Berlin (1754), and in 1755, he bought a house in Geneva (Les Dlices), where he published l'Essai sur les moeurs in


26 1756 before making his resi dence in Ferney, in France but close to Geneva (Cronk xi xii ). In Placing the Enlightenment: Thinking Geographically about the Age of Reason Charles W.J. Withers explains that in the eighteenth century geography was it s own discipline and also a source of theories concerning humanity that were developed by the philosophes : The geographical location of Enlightenment ideas, personnel, and artifacts and their movement over space that is, questions to do with place and t ravel between places are key elements in understanding how the Enlightenment was made and what, actually it was (9). In order to demonstrate how to address the Enlightenment geographically, Brewer emphasizes that practices of sociability and patterns of exchange take place in a given space: the physical space of the eighteenth century should be thought of as a social space, not simply because people dwell in space but because of the way the spatial paradigm was used to symbolize intersubjective relation s (178). Brewer explains two ways in which one can comprehend this symbolization (178): Two particularly powerful analytic instruments have been developed during the past few decades These are the paradigms of urbanization and of colonization (178). Such perspectives are relevant to the second kind of eighteenth century space, social space, which has been particularly analyzed and developed in the work of Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (178). Lefebvre's main thesis in The Producti on of Space is to distinguish between more abstract kinds of space (absolute space) and lived and meaningful spaces (social space) (Cresswell 12). Social spaces are a series of complex spatialities that are


27 significant, according to Lefebvre, becaus e they are culturally or socially produced. As Cresswell says, Social space in Lefebvre is very close to the definition of place, which focuses on the realm of meaning and experience. 5 Place is how we make the world meaningful and the way we experience the world; It is space invested with meaning in the context of power and happens across the globe at all scales throughout human history (12). Brewer insists on the valorization that space acquires through human occupation: Space is not a geometric enti ty or an absolute abstraction. It is not a box or frame capable of holding anything one wants to invent. This, Lefebvre would argue, is the notion of space implied in the stories of stuff that are told by historians of material culture. Space is not n eutral or objective; nor is it fixed, transparent, innocent or indifferent. Instead, it is willfully produced, a product resulting from the transformation of matter, the application of knowledge, of technology, and of labor. Space is a social product, mo reover, generated by a social subject, be it an individual subject, or just as likely, a collective one. In either case that subject's reality results from and depends upon its ability to occupy and master space, which it does often enough in violent fash ion. To ignore the social nature of space thus defined, or worse, to cover over that nature, amounts to what Lefebvre calls a theoretical error, an illusion that has all the trappings of a fetish. (179 180) In The Production of Space Lefebvre theor izes three fields of spatialization, which are, however, profoundly united: The aim is to discover or construct a theoretical unity between fields which are apprehended separately. The fields we are concerned with are first, the physical nature, the Cosmos; secondly, the mental including logical and formal abstractions; and thirdly, the social In other words, we are concerned with logico epistemological space, the space of social practice, the space occupied by sensory phenomena, including product s of the imagination such as projects and projections, symbols and utopias. (11 12) Lefebvre is analyzing the process of the production of space, which he also calls a triad (39), more specifically as the perceived conceived lived triad (in spatial te rms: spatial practice, representations of space, representational spaces) (40). In other


28 words, we must consider the following: (1) the physical field or material production / spatial practice / perceived space; (2) the mental field or knowledge production / representations of space / conceived space; and (3) the social field or production of significance and experience / representational spaces / lived space. For Lefebvre, social space is intricately linked and should be considered alo ng with the two other fields; the mental field and the social field entail the conception and production of significance and experience, that of representational spaces, and the occupation of a lived space (39). Likewise, Michel de Certeau's formulat ion in T he Practice of Everyday Life (1980) analyzes what he calls strategies and tactics, leading to specific behaviors. De Certeau refers not to a production but to a practice of a place or a space. Cresswell notes the comparison of terminol ogy: Though de Certeau's The Practice of Everyday Life has proved to be one of the books most useful in thinking about the issue of practice in relation to space and place, it uses space and place in a way that stands the normal distinction on its head. To de Certeau place is the empty grid over which practice occurs while space is what is created by practice (12 13). For example, De Certeau writes: Space is a practical place. Thus the street geometrically defined by urban planning is transformed into a space by walkers (117). Such assessments of geography, history, space and place are a useful point of departure if we want to understand how social reality was filtered through spatial paradigms in the eighteenth century. In Jean le Rond d'Alembert an d Denis Diderot's Encyclopdie, ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers ( 1751 1772), and in Voltaire's Questions sur l'Encyclopdie (1770 1774), and in later chapters,


29 in Voltaire's four philosophical tales, logico epistemological s pace and the space of social practice are strikingly articulated. Jean le Rond d'Alembert and la mappemonde The Encyclopdie ou Dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers was written under the direction of the philosopher Denis Didero t (1713 1784) and the mathematician and philosopher Jean le Rond d'Alembert (1717 1783) between 1751 and 1772. The Encyclopdie can be considered as the most inclusive or best comprehensive reference work of the French Enlightenment, as Marie Leca Tsiomis notes: ce livre monde fut bien d'abord, comme Diderot n'a jamais cess de l'crire, un recueil du meilleur, du meilleur de ce que les sicles et, surtout, les dcennies ou les annes prcdentes avait produit en savoirs, en outils et en reprsentations d es savoirs (250). 6 Examining the project of the Encyclopdie can also provide insight into the entire project of Enlightenment, for the Encyclopdie itself can be considered as a metaphor for the Enlightenment. The Encyclopdie contains around 72,000 art icles by around 140 contributing authors. There are around twenty volumes of text and eleven volumes of etchings (or plates ), which illustrate many of the articles. Many articles contained in the Encyclopdie were written by Louis de Jaucourt, or le Ch evalier de Jaucourt, who ended up writing approximately a quarter of the total number of articles some 17,000 out of roughly 72,000 (Lough 11). Voltaire also contributed to the project, providing 43 articles to the Encyclopdie the majority on gramma r or on morality (Leca Tsiomis 414). Diderot wrote the article entitled Encyclopdie, where he gives both the etymology of the word and the goal of an encyclopedia:


30 ENCYCLOPDIE, s. f. ( Philosoph .) Ce mot signifie enchanement de connoissances; il est compos de la prposition greque en & des substantifs cercle & connoissance En effet, le but d'une Encyclopdie est de rassembler les connoissances parses sur la surface de la terre; d'en exposer le systme gnral aux hommes avec q ui nous vivons, & de le transmettre aux hommes qui viendront aprs nous; afin que les travaux des siecles passs n'aient pas t des travaux inutiles pour les siecles qui succderont; que nos neveux, devenant plus instruits, deviennent en mme tems plus v ertueux & plus heureux, & que nous ne mourions pas sans avoir bien mrit du genre humain. (" Encyclopdie ) 7 Diderot and D'Alembert's original plan for the Encyclopdie was to publish a translation of Ephraim Chambers's Cyclopaedia or an Universal Dictio nary of Arts and Sciences (1728), as John Bender notes in The Culture of Diagram : The Encyclopedia seemed a new organization and presentation of knowledge. And so it is. At the same time, the authors reached freely into the encyclopedias, dictionaries, m anuals, and compendia of imagery that formed the modern tradition within which they lived intellectually. They were inspired by Francis Bacon and guided by figures like Pierre Bayle, Antoine Furetire, John Harris, and, above all, Ephraim Chambers, whose two volume Cyclopaedia of 1728 they intended initially to translate. Diderot and d'Alembert acknowledged their debt to Chambers' vision of an encyclopedia as the chain by which one can descend without interruption from the first principles of an art or sc ience all the way down to its remotest consequences back up to its first principles. They recognized the cross references as his great innovation, although they believed he had failed to exploit fully their potential. They also note that Chambers had re ad books but he scarcely saw any artisans so that his work does not contain many things that one learns only in workshops In an Encyclopedia they argue, these omissions break the enchainment and are harmful to both the form and the substance of the work. (10 11) In addition, Antoine Augustin Bruzen de la Martinire's Grand dictionnaire gographique historique et critique published in the 1730s and 1740s, was also a source for the Encyclopdie along with Chambers' work and system of cross reference s. Marie Leca Tsiomis notes that La Martinire s protocole gographique was followed in the Encyclopdie (Leca Tsiomis 177). Leca Tsiomis also notes that famous men were more likely to be discussed, for example by Jaucourt under a geographical headi ng:


31 On sait que le Chevalier, pour proposer ses biographies d'hommes c lbres, passait par leur ville de naissance (155). In doing this, Jaucourt links history and geography, or the human and the physical. The Encyclopdie strove to organize and classif y knowledge. In doing so, Diderot and D'Alembert figured the project or very writing of the Encyclopdie spatially as a geographical map, or mappemonde, a term used by D'Alembert in the Discours prliminaire de l'Encyclopdie (1767): C'est une espece de Mappemonde qui doit montrer les principaux pays, leur position & leur dpendance mutuelle, le chemin en ligne droite qu'il y a de l'un l'autre; chemin souvent coup par mille obstacles, qui ne peuvent tre connus dans chaque pays que des habitans ou des voyageurs, & qui ne sauroient tre montrs que dans des cartes particulires fort dtailles. Ces cartes particulires seront les diffrens articles de notre Encyclopdie, & l'arbre ou systme figur en sera la mappemonde. Voil toute la partie potique d e la connaissance humaine, ce qu'on en peut rapporter l' imagination et la fin de notre distribution gnalogique (ou si l'on veut mappemonde) des sciences et des arts, que nous craindrions peut tre d'avoir trop dtaille, s'il n'tait de la dernire im portance de bien connatre nous mmes, et d'exposer clairement aux autr es, l'objet d'une ENCYCLOPDIE. ( le Discours prliminaire ) 8 D'Alembert explains that this collaborative project of the Encyclopdie is a figurative world map, which is made up of each of the different articles representing smaller, individual maps, along with the tree or systemic chart found at the beginning of the Encyclopdie This metaphor of the map is remarkable, for D'Alembert is emphasizing the connection that must be made expl icit between all subjects of human knowledge within the arts and sciences as they are represented in the Encyclopdie just as Diderot mentioned the chain of knowledge ( enchanement de connoissances ) in his article on Encyclopdie. The need to be expl icit is all the more necessary since the path to knowledge is not always straight, but can be interrupted by all sorts of hurdles.


32 The chain of the map is therefore figuratively represented by roads that are drawn on maps, roads being the means that lea d from one destination to another, linking together at least two points. Thus, as is diagrammed first by the tree/systemic chart, each of the interlocking articles of the Encyclopdie are the figurative road map connecting all forms of knowledge making up this world map in the end, and therefore become a metaphor for the Enlightenment as a whole through direct representation of its fundamental goal of expanding and promoting ordered or organized knowledge: The 'map' that D'Alembert speaks of in his i ntroduction was a common classificatory device used to put Enlightenment knowledge to order (Withers 13). 9 Furthermore, D'Alembert remarks that such a mapping out of knowledge is poetical as well as scientific. He explains in poetical and figurative te rms the ways in which, just as the map or the tree stand for the classificatory system so widely adopted by authors at the time, so does the country stand for knowledge itself, and travelers or inhabitants for the readers of the Encyclopdie In an essay on The Time of Encyclopedias, Maurice Blanchot emphasizes the poetical excess of the Encyclopedia 's mapping of the human mind : Diderot doe s not believe in a nature that could be naturally divisible into layers of knowledge ( Friendship 50 51). Blanch ot explains that this idea pushes the Encyclopedia forward as a living creation, preventing it from being merely a bookish reality, but would have prevented it from ever taking form had D'Alembert not had a concern for a momentary ordering in the whole of science where the supreme mapping of the human mind could be expressed in its diversity but also in its aspiration to unity (51).


33 In Brewer's words, the Encyclopdie establishes linkages, connections, and communication through all space and time L ike the mappemonde or world map, the Encyclopdie is a utopian network of knowledge whose effects can be measured in the gap between the real and the imaginary (182). Brewer states that spatial analysis of the gap must be historical as well, des igned to account not only for spaces in the eighteenth century but also for the space of the eighteenth century (184). The spaces of the century, spaces such as Lefebvre's social space or produced space, involve the symbolic production of imaginary spaces (184), in this instance the epistemological space of the Encyclopdie where forms of knowledge are set up (184). 10 Diderot and D'Alembert speak of difficulties when describing a tree of knowledge in reference to the Encyclopdie namely, that one can get lost in the system: Le systme gnral des Sciences & des Arts est une espece de labyrinthe, de chemin tortueux o l'esprit s'engage sans trop connotre la route qu'il doit tenir. Press par ses besoins, & par ceux du corps auquel il est uni, il tudie d'abord les premiers objets qui se prsentent lui; pnetre le plus avant qu'il peut dans la connoissance de ces objets; rencontre bientt des difficults qui l'arrtent, & soit par l'esprance ou mme par le desespoir de les vaincre, se jette dans une nouvelle route; revient ensuite sur ses pas; franchit quelquefois les premieres barrieres pour en rencontrer de nouvelles; & passant rapidement d'un objet un autre, fait sur chacun de ces objets diffrens intervalles & comme par secousses, une suit e d'oprations dont la gnration mme de ses ides rend la discontinuit ncessaire. Mais ce desordre, tout philosoph ique qu'il est de la part de l' me, dfigureroit, ou pltt anantiroit entierement un Arbre encyclopdique dans lequel on voudroit le rep rsenter Il n'en est pas de mme de l'ordre encyclopdique de nos connoissances. Ce dernier consiste les rassembler dans le plus petit espace possible, & placer, pour ainsi dire, le Philosophe au dessus de ce vaste labyrinthe dans un point de v e fort lev d'o il puisse appercevoir la fois les Sciences & les Arts principaux; voir d'un coup d'oeil les objets de ses spculations, & les oprations qu'il peut faire sur ces objets; distinguer les branches gnrales des connoissances humaines, les points qui les sparent ou qui les unissent; & entrevoir mme quelquefois les routes secretes qui les rapprochent. C'est une es pece de Mappemonde ( le Discours prliminaire )


34 Diderot and D'Alembert explain here that the tree of knowledge cannot foll ow the same process of scientific acquisition adopted by a scientist or inquisitive mind because the system of arts and sciences can be considered as a sort of maze, where one may enter but not be able to find a way out. Scientific inquiry is a process that can be spatially interpreted as being in a maze. The philosopher counteracts the difficulty by classifying knowledge in the figure of the tree. He does not reproduce the process, but the outcome of scientific inquiry. Withers also interprets the pla cement of entries as reflective neither of a process nor a definitive outcome of knowledge: Neither the definition of historical geography in the Encyclopdie nor the position of geography on the Tree of Knowledge should be seen as fixed positions in the structure of knowledge. The Tree of Knowledge was not an actual history or mappemonde, but an account of how the sciences might logically have come into being if they had followed a rational sequence of discovery (261). For Withers: Geography was part of the science of Nature, in which humankind was placed. Geographical knowledge drew upon reason and upon all other knowledge as part of what was viewed by contemporaries as a profoundly useful scientific enterprise (261). Metaphors such as map and as tree of knowledge 11 were attributed to the project by Diderot and D'Alembert themselves, and I will show here that there are ways in which the Encyclopdie can also be considered as a rhizome and as a deterritorialized space, as expounded by Gilles De leuze and Flix Guattari. 12 By examining Deleuze and Guattari's six principles of the rhizome, we can say that the


35 Encyclopdie is a rhizome in and of itself. In A Thousand Plateaus Deleuze and Guattari define the rhizome through a series of princi ples. The first and second principles of the rhizome have to do with connection and heterogeneity: at any point the rhizome can be connected to anything other, and must be. This is very different from the tree or root, which plots a point, fixes and orde r (7). Diderot and d'Alembert present a tree of knowledge in the Encyclopdie but the structure of the Encyclopdie is also that of a maze ( Le systme g n ral des Sciences & des A rts est une espce de labyrinth de chemin tortueux o l'esprit s'engage sans trop connotre la route qu'il doit tenir ) with open or empty ended directions; just as a rhizome ceaselessly establishes connections between semiotic chains, organizations of power, and circumstances relative to the arts, sciences, and social strugg les (8). Through the reference to chains, connections and circumstances relative to the arts and sciences and the mention of social struggles, Deleuze and Guattari depart from their original botanical metaphor and address an aspect dealing directly with human endeavor, or the production of space. The third principle of the rhizome is the principle of multipli city. For Deleuze and Guattari: There are no points or positions in a rhizome, such as those found in a structure, tree, or root. There ar e only lines Multiplicities are defined by the outside: by the abstract line, the line of flight or deterritorialization according to which they change in nature and connect with other multiplicities (8 9). The fourth principle of the rhizome is th e principle of asignifying rupture. This means that a rhizome may be broken, but it will start up again on one of its old lines or on new lines Every rhizome contains lines of segmentarity according to which it is stratified, territorialized,


36 organ ized, signified, attributed, etc., as well as lines of deterritorialization down which it constantly flees (9). In the Discours prliminaire D'Alembert speaks of rupture when he writes chemin souvent coup par mille obstacles in reference to the ma ppemonde that is the Encyclopdie The understanding of the Encyclopdie as a rhizome enables us to make sense of what escapes the logic and structure of the tree of knowledge, an escape that both Diderot and d'Alembert account for (maze, obstacle, etc.) The final principles of the rhizome, principles five and six, are of cartography and decalcomania: a rhizome is not amenable to any structural or generative model It is altogether different, a map and not a tracing (12). Deleuze and Guattari say : What distinguishes the map from the tracing is that it is entirely oriented toward an experimentation in contact with the real (12). What space is therefore being mapped in the Encyclopdie ? Brewer pointed out differences between real and utopia n or imaginary space and argued that the Encyclopdie is an imaginary space that signifies the real but does not reduplicate it (it) is a utopian network of knowledge whose effects can be measured by the gap between the real and the imaginary (1 82). For Deleuze, the map is oriented toward an experimentation in contact with the real, and the Encyclopdie also requires contact with the real, a s it is a deterritorialized space interweaving the real and the imaginary. In other words, we must pay attention to the middle space that the Encyclopdie occupies, another commonality with the rhizome, as Deleuze and Guattari say: (The rhizome) has neither beginning nor end, but always a middle ( milieu ) from which it grows and which it overspills (21). Brigitte Weltman Aron notes the political and ethical consequences of that position: Gilles Deleuze's writings take place in the middle of an interrogation of spatiality, or to put it more simp ly, they happen in 'the middle.' It is ind eed a


37 constant trait in Deleuze to 'install [him]self on this plane [of immanence] which implies a mode of living, a way of life (Deleuze 1988,122). This plane is not given in advance, but must be constructed (Deleuze 1988,123). Diagramatics, rhizomatics, cartography, de (or re ) territorialization, are markers which trace spatial and temporal lines. (56 57) In addition to being written spatially and even rhizomatically, the Encyclopdie included several entries on geography. The way in which geography was addressed and the space it occupied within the larger project of Encyclop die demonstrates the ethos of a productive intervention of man over space, without which space could be neither experienced nor lived in. Gographie in the Encyclopdie Numa Broc, referring back to D'Alembert's Discours prliminaire shows that the eigh teenth century privileged history over geography, a privilege that is visible in the very organization of the Encyclopdie : Dans le Discours prliminaire o il prsente une classification des sciences, d'Alembert relgue d'emble la gographie l'ombre de l'histoire: La chronologie et la gographie sont les deux rejetons et les deux soutiens de la science dont nous parlons: l'une place les hommes dans le temps; l'autre les distribue sur notre globe Servante de l'histoire, la gographie dpend uniquement comme elle, de la mmoire; c'est dire qu'elle joue un rle assez effac dans l' Encyclopdie o l'rudition pure n'est gure apprcie. (250) But geography and history, or space and time, work together by first placing and then distributing (Withers travel between places ) people; recalling Lefebvre, a human subject is necessary to produce a space. As was mentioned earlier, Jaucourt often discussed the work of influential men under a geographical heading. These headings were also geographical pre texts for the presentation of philosophical arguments ( as D Alembert did in the entry Genve, for example).


38 Jean Jacques Rousseau discusses geography in an unfinished essay dating from the late 1730s entitled, Cours de Gographie, in which he evaluates the distinction between physical and historical geography. According to Rousseau : La Gographie est une science qui traite de la connaissance du globe terrestre, et qui enseigne la position de toutes les rgions les unes l'gard des autres et par rappor t au Ciel. Le mot de Gographie vient du grec, et signifie prcisment, description de la terre (535). He is defining geography as a physical science, which he continues to do in the third paragraph, when speaking of gographie cosmographique: On l a [=cette science] peut encore diviser en cosmographique et historique; la cosmographique divise le globe terrestre par les cercles, par les oppositions, par les ombres, par les zones, et par les climats; (535). But, more importantly, Rousseau discusses gographie historique, which he explains thus : l'historique considre le gouvernement, les forces, la religion, (535). Rousseau does not develop this part regarding historical geography in this fragment of his unfinished essay. However, we can see that it supports a prevailing view about the historical factor that was deemed necessary when studying geography in the eighteenth century. We will see that Didier Robert de Vaugondy also divides geography in to separate categories, with special emphasis on historical classifications. The Gographie article appeared in 1757 and was published in Volume VII (before the banning of the work) by two authors that Broc considers rather famous (250). It is divided into two distinct parts, each part having been written by a different author. The first, shorter part was written by Didier Robert de Vaugondy (1723 1786), a French mapmaker and geographer to King Louis XV. The second, longer part is


39 entitled Gographi e physique and was written by Nicolas Desmarest (1725 1815), a French geologist and writer during the Enlightenment. In The Encyclopedists as individuals Frank A. Kafker notes that Desmarest made several contributions to the Encyclopdie writing articl es which mainly dealt with topics concerning natural and physical science. Kafker explains that Desmarest's article on Gographie physique, is general, largely a survey of the subject matter of physical geography, a branch of knowledge in its early sta ges at that time and which encompassed parts of what is today geology (104). In addition: It provides advice on proper scientific method: that a physical geographer should, among other things, be a patient collector of information from earlier researche rs and from his own meticulous observations; that he refrain from generalizing when the facts are lacking; and that he oppose dogmatic system building and unrestrained flights of imagination (104 ). We will not be focusing on this second section of t he Encyclopdie article on Gographie, since we want to concentrate on parts that can be related to the production of space. Didier Robert de Vaugondy was the son of another famous geographer, Gilles Robert de Vaugondy, both men having come from a fam ily tradition that began with their noted ancestor Nicolas Sanson (1600 1667), geographer in ordinary to the King and one of the French pioneers in the study of geography (Kafker 330). Both published several geographical works together, such as La Gogra phie sacre et historique de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Testament in 1747, and in 1757, l'Atlas Universel which at the time was considered to be a very fine, and comparatively modern general atlas (Fordham 37).


40 Didier Robert de Vaugondy himself authored thr ee articles on geography in the Encyclopdie that were published in 1757. These three articles are listed as: Fuseau, Gographie, and Globe. In Globe, he describes the careful process of the current trends in the art of globe making as seen here, for example: Vous diviserez chaque espace en deux parties gales; & par tous ces points de division vous lverez des perpendiculaires. Pour lors, si vous posez avec prcision ce demi fuseau de cuivre, en sorte que sa base convienne avec la ligne, & sa po inte avec la perpendiculaire qui tombe sur le milieu de chaque douzime partie de cette mme ligne, vous tracerez les courbes des fuseaux. ( Globe ) De Vaugondy's reference to globemaking and to mapmaking link to D'Alembert's very shaping of the writing of the Encyclopdie In other words, we have here an instance of mise en abyme as with the article Encyclopdie within the Encyclopdie De Vaugondy's geographical references are also found within his articles on geography in the Encyclopdie The artic le on Gographie is the longest of his three articles. Critics agree that in the article Didier Robert de Vaugondy gives a detailed description tracing the development of geography in all parts of the world. He does so in two different ways. First, he compares the different instruments used to record geography over the centuries (mapmaking and globemaking, for example) based on the changing available research methods such as travel, navigation, and astronomical observation. Second, he recounts various approaches to geography that took place throughout history, illustrating thus the production of space : Il faut considrer prsentement la Gographie en elle mme. Elle doit tre envisage sous trois ges diffrens. 1. Gographie ancienne qui est la descri ption de la terre, conformment aux connoissances que les anciens en avoient jusqu' la dcadence de l'empire romain.


41 2. Gographie du moyen ge depuis la dcadence de l'empire jusqu'au renouvellement des Lettres. Cette partie est trs difficile traiter, l 'incursion des Barbares ayant envelopp tout dans une ignorance profonde. Cependant le dpouillement des chroniques, des cartulaires, &c. qui sont en grande abondance, peut fournir de grandes lumires sur cette partie de la Gographie 3. Gographie moderne qui est la description actuelle de la terre, depuis le renouvellement des Lettres jusqu' prsent. ( Gographie ) De Vaugondy considered geography in three different ways, specifically in three different historical ages, again reinforcing the strong relati onship between history and geography with the role of the human at the center: Geography had both current credibility and significance in historical inquiry about the development of peoples and nations (Withers 174). The article shows ways in which pol itical and cultural landscapes were traced as the background and explanatory context to certain moments in human history (Withers 174). As Kafker notes, the article dwells at length on those who had advanced the knowledge of the subject since antiquity (331). De Vaugondy then ends the article with a short, brief, and general summary of the principal divisions of Gographie with six the six areas described below: L'on distingue encore la Gographie : 1. e n naturelle; c'est par rapport aux divisions que la nature a mises sur la surface du globe, par les mers, les montagnes, les fleuves, les isthmes, &c. par rapport aux couleurs des diffrens peuples, leurs langues naturelles, &c. 2. En historique c'est lorsqu'en indiquant un pays ou une ville, elle en prse nte les diffrentes rvolutions, quels princes ils ont t sujets successivement; le commerce qui s'y fait, les batailles, les siges, les traits de paix, en un mot tout ce qui a rapport l'histoire d'un pays. 3. En civile ou politique par la description qu'elle fait des souverainets par rapport au gouvernement civil ou politique. 4. En Gographie sacre lorsqu'elle a pour but de traiter des pays dont il est fait mention dans les Ecritures & dans l'Histoire ecclsiastique.


42 5. En Gographie ecclsiastique lor squ'elle reprsente les partages d'une jurisdiction ecclsiastique, selon les patriarchats, les primaties, les diocses, les archidiacons, les doyenns, &c. 6. Enfin en Gographie physique; cette dernire considre le globe terrestre, non pas tant par ce qui forme sa surface, que par ce qui en compose la substance. ( Gographie ) Geography was first divided into three historical ages ( ancient, Middle Ages, modern ) in order to emphasize the progress achieved over time in the scientific study of the disci pline, and, in conclusion, it is distributed into six separate areas, one of them being history, so as to illustrate the variety of approaches available to modern geographers. The fact that only one of these parts is labeled as historical does not under mine the essentialness of history to geography (and vice versa) and the importance of the human experience across space and time. This is true because in examining each of the six areas, we see that the first five are all related to the production of spa ce in one way or another: Gographie naturelle speaks of the colors and languages of different peoples; Gographie historique addresses past events of a country or town which makes up its history; Gographie civile ou politique describes sovereigns relationship to government; Gographie sacre mentions the ecclesiastical history of countries; and Gographie ecclsiastique directly describes the different parts of the church's jurisdiction. Gographie physique is the only section leaving out the human historical dimension, focusing instead on that which makes up the substance of the earth. De Vaugondy's organization and classification of geography into separate divisions is a good illustration of the general organization of the branches of the Encyclopdie Gographie itself as a subject is its own large branch on the tree with separate smaller branches emerging from it these chosen branches then showing the


43 various divisions of geography as De Vaugondy saw them after reflecting on the past centuries and considering the present time. The article is also a good example of the structure of cross references announced by Diderot and D'Alembert, also showing the horizontal shape of the rhizome. Throughout the article there are several insta nces where De Vaugondy refers to other articles of the Encyclopdie to clarify or expand his explanations. 13 De Vaugondy reiterates the interdependence that was, as we have mentioned earlier, commonly upheld at the time between geography and history geogr aphy is related to historical events or institutions retained by human memory, or, one redoubles the other (Brewer). In Geography in its time, Withers states that the sub division Gographie historique shares something of the other sub divisions of (human) geography, most closely associated with Gographie Civile ou Politique and with Gographie Ecclesiastique as these two sub divisions speak of power structures civil or political government and of ecclesiastical jurisdiction (261). In other words, the study of geography allows readers to orient themselves not only in space but also within social and political groups. Thus, there are actual, useful benefits to readers of geographical treatises. In that respect, Withers writes that : G eography, a means to descriptive world knowledge both human and physical, was placed within a map of knowledge that prioritized reason and signaled to its practical possibilities ( Placing the Enlightenment 178). Even though De Vaugondy's article includes the physical study of the Earth, he and his contemporaries strikingly apprehend space primarily as occupied by, and relevant to humans. We have seen earlier that space becomes a place once it is socially or culturally produced (Lefebvre / Brewer). We have also argued that the


44 space of the Encyclopdie could in fact be considered as an imaginary, utopian, or deterritorialized space (Brewer / Deleuze). We will now look to the entry on Gographie found in Voltaire's Les Questions sur l'Encyclopd ie (1770 1774). Here, we will explore how Voltaire takes the human aspect of geography in a different direction than that of the Encyclopdie by suggesting a moral, ethical connection to geography. Voltaire's Gographie in the Questions sur l'Encyclopd ie Numa Broc speaks of La gographie historique (257) and Le roman gographique (258). The roman gographique, particularly Voltaire's contes philosophiques, will be the subject of our subsequent chapters. Broc specifically treats Voltaire in thi s section, where he opens with a rather strong statement in praise of Voltaire's conscious effort and enthusiasm to include history and geography in his literature. Broc even refers to the contes as good indicators of the emphasis that Voltaire places on history and geography: double relativisme historique et gographique, c'est bien Voltaire; qu'on l'aborde par le biais de la 'philosophie ,' de l'histoire, du roman, de la critiq ue, partout se manifeste un souci constant de replacer l'homme dans le temps et dans l'espace (263) Il n'est pas douteux que Voltaire ne se soit, durant toute son existence, passionn pour la gographie: il affirme dans le Dictionnaire Philosophique que c 'est 'une de ces sciences qu'il faudra toujours perfectionner' (article Gographie ) et l'Essai sur les Moeurs montre que l'histoire et la gographie de la plupart des pays du monde lui sont familires. (263) In Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie Voltaire's article on Gographie (1772) testifies to the fascination entertained in the eighteenth century with the production of space. Broc asserts that Voltaire was attuned to and interested in geography throughout his life, and that this is reflected in vario us genres of his writing.


45 The article on Gographie is part of his Questions sur l'Encyclopdie and is very often mistaken as being part of of the Dictionnaire philosophique as it is cited above. The Voltaire Foundation has recognized this long standin g error concerning the publication of the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie : Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie sont l'oeuvre de Voltaire la plus volumineuse, et cependant l'une des moins connues. Elle a t perdue de vue en tant qu'oeuvre part entire suite la dcision des diteurs de Kehl, dans les annes 1780, de regrouper tous les articles alphabtiques de Voltaire sous le titre gnrique de Dictionnaire philosophique La confusion s'est perptue travers les ditions Beuchot et Moland de V oltaire au di x neuvime sicle. ( < http://www.voltaire.ox.ac.uk/www_vf/ocv/ Questions08.pdf > ) At present, the Voltaire Foundation is publishing the first critical edition of the Questions sur l'En cyclopdie in its own separate series of volumes, a project which scholars can agree, is very relevant and extremely overdue: Aujourd'hui aprs plus de 200 ans, la Voltaire Foundation publie la premire dition authentique et critique des Questions sur l' Encyclopdie qui, souvent confondues avec le Dictionnaire philosophique retrouvent leur statut d'oeuvre part entire ( < http://www.voltaire. ox.ac.uk/www_vf/ocv/Questions08.pdf > ). In the Introduction to his dissertation entitled, An Introduction to Voltaire's 'Questions sur l'Encyclopdie,' William C. Archie opens with the correct description of the details of the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie as an entire work: During the years 177 0 72, Voltaire published a nine volume work, composed of 423 articles, arranged alphabetically, under the title Questions sur l'Encyclopdie par des Amateurs (1); and in an earlier article entitled, Voltaire's Dictionnaire philosophique : Les Questions su r l'Encyclopdie, he also points out how the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie incorrectly became known and accepted as part of edited versions of Voltaire's Dictionnaire


46 philosophique : This editorial Dictionnaire philosophique is composed of five elements: L e Dictionnaire philosophique portatif Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie the 43 articles that Voltaire contributed to Diderot's Encyclopdie l'Opinion par alphabet and the articles that Voltaire wrote for the Dictionnaire de l'Acadmie (317). Voltaire's article on Gographie contained within his Questions sur l'Encyclopdie was published in 1772 and is found in the sixth part of the work, and is the first entry of the seco nd section 14 We can now therefore ask the following question: Why the Questions s ur l'Encyclopdie ? Voltaire, who was a contributor to the Encyclopdie wrote the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie while he was in Switzerland. Nicholas Cronk has shown that unlike the Encyclopdie which was collectively written by scientists and philosopher s, the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie were meant to be the work of a very different group altogether: Voltaire prsente les QE comme un ouvrage collectif rpondant la grande entreprise collective du temps, l'Encyclopdie il se propose seulement de p rsenter un 'essai de quelques articles' qui complte ou corrige sur certains points le grand dictionnaire son objectif et son originalit: prsenter les questions de ceux qui se dclarent 'douteurs et non docteurs' (Cronk, Questions sur l'Encyclop die 3). Voltaire retained however, from the Encyclopdie the critical purpose crucially underscored by Diderot in Encyclopdie. In an article about the Questions sur l'Encyclop die James Hanrahan speaks of the implications of the title that Voltaire c hose for this work, citing the Introduction to the Questions sur l'Encyclop die : The full title suggests, just as the introduction confirms, that 'Quelques gens de lettres qui ont tudi l'Encyclopdie, ne proposent ici que des questions, et ne demanden t que des claircissements (II, 3)' (157). Hanrahan


47 says that the Encyclopdie is a work that is praised in the highest terms in Voltaire's introduction (157). Hanrahan is h ere referring to such spatial evocations by Voltaire as L'Encyclop die est un monument qui honore la France (4) and Le discours prliminaire qui la prcda tait un vestibule d'une ordonnance magnifique et sage qui annonait le palais des sciences (4). Hanrahan recalls that: In 1769 the Parisian printer Panckoucke proposed a n ew, extended edition of Diderot and D'Alembert's monumental work, with which Voltaire had agreed to collaborate (157). To prepare (157) Voltaire recruited collaborators of his own (157); however, the new edition was abandoned (157). Voltaire did n ot give up on this endeavor, though, for he had a series of articles already prepared (157), and he set about increasing their number in order to produce this work, with the modest ambition to 'pr senter aux amateurs de la littrature un essai de quelqu es articles omis dans le grand dictionnaire, ou qui peuvent souffrir quelques additions, ou qui ayant t traits selon les vues des directeurs de c ette entreprise immense [ II, 11 ] (157). We have discussed the human experience as being essential to the p roduction of space. In his biography on Voltaire, Ren Pomeau notes that : En Janvier 1770 Voltaire commence les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie qui l'occuperont jusqu'en 1772; tche immense: 9 volumes; le dernier grand effort de Voltaire (192). The years before the beginning of the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie Voltaire had continuously moved within Europe, in England and in Prussia, for example, mainly due to various scandals and bannings of his work. 15 Voltaire's life had been rather tumultuous in the ye ars leading up to his move to Geneva and his eventual (and permanent) move to Ferney. Much of his work had been considered scandalous and therefore he often had to flee


48 Paris. In 1754, he was unwelcome at the courts of Paris and Berlin after a rift wi th Frederick of Prussia (Cronk, The Cambridge Companion to Voltaire xii). In 1775, Voltaire purchased Les Dlices in Geneva, and lived there for the next three years (Cronk xii). In 1759, he purchased land in Ferney, France, very close to Geneva and to the border of Switzerland, and the Chteau de Ferney remained his residence for the rest of his life (Cronk xiii). Voltaire bought the property in Ferney so that he could easily cross the border into Geneva if he was threatened by French authorities, and also so that he could easily cross the border back into France if he was threatened by Swiss forces. The safety of that location ensured for Voltaire a relative peace of mind with which he could write with less fear of retribution. In that respect, notab le is the fact that Voltaire fait son entre Genve in 1754, and the following year we find le dbut de sa collaboration l'Encyclopdie (Pomeau 189). Voltaire was in Ferney when he wrote the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie and they were first publish ed in Geneva. 16 The Questions sur l'Encyclopdie were considered scandalous mainly because of Voltaire's discussion of religion, as is shown in his Correspondence from 1770 1771. In Decemb er 1770, the Gen evan authorities wrote that they wished to examine the orthodoxy of the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie : I l y avoit tout lieu de croire que dans l'ouvrage de Mr. De Voltaire intitul Questions sur l'Encyclopdie qui s'imprime actuellement Genve, & dont les trois premiers volumes paroissent dj, il y a bie n des morceaux qui attaquent la Religion rvle & qu'il proposoit que l'on prit une rsolution cet egard. Dont opin, l'avis a t de nommer une Commission pour examiner ce qui paroit de cet ouvrage & Nous donner les informations ncessaires. (468) a nd his Correspondence from 1771 1772 shows the same concerns:


49 Religion, & qu'il avoit paru depuis peu une histoire critique de la vie de Jsus Christ & les derniers volumes des questions sur l'Encyclopdie, ouvrages impies et scandaleux, dont il importoit fort d'empcher le dbut, D.O. l'avis a t de charger et de le prier d'arrter un dsordre aussi fcheux et de faire tous ses efforts pour ut supra. (484) In his article Go graphie in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie Voltaire brings to light an ethical necessity at the heart of spatial epistemology. Voltaire's entry on geography can be interpreted two ways. The first approach is epistemological, having to do with the ways in which to dispel ignorance or error in order to acquire more accurate knowledge. The second is ethical, and both can be analyzed through the following quotation, which arguably summarizes Voltaire's position : Il est bien difficile en gographie comme en morale, de connatre le monde sans sortir de chez soi (320). Concerning epistemology, Voltaire describes what he calls inaccuracies. In the opening line of the article he writes : La gographie est une de ces sciences qu'il faudra toujours perfection ner (318). Voltaire implies how crucial it is for one to know the measurements of the globe and of the countries on Earth. He points out the inaccurate measurement of the world at the time. He blames sovereigns for pursuing power over scientific unde rtakings: Il faudrait que tous les souverains s'entendissent & se prtassent des secours mutuels pour ce grand ouvrage; ils se sont presque toujours plus appliqus ravager le monde qu' le mesurer (318). Voltaire uses here two different verb tenses ve ry closely to each other, as he passes from il faudra to il faudrait in these opening lines. The future tense indicates that perfecting geography is an endless task, or geography will always be inaccurate. Voltaire's insistence on not repeating err ors that are known to be errors is great evidence of the pedagogical posture of the Encyclopdie This can be considered as both positive and pessimistic at


50 the same time, as is discussed by Foucault in reference to Kant's What is Enlightenment ?. 17 Geograp hy will always have to be updated or perfected over time. In using the conditional mood, Voltaire implies a request, that science should be an internationally funded or protected endeavor. This is imperative in order to avoid the mistakes highlighted in this entry, which would help the discipline of geography be more scientifically accurate and would promote peace in the world. Voltaire spends the majority of this first part on inaccuracies giving a long, harsh critique of the work of Johann Hbner (16 88 1731), a German geographer and teacher during the Enlightenment who was the author of a widely available book on geography, La Gographie Universelle (320). We see here that Voltaire is concentrating heavily on the repetition of geographical mistakes o f the past, while also discussing the present state of affairs concerning knowledge on geography in Europe and in France. Voltaire dedicates almost four full pages of Gographie giving the accounts of numerous mistakes in Hbner's work and he therefore criticizes its acceptance as the reference book on geography during the Enlightenment. Hbner becomes the comical target of Voltaire's wit, demonstrating how fraudulent scientific discourse can be, th r ough a compilation and accumulation of errors pervading Hbner's book. Voltaire's critiques of Hbner are blatant and quite comical, for he notes inaccuracies on a variety of issues: on temperature (320), on population (321), on habitable and inhabitable land (322), and on history (322 323), for exampl e. Voltaire presents these criticisms in list form, a satirical device which appeared in texts well before the eighteenth century, going as far back as the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. In The List: The Uses and Pleasures of Cataloguing Robert E. Bel knap


51 explains that: Patterns of listing have been identified and conceptually categorized for centuries. For example, in the sixteenth century, Henry Peacham recorded many of these strategies in his catalogue of rhetoric The Garden of Eloquence (7). Li sts establish links and chains that are not necessarily connected in a linear fashion: To build lists, the compiler connects one link to another. These chains can have all kinds of compositions, and endless variety of lengths, and any number of purposes (34). Just as a rhizome, a list is multidirectional in form and in meaning: The format of a list is its vertical or horizontal orientation (23). We can consider Voltaire's article Gographie in his Questions sur l'Encyclopdie and De Vaugondy's arti cle on Gographie in the Encyclopdie to have similar structural patterns. The second approach to Voltaire's article on Gographie in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie has to do with ethical implications of Voltaire's notion of sortir de chez soi, mea ning literally leaving home or one's place, and by extension leaving the self, encountering and giving place to the other. Voltaire considers the ethical dimension of geography when he notes a comparable difficulty in geography and morality, namely that k nowing (the world) can happen only by sortir de chez soi knowledge can only happen by leaving one's home. By writing this phrase Voltaire poses questions of ethics and alterity within the self or of a knowledge that needs to be spatialized in order to come to fruition. He says that there is no knowledge at home, in the self ( chez soi ) that does not go through an experience of the other or sortie out of one's home or oneself. Here we can refer to the philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas, specifically to his writings on responsibility to the other.


52 In his Trait sur la Tolrance Voltaire discusses fraternity. For example, he states: Il ne faut pas un grand art, une loquence bien recherche, pour prouver que des chrtiens doivent se tolrer les uns les autres. Je vais plus loin J e vous dis qu il faut regarder tous les hommes comme nos frres. Quoi! mon frre le Turc? mon frre le Chinois? le Juif? le Siamois? Oui, sans doute; ne sommes nous pas tous enfants du mme pre, et cratures du mme Dieu? (111 ). Fraternity for Voltaire may be understood as being based on resemblance, shared by children of the same father Humankind is fundamentally one and the same in spite of superficial differences. The other is my brother, for we have a similar fundamental nature. However, consideration of Levinas' notion of fraternity may help us interpret Voltaire's position differently. In Totality and Infinity Levinas states that he will found subjectivity in the idea of infinity, and as an impossible exigency of ho spitality and justice (27 28). Levinas explains that his work will present subjectivity as welcoming the other, as hospitality (27). 18 Totality and Infinity explores how to let the other be. For Levinas, the notion of fraternity based on resemblance doe s not respect the separateness of the individual. In that respect, he speaks directly to the responsibility that we have to the other: Equality is produced where the other commands the same and reveals himself to the same in responsibility; otherwise it i s but an abstract idea and a word. It cannot be detached from the welcoming of the face, of which it is a moment. The very status of the human implies fraternity and the idea of the human race. Fraternity is radically opposed to the conception of a huma nity united by resemblance. Society must be a fraternal community to be commensurate with the straightforwardness, the primary proximity, in which the face presents itself to my welcome. (214) This idea of fraternity is crucial to Levinas, for he states that it is central to the very status of the human. Conversely, he shows that resemblance of a united humanity is radically opposed to this fraternity and that society cannot properly exist without the


53 fraternal community. In that sense, fratern ity does not entail being or thinking alike, but being gathered in a space hospitable to and in proximity with each singularity. When Voltaire mentions leaving one s home, he says that the people of la Rue St. Jacques (a metaphor for Parisians) are guil ty of failing to see beyond their immediate vicinity, which becomes in their eyes the standard against which everything must be appraised: Votre sotte voisine, & votre voisin encore plus sot, vous reprochent sans cesse de ne pas penser comme on pense dans la rue St. Jacques (323 324). The ignorant people on the rue St. Jacques reject difference, and therefore cannot perceive what is common to humankind. In many essays, as we shall see, Voltaire is attentive to the plurality of customs and therefore to d ifference, but he also believes that differences can always ultimately be related to a common way of thinking. For a non provincial mind, it is always possible to understand difference. One may also interpret Voltaire s leaving home as the urge to enco unter alterity, including within the self, or, as Levinas writes, the astonishing feat of containing more than it is possible to contain (27). Deleuze and Guattari's deterritorialization can also be read ethically. Paul Patton writes about the ethics o f deterritorialization in Between Deleuze and Derrida : Consider the concept of deterritorialization which lies at the heart of the political ethic elaborated in their mature work. In the concluding statement of rules governing certain key concepts in A T housand Plateaus deterritorialization is defined as the complex movement or process by which something escapes or departs from a given territory, where a territory can be a system of any kind, conceptual, linguistic, social or affective. On their account such systems are always inhabited by 'vectors of deterritorialization' and deterritorialization is always 'inseparable from cor relative reterritorializations.' Reterritorialization does not mean returning to the original territory, but rather refers to the ways in which deterritorialized elements recombine and enter into new relations in the constitution of a new assemblage or the modification of the old. (21)


54 Thus reterritorializing does not mean returning to the original territory, or returning ho me. Instead, forming new relations in order to modify the old is desired, or, as Voltaire says, leaving one's home is how one can know thereby perhaps allowing oneself to gain the opportunity to modify the old to reevaluate one's home and o ne's self. 19 By focusing on Voltaire's leaving home or leaving the self in his article on Gographie, I wanted to call attention not only to the relevance of social space in the Enlightenment, but also to the ethical obligation of the self to the Othe r that is often associated to thinkers of that period, and especially to Voltaire. The following chapter will address the ways in which fiction may be read spatially, and then examine the philosophical tale as a genre embraced by Voltaire for its aptitude to produce space. 1 See "Venn Diagram of the relations of geography, history, and their subject matter," (Baker 3) in Geography and History: Bridging the Divide Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003. Baker provides this illustration in order to show that these three areas overlap, and therefore must be considered together when being analyzed. 2 In The Order of Th ings Michel Foucault writes: "Histories of ideas or of the sciences by which is meant here an average cross section of them credit the seventeenth century, and especially the eighteenth, with a new curiosity: the curiosity that caused them, if not to discover the sciences of life, at least to give them a hitherto unsuspected scope and precision. A certain number of causes and several essential manifestations are traditionally attributed to this phenomenon" (125). 3 Brewer quotes Foucault's article "O f Other Spaces," trans. Jay Miskowiec, Diacritics 16:1 (1986), 22. 4 See Immanuel Kant, Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals and What is Enlightenment? London, Collier, Macmillan, 1985. See also Michel Foucault, Ethics, Subjectivity and Truth Volum e 1 New York, The New Press, 1997.


55 5 Another comprehensive guide to contemporary thinkers on "space" and "place" is Key Thinkers on Place and Space London, SAGE Publications Ltd., 2004, by Phil Hubbard (Ed.), Rob Kitchin (Ed.), and Gill Valentine (Ed.). 6 For the scholarship on the publication of the Encyclopdie see Jacques Proust, Diderot et l'Encyclopdie Paris, A. Colin, 1962. According to Proust, "La publication de l' Encyclopdie ne fut pas seulement la mise au jour d'un grand inventaire des con naissances reues, clair par une philosophie souvent neuve et hardie; l' Encyclopdie serait en effet sa date une entreprise vritablement rvolutionnaire, par la nouveaut de la conception, l'ampleur des moyens financiers et techniques mis en jeu, l't endue du public atteint, soit dans la recherche des collaborateurs, soit dans celle des souscripteurs, le dveloppement progressif et sr de l'affaire travers mille dangers qui ne furent pas tous d'ordre idologique ou politique. Tout cela fait de l' Enc yclopdie l'quivalent des plus grandes entreprises franaises la fin du XVIIIe sicle" (45). 7 See also the University of Chicago's online ARTFL Encyclop die Project found at the following university website: < http://encyclopedie.uchicago.edu/ >. Proper citation is as follows: Encyclop die, ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers etc., eds. Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert. University of Chicago: ARTFL Encyclopdie Pro ject (Spring 2011 Edition), Robert Morrissey (ed), < http://encyclopedie.uchicago.edu/ >. I should also note here that the University of Michigan currently has an ongoing project entitled "The Encyclopedi a of Diderot and D'Alembert: Collaborative Translation Project" found at this university website: < http://quod.lib.umich.edu/d/did/ >. The University of Chicago's ARTFL Encyclopdie Project recognizes th e work currently being done at the University of Michigan, as is shown in another part to the ARTFL website: < http://encyclopedie.u.chicago.edu/node 18 >. 8 The article "Encyclopdie" functions as a mise en abyme of the Encyclopdie Both Diderot and D'Alembert presented knowledge spatially and even, in the case of D'Alembert, through a tool used by geographers, the map. By writing that it was organized as a "chain of knowledge" and its geographica l basis as "the Earth's surface," the Encyclopdie adopted a spatial form. The spatial form of the Encyclopdie has a dual function. First, it discusses space within itself the article entitled "Gographie" by Didier Robert de Vaugondy and its correspo nding article "Gographie physique" by Nicolas Desmarest appears within it. Second, as an entire work, it is written as a map, as a tree of knowledge, as a labyrinth, that is to say, it adopts specific spatial forms. 9 See the map of "Human Knowledge" (" Systme figur des connoissances humaines") from the Encyclopdie 10 The term "map" as a metaphor is an appropriate figure for the project of Encyclopdie and is also specifically related to Didier Robert de Vaugondy's articles on "Gographie" and "Globe" in the Encyclopdie


56 11 See "Geography charted" (Withers 177) and "Geography in the 'Tree of Knowledge'" (Withers 177) in Placing the Enlightenment: Thinking Geographically about the Age of Reason Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2007. 12 For the bo tanical image of a rhizome, see the following webpage: < http:// candidcandidacy.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/rhizome.jpg >. 13 For example, he begins these references with the ter m voyez ," and we note the following "cross referenced" articles that he chooses in "Gographie:" Voyez Priple;" Voyez Climat;" voyez Latitude;" voyez Gnomons;" and Voyez Msur es itinraires" ( "Gographie ). 14 Entries quoted here from the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie are taken from the University of Florida Librairies Eighteenth Century Collections Online 15 See Pomeau, 188 190. 16 See Raymond Trousson and Jeroom Vercruysse's Dictionnaire gnral de Voltaire Paris Honor Champion, 2003, 1019 102 3. 17 In What is Enlightenment? Foucault discusses the fact that the Enlightenment was and is a good project for human history, and it can also be considered as an endless project (318 319). 18 We recall here Albert Camus' L'Hte where the question of the meaning of a "host" may be tied to Levinas' "hospitality." See Tal Sessler, "Between Transcendent and Immanent Humanism: Levinas, Camus, and the Struggle Against Totalitarianism," Dissertation, New School University, 2005, and Levinas and Camus: Humanism for the Twenty First Century New York, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2008. 19 A detailed discussion and analysis of the ethics of both Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida as it relates to Voltaire's philosophical tales is presented in the f i fth chapter.


57 CHAPTER 3 GEOGRAPHY AND FICTIO N: THE PLACE OF THE VOLTAIRIAN PHILOSOPH ICAL TALE Geography and Literature In the preceding chapter, I gave a theoretical analysis of space in the eighteenth century by examining the essays on Gographie in the Encyclopdie and the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie This chapter is dedicated to a discussion of space writing in fiction and the Voltairian philosophical tale. Increasingly, critics have drawn attention to space as an integral part of the make up o f a fictional story: Territorial and topographical aspects of literature have received renewed academic attention within the last decades (also labeled as the 'spatial turn' in humanities) (Piatti 3). In Lights in Space, Daniel Brewer discussed how th e eighteenth century, or, the past, can be thought of as spatialized. This is due in part to an eighteenth century produced in the twenty first (Br ewer 175). According to Brewer: this object of the past is always inseparably linked to a present, t hrough complex operations that allow us to cast our glance back to an anterior moment and another place. It is an object, moreover that increasingly has become spatialized, and not only because certain kinds of texts have been more privileged over others (travel narratives, for instance, over tragedy) (175). Brewer says that at present one must spatialize the Enlightenment and its literature: the question of knowing the eighteenth century cannot be dissociated from reflection on the particular way we know it, and increasingly we know that object according to a dialectic involving an historical space and a spatializing historical practice (176). In addition to Brewer's mention of travel narratives, one can also consider the philosophical tale, and V oltaire's in particular, as


58 a type of text which spatializes the eighteenth century. It is the human experience or the production of space (Lefebvre) which gives a place its meaning: Evocative descriptions of geographical places by novelists enable th e essences of sense of place to be felt strongly by the reader. Places are more than the sum of their physical components; they take on deeper significance which cannot easily be quantified. They may well be associated with attitudes and values which are best captured by novelists who are m ore interested in revealing the nature of human experience than in explaining and predicting human behavior. They bring about a more creative description of landscape than could be reached by a more objective orientatio n. (Mallory and Simpson Housley xi) Thus, a reader can relate to the sense of a place the meaning or memory the lived space evokes and not merely its physical description. This can perhaps explain why Didier Robert de Vaugondy and Nicolas Desmar est wrote separate articles on Gographie reflecting the distinction made since Antiquity (Broc) that physical, descriptive geography was to be differentiated from human geography. In Humanistic Geography and Literature Douglas C.D. Pocock disting uishes between literature as an artistic creation and geography as a scientific construction (9). He clarifies, however, that human geography may be considered as an art or social science, and that human geography as social science can be ackno wledged as a stance from which to engage literature (9). This is true because events 'take p lace' (12), both in our 'real,' perso nal lives and in the 'imagined,' fictional lives of characters: We are what we are largely as a result of our life's exper iences, all of which have an integral environmental context or setting (12). Human geography explores the nature and aspects of environmental experience as part of the human condition, and it is this which has the deepest engagement with imaginative l iterature (15). Literature, therefore, can enhance the understanding of human geography, for, according to Pocock, literature becomes both a source for new insights and a testing ground for


59 hypotheses in exploring the experiential foundation of our worl d (15). 1 Like Lefebvre, Pocock insists that both real and imagined space can be produced. Inhabiting a space is possible in both social space and literary space, and this can lead to the production of space. I will show that this is the case in Voltaire the apprehension of space in philosophy, which is itself related to the inhabitation of a social space, applies to literature, particularly in Voltaire's philosophical tales. A fictional place is not simply a copy of the real or of the world. I t is not only a realistic setting or a realistic mode of inhabitation. A fictional place can also imagine and form geography. For example, it is true that Voltaire uses Paris in some of his writings, but he also writes about the utopian society of Eldora do in Candide Franco Moretti says that geography is not an inert container, it is not a box where cultural history 'happens,' but an active force, that pervades the literary field and shapes it in depth (3). 2 Moretti is here referring to the work of Ga ston Bachelard. In The Poetics of Space Bachelard explains the philosophy of place in house and universe: In the dynamic rivalry between house and universe, we are far removed from any reference to simple geometrical forms. A house that has been expe rienced is not an inert box. Inhabited space transcends geometrical space (47). Bachelard and Moretti insist that geography must be lived, it must be embraced when reading literature. In the quotation above, Bachelard is explaining the difference bet ween a house and a home. A house is something which is not experienced or not inhabited it is a shell, a physical space meant for or to provide shelter. A home is a house which is experienced and inhabited, or, according to Emmanuel L evinas, occupies a privileged place in human experience:


60 Habitation can be interpreted as the utilization of an implement among implements. The home would serve for habitation as the hammer for the driving in of a nail or the pen for writing. For it does indeed belong to the gear consisting of things necessary for the life of man. It serves to shelter him from the inclemencies of the weather, to hide him from enemies or the importunate. And yet, within the system of finalities in which human life m aintains itself the home occupies a privileged place. Not that of an ultimate end; if one can seek it as a goal, of one can enjoy one's home, the home does not manifest its originality in the possibility for its enjoyment. For all implements, besides their utility as means in view of an end, admit of an immediate interest. Thus I can take pleasure in handling a tool, in working, in accomplishing, using gestures which, to be sure, fit into a system of finality, but whose end is situated beyond the ple asure or pain procured by these isolated gestures themselves, which fill or nourish a life. The privileged role of the home does not consist in being the end of human activity but in being its condition, and in this sense its commencement. ( Totality and I nfinity 152) We can say that the physical space of a house becomes the lived space of a home through the production of space. For Levinas, the home is the condition of human activity; it is the representation of the human element occupying or inhabiting space. In Orientalism Edward Said concurs with Bachelard's analysis of the inside of a house which acquires a sense of intimacy, secrecy, security, real or imagined, because of the experiences that come to seem appropriate for it (Said 54 55). In Said's reading of Bachelard, the objective space of a house, whether it be corners, corridors, or cellar rooms, is for Bachelard far less important than what poetically it is endowed with, which is usually a quality with an imaginative or figurative value we can name and feel (Said 55). Therefore, Bachelard has shown that space acquires emotional and even rational sense by a kind of poetic process (Said 55), and the same process occurs when we deal with time (Said 55). Said explains this similarity with time by saying that: Much of what we associate with or even know about such periods as 'long ago' or 'the beginning' or 'at the end of time' is poetic made up. For a historian of Middle Kingdom Egypt, 'long ago' will have a very c lear sort of meaning, but


61 even this meaning does not totally dissipate the imaginative, quasi fictional quality one senses lurking in a time very different and distant from our own (55). Imaginative geography and imagined time, therefore, have a mutual relationship, for real versus imagined space provides fictionalization in the narrative: For there is no doubt that imaginative geography and history help the mind to intensify its own sense of itself by dramatizing the distance and difference between wh at is close to it and what is far away (55). In GEO/GRAPHIES: Mapping the imagination in French and Francophone Literature and Film Jeanne Garane comments on Said's concept of imaginative geography by pointing out that it is a result of arbitrarily di stinguishing between the self, with its sense of belonging to a familiar space, and the other, relegated to unfamiliar space, (ix), and that Said's 'imaginative geography' extends beyond the positive, empirical knowledge of geographical place to include its arbitrary constructions (ix). According to Garane, the term 'imaginative geography' that Said uses implies the two elements contained within the word 'geography' itself: Geo 'earth,' and graphein 'writing,' that very aptly define the textualiz ation of space as those signifying practices which, while they may mimic reality, also constitute it (ix). Fiction constitutes space For Garane this understanding of geography as discursive construct thus problematize s the representation, or 'mapping,' of space (ix). Thus, Said brings together notions of space and time: space in a text is not necessarily mimetic it is the same and different; and something is created within the lived space of the house to become a home in both reality and fiction.


62 These critics have explained what interpretation of a place can accomplish: a reader can relate to the meaning or the memory a place evokes in a text (Mallory and Simpson Housley); events take place in both our real, personal lives, and in the imagined, fictional lives of characters (Pocock); and Bachelard and Said demonstrated how a fictional place can also imagine and form geography. Physical space becomes inhabited / lived space by social experience (Bachelard / Levinas), and space can be constituted or made up (it is not merely a reproduction) (Said). In The Production of Space Lefebvre wonders whether it makes sense to speak of a reading of a space (142). Before discussing this part of Lefebvre's analysis, l et us recall how space is produced according to Lefebvre: one must construct a theoretical unity between three fields the physical the mental and the social ( The Production of Space 11 12), which makes up a triad (39), or the perceived conceived l ived triad (39 40). We saw in reading the Encyclopdie and Voltaire's Gographie from the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie that the three spaces physical ( perceived ) space, mental ( conceived ) space, and social ( lived ) space are all interpreted an d experienced by man. Not even physical space escapes man's intervention. Lefebvre defines the perceived conceived lived triad in spatial terms (40): perceived space is spatial practice (40); conceived space is representations of space (40); and lived space is representational spaces (40). Nedra Reynolds and Edward W. Soja mix all of the categories of the triad to denote that all three parts must be thought of together. Reynolds explains the three fields of Lefebvre's triad thus : Perce ived space is spatial practice, which is what we see or smell or otherwise register with our senses; it is the material expression of social


63 relations in space (15); Conceived space or representations of space is made up of conceptual abstractions like g eometry that may in fact inform the actual configuration of spatial practices (think maps or signs or canons). This second formation makes the rules for spaces (15); and: Thirdly, lived spaces are representational spaces of inhabitants and users; they n eed not obey any rules of consistency or cohesiveness (15). In Thirdspace a book which is both a tribute to and an engagement with Lefebvre (Reynolds 16), Soja continues the project of theorizing space as a product of human practice (Reynolds 16). Soja points out that the three concepts of Lefebvre's triad cannot be separated (Reynolds 16): Soja's Thirdspace figured 'the trialectics of spatiality' in a swirl, not as a chart or graph or map where the spatial and temporal are joined by the so cial (Reynolds 16). Specifically: there is one blended, swirling concern with how space is lived, perceived, and conceived Lived, perceived, and conceived space fold into and spin across one another, working together to accomplish the production o f space (Reynolds 16). 3 Soja says that the central argument in Lefebvre's Production of Space is a metaphilosophy of the ontological, epistemological, and theoretical rebalancing of spatiality, historicality, and sociality as all embracing dimensions of human life ( Thirdspace 9 10). Soja describes his term trialectics as not just a triple dialectic but also a mode of dialectical reasoning that is more inherently spatial than the conventional temporally defined dialectics of Hegel or Marx (10). T he method of trialectics is used to re describe and help clarify what Lefebvre was writing about in the thematic 'Plan' of The Production of Space (10), which, according to Soja, is a trialectics of spatiality, of spatial thinking, of the spatial imag ination that echoes from Lefebvre's interweaving


64 incantation of three different kinds of spaces: the perceived space of materialized Spatial Practice; the conceived space he defined as Representations of Space; and the lived Spaces of Representation ('Repr esentational Spaces') (10). Soja says that Lefebvre's perceived space is often thought of as 'real' (10) and his conceived space is often thought of as 'imagined' (10), while lived space was typically seen as a simple combination or mixture of the real' and the 'imagined' in varying doses (10). For Soja, simultaneously real and imagined and more (both and also .), the exploration of Thirdspace can be described and inscribed in journeys to 'real and imagined' (or perhaps 'realandimagined'?) pl aces (10). When considering whether space can be read, Lefebvre provides two answers. The negative answer rests on the understanding that social space can in no way be compared to a blank page upon which a specific message has been inscribed (142). Lefe bvre says that rather than signs, one encounters directions multifarious and overlapping instructions, and that text, inscription or writing to be found is in a context of conventions, intentions and order (social order versus social disorder) (142 ). According to Lefebvre that space signifies is incontestable; it signifies dos and don'ts; it 'speaks' but does not tell all (142). Above all ," Lefebvre writes, space prohibits, and its mode of existence, its practical 'reality' (including its form) differs radically from the reality of something written, such as a book (142). Space can also have a sort of dual function, for it is at once result and cause, product and producer (142). In addition, space is also a stake the locus of projec ts and actions deployed as part of specific strategies, and hence also the object of wagers on the future wagers which are articulated, if never completely (142 143). Lefebvre also explains here the


65 existence of a spatial code or the decoding proces s in levels of interpretation (143). For Lefebvre, activity in space is restricted by that space, and, consequently, space 'decides' what activity may occur (143). However, there are limits to this decision because space implies a certain ord er and hence also a certain disorder (143). Interpretation, then, comes later, almost as an afterthought (143). His positive answer relies on the possibility to envisage a 'reader' who deciphers or decodes and a 'speaker' who expresses himself by translating his progression into a discourse (142). Lefebvre's approach to reading as reading a text or a book is a very literal interpretation. One must extend or expand the understanding of a text, for a text goes beyond the written word and includes non verbal signs. Several philosophers and literary critics have problematized the understanding of a text. 4 Even Lefebvre concedes it in his own essay: one can read space if it is agreed that space is produced first. Lefebvre says that space commands b odies, prescribing or proscribing gestures, rout es and distances to be covered, and that space is therefore produced with this purpose in mind, or, this is its raison d'tre (143). Lefebvre privileges the production of space as experience and decla res that the reading of a space comes first from the standpoint of knowledge, and thus, space is produced before being read ; it is not produced in order to be read and grasped, but rather in order to be lived by people with bodies and lives in their own particular context (143). But to the extent that Lefebvre grants the possibility that space can actually be read and interpreted, he wonders what the virtue of readability actually is, particularly because spaces made (produced) to be read are the mo st deceptive and tricked up imaginable (143). In sum, Lefebvre's wariness about reading may depend primarily on the recognition that interpretation


66 remains tentative and liable to error. There seem to be fewer pitfalls in inhabiting space than in interp reting it: It is pure illusion to suppose that thought can reach, grasp or define what is in space on the basis of propositions about space and general concepts such as message, code and readability There is a proper role for the decoding of space: i t helps us understand the transition from representational spaces to representations of space, showing up correspondences, analogies and a certain unity in spatial practice and in the theory of space. (162 163) The main purpose of reading therefore, is t o decode the spatial text, and this, in turn, allows us to comprehend the interaction between the social field or lived space and the mental field or conceived space. Here Lefebvre is more positive when addressing reading, by emphasizing the conne ctions it makes possible between spatial theories and practices. The following two chapters will show that one can read space in Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu They will demonstrate the relevance of cultural geography and the production of s pace to the interpretation of the tales through the twentieth century understanding of the social nature of space that social space or lived space which is produced by Voltaire should be considered as an integral part of the interpretation and ana lysis of the tales. Before turning to this analysis, I will explain why Voltaire uses the philosophical tale as the means to explore the production of space. The Voltairian Philosophical Tale The philosophical tale can be considered as a legacy of the E nlightenment, Voltaire being a major (if not the major) contributor to this legacy; as Freder ick M. Keener notes: it is the best literary gift to posterity of which Candide must be the most


67 renowned example (3). How can we classify the philosophical tal e, or the Voltairian philosophical tale? There were efforts to define the tale in the eighteenth century because it defied classification. In the Encyclopdie we find two separate entries for C onte. The first, by Diderot, is simply entitled Conte, a nd is listed under the heading Belles Lettres: CONTE, s. m. ( Belles Lettres. ) c'est un rcit fabuleux en prose ou en vers, dont le mrite principal consiste dans la varit & la vrit des peintures, la finesse de la plaisanterie, la vivacit & la convenance du style, le contraste piquant des venemens. Il y a cette diffrence entre le conte & la fable que la fable ne contient qu'un seul & unique fait, renferm dans un certain espace dtermin, & achev dans un seul tems, dont la fin est d'amener q uelque axiome de morale, & d'en rendre la vrit sensible; au lieu qu'il n'y a dans le conte ni unit de tems, ni unit d'action, ni unit de lieu, & que son but est moins d'instruire que d'amuser. La fable est souvent un monologue ou une scene de comdie; le conte est une suite de comdies enchanes les unes aux autres. Lafontaine excelle dans les deux genres, quoiqu'il ait quelques fables de trop, & que lques contes trop longs. ( Conte ) Diderot compares the tale with the classical fable, which follows Ni colas Boileau's trois units. In l'Art Potique written in 1674, Boileau gave the rules of classical aesthetics. Plays required respecting les trois units: Que le lieu de la scne y soit fixe et marqu Mais nous, que la raison ses rgles en gage, Nous voulons qu'avec art l'action se mnage; Qu'en un lieu, qu'en un jour, un seul fait accompli Tienne jusqu' la fin le thtre rempli. (Chant III, v. 38 46) Even though Diderot touches on fables and not plays, he retains from Boileau his classica l rules about time, space, and plot (the plot should take place in one given time, in one determined space, and should avoid subplots). Boileau also underscored that plays had to be in conformity with two expectations: vraisemblance, which is credible


68 t ruth, and biensance, which avoids what is offensive to the eyes of polite society, or in opposition to the norms of social propriety: Jamais au spectateur n'offrez rien d'incroyable: Le vrai peut quelquefois n'tre pas vraisemblable. Une merveille absur de est pour moi sans appas: L'esprit n'est point mu de ce qu'il ne croit pas. Ce qu'on ne doit point voir, qu'un rcit nous l'expose: Les yeux en le voyant saisiraient mieux la chose; Mais il est des objets que l'art judicieux Doit offrir l'oreille et r eculer des yeux. (Chant III, v. 47 54) Diderot, in his discussion of fables, also notes that the purpose of a fable is its moral lesson, the moral of the story, even though a fable, as D Alembert will note in his own entry on the tale, is not necessari ly credible, for instance because of its characters (talking animals). Instead, the story makes the instruction or the truth of the moral lesson more palatable ( d'en rendre la vrit sensible ). The conte, on the other hand, does not follow any of the trois units ( il n'y a dans le conte ni unit de temps, ni unit d'action, ni unit de lieu ). Boileau explains that another rule of classicism is to instruct (Chant III). The tale is inscribing a difference in classicism, as Diderot shows: son but est moins d'instruire que d'amuser. Finally, while the fable does contain some comedy ( La fable est souvent un monologue ou une scne de comdie ), the conte is a chain of comedy, where comedic scenes follow each other ( le conte est une sui te de comedies enchanes les unes aux autres ). Diderot ends by naming La Fontaine as a master of the two genres. Eugne Van Bennel and Ferdinand Gravard note how Boileau leaves out both the fable and the tale in Chant II of l'Art potique :


69 Le deuxime chant est consacr aux genres secondaires de la posie, ou plutt ceux qui sont infrieurs, par l'tendue, aux pomes piques et aux pomes dramatiques. Ce sont, dans l'ordre o les a placs l'auteur, l'idylle et l'glogue, l'lgie, l'ode, le sonnet l'pigramme, le rondeau, la ballade, le madrigal, la satire, le vaudeville et la chanson. Boileau omet la fable et le conte, et l'on a d'autant plus lieu de s'en tonner qu'il tait intimement li avec la Fontaine; il laisse de ct l'ptre, bien qu'i l en et lui mme compos d'excellentes. (175) However, we may consider that for Boileau, the fable is not a minor genre, which could be why he leaves it out of Chant II. For example, in Chant III, Boileau writes: La fable offre l'esprit mille agrment s divers: L, tous les noms heureux semblent ns pour les vers, Ulysse, Agamemnon, Oreste, Idomne, Hlne, Mnlas, Pris, Hector, Ene. (Chant III, v. 237 240) Diderot's entry considered both the fable and the tale as classical, but stressed that the tale played with or defied the rules of classicism both in its form and in its overall purpose. The second entry for conte, by d'Alembert, is entitled Conte, Fable, Roman, and it is listed under the heading Grammaire (as compared to Diderot's Bel les Lettres ), a difference I will return to: CONTE, FABLE, ROMAN syn. ( Gramm. ) dsignent des rcits qui ne sont pas vrais: avec cette diffrence que fable est un rcit dont le but est moral, & dont la fausset est souvent sensible, comme lorsqu'on fait p arler les animaux ou les arbres; que conte est une histoire fausse & co urte qui n'a rien d'impossible, ou une fable sans but moral; & roman un long conte On dit les fables de Lafontaine, les contes du mme auteur, les contes de madame d'Aunoy, le roman d e la princesse de Cleves. Conte se dit aussi des histoires plaisantes, vraies ou fausses, que l'on fait dans la conversation. Fable d'un fait historique donn pour vrai, & reconnu pour faux; & roman d'une suite d'avantures singulieres relleme nt arrive s quelqu'un. ( Conte, Fable, Roman ) According to D'Alembert just as for Diderot, what opposes the fable to the tale is its moral intention. When discussing the relation of the tale to truth, D Alembert is more


70 moderate than Diderot, for whom la vrit des peintures was characteristic of the tale. D Alembert rather insists on its verisimilitude ( qui n a rien d impossible ), but does so in order to oppose it to the fable, dont la fausset est souvent sensible. Marie Hlne Cotoni notes that the lack of truth of fables is also denounced in Voltaire s L Ingnu : Ah! s'il nous faut des fables, que ces fables soient du moins l'emblme de la vrit! J'aime les fables des philosophes, je ris de celles des enfants et je hais celles des imposteurs (233). Just as D'Alembert emphasized the excessive distance of fables from truth, Voltaire wanted to remedy the lack of truthfulness of fables by contributing to another kind fables written by philosophers, or philosophical tales. The use of common language b y the Encyclopedists was especially important to Diderot, for whom definitions relied on a preexisting vocabulary which was perhaps too hastily assumed to be shared by all: Diderot fit entrer la langue commune dans le Dictionnaire raisonn. On s'est peu avis de l'importance de cette opinion, si oppose, il est vrai aux schmas de pense contemporains. Pour nous, en effet, une encyclopdie, recueil et classification des sciences et de l'ensemble des activits humaines, n'a pas se poser la question de l a langue usuelle (Leca Tsiomis 252). Diderot classifies knowledge alphabetically and through cross references, and combines the lexis of arts and sciences with the critical study of the common idiom. According to Leca Tsiomis, attention to the relevance of the common idiom was called after the Encyclopdie had already been started, which explains its place in the Dictionnaire raisonn : Lorsque viendra pour eux [= les Encyclopdistes] le temps de la dfinition des mots de la langue, il n'y aura d'autre p lace, d'autre branch e dans 'l'arbre encyclopdique,' pour accueillir ce savoir nouveau que la division 'Grammaire ;' dans


71 l'Encyclopdie cette branche accueillera donc non seulement la terminologie grammaticale mais aussi la langue usuelle (211). Most im portantly, the implementation of common language by Diderot in the Encyclopdie creates a space for its readers to learn about society, to learn about others, to learn about the world: [L]a langue, aussi, comme lieu d'exprience fondamental, cadre de la pense, apprhension du monde; comme espace dcisif de l'change et de l'erreur, de la matrise et de la servitude (Leca Tsiomis 253) ; and la langue, la fois moule premier de l'usage, o s'inscrivent toutes les conventions, tous les implicites d'une s ocit, et espace essentiel de la libert de penser et de l'exercice de l'entendement (Leca Tsiomis 253). We have mentioned that D'Alembert s entry on conte belongs to the category Grammaire. Writing it under that heading allowed D Alembert to define the word tale as it was used in common language. The conte in colloquial language can mean something different than in the literary definition. In that case, telling a tale means telling a funny story ( plaisante ) and one, moreover, which may be a t rue story ( vraie ou fausse ), in contradiction, therefore with the definition of the tale as a literary piece, which, though it may be verisimilar, is not a real story. In the same vein, D'Alembert mentions the meanings fable and roman have in ordina ry language. In every case, what is at stake is the status of a reported story in connection with truth or an event purported to be real: in colloquial language, it is a fable means that the story is historically given as true and should be given as an actual fact or given as historically true; and roman indicates a series of astonishing adventures that really happened to someone. D'Alembert here complicates the relationship of truth to fiction or to the real.


72 Gianni Iotti labels the Voltairian philosophical tale as the quest for truth (112). He mentions the philosophical problems (112) that Voltaire treats in the tales, namely the limits of human knowledge ( Micromgas ), fate ( Zadig ), the problem of evil ( Candide ) (112), and social and historical problems (112) such as the link between nature and civilization, and the question of toleration in the reign of Louis XIV ( l'Ingnu ) (112). Iotti also explains the central notion in the Voltairian tale: But at the heart of the Voltairian conte lies always the intractable confrontation between characters and the truths of the world, the problem of exercising virtue which, in the humanist tradition, ought to coincide with the acquisition of knowledge (112). Roger Pearson notes that of the twenty six stories which are traditionally seen as constituting the corpus of Voltaire's contes philosophiques the majority were written over a thirty year span, between 1740 and 1770 (6). Pearson says that the term conte philosophique convenient as it now is, was rarely used by Voltaire himself ( 6), and instead: For the most, he referred to his stories either simply as 'histoires' and 'petits ouvrages,' or else dismissively as 'fadaises,' 'rogatons,' 'petits pts' (6). 5 This can be explained by the fact that Voltaire's tales were not classical in the sense recalled by Diderot in the Encylopdie Unlike a large part of Voltaire's corpus, namely his numerous poems and plays, the tales do not fit well into the classical style. Thus by minimizing the tales as petits ouvrages, etc., Voltaire is s howing that he does not want to admit to them, or appear to grant them any value. He wanted to distance himself from producing something which was considered to be non canonical. In the Encyclopdie entry discussed earlier by Diderot and D'Alembert, there was no reference to the specificity of the philosophical tale. Aram Vartanian gives an


73 intelligent theoretical assessment of the tale, and makes such a specificity explicit in On Cultivating One's Garden. Concerning the place of the philosophical tale at this point in history, Vartanian states that the conte philosophique was widely known and appreciated at the time (in France during the 18th century under the stimulus of the Enlightenment) in a variety of subgenres (470 ). W e can note the tale of l ove; oriental tales reminiscent of The Thousand and One Nights ; the didactic conte moral ; fairy tales, erotic tales; folkloric contes ; and still others (470) as examples Vartanian says that all these kinds of tales were somewhat philosophical tales, as they co uld, and often did, contain material that mirrored the philosophical tendencies of the age (470). However, it is Voltaire's philosophical tale which drawing on various features of a rich literary background, achieved a form that was unique (471). This is u nique in that Voltaire's philosophical tale may be defined as an episodic narrative, more imaginary than realistic, structured by frequent changes of scene resulting from travel, and controlled by a central theme optimism, destiny, providence, progress relativism, natural law that involves the problem of evil (471), of which the unfolding of the plot confirms, undermines, or otherwise qualifies the idea under consideration by testing it against a series of concrete experiences and observations in t he world at large (471). Also unique to the Voltairian philosophical tale is the relationship between fiction and the philosophical lesson (Cotoni 233). As Cotoni says: Si Voltaire a fait entrer la philosophie dans la fiction, il est donc tout aussi vrai qu'il a fait entrer la fiction dans la philosophie, non constamment mais frquemment (249). Vartanian labels Voltaire's conte philosophique as a sui generis hybrid of fiction and philosophy, the fusion of which is a product that differs from e ither taken separately (469). Vartanian states that


74 the philosophical component, in being fictionalized, is freed from the necessity for analytic examination and logical proof of what it asserts, as well as from the necessity of weighing objections and avoiding inconsistencies. It is content to argue its case and disarm criticism by essentially rhetorical strategies, such as illustration, fabulation, wordplay, wit, irony, and satire (469). Then, conversely, the fictional component, by being philosoph ized, also loses some of its usual qualities. One decisive result is the abandonment of verisimilitude. The literary development of an idea or theme through generalization and a testing of its limits causes the narrative (in Candide ) to be not only unrea listic but at times fantastic (469). Vartanian says that for Voltaire, there is an art of exaggeration, as of everything else (469), as Voltaire's intent to exaggerate reverses, injustices, and absurdity is not, of course, to misrepresent the fact s, but to emphasize their abnormality, while also preparing the ground for all sorts of comic and satiric side effects (469). This, according to Vartanian, is a measure of Voltaire's mastery that the grotesque and improbable features of the tale soon ac quire a plausibility of their own, as realism ceases to be the sole criterion of reality (469), and this proved useful for Voltaire, since by expressing prohibited opinions through a fiction without claims to realistic reference, the author was freer to say what he wanted in a climate of intellectual repression (469). Vartanian mentions (along with Candide ) Zadig ou la destine, l'Ingnu, Micromgas as some of Voltaire's other contes philosophiques which conform in varying degrees to the paradigm ( 471), while other of his tales only bear some resemblance to those works but can more accurately be called parables; for, though they deal with some point of moral truth or common wisdom, they do not pose any


75 recognizable problem of philosophy (471). Let us now turn to a discussion of different considerations of Voltaire's philosophical tale. The doxa Roland Barthes' term for opinion ( The Pleasure of the Text 18), of the philosophical tale, and Voltaire's in particular, has been that of Bildungsroma n or of roman d'apprentissage This is because travel was assessed as educational in itself in the century. In the Encyclopdie we find three entries for Voyage written by Jaucourt in 1765: Grammaire Commerce and Education which can be considered a s a c lassical appreciation of the problem of travel (Van Den Abbeele xv): V OYAGE ( Education. ) L es grands hommes de l'antiquit ont jug qu'il n'y avoit de meilleure cole de la vie que celle des voyages; cole o l'on apprend la diversit de tant d'au tres vies, o l'on trouve sans cesse quelque nouvelle leon dans ce grand livre du monde; & o le changement d'air avec l'exercice sont profitables au corps & l'esprit. Aujourd'hui les voyages dans les tats polics de l'Europe (car il ne s'agit point i ci des voyages de long cours), sont au jugement des personnes claires, une partie des plus importantes de l'ducation dans la jeunesse, & une partie de l'exprience dans les vieillards. Choses gales, toute nation o regne la bont du gouvernement, & d ont la noblesse & les gens aiss voyagent, a des grands avantages sur celle o cette branche de l'ducation n'a pas lieu. Les voyages tendent l'esprit, l'levent, l'enrichissent de connoissances, & le gurissent des prjugs nationaux. C'est un genre d't ude auquel on ne supple point par les livres, & par le rapport d'autrui; il faut soi mme juger des hommes, des lieux, & des objets. Ainsi le principal but qu'on doit se proposer dans ses voyages est sans contredit d'examiner les moeurs, les coutumes, le gnie des autres nations, leur got dominant, leurs arts, leurs sciences, leurs manuf actures & leur commerce. ( Voyage ) The beginning phrases show that travel benefits both the body and the mind. Jaucourt writes that to travel is important for peo ple of all ages, and it is beneficial for all nations. Van Den Abbeele points out that the profits to be gained from travel are as corporeal as they are intellectual or commercial, and that if travel posits the risk and anxiety of death (and of potent ial loss of profit), it also signals the way to health, wealth,


76 and wisdom (xvi). In l'Ingnu the young man is urged to petition for a pension in Versailles: Chacun l'exhorta de faire le voyage de Versailles pour y recevoir le prix de ses services (25 6). Faire le voyage de Versailles had monetary as well as social overtones. Jaucourt closes this entry by citing Montaigne's Essais (xxix): Cependant le principal n'est pas, comme dit Mon tagne, de mesurer combien de pis a la santa Rotonda, & combien l e visage de Nron de quelques vieilles ruines, est plus grand que celui de quelques mdailles; mais l'important est de frotter, & limer votre cervelle contre celle d'autrui. C'est ici sur tout que vous avez lieu de comparer les tems anciens avec le s mo dernes, & de fixer votre esprit sur ces grands changemens qui ont rendu les ges si diffrens des ges, & les villes de ce beau pays autrefois si peuples, maintenant dsertes, & qui semblent ne subsister, que pour marquer les lieux o toient ces cits p uissantes, dont l 'histoire a tant parl. ( Voyage ) According to Van Den Abbeele, this section highlights the voyage to Italy, which was considered to be a veritable subgenre of European travel narrative and of which enjoys an exemplary status among travelogues (xxix). Van Den Abbeele reminds us that this voyage was mentioned in the first definition (xxix), and at the end of the third and final definition it reinforces Italy's prestige as a prime locus of historical, aesthetic, and moral reflecti on as well as the stereotypical place to finish off a young gentleman's education (xxix). In addition, the voyage is defined through Montaigne as an opportunity to develop thinking more than acquiring knowledge by confronting the self to others. The firs t entry, entitled VOYAGE ( Grammaire ) gives the definition of a voyage as being the movement of someone from somewhere to somewhere else: transport de sa personne d'un lieu o l'on est dans un autre assez loign. According to Van Den Abbeele, this par t is from an anthropological perspective: it refers to the movement of


77 human beings, of 'a person,' from one place to another (xv). The entry continues: On fait le voyage d'Italie. On fait un voyage Paris. Il faut tous faire une fois le grand voyage Allez avant le tems de votre dpart dposer dans votre tombeau la provision de votre voyage. Van Den Abbeele explains that le grand voyage is the metaphorical voyage that is death (xv) and that this voyage is not simply something 'one does,' such as travel to Italy, but what 'is necessary for everyone to do (xv). This voyage is termed as an economic anxiety (xvi). The second article is entitled VOYAGE ( Commerce ): L es alles & les venues d'un mercenaire qui transporte des meubles, du bl, & autres choses. On dit qu'il a fait dix voyages vingt voyages. Again references to movement abound, this time in the commercial sense of travel which is not so much the person that is moved, but things that are moved back and forth (xvi). Van Den Abbeele stresses the return of things here in reference to the person named in this entry, the mercenary, or, someone working for monetary remuneration, someone whose revenue depends upon his return, upon the successful completion of his circula r movement (xvi). Travel has also been perceived as a major component of the philosophical tale. The spaces in the narratives of the eighteenth century are often very closely (or directly) related to travel. Travel in French literature was popular well b efore the eighteenth century. As Patrick Henry notes: The theme of travel in French literature goes all the way back to the jongleurs of the Middle Ages and is frequently, as in Marguerite de Navarre, a literary pretext for the narration of a series of t ales ( Travel in Candide 193). This popularity was directly tied to the history of the time, to voyages of discovery: At times of great exploration and discovery of new worlds, the theme of travel appears


78 frequently (193). For example: in the sixtee nth century, Gargantua and Pantagruel voyage to worlds old and new, real and imaginary. Montaigne too utilizes tales of travelers for philosophical purposes. Later, picaresque novels examine a particular country and criticize contemporary manners, custom s, and morals (193). It is during the Enlightenment, however that the theme of travel reached its apogee in the eighteenth century, where one frequently finds in philosophically oriented literature a device for juxtaposing nature and convention (193), the most famous first example of the century being Montesquieu's Lettres persanes (1721) (193). 6 James P. Gilroy, Haydn Mason, and Yvon Belaval concur with that view. James P. Gilroy emphasizes the multifaceted transformation undergone by characters in philosophical tales: The educative process that takes place in the conte philosophique is one where the hero becomes something he was not as yet at the beginning of his career. The main purpose of the tale is to show how he reaches greater wisdom (582); and the progress and growth illustrated in the tale are epistemological as well as moral and psychological (582 583). The hero, Gilroy adds, learns to know and assess himself, to understand how his mind works, to trace the concatenation of thoughts and associations through which he has arrived at his present ideas about things, and his awareness of this 'chain of becoming' helps him to free his mind of prejudices and ides recues and gain greater mastery over its future development (583). Haydn Ma son and Yvon Belaval discuss the Voltairian voyage as a technique (Mason 57) and as a function (Belaval 310) in Voltaire's philosophical tales. They also emphasize that Voltaire's tales are about furthering the education of the traveler. We saw in th e entry for Voyage in the Encyclopdie that to travel was educational in itself.


79 Mason writes: la technique se joue sur un aspect fondamental des contes voltairiens: les voyages (57). He describes the first part of this technique as travel to forei gn, exotic space: Les personnages ne cessent de se dplacer (57). For example, Micromgas descend de Sirius sur terre; Zadig quitte Babylone pour errer l'aventure dans l'Orient avant de rentrer triomphant sa ville natale; l'Ingnu passe du Ca nada en France; and Quant Candide, son itinraire est des plus complexes (57 58). 7 The second part of the technique is the encounter with the Other: Le voyage permet une autre formule chre Voltaire: celle de l'tranger; Un tel personnage, sp ar de son m ilieu habituel, doit faire son ducation travers la surprise (Mason 58). The Voltairian hero, the one who comes in contact with the Other, is a nave character, according to Belaval: Le voyage a une fonction ducatrice la navet ( ou l'ignorance ) que corrige l'exprience (310 311). 8 Mason and Belaval focus on the hero's education through travel and through meeting with the other in Voltaire's tales. In the subsequent chapters I will relate the voyage in the tales to Voltaire's noti on of leaving home or leaving the self, as was stated in Gographie in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie This will provide a different reading or a new consideration of Voltaire's philosophical tales through the approach of the production of space. Roland Barthes gave the paradoxa his term for dispute ( The Pleasure of the Text 18), of the philosophical tale in The Last Happy Writer. Barthes proposes another sort of analysis, that of the immobility of the hero in Voltaire's philosophical tale s. Barthes doe s not simply treat travel and the voyage in Voltaire's philosophical tales, but rather discusses how space functions in the tales, and to a larger extent, in the works of Voltaire.


80 Barthes places Voltaire in time and in space: We might as sume that the relativist lesson of the past is at least replaced in Voltaire, as in his entire age, by that of space. At first glance, this is what occurs: the eighteenth century is not only a great age of travel, the age in which modern capitalism, then preponderantly British, definitively organizes its world market from China to South America (86 87), but, for Barthes, it is above all the age when travel accedes to literature and engages a philosophy (87). Barthes states that exoticism (87) is cent ral to this, that the eighteenth century produced a veritable typology of exotic man (87), for example, the Egyptian Sage, the Mohammedan Arab, the Turk, the Chinese, the Siamese, and most prestigious of all, the Persian (87). As concerns the philosoph ical tales, Barthes writes that just when Voltaire begins writing his Tales, which owe a great deal to Oriental Folklore, the century had already elaborated a veritable rhetoric of exoticism (87), and Voltaire would continue to implement this rhetoric, s ince for him, as indeed for any of his contemporaries, the Oriental is not the object, the term of genuine consideration, but simply a cipher, a convenient sign of communication (87). Concerning the Oriental countries (88) which Barthes says today ha ve so heavy a weight, so pronounced an individuation in world politics (88), for Voltaire are so many forms, mobile signs without actual content, humanity at zero degrees, which one nimbly grasps in order to signify oneself (88). 9 Therefore, the Voltai rian journey has no density (87), or, more explicitly, the space Voltaire covers so obsessively (we do nothing but travel in his Tales) is not an explorer's space, it is a surveyor's space (87). Thus, the surveyor's space that we find in Voltaire's ta les are less investigations than inspections of an owner whom we 'orient'


81 in no particular order because his estate never varies (87), and also whom we interrupt by incessant stops during which we discuss not what we have seen but what we are (87). Th erefore, according to Barthes, the Voltairian journey is not realistic (87), neither is it an operation of knowledge, but merely an affirmation (88). Barthes radically revises the understanding of the Voltairian tale as a narrative of progress and dev elopment of the self: For such is the paradox of the Voltairian travel: to manifest an immobility. There are of course other manners, other laws, other moralities than ours, and this is what the journey teaches; but this diversity belongs to the human ess ence and consequently finds its point of equilibrium very rapidly; it is enough to acknowledge it in order to be done with it: let man (that is, Occidental man) multiply himself a little, let the European philosopher be doubled by the Chinese Sage, the ing enious Huron, and universal man will be created. To aggrandize oneself in order to confirm, not in order to transform oneself such is the meaning of the Voltairian voyage. (88) By stating that there is an immobility in Voltaire's tales, Barthes is say ing that there is no transformation of the self, here going against the doxa according to which the Voltairian hero becomes something else at the end of the tale. Barthes shows that the hero finds himself or confirms himself throughout the tale, through the voyage, a reading that could productively be linked to other postcolonial studies of the Enlightenment, such as Mary Louise Pratt's Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation a study of travel writing, European expansion, and the dynamics of meaning making on the imperial frontier, focusing on travel and exploration writing about Africa and South America in relation to European economic and political expansion since around 1750 (1). As Brewer also noted: Thanks to work on travel literature and more generally on wh at I would call 'space writing,' we have learned to see how the constitution of 'home' is dependent on imaginary encounters with the foreign, the exotic, the other (180). For Barthes, although the hero's experiences through the v oyage confront him to diversity,


82 the diversity in question confirms an inner contradiction in the character, not that others are fundamentally different from us. 10 As Cotoni notes: Le voyage fictif va souvent de pair avec un tour d'horizon intellectuel. L' imaginaire sert des enjeux philosophiques. Outre sa fonction ludique, lie l'attente des lecteurs, l'crivain donne au rcit fictif une fonction pistmologique L'imaginaire ne conduit pas au dlire, il tend l'empcher (249 250). Sociability i n fiction imagines other modes of intersubjectivity that are not merely reproducing those we can witness everyday. Cotoni sees in such fictions a safety valve, preserving the sanity of the author and of the socio political space, with the hope to produce real effects through the presentation of an imaginary space. As in the Encyclopdie Voltaire's philosophical tales write a social space, or sociability, which is one approach to Lefebvre's production of space, the forms of which I will explore in the next chapter. We will also see how this sociability calls for a return to ethics, so as not to supersede and annihilate the other (Chapter 5 ). 1 See also Leonard Lutwack's The Role of Place in Literature Syracuse, Syracuse University Press, 1984. 2 Franco Moretti's Atlas of the European Novel: 1800 1900 shows how : "Making the connection between geography and literature explicit mapping it allows us to see some significant relationships that have so far escaped us" (3). For Moretti [literary geography] "may indicate the study of space in literature ; or else, of literature in space (3). Moretti says that "in the first case, th e dominant is a fictional one" (3), such as "Balzac's version of Paris, the Africa of colonial romances, Austen's redrawing of Britain" (3). Richard Maxwell explains that: "In treating the first subject [Moretti] has drawn on Vladimir Propp and Mikhail Ba khtin; he insists throughout that certain novelistic actions and narratives are spatially marked, that is, that they are connected with particular places" (695). Moretti describes "the second case" (3) as "real historical space" (3), such as "provincial l ibraries of Victorian Britain, or the European diffusion of Don Quixote and Buddenbrooks (3). According to Maxwell: "In treating the second subject, [Moretti] has drawn on the flourishing discipline of publishing history, as well as from work in social g eography, putting particular emphasis on his conviction that


83 everything counts, bad books as well as good" (695). For Moretti, "the only real issue of literary history is society, rhetoric, and their interaction" (5), and geography shapes the narrative s tructure of the European novel" (8). Moretti argues that "the novel as a genre revolves around imagining nations or cities, with special emphasis on tricky, evocative borders" (Maxwell 698). Moretti "maps" this argument to show a shift "in the second hal f of the eighteenth century" (53). He shows that "the narrative role of France and Europe remains roughly the same, while that of non European countries slightly decreases" (53). He also illustrates "the most radical change" which "concerns imaginary and utopian settings, which in fifty years decline from 13 to 2 percent" (53). In "Mapping Literature: Towards a Geography of Fiction Barbara Piatti refers to Moretti's work: "Only with Franco Moretti's Atlas of the European Novel (1998) the beginning of a new era in literary geography is marked, where maps become truly tools of interpretation, allowing to see something which hasn't been evident before" (6). 3 See "Soja's trialectics of spatiality from Thirdspace (Reynolds 17) in Geographies of Writing: I nhabiting Places and Encountering Difference Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 2004. 4 See Roland Barthes, The Pleasure of the Text New York, Hill and Wang, 1975 ; Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Pr ess, 1976 ; and Maurice Blanchot, The Space of Literature Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982. 5 For a complete list of Voltaire's philosophical tales, see "Voltaire's Contes" in Roger Pearson's The Fables of Reason: A Study of Voltaire's 'Contes Philosophiques ,'" Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993. 6 I provide here some examples of French "travel literature" from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. For the eighteenth century, I am excluding works by Voltaire, which will be discussed separately: (1) The Middle Ages: La Chanson de Roland Raoul de Cambrai Tristan et Iseult (B roul et Thomas), Yvain ou le Chevalier au lion (Chr tien de Troyes), Le Roman de Renart (Pierre de St. Cloud), Le Roman de la Rose (Guillaume de Lorris); (2) The sixteenth c entury: l'Heptam ron (Marguerite de Navarre), Gargantua et Pantagruel (Fran ois Rabelais); (3) The seventeenth century: l'Astr e (Honor d'Urf ), Le Roman Comique (Paul Scarron), Voyage dans la lune (Cyrano de Bergerac), Les Six Voyages (Jean Baptiste Tave rnier), Les Contes de F e (Charles Perrault); (4) The eighteenth century: Lettres persanes (Montesquieu), Suppl ment au voyage de Bougainville (Denis Diderot), Paul et Virginie (Jacques Henri Bernardin de Saint Pierre), Mille et Une Nuits (Antoine Galland) Gil Blas (Alain Ren Lesage), Cl veland (Antoine Fran ois (l'abb ) Pr vost), Histoire d'une grecque moderne (Antoine Fran ois (l'abb ) Pr vost), Lettres d'une P ruvienne (Fran oise de Graffigny), l'An 2440 (Louis S bastien Mercier); In addition, I am add ing here one French American example: Lettres d'un Cultivateur amricain Gulliver's Travels (Jonathan Swift), and one English example: Rasselas (Samuel Johnson); (5) The nineteenth century: Atala (Franois Ren de Chateaubriand), Le Pre Goriot (Honor de Balzac), Adieu (Honor


84 de Balzac), La Vnus d'Ille (Prosper Mrime), Indiana (George Sand), Voyage en Orient (Grard de Nerval), Salammb (Gustave Flaubert), Pcheur d'Islande (Pierre Loti); (6) The twentieth century: La condition humaine (Andr Malraux), Les bouts de bois de Dieu (Ousmane Sembne), l'Aventure ambigu (Cheikh Hamidou Kane), La Nuit (Elie Wiesel), Hiroshima Mon Amour (Marguerite Duras). 7 See "Itinra ire de Candide" (Dumeste 8) in 'Candid e : Voltaire Paris, Hatier, 2001. 8 See also Le conte voltairien by J. P. Roumgas Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1995. 9 In Writing Degree Zero (1953), Barthes argues that neither language nor style is c ompletely creative, but that writing is an original and creative act: "conceptual geography, style resides 'outside art' (since it is "outside the pact that binds the writer to society") just as much as language does. If language stands on the "hither sid e of literature style is located beyond it" (xiii). 10 In "Contre Barthes," Patrick Henry says that Barthes' "immobility" is applicable to some of Voltaire's philosophical tales, such as Microm gas and l'Ingnu since in these tales "the traveler is a st ranger only on the social level" (22). I believe that Barthes' immobility is also applicable to Zadig For example, we see that the state of Zadig is the same both at the beginning of the tale: "Au temps du roi Moabdar il y avait Babylone un jeune homm e nomm Zadig, n avec un beau naturel fortifi par l'ducation. Quoique riche et jeune, il savait modrer ses passions; il n'affectait rien; il ne voulait point toujours avoir raison, et savait respecter la faiblesse des hommes" (86); and at the end of th e tale: "Zadig fut roi, et fut heureux L'empire jouit de la paix, de la gloire et de l'abondance; ce fut le plus beau sicle de la terre: elle tait gouverne par la justice et par l'amour. On bnissait Zadig, et Zadig bnissait le ciel" (153 154).


85 CHAPTER 4 WRITING SPACE IN VOL TAIRE'S PHILOSOPHICA L TALES Space Writing What is space writing and how does it work in Voltaire? Brewer writes: Thanks to work on travel literature and more generally on what I would call 'space writing,' we have learned to see how the constitution of 'home' is dependent on imaginary encounters with the foreign, the exotic, the other (180). Voltaire produces space in Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu Through the technique of narrative repetition, Voltaire escapes the logic of the linear tale, and gives the philosophical tale a circular form. For exam ple, the philosophical thesis tout est bien, or the question of the relevance of Providence, is given throughout Zadig and Candide Shown throughout Candide and Micromgas is the theme of displacement; and in l'Ingnu we note the philosophical thesis o f nature as opposed to culture. Comparable to the refrain of a song, this gives a rhythm to the tales. We have already studied space in the eighteenth century through the work of Broc, the Encyclopedists, and Lefebvre. Broc recalled that there was a hu man element to geography, as well as a physical, descriptive geography. This was made evident in the article Gographie in the Encyclopdie Geography ( Didier Robert de Vaugondy) 1 was divided into different categories ( ancienne moyen ge moderne ; nat urelle historique civile ou politique sacre ecclsiastique ), and a final category, physique (Nicholas Desmarest), which became a separate entry. Lefebvre made a similar distinction with respect to the production of space. Lefebvre's triad address es space as perceived ( physical ), conceived ( mental ), and lived ( social ). Even physical, abstract,


86 or absolute space is considered through human perception, never without it. Both conceived ( mental ) and lived ( social ) space are spaces which are produced by culture. Lefebvre's concepts of space confirm and expand eighteenth century considerations of geography. Voltaire's four philosophical tales evince forms of sociability that testify to a production of space. This chapter will explore how different s paces are inhabited in the tales and for what purposes. Through sociability, Voltaire's characters interact in foreign, exotic, other spaces (Brewer) as well as in France. Each produced space deals with philosophical problems, and can also be represent ative of specific locations or historical events of the age, such as the court of the Ancien Rgime in Zadig (Court of Moabdar) and Micromgas (Planet Sirius), the Lisbon Earthquake of 1755 and Leibnizian Optimism in Candide and the Revocation of the Edic t of Nantes of 1685 in l'Ingnu Each of the four heroes leaves home: Zadig returns home, Candide and the Ingnu remain elsewhere, and Micromgas continues his exploration. Throughout their journeys, Voltaire shows different types of sociability. I will show which space is produced through this social interaction in each tale. The Figure of the Nomad in Zadig Zadig, ou la Destine 2 was originally published as Memnon in Amsterdam in 1747, and in 1748 it was reedited as Zadig ou la Destine (Deloffre and V an den Heuvel 418) Voltaire had been banned from court for the jeu de la Reine incident with Madame du Chtelet, and was received at Sceaux by the Duchess of Maine ( De loffre and Van den Heuvel 418) This incident came about while Voltaire was watching Mme. du Chtelet gamble during a card game with other members of court at Fontainebleau. She lost a considerable amount of money, and Voltaire angrily asked her why she had insisted on playing wi th dishonest people. Afraid that he might have b een overheard by other


87 courtisans, and subsequen tly possibly be reported and imprisoned, he and Mme. du Chtelet immediately departed for Sceaux. Zadig was greatly influenced by these years in the life of Voltaire: le conte porte en effet vigoureusem ent l'empreinte de ces annes 1745 et 1746 durant lesquelles Voltaire apprend ses dpens la distance qui existe entre un rve de bonheur, (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 418) and de solitude tranquille, d'amour et de sagesse, tel qu'il a t entrevu Cir ey, et les ralits d'une existence imprvisible dans son capricieux dveloppement (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 418). In that respect, Zadig illustrates the providentialist belief that in the end, tout est bien, though Voltaire shows that the belief is not always easy to sustain: Il est fort probable que Zadig a t crit un moment o Voltaire essaie encore de se rattacher, malgr de nombreuses difficults, il est vrai, aux arguments providentialistes de Leibniz (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 420). In Zadig the Arabian Desert is a space that might at first glance appear to be unlikely to harbor any sociability. Under Egyptian law, Zadig was condemned to be a slave because he was guilty o f having killed a man (Chapter 10, "l'Esclavage" ). An Arabian m erchant named Stoc purchased both Zadig and his servant, the servant at a higher price because he was more fit for labor, and set out together for the Desert of Horeb: Stoc, le marchand, partit deux jours aprs pour l'Arabie dserte, avec ses esclaves e t ses chameaux. Sa tribu habitait vers le dsert d'Horeb. Le chemin fut long et pnible. Stoc, dans la route, faisait bien plus de cas du valet que du matre, parce que le premier chargeait bien mieux les chameaux; et toutes les petites distinctions fure nt pour lui. (115) The desert is a place considered to be a difficult space for human occupation, as Voltaire notes above: Le chemin fut long et pnible. The article for Dsert in the


88 Encyclopdie describes it as a savage, uncultivated, uninhabite d, as well as a sacred place: DESERT ( Geogr. ) [Original Class: Gographie] [Author: unknown] {Machine Class: Gographie} DESERT, s. m. ( Gogr .) lieu sauvage, inculte, & inhabit, tels qu'toient autrefois les deserts de la Lybie & de la Thbade. Le s Gographes donnent ce nom en gnral tous les pays qui ne sont que peu ou point habits. Dans l'Ecriture, plusieurs endroits de la Terre sainte, ou voisins de cette Terre, sont appells deserts Le desert pris absolument, c'est la partie de l'Arabie qu i est au midi de la Terre sainte, & dans laquelle les Isralites errerent pendant quarante ans, depuis leur sorti e d'Egypte jusqu' leur entre dans la Terre promise. Chambers ( Dsert ) Likewise, The Dictionnaire de la Gographie et de l'Espace des Soci ts 3 points out that the desert is inhospitable, a difficult place for sustainable societies: Dsert: Espace faiblement habit, rput inhospitalier. Personnage cl de la gographie, le dsert est, dans son acception classique, inhabit du fait de la difficult pour les hommes s'y installer en socits viables (241). The desert in Zadig however, is a place where commercial activity is emphasized: Un chameau mourut deux journes d'Horeb; on rpartit sa charge sur le dos de chacun des serviteurs ; Zadig en eut sa part. Stoc se mit rire en voyant tous ses esclaves marcher courbs. Zadig prit la libert de lui en expliquer la raison, et lui apprit les lois de l'quilibre. Le marchand, tonn, commena le regarder d'un autre oeil. Zadig, voy ant qu'il avait excit sa curiosit, la redoubla en lui apprenant beaucoup de choses qui n'taient point trangres son commerce; les pesanteurs spcifique des mtaux et des denres sous un volume gal; les proprits de plusieurs animaux utiles; le moye n de rendre tels ceux qui ne l'taient pas; enfin il lui parut un sage. Stoc lui donna la prfrence sur son camarade, qu'il avait tant estim. Il le traita bien, et n'eut pas sujet de s'en repentir. (115 116) Work is being accomplished, as Zadig and hi s servant are moving merchandise from the Egyptian village to Stoc's tribe in the Desert of Horeb. Thanks to Zadig's problem solving skills (he is now acting as Stoc's adviser), trade and commerce are also


89 happening here: Arriv dans sa tribu, Stoc co mmena par redemander cinq cents onces d argent un Hbreu auquel il les avait prtes en prsence de deux tmoins (116); and mais ces deux tmoins taient morts, et l Hbreu, ne pouvant tre convaincu, s appropriait l argent du marchand, en remerciant Dieu de ce qu il lui avait donn le moyen de tromper un Arabe. Stoc confia sa peine Zadig, qui tait devenu son conseil (116). Therefore, there is a progression from slavery to work, trade, and commerce in the Arabian Desert. The relation of nomads t o space is relevant in Zadig Deleuze and Guattari speak of nomads and nomadism in A Thousand Plateaus and show that the desert is a space which can be inhabited by humans, as the Desert of Horeb in Zadig They say that the nomad has a territory ( 380) and that he follows customary paths; he goes from one point to another; he is not ignorant of points (water points, dwelling points, assembly points, etc.) (380). They ask what in nomad life is a principle and what is only a consequence (380). T he response is the in between: A path is always between two points, but the in between has taken on all consistency and enjoys both an autonomy and a direction of its own. The life of the nomad is the intermezzo (380). This is because the nomad goes from point to point only as a consequence and as a factual necessity; in principle, points for him are relays along a trajectory (380). Deleuze and Guattari compare what they call closed space versus open space as con cerns the nomadic trajectory: Even though the nomadic trajectory may follow trails or customary routes, it does not fulfill the function of the sedentary road, which is to parcel out a closed space to people, assigning each person a share and regulating the communication between shares The nomadic trajectory does the opposite: it distributes people (or animals) in an open space, one that is indefinite and noncommunicating. (380)


90 There is then a significant difference between sedentary space and nomad space (381): sedentary space i s striated, by walls, enclosures, and roads between enclosures, while nomad space is smooth, marked only by 'traits' that are effaced and displaced with the trajectory (381). It is in this smooth space that the nomad distributes himself (381): he oc cupies, inhabits, holds that space; that is his territorial principle (381). Ac cording to Deleuze and Guattari: It is therefore false to define the nomad by movement (381) because whereas the migrant leaves behind a milieu that has become amorphous or hostile, the nomad is one who does not depart, does not want to depart, who clings to the smooth space left by the receding forest, where the steppe or the desert advances, and who invents nomadism as a response to this challenge (381). Are nomads, there fore, deterritorialized ? For Deleuze and Guattari: Nomads have no points, paths, or land, even though they do by all appearances. If the nomad can be called the Deterritorialized par excellence, it is precisely because there is no reterritorialization afterward as with the migrant, or upon something else as with the sedentary (381); and with the nomad, on the contrary, it is deterritorialization that constitutes the relation to the earth, to such a degree that the nomad reterritorializes on deterrito rialization itself. It is the earth that deterritorializes itself, in a way that provides the nomad with a territory (381). Deleuze and Guattari explain that nomad s do inhabit a smooth space, or a desert, the nomad space: The nomads are there, on the land, wherever there forms a smooth space that gnaws, and tends to grow, in all directions. The nomads inhabit these places; they remain in them, and they themselves make the desert no less than they are made by it. They are vectors of deterritoriali zation. They add desert to desert, steppe to steppe, by a series of local operations whose orientation and direction endlessly vary. (382)


91 They also recall here the rhizome as compared to the desert and also to the nomad: The sand desert has not only o ases, which are like fixed points, but also rhizomatic vegetation that is temporary and shifts location according to local rains, bringing changes in the direction of the crossings. The variability of directions is an essential feature of smooth spaces of the rhizome type, and it alters their cartography. The nomad, the nomad space, is localized and not delimited (382). Deleuze and Guattari's nomadic trajectory sheds light on Zadig s mode of inhabitation of space Zadig is always at one with the space he inhabits or occupies. In other words, he can inhabit everything properly, be it the Desert of Horeb or the Court of Moabdar. The Court of Moabdar can be compared to the Court of Versailles. As Brewer notes: For the present day scholar or tourist, the architecture and gardens of Versailles tangibly represent that courtly space. But during the ancien rgime, this location was the matrix where a symbolic space was created, a psycho political space of subjects, subjectivity, and subjugation (179). He s ays that: Courtly space was filled with lavish display, forms of representation that involved not so much personal and private gratification as social and public judgement and regulation (179). Zadig eventually becomes minister, liked and respected by al l: Le roi avait perdu son premier ministre. Il choisit Zadig pour remplir cette place (101); on l'admirait, et cependant on l'aimait. Il passait pour le plus fortun de tous les hommes; tout l'empire tait rempli de son nom (103); and toutes les fem mes le lorgnaient; tous les citoyens clbraient sa justice; les savants le regardaient comme leur oracle; les prtres mme avouaient qu'il en savait plus que le vieux archimage Ybor. On tait bien loin alors de lui faire des procs sur les griffons; on ne croyait que ce qui lui semblait croyable (103


92 104). The success of Zadig at court is due to his ability to interpret and experience spaces of sociability both with the citizens of Babylon and with the monarchy. Being promoted to First Minister by t he King allows Zadig to reach the height of his social ascension, but we see that he does not rule in the ways of the absolute monarchy: Il fit sentir tout le monde le pouvoir sacr des lois, et ne fit sentir personne le poids de sa dignit. Il ne gn a point les voix du divan, et chaque visir pouvait avoir un avis sans lui dplaire. Quand il jugeait une affaire, ce n tait pas lui qui jugeait, c tait la loi (102); and mais, quand elle tait trop svre, il la temprait; et, quand on manquait de lois son quit en faisait qu on aurait prises p our celles de Zoroastre (102). Zadig advocates justice and tolerance in Babylonian society a lawful system which engages with the people for the purpose of protecting them. Zadig, himself, engages with the members of the society and with the King and Queen: Il trouva ainsi le secret d expdier le matin les affaires particulires et les gnrales: le reste du jour il s occupait des embellissements de Babylone: il faisait reprsenter des tragdies o l on pleu rait, et des comdies o l on riait; ce qui tait pass de mode depuis longtemps, et ce qu il fit renatre parce qu il avait du got. Il ne prtendait pas en savoir plus que les artistes; il les rcompensait par des bienfaits et des distinctions, et n ta it point jaloux en secret de leurs talents. Le soir il amusait beaucoup le roi, et surtout la reine. Le roi disait: Le grand ministre! la reine disait: L aimable ministre! (104 105) Thus, through Zadig's encouragement of education, equality, fairness, and justice, the sociability which he demonstrates provides society with a closer approach to humanity, a more human approach that allowed a period of stability and prosperity to be present in Babylon. The barren desert is not an empty, motionless, inani mate area. And the court is not a despotic space it is an open space under the rule of Zadig, a space of sociability and stability.


93 The Immutable Ingnu and Natural Law Voltaire's l'Ingnu 4 was written in 1767 in Ferney (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 469) It appeared around the same time as La tragdie des Scythes and as Louis Bnigne Franois Bertheir de Sauvigny's Les Illinois ( Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 469) These works shared a common interest in ces peuples libres dont les moeurs s'opposent cel les des courtisans (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 469). In L Ingnu Voltaire addresses natural man as a man with toute la vigueur d'une plante trs saine, qui ne demande qu' s'panouir (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 471). In l'Ingnu Voltaire uses the ma in character the Huron / the Ingnu / Hercule de Kerkabon, or the bon sauvage as a tool to analyze social phenomena, as was common at the time. Voltaire demonstrates the myth of the noble savage in l'Ingnu by portraying the noble savage (the Ing nu) as already a European construction. For example, Voltaire shows the natural beauty of the Ingnu by referring to Western canons of beauty. Upon his arrival to Lower Brittany, we see that the Ingnu is the epitome of physical perfection, which causes t he brother and the sister to stare at him in both surprise and in admiration: Sa figure et son ajustement attirrent les regards du frre et de la soeur. Il tait nu tte et nu jambes, les pieds chausses et petites sandales, le chef orn de longs cheveu x en tresses, un petit pourpoint qui servait une taille fine et dgage; l'air martial et doux (232). We also see that he has European physical traits: Ce grand garon l a un teint de lis et de rose! qu'il a une belle peau pour un Huron! (233). In addition, the Huron is seen by the French after having encountered other Europeans, the English he came to France on an English vessel that brought him to France from Canada which explains why he wears European clothes. When the English sailors get re ady to leave Lower Brittany and


94 return to England, the Ingnu says to them: je reste ici; retournez Plymouth, je vous donne toutes mes hardes (240). Likewise, the Ingnu is carrying with him food and drink from other European colonies ( Il tenait dans sa main une petite bouteille d'eau des Barbades (232 233) ), or from the ship as an instrument of colonization ( et dans l'autre une espce de bourse dans laquelle tait un gobelet et de trs bon biscuit de mer (233) ). 5 Voltaire emphasizes here the fact that savage man is filtered through civilized man who projects on him conceptions that he attributes to man in the (near) state of nature. Since the Ingnu corresponds to the figure of the noble savage, Richard A. Francis rightly notes that [In l'Ingnu ] Voltaire does not set out to give a detailed and accurate portrayal of the life of the Amerindian. Its hero is a tabula rasa ripe for education, as much as the representative of a specific savage culture, and exotic detail is of little importance (19). What is important, according to Francis, is the Ingnu's notion of freedom (31). It is this which gives him his frankness, his scorn for anything other than natural law, and at the same time a sense of dignity and nobility. The spontaneous politeness that he demonstrates on his first arrival, so superior to the indiscreet curiosity of the Bretons, is part of the same attitude (31 32), as is shown here, for example: 'Messieurs, dans mon pays on parle l'un aprs l'autre; comment voulez vous que je vou s rponde quand vous m'empchez de vous entendre?' La raison fait toujours rentrer les hommes en eux mmes pour quelques moments. Il se fit un grand silence (233 234). The Ingnu gives political, religious, and social critique of society throughout the tale from the standpoint of natural law. 6


95 The Ingnu, who is close to the state of nature, embodies the right principles of natural law. In the Encyclopdie D'Alembert provides three explanations for Nature which reconcile the physical and the philosop hical. The first definition refers to the physical make up of the globe: Nature signifie quelquefois le systme du monde. The second refers to the materialistic or mechanistic make up of the universe: la machine de l'univers; and the third refers to m etaphysics: ou l'assemblage de toutes les choses cres ( Nature ). Voltaire wrote an entry for Nature as a dialogue in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie He entitles the entry: Nature: Dialogue entre le philosophe et la nature. In this article, he p oses questions about the nature of nature, how it came into being, why it exists. For example, the Philosophe asks: Qui es tu, nature, je vis dans toi, il y a cinquante ans que je te cherche, & je n'ai pu te trouver encore?; J'ai bien pu mesurer quel ques uns de tes globes, connatre leurs routes, assigner les loix du mouvement; mais je n'ai pu savoir qui tu es (113), to which Nature responds (reflecting D'Alembert's three divisions for Nature in the Encyclopdie ): Je suis le grand tout. Je n'en sais pas davantage; je suis eau, terre, feu, atmosphre, mtal, minral, pierre, vgtal, animal. Je sens bien qu'il y a dans moi une intelligence; tu en as une, tu ne la vois pas. Je ne vois pas non plus la mienne; je sens cette puissance invisible (1 13 114). The Philosophe persists, continuing to pose questions about the existence of nature: Ma chere mere, dis moi un peu pourquoi tu existes, pourquoi il y a quelque chose? Le nant vaudrait il mieux que cette multitude d'existences faites pour tre continuellement dissoutes, cette foule d'animaux ns & reproduits pour en dvorer d'autres & pour tre dvors, cette foule d'tres sensibles forms pour tant de sensations douloureuses; cette autre foule


96 d'intelligences qui si rarement endendent rais on, quoi bon tout cela, nature? (115) To this very direct question, Nature has no more response except to say: Oh! va interroger celui qui m'a faite (115). Voltaire is inquiring into the purpose of life, into the problem of evil and of pain for sen tient and intelligent animals, including mankind. Nature does not answer that all is well but states that She is not to blame for this state of affairs deferring the explanation to the invisible power that created Her. As Voltaire also shows in the ta le Micromgas, it is possible to know at least part of the mechanism of nature (measuring the globe, etc.) without, as he writes here, understanding the purpose of acts of nature, that remain elusive to man s reason: quoi bon tout cela, nature? Voltair e also provides a similar question and answer model in Zadig In Chapter 18, L'Ermite, we note the exchange between Zadig and the angel Jesrad: Mais quoi! dit Zadig, il est donc ncessaire qu il y ait des crimes et des malheurs? et les malheurs tomben t sur les gens de bien! Les mchants, rpondit Jesrad, sont toujours malheureux: ils servent prouver un petit nombre de justes rpandus sur la terre, et il n y a point de mal dont il ne naisse un bien. Mais, dit Zadig, s il n y avait que du b ien, et point de mal? Alors, reprit Jesrad, cette terre serait une autre terre, l enchanement des vnements serait un autre ordre de sagesse; et cet ordre, qui serait parfait, ne peut tre que dans la demeure ternelle de l tre suprme, de qui le mal ne peut approcher. Il a cr des millions de mondes, dont aucun ne peut ressembler l autre. Cette immense varit est un attribut de sa puissance immense. Il n y a ni deux feuilles d arbre sur la terre, ni deux globes dans les champs infinis du ciel, qui soient semblables, et tout ce que tu vois sur le petit atome o tu es n devait tre dans sa place et dans son temps fixe, selon les ordres immuables de celui qui embrasse tout. (149 150) This discussion contradicts Providence and providentialist interpretations ( tout est bien ). Zadig asks why evil exists in the world, even though he ends up endorsing resignation to and acceptance of the order of the world, which cannot be fully


97 understood. As with Voltaire's dialogue between the philosopher and nature, whe re the philosopher is left wondering at the end of the conversation, so too is Zadig, as the angel Jesrad takes off while he continues to pose questions about evil: Mais, dit Zadig... Comme il disait mais, l ange prenait dj son vol vers la dixime sph re. Zadig genoux ador a la Providence, et se soumit. (150). However, resignation to the ultimate views of the Providence on the part of Zadig is just one aspect of what Zadig shows modifications are or in Lefebvre s terms, space can be produced through human intervention. In The Production of Space Lefebvre takes up the concept of nature in order to situate mankind within it: What common parlance refers to as 'matter,' 'nature,' or 'physical reality' has obviously achieved a certain unity (12) and that these three terms adequately sum up the properties of the 'substance' of this cosmos or 'world,' to which humanity with its consciousness belongs (12). Lefebvre states that nature does not produce unlike mankind. Both humans and nature are active, but within different spheres, and human activity is valorized by Lefebvre: Nature creates and does not produce; it provides resources for a creati ve and productive activity on the part of social humanity; but it supplies only use value, and every use value that is to say, any product inasmuch as it is not exchangeable either returns to nature or serves as a natural good (70). He highlights her e his central thesis that it is humans which produce social space, or produce culture: The 'beings' nature creates are works; and each has 'something' unique about it even if it belongs to a genus and a species. To say 'natural' is to say spontaneous in the ancient metaphysical and theological


98 senses. Humanity, which is to say social practice, creates works and produces things (70 71). The entry for Loi naturelle in the Encyclopdie is reflective of the position of the Ingnu. The author (unknown ) defines natural law in the opening sentence: Lo i naturelle ( Morale ) L a loi naturelle est l'ordre ternel & immuable qui doit servir de regle nos actions ( Loi naturelle ). Later in the entry, the author says that there are two sides to natural law : La loi naturelle est fonde, comme nous l'avons dit, sur la distinction essentielle qui se trouve entre le bien & le mal moral, il s'en suit que cett e loi n'est point arbitraire. La loi naturelle, dit Cicron, liv. II. des lois, n'est point une invention de l'esprit humain, ni un tablissement arbitraire que les peuples aient fait, mais l'impression de la raison ternelle qui gouverne l'univers ( Loi naturelle ). Chapter 10 l'Ingnu enferme la Bastille avec un Jansniste highlights examples of the comparison between man in nature and man in civilization. In their shared prison cell, while discussing how the Ingnu ended up in prison, Gordon, the Jansenist, says that it must be due to predestination or Providence, to which the Ingnu strongly disagrees: Il faut, dit le jansniste au Huron, que Dieu ait de grands desseins sur vous, puisqu il vous a conduit du lac Ontario en Angleterre et en France, qu il vous a fait b aptiser en basse Bretagne, et qu il vous a mis ici pour votre salut. Ma foi, rpondit l Ingnu, je crois que le diable s est ml seul de ma destine. Mes compatriotes d Amrique ne m auraient jam ais trait avec la barbarie qu prouve; ils n en ont pas d ide. On les appelle sauvages; ce sont des gens de bien grossiers, et les hommes de ce pays ci sont des coquins raffins. Je suis, la vrit, bien surpris d tre venu d un autre monde pour tre enferm dans celui ci sous quatre verrous avec un prtre; m ais je fais rflexion au nombre prodigieux d hommes qui partent d un hmisphre pour aller se faire tuer dans l'autre, ou qui font naufrage en chemin, et qui sont mangs des poissons: je ne vois pas les gracieux desseins de Dieu sur tous ces gens l. (263 )


99 We anticipate the Ingnu's response to Gordon here. As Francis noted above, as noble savage, he scorns anything other than natural law. Natural man is not opposed to reason, but, on the contrary, shows a profound reason. The Ingnu is immutable (Bart hes) He remains dedicated to the reasonable principles of natural law, even in obtaining a classical education in the arts and sciences from Gordon within the walls of the man made prison: Chaque jour la conversation devenait plus intressante et plus instructive. Les mes des deux captifs s attachaient l une l autre. Le vieillard savait beaucoup, et le jeune homme voulait beaucoup apprendre (264). We see that the Ingnu is studying geometry: Au bout d'un mois il tudia la gometrie; il la dvorait (264). Under Gordon's instruction, the Ingnu reads la Physique de Rohault (264) and the first and second volumes of la Recherche de la vrit (264 265), after which il conclut qu'il est plus ais de dtruire que de btir (265). Gordon was surpri sed by this observation, and understands that education only serves to enrich the Ingnu: Son confrre, tonn qu'un jeune ignorant ft cette rflexion qui n'appartient qu'aux mes exerces, conut une grande ide de son esprit et s'attacha lui davantag e (265). In the following chapter, Comment l'Ingnu dveloppe son gnie, we learn that Gordon is desperate to reach his level: Il mit par crit beaucoup d'autres rflexions qui pouvantrent le vieux Gordon. Quoi! dit il en lui mme, j'ai consum cin quante ans m'instruire, et je crains de ne pouvoir atteindre au bon sens naturel de cet enfant presque sauvage! Je tremble d'avoir laborieusement fortifi des prjugs; il n'c oute que la simple nature (269). There is a way of adapting the seeming disj unction between natural law and civilization Natural law does not discard the positive aspect of sociability. The

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100 question of whether man was by nature a social animal or not was amply discussed by both Rousseau and Voltaire, among others. In the Disco urs sur l'origine et les fondements de l'ingalit parmi les hommes Rousseau says that man in the state of nature is solitary, and not sociable. He relates sociability to slavery: en devenant sociable et esclave, il devient faible, craintif, rampant, et sa manire de vivre molle et effmine achve d nerver la fois sa force et son courage (43). And he explicitly states that primitive man had a less miserable and a more tolerable life state than the civilized man of the Enlightenment: Nous ne voy ons presque autour de nous que des gens qui se plaignent de leur existence, plusieurs mme qui s en privent autant qu il est en eux, et la runion des lois divine et humaine suffit peine pour arrter ce dsordre. Je demande si jamais on a ou dire qu un sauvage en libert ait seulement song se plaindre de la vie et se donner la mort ? Qu on juge donc avec moins d orgueil de quel ct est la vritable misre. Rien au contraire n et t si misrable que l homme sauvage, bloui par des lumires, tourme nt par des passions, et raisonnant sur un tat diffrent du sien. Ce fut par une providence trs sage que les facults qu'il avait en puissance ne devaient se dvelopper qu'avec les occasions de les exercer, afin qu'elles ne lui fussent ni superflues et charge avant le temps, ni tardives et inutiles au besoin. Il avait dans le seul instinct tout ce qu'il fallait pour vivre dans l'tat de nature, il n'a dans une raison cultive que ce qu'il lui faut pour vivre en socit. (61 62) For Rousseau, man in the state of nature is free, which also means solitary, and is not led by reason but rather b y instinct, which ensures his conservation as well as the satisfaction of his needs. Nature provides him with all that is necessary to live in this state. In Voltair e's La Philosophie de l'Histoire the Introduction to l'Essai sur les Moeurs Voltaire says that man is social by nature, a stark contrast to Rousseau's philosophy: La Philosophie de l'histoire presents the savage as being in the earliest stages of social evolution, who has not yet developed the full panoply of culture and social institutions,

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101 but is clearly a social creature by nature, and one whom Voltaire is not in the least disposed to idealize (Francis 77 78). In this essay, it is clear that Voltair e is directly responding to Rousseau's Discours sur l'origine de l'ingalit Voltaire contradicts Rousseau by saying that man was already sociable in the state of nature, and that Enlightened man has not degenerated miserably, as he explains in "VII. De s sauvages:" Entendez vous par sauvages des animaux deux pieds, marchant sur les mains dans le besoin, isols, errant dans les forts, Salvatici, Selvaggi; s accouplant l aventure, oubliant les femmes auxquelles ils se sont joints, ne connaissant ni le urs fils ni leurs pres; vivant en brutes, sans avoir ni l instinct ni les ressources des brutes? On a crit que cet tat est le vritable tat de l homme, et que nous n avons fait que dgnrer misrablement depuis que nous l avons quitt. Je ne crois pas que cette vie solitaire, attribue nos pres, soit dans la nature humaine. (53) Voltaire explains that the present state of man is representative of man's full potential in human nature He has reached the state that he was designed to be in, and there fore in no way has his nature been perverted, as Rousseau claimed: Comment l homme seul aurait il chang? S il et t destin vivre solitaire comme les autres animaux carnassiers, aurait il pu contredire la loi de la nature jusqu vivre en socit? e t s il tait fait pour vivr e en troupe, comme les animaux de basse cour et tant d autres, eut il pu d abord pervertir sa destine jusqu vivre pendant des sicles en solitaire? Il est perfectible; et de l on a conclu qu il s'est perverti. Mais pourquoi n 'en pas conclure qu' il s'est perfectionn jusqu'au point o la nature a marqu les limites de sa perfection? (54 55) Voltaire goes on to describe how society is (and always has been) instinctive to man. Cultural aspects of the present day certainly enha nce the lived and social spaces of society, but man has always desired sociability: Tous les hommes vivent en socit: peut on en infrer qu ils n y ont pas vcu autrefois? n est ce pas comme si l on concluait que si les taureaux ont aujourd hui des co rnes, c est parce qu ils n en ont pas toujours eu?

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102 L homme, en gnral, a toujours t ce qu il est: cela ne veut pas dire qu il ait toujours en de belles villes, du canon de vingt quatre livres de balle, des opras comiques, et des couvents de religieuses Mais il a toujours eu le mme instinct, qui le porte s aimer dans soi mme, dans la compagne de son plaisir, dans ses enfants, dans ses petits fils, dans les oeuvres de ses mains. Voil ce qui jamais ne change d un bout de l univers l autre. Le fond ement de la socit existant toujours, il y a donc toujours eu quelque socit; nous n tions donc point faits pour vivre la manire des ours. (55) For Voltaire, being on the side of nature does not mean being primitive. Instead, it means being less ref ined, but reasonable. We can say that Voltaire justifies the reason of the Ingnu The Ingnu testifies to the sociable consistency Voltaire assigns to man, his natural good sense gets fortified through education and exchanges, but his moral compass does not fundamentally shift, which supports Barthes' notion of immobility. Candide 's Garden Candide, ou l'Optimisme 7 first published in Geneva in 1759, is considered to be une somme des expriences de Voltaire cette date (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 40 7), including his reaction to the Lisbon earthquake: L'immensit du dsastre de Lisbonne a pour effet de rveiller brutalement Voltaire de sa somnolence picurienne, et de le rendre ses imaginations morbides (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 407), and also his Pome sur le dsastre de Lisbonne : Le Pome sur le dsastre de Lisbonne compos en quelques jour dans la fivre, n'est pas l'origine une dissertation philosophico thologique, c'est un cri de dtresse et de piti sur le sort de la crature aux pris es avec l'absurdit fondamentale de l'existence (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 407 408). It is also interesting to note certain geographical influences that Voltaire had in writing Candide : Au hasard de ses experiences, de ses recherches, de ses rencon tres, se sont donc constitus en profondeur chez Voltaire certains axes

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103 gographiques autour desquels gravitent ses rveries, et qui vont tre trs prcisment ceux de Candide (409); Specifically: Sa retraite suisse considre comme un centre provisoire, l'espace s'organise d'une manire symbolique. Aux quatre points cardinaux de ses proccupations: Berlin et l'Allemagne au Nord, le Prou l'Ouest, Venise au Sud, l'Est Constantin ople les hauts lieux du roman (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 409 410) Th roughout Candide Candide both witnesses and experiences many events, such as death, destruction, and lost love. We often see the ironic repetition of tout est bien after a terrible event takes place. This is stated (and restated) most notably througho ut the tale by Dr. Pangloss, and Candide himself repeats this philosophy as well in the t ale. For example, Candide says: Il n'y a point d'effet sans cause, tout est enchan ncessairement et arrang pour le mieux (15). He continues: Il a fallu que je fusse chass d'auprs de Mlle Cungonde, que j'aie pass par les baguettes, et il faut que je demande mon pain jusqu' ce que je puisse en gagner; tout cela ne pouvait tre autrement (15). We note here that Candide is suffering from several different ca uses at the same time: the physical displacement and current lost love of Cungonde, the threat of physical danger, and starvation. However, he insists that everything is linked or arranged for the best. Another example of tout est bien is given b y Pangloss as he accompanies Jacques the Anabaptist to Lisbon: 8 Tout cela tait indispensable, rpliquait le docteur borgne, et les malheurs particuliers font le bien gnral, de sorte que plus il y a de malheurs particuliers, et plus tout est bien (19). Pangloss, even in a seriously injured state, continues to proclaim that all is for the best, or for the greater good.

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104 The most famous instance of tout est bien is found at the end of the tale, where Pangloss is speaking directly to Candide in Candi de's garden: 9 Tous les vnements sont enchans dans le meilleur des mondes possibles; car enfin, si vous n'aviez pas t chass d'un beau chteau grands coups de pied dans le derrire pour l'amour de Mlle Cungonde, si vous n'aviez pas t mis l'Inq uisition, si vous n'aviez pas couru l'Amrique pied, si vous n'aviez pas donn un bon coup d'pe au baron, si vous n'aviez pas perdu tous vos moutons du bon pays d'Eldorado, vous ne mangeriez pas ici des cdrats confits et des pistaches. Cela est bien dit, rpondit Candide, mais il faut cultiver notre jardin. (108) Again Pangloss states that all events are 'connected. He then recounts the various troubles that Candide has encountered throughout the tale: being brutally forced from the castle for his love of Cungonde; his imprisonment; his painful, difficult travels in America; his killing of the baron; his losing the sheep from Eldorado. All of these dreadful experiences had to happen according to Pangloss, so that Candide could be here in the garden, eating pleasant foods. Candide somewhat agrees, but states that they must cultivate the garden. There are many different interpretations of Candide's garden, or, as David Langdon puts it, on the vexed question of the meaning, or mean ings, of the conclusion of Candide (397). We can agree that the philosophical lesson at the end of the tale is that for Candide and his followers, their communal routine of work preserves them from the three great ills: want, idleness, and vice (Vartan ian 466). One of the more intriguing debates is whether or not Candide's garden is made to be in the image of the utopian country of Eldorado. I will now recall the terms of this debate and show how it illustrates the garden as sociability. According to C.J. Betts, Candide's petite socit (100) which inhabits his garden, is strongly egalitarian (100) in that the Jesuit Baron de Thunder ten tronckh, who

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105 symbolically unites in himself the nobility and the Church, has been expelled (100), and as repl acements an ex prostitute and a renegade monk arrive, Paquette and Girofle (monks often came from the lower social classes) (100). Betts says that, in addition, the egalitarian atmosphere derives from the Eldorado chapters (100), since the members of [Candide's] little society seem to be as free as the Eldoradans to make up their minds how to live (100). Candide is displaced often throughout the tale, but Eldorado is particular in that it is an imaginary world, a utopia, a perfect world: Qu el est donc ce pays, inconnu tout le reste de le terre, et o toute la nature est d'une espce si diff rente de la ntre? C'est probablement le pays o tout va bien; car il faut absolument qu'il y ait de cette espce (55 56). The country of Eldorado is indeed perfect, which becomes obvious to Candide and Cacambo immediately: Le pays tait cultiv pour le plaisir comme pour le besoin; partout l utile tait agrable. Les chemins taient couverts ou plutt orns de voitures d une forme et d une matire br illante, portant des hommes et des femmes d une beaut singulire, trans rapidement par de gros moutons rouges qui surpassaient en vitesse les plus beaux chevaux d Andalousie, de Ttuan et de Mquinez (53). Eventually, we learn of all of Eldorado's per fections: There is the conveniency of trade, which is upheld by the government: Toutes les htelleries tablies pour la commodit du commerce sont payes par le gouvernement (55); There is total religious tolerance: Cacambo demanda humblement quelle ta it la religion d Eldorado Le vieillard rougit encore. Est ce qu il peut y avoir deux religions? dit il; nous avons, je crois, la religion de tout le monde: nous adorons Dieu du soir jusqu au matin (57); There is an almost over tolerance of justice, for there are no courts in the entire country: Candide demanda

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106 voir la cour de justice, le parlement; on lui dit qu il n y en avait point, et qu on ne plaidait jamais. Il s informa s il y avait des prisons, et on lui dit que non (59); And each citizen of E ldorado has complete and total individual freedom, as the King of Eldorado says: je n ai pas assurment le droit de retenir des trangers; c est une tyrannie qui n est ni dans nos moeurs, ni dans nos lois: tous les hommes sont libres (60). In taking thi s egalitarian approach, one can conclude that Candide's garden is Eldoradean: The conclusion of Candide does hold promise of solid humanistic advancement, of augmentative and ameliorative evolution in the direction of Eldoradan values (Bottiglia 83). However, the other side of the debate is eloquently discussed by Patrick Henry as one of a discontinuity (93) between Eldorado and Candide's garden. According to Henry, Eldorado the country is not inhabited by man as we know him (93). This is why Ca ndide and Cacambo ultimately decide to leave Eldorado (93), as is shown in this scene from the text: Ils passrent un mois dans cet hospice. Candide ne cessait de dire Cacambo: Il est vrai, mon ami, encore une fois, que le chteau o je suis n ne vaut pas le pays o nous sommes; mais enfin Mlle Cungonde n y est pas, et vous avez sans doute quelque matresse en Europe. Si nous restons ici, nous n y serons que comme les autres; au lieu que si nous retournons dans notre monde seulement avec douze moutons chargs de cailloux d Eldorado, nous serons plus riches que tous les rois ensemble, nous n aurons plus d inquisiteurs craindre, et nous pourrons aism ent reprendre Mlle Cungonde. (59 60) Candide is here driven from Eldorado by the natural exigencies o f his human essence (93), in particular, woman (his hope of finding Cungonde), vanity (his desire to shine among his fellows), and restlessness (his urge to be on the move) (94), all three together pave the way out of the country of gold (94).

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107 Theref ore, Eldorado may be the best of all possible worlds, but it is in glaring opposition to the civilizations that precede and succeed it in the text (Henry 94). In other words, it represents the cultivated garden (Henry 95), and offers no challenge t o man as we know him and, as the cultivated garden, it is truly mythical in nature because it is complete (Henry 94). Candide's garden, on the other hand, needs cultivation (Henry 95), for it is at the end of the tale, not only the reader, but even Ca ndide realizes that, at the social level, our world can be ameliorated (Henry 95). Candide's garden is a social space which is neither natural nor artificial. The work in the garden, of course, deals with natural elements, but it is a construction, a highly functional place created through sociability. The garden is a universal symbol about the human condition. The garden as a natural symbol is a place to produce nourishment, also a place of beauty for one's own pleasure, as Jaucourt states in t he article Jardin in the Encyclopdie : lieu artistement plant & cultiv, soit pour nos besoins, soit pour nos plaisirs ( Jardin ). The Dictionnaire de la Gographie et de l'Espace des Socits describes the garden in a similar fashion: Jardin: Espac e le plus souvent enclos o les hommes cultivent pour leur alimentation ou pour leur agrment (527). It is also labeled as a sociable space: Le jardin est un objet spatial riche et complexe. Territoire, bien distinct des espaces voisins, et lieu dens e d'objects, d'activits et de sociabilits, le jardin existe dans la plupart des espaces passs et actuels des socits (527). In particular, the garden requires work, or, it requires production: Il est un travail intense et perptuel, un ensemble technique, une architecture, et un art. Il est un lieu du social, du jardin secret au jardin public, espace d'une urbanit plus intime que celle des rues et des places,

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108 qu'il tend envahir d' ailleurs (528 529), and : Il est de tout temps une vision du m onde, une symbolique constamment resignifie, et en cela possde toute une histoire (528 529). As discussed above, Candide's garden is not like Eldorado (Henry's discontinuity ). There is no entry for Utopie in the Encyclop die but there is an entry for Imaginair e, written by Diderot: IMAGINAIRE ( Gram. ) [Original Class: Grammaire] [Author: Diderot] {Machine Class: Grammaire} IMAGINAIRE, adj. ( Gram .) qui n'est que dans l'imagination; ainsi l'on dit en ce sens un bonheur imaginaire une peine ima ginaire Sous ce point de ve, imaginaire ne s'oppose point rel; car un bonheur imaginaire est un bonheur rel, une peine imaginaire est une peine relle. Que la chose soit ou ne soit pas comme je l'imagine, je souffre ou je suis heureux; ainsi l' imagi naire peut tre dans le motif, dans l'objet; mais la ralit est tojours dans la sensation. Le malade imaginaire est vraiment malade, d'esprit au moins, sinon de corps. Nous serions trop malheureux, si nous n'avions beaucoup de biens imaginaires ( Imagi naire ) Eldorado is such an imaginary object It is the dream of an ideal society, at least in some respects. This is underscored in the Dictionnaire de la Gographie et de l'Espace des Socits which defines Utopie as follows: Territoire imaginaire, parfaitement organis, o rgne la concorde entre les habitants. Par extension, modle et / ou projet rvolutionnaire, audacieux, et idal (969). For Voltaire, the utopia of Eldorado is not the social space that we are left with in the end. The space that Voltaire favors for society is Candide's garden. In Candide we learn that there is a danger in both Europe and in Eldorado. This danger is the disappearance of the individual in the social order. In Eldorado, tout est bien is strikingly true, but man can disappear within this ideal, perfect society. Individuality cannot be noticed or appreciated if all is well and all are the same

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109 constantly. In Europe, the same danger exists, but for different reasons. Social inequalities cause man to disa ppear through the practices of government, and through the treatment of the subjects of monarchies. The same severity of laws prevails out of Europe. There is an ambiguity in being socialized. The ambivalence of being social works only if one has the po ssibility of hiding or being detached somehow. For Voltaire, it is well documented that Ferney was his preferred refuge from the madness of the social space. And for Candide, his garden is a similar refuge, for it functions as a preservation of the self and of a social space. Out in Space: Micromgas Intergalactic Voyage Micromgas 10 was published in 1752 while Voltaire was in Prussia (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 409) This tale is considered to be one of the first works of science fiction. Voltaire pos es ethical questions about the self through travel to other worlds, whi ch I will return to in Chapter 5 : cette excursion travers les mondes, cette confrontation entre leurs habitants, montrent la vanit qu'il y aurait vouloir sortir de soi mme pour chapper sa condition plantaire. La rponse nos faiblesses et nos grandeurs, c'est l'chelle du cosmos qu'on la trouve (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 410). As Bradford Lyau notes: In Micromgas two visitors from other worlds visit Earth an d comment on human beings, their outlook, and their society in a very satirical manner. The visitors turn out to be giants of incredible height and have developed levels of senses and intelligence far beyond the comprehension of the humans who inhabit Ear th. This emphasizes how humanity on Earth can no longer claim to be the center of creation and how the new scales of the cosmos will force humanity to re evaluate itself. (26) Micromgas evokes the displacement of two extra terrestrials. Chapters 1 throu gh 3 recount their voyage before they invade Earth. As Lyau explains: Modern science fiction stories use familiar science fiction themes such as alien invasions, nuclear war,

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110 advanced alien civilizations, and the dramatic impact of new technologies to serve as props for the stories, much as the various fantastical scenes and events did for Voltaire's Candide and Micromgas (29). Furthermore, as Kitchin and Kneale note: There is a belief that science fiction opens up a space in which authors and reade rs or viewers can reflect upon the nature of a wide variety of things (including space, nature, and material things themselves) (3). The technological and scientific advancement of the travelers is emphasized. They are setting out on an intergalactic voy age, jumping through the solar system: nos deux curieux partirent; ils sautrent d'abord sur l'anneau, qu'ils trouvrent assez plat, comme l'a fort bien devin un illustre habitant de notre petit globe; de l ils allrent aisment de lune en lune (49). Once they land on Earth, they find it uninhabitable, disagreeable: Mais, ce globe ci est si mal construit, cela est si irrgulier et d'une forme qui me parat si ridicule! tout semble tre ici dans le chaos; En vrit, ce qui fait qu'il n'y a ici pe rsonne, c'est qu'il me parat que des gens de bon sens ne voudraient pas y demeurer (52). 11 The travelers then capture a minuscule vessel: Micromgas tendit la main tout doucement vers l'endroit o l'objet paraissait, et, avanant deux doigts et les re tirant par la crainte de se tromper, puis les ouvrant et les serrant, il saisit fort adroitement le vaisseau qui portait ces messieurs, et le mit encore sur son ongle, sans le trop presser de peur de l'craser (54). They notice the atoms can speak, ref lecting the scientific inquiry into size verses intelligence, or intelligence among different beings: Micromgas, bien meilleur observateur que son nain vit clairement que les atomes se parlaient; et il le fit remarquer son compagnon, qui, honteux de s tre mpris sur

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111 l article de la gnration, ne voulut point croire que de pareilles espces pussent se communiquer des ides. Il avait le don des langues aussi bien que le Sirien; il n entendait point parler nos atomes, et il supposait qu ils ne parlaient pas (56). Besides intelligence, these small beings must also have a soul: D'ailleurs, comment ces tres imperceptibles auraient ils les organes de la voix, et qu'auraient ils dire? Pour parler, il faut penser, ou peu prs; mais, s'ils pensaient, ils auraient donc l'quivalent d'une me. Or, attribuer l'quivalent d'une me cette espce, cela lui paraissait absurde (56). Now in direct contact with the atoms, a social space is created between the large extra terrestrials and the minute Earthli ngs, and the purpose of their voyage is made clear: Micromgas and the Saturnien set out on a space voyage into the unknown, into indefinite space, and, armed with scientific knowledge, they embark on a quest for truth, a search for the expansion of knowle dge, an Enlightenment ideal represented by the epistemological space of the Encyclopdie in this greatest of all expandable places open space, outer space. Their conversations with the Earthlings show that human beings represent the current stage of sc ience, knowledge, and power in society, as is shown in Chapter 7, Conversation avec les hommes. For example, though men are frail, they are not ignorant, and are scientifically knowledgeable. Micromgas is impressed with their scientific knowledge: Co mbien pse votre air? Il croyait les attraper, mais tous lui dirent que l air pse environ neuf cents fois moins qu un pareil volume de l eau la plus lgre, et dix neuf cents fois moins que l or de ducat (61). This advance has not yet manifested itself equally in other respects, however. For example, Micromgas and the philosophers of Earth discuss happiness: Je n ai vu nulle part le

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112 vrai bonheur; mais il est ici, sans doute. A ce discours, tous les philosophes secourent la tte Savez vous b ien, par exemple, qu l heure o je vous parle, il y a cent mille fous de notre espce, couverts de chapeaux, qui tuent cent mille autres animaux (59). Micromgas wonders why so much violence exists considering humans' frailty: Le Sirien frmit et demanda quel pouvait tre le sujet de ces horribles querelles entre de si chtifs animaux (59). A philosopher also remarks the corruption of government: D ailleurs, ce n est pas eux qu il faut punir, ce sont ces barbares sdentaires qui du fond de leur cabinet ordonnent, dans le temps de leur digestion, le massacre d un million d homme, et qui ensuite en font remercier Dieu solennellement. (60). Micromgas then inquires about the soul: Puisque vous savez si bien ce qui est hors de vous, sans do ute vous savez encore mieux ce qui est en dedans. Dites moi ce que c est que votre me, et comment vous formez vos ides (61). Philosophers (and one theologian) are shown to be unable to agree on le fond de la chose (62). Micromgas promises then to c ompose a book of philosophy for them which would demonstrate the essence of things, in response to their explanations of Aristotle, Descartes, Malebranche, Leibnitz, and Locke (61 62), which we see is a book containing all blank pages: il ne vit rien qu'u n livre tout blanc (63). The fact that Micromgas offers a book which does not contain any information within shows that philosophy, as it is understood in the discussion above between Micromgas and humans, is not directly comparable to science; it is no t a subject in which definitive answers and outcomes can be clearly obtained in a controlled environment over a specific period of time. As Voltaire also showed in his entry on Nature in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie m ankind comprehend ing the first cause of

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113 things is either too complicated a task at this point in time (there is only partial knowledge available at the moment of how nature works, let alone of why it works as it does or what caused it to work as it does); or perhap s it is not meant to be looked into, and no clear cut answer may ever be found. The blank pages may indicate another approach, focusing on usefulness. In the Dictionnaire philosophique Voltaire explains that a philosopher is the one who knows useful tru ths: amateur de la sagesse, c'est dire, de la vrit. Tous les philosophes ont eu ce double caractre, il n'en est aucun dans l'antiquit qui n'ait donn des exemples de vertu aux hommes, & des leons de vrits morales (426 427 ). Voltaire distinguis hes between scientific truths and moral truths, and finds a uselessness in disputing: Ils ont p se tromper tous sur la physique, mais elle est si peu ncessaire la conduite de la vie, que les philosophes n'avaient pas besoin d'elle. Il a fallu des si cles pour connatre une partie des loix de la nature. Un jour suffit un sage pour connatre les devoirs de l'homme (427 ). Under the guise of Confucius, Voltaire says that some may not understand science, but everyone understands morality: J'ai v des hommes incapables de sciences, je n'en ai jamais v incapables de vertus (428 ). Voltaire's science fiction tale leads us to inquire into the ways in which man's relation to the world can be transformed by an assessment of and even travel to outer space. At the time, this was an obvious impossibility, but during the Space Race of the twentieth century, we see the appearance of philosophical essays on man in space, in particular, by Maurice Blanchot and Emmanuel Levinas. In The Conquest of Space (1961 ), Maurice Blanchot writes: Man does not want to leave his own place (269). In this essay, he is referring to the first human journey to outer space, when the Soviet

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114 pilot and cosmonaut Yuri Alekseyevich Gagarin completed an orbit of the Earth in his Vo stok spacecraft on April 12, 1961. He says that technology detracts from our relationship with the world, rehearsing here the view, which he opposes, that true civilizations are those of a stable nature, and that the nomad is incapable of acquisition (269). Against that view, he recapitulates what has been gained by travel to outer space: It is extraordinary, we have left the earth. Herein lies, indeed, the true significance of the experience: man has freed himself from place. He has felt, at leas t for a moment, the sense of something decisive: far away in an abstract distance of pure science removed from the common condition symbolized by the force of gravity, there was a man, no longer in the sky, but in space, in a space which has no being o r nature but is the pure and simple reality of a measurable (almost) void. Man, but a man with no horizon. The freedo m gained with regard to 'place,' this sort of levitation of man as substance, of man as essence obtained by breaking away from locality came to prolong and briefly to conclude the process by which technology upsets sedentary civilizations, destroys human particularisms, makes man leave the utopia of his childhood (if it is true that each of us wants to return to our place of origin). (26 9) According to Blanchot, Gagarin was escaping ordinary forces and placing himself in a movement of pure dislocation, begun to become a detached man (270). By welcoming him back home, President Khruschev was reintegrating him into the species, unable to accept the advantages of technology for prestige, unable to realize its consequences, namely the breaking down of all sense of belonging and the questioning of place, in all places (270). Gagarin's voyage to space changed the physical relationship w ith the Outside in a decisive manner. The superstition about place cannot be eradicated in us except by a momentary abandonment to some utopia of non place (270). In Place and Utopia first published in 1950, Levinas states that this is the moment at which to reflect on what seems to us to be utopia (99). According to

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115 Levinas, one can choose utopia (100), or, in other words, one can uproot oneself from responsibility, deny the place where it is incumbent on me to do something (100). On the othe r hand, he writes, in the name of spirit, one can choose not to flee the conditions from which one's work draws its meaning, and that means choosing ethical action (100). The mode of dislocation from Earth, or, the act of leaving home can be a positive experience, for it can be promising ethically by examining anew the relation of the self to place. The intergalactic journey is not only positive in epistemological terms. In ethical terms, this dislocation from the planet out into the universe can also teach us about ourselves and relations with others. 12 In Zadig l'Ingnu Candide and Micromgas Voltaire is outlining an inhabitation of space that imagines forms of sociability that do no t simply mimic those of Voltaire s time. After the examination o f sociability in the four philosophical tales, we end with considerations of ethical questions and see how Voltaire reframes intersubjectivity through that compass. 1 See "Mappemonde ou description du globe terrestre: dresse sur les mmoires les plus nouveaux, et assujettie aux observations astronomiques" by Didier Robert de Vaugondy, Paris, 1773, at: < www.nla.gov.au > See also "Cart e du Royaume de France o sont traces exactement les routes des postes" by Didier Robert de Vaugondy, Paris, 1758, at: < www.davidrumsey.com/maps1977.html > 2 For a comprehensive guide of classic editions of Zadig, ou la destine see pages 22 to 32 entitled "Tableau des ditions et et choix d'un texte publier" in Georges Ascoli, Voltaire: 'Zadig ou La Destine, Histoire Orientale The author also provides a chronological list called "Les sources du ro man" (35), "La Couleur Orientale" (47) to "les r cits arabes, turcs ou persans" on pages 50 to 65. This list goes back throughout literary history, but specifically, throughout the literary history of France, beginning with Molire and ending with Voltair e. With respect to religion and the Orient, see Irving Babbitt, 'Zadig' and Other Stories : "In Zadig we have Voltaire in his most edifying mood" (vii) and William Raleigh Price, The Symbolism of Voltaire's Novels With Special Reference to 'Zadig' : "The c haracter of Oriental thought was to Voltaire the secret of the abuse of the Bible in later centuries: the figure was taken for the letter, and

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116 the letter for the figure, to suit the ambitious schemes of a few leaders of the new sect of Christianity" (43). H.T. Mason comments on the "spatiality" and "rhythm" of Voltaire's prose in Voltaire: 'Zadig' and Other Stories : "If Voltaire's contes are successful, it is surely above all because of the great diversity, vitality and movement which they contain" (16); One of the most marked characteristics of Voltaire's prose style is its strong sense of rhythm. There is an immediately recognizable Voltairian tempo, just as there is a Pascalian or a Flaubertian movement unique to its author" (17) Concerning the title Zadig : "The work is subtitled 'La Destin e but in fact one can be a little more precise and say that it really revolves around the question of Providence, for Voltaire himself tells us that he would have preferred this sub title if he had dared to 'se s ervir de ce mot respectable de providence dans un ouvrage de pur amusement' ( Letter to Cardinal de Bernis Oct. 14, 1748)" (27). 3 I have incorporated into this chapter entries from a "modern day" French language dictionary which combines studies of geogr aphy and society: Dictionnaire de la Gographie et de l'Espace des Socits Editors Jacques Lvy et Michel Lussault describe their work as follows: "Bien loin de n'tre qu'une simple description de la surface de la terre, la gographie s'affirme comme un e vritable science sociale, attache penser l'espace des socits humaines. Ce dictionnaire offre la synthse la plus actuelle des concepts et des mthodes de la gographie aujourd'hui. Cet ouvrage ce veut, davantage que le reflet d'une "gographie fr anaise une point de vue francophone sur une gographie de plus en plus universelle. Ainsi, il a t choisi de prendre largement en compte des gographies trangres, anglophone et germanophone notamment. Le tout constitue une somme indispensable tou s ceux qui veulent analyser les espaces complexes des socits. En mme temps, ce dictionnaire montre l'apport de la gographie la comprehension du Monde contemporain" (5 21). 4 In addition to l'Ingnu other works which show the figure of the "bon sau vage" include Montaigne's "Des Cannibales" ( Essais 1580); Rousseau's Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'ingalit parmie les hommes (1755); Voltaire's "Des Sauvages" ( La Philosophie de l'Histoire 1765); and Diderot's Supplment au voyage de Bo ugainville (1772). In Voltaire: 'l'Ingnu', William R. Jones provides a contrary view by opposing this work to the three other tales being studied: "En tant que satire sociale, politique et religieuse, c'est un livre qui se distingue des autres romans de Voltaire. Car Zadig Micromgas Candide et d'autres, malgr leur part d'actualit, sont plutt bass sur une thse qui est de tous les temps, soit le role compensateur que semble jouer le destin dans notre vie, soit l'optimisme 'ridicule' des leibniziens (20). 5 In some respect, Voltaire unders tood and denounced some aspects of colonialism, arguments which have been taken up in a much more systematic way by authors such as Edward Said and Mary Louise Pratt. In Orientalism Said critiqued the West's his torical, cultural, and political perceptions of the East. He defines "Orientalism" as "a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on the Orient's special place in European Western experience" (1). Said says that "the Orient is not only adjace nt to Europe" (1), or, it is not only a "physical" place that one must recognize, but "it is also

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117 the place of Europe's greatest and richest and oldest colonies, the source of its civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one of its deepest and most recurring images of the Other" (1). In other words, "Orientalism" is a "philosophical" approach to discovering the eastern world. Said comments on these distinctions more directly by explaining that "Orientalism is not a mere political subject matter or field that is reflected passively by culture, scholarship, or institutions; nor is it a large and diffuse collection of texts about the Orient; nor is it representative and expressive of some nefarious "Western" imp erialist plot to hold down the Oriental world" (12), but "rather a distribution of geopolitical awareness into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological, historical, and philological texts; it is an elaboration not only of a basic geographical distinction (the world is made up of t wo unequal halves, Orient and Occident)" (12), here a "physical" distinction, "but also of a whole series of interests which, by such means as scholarly discovery, philological reconstruction, psychological analysis, landscape and sociological descriptio n, it not only creates but also maintains" (12), or, Orientalism as a global "philosophical" consideration: "Orientalism is and does not simply represent a considerable dimension of modern political intellectual culture, and as such has less to do wit h the Orient than it does with our world" (12). See also Mary Louise Pratt's Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation Pratt's work "shows how travel writing goes about creating the domestic subject of European imperialism," and "how travel w riting has produced 'the rest of the world' for Euro pean readerships; it "examines how metropolitan reading publics have been engaged with expansionist enterprises whose material benefits accrued mainly to the very few" (1). Pratt uses "the concept of tr ansculturation to introduce questions about the ways in which modes of representation from the metropolis are received and appropriated by groups on the periphery and how transculturation from the colonies to the metropolis takes place" (1). For Pratt, "transculturation is a phenomenon of the contact zo ne," and 'contact zone' refers to the space of colonial encounters, the space in which peoples geographically and historically separated come into contact with each other and establish ongoing relations, usually involving conditions of coercion, radical inequality, and intractable conflict" (6). Pratt's work is based from what she calls "a specific point of departure" (9): "It is marked in the mid eighteenth century, by two simultaneous and intersecting p rocesses in Northern Europe: the emergency of natural history as a structure of knowledge, and the momentum toward interior, as opposed to maritime, exploration" (9). 6 See Nicole Masson's l'Ingnu de Voltaire et la critique de la socit la veille de l a Rvolution Paris, Bordas, 1989. See also John S. Clouston's Voltaire's Binary Masterpiece: 'l'Ingnu' Reconsidered Berne, Peter Lang Publishers, Inc., 1986. 7 For bibliographic information on Voltaire leading up to and during his work on Candide see Daniel Gordon, 'Candide' by Voltaire ( 1 41), and Haydn Mason, 'Candide': Optimisim Demolished ( 3 21). 8 Rousseau argued with Voltaire on the subject of the Lisbon Earthquake and Optimism: See G rard Malkassian, Candide': Un dbat philosophique: La criti que de Leibniz par Voltaire ( 77 88): "Si l'on sait qu'outre Leibniz, Voltaire vise dans Candide le

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118 providentialisme de Pope, il atteint galement une cible collatrale qui tait intervenue en faveur de l'optimisme face la dploration du Pome sur la cata strophe de Lisbonne de 1756: Jean Jacques Rousseau. Celui ci avait en effet rpondu Voltaire en lui adressant une Lettre sur la Providence en date du 18 aot 1756. Tout d'abord la responsabilit humaine est en cause. La plupart des maux naturels et mo raux sont l'unique fait de 'l'homme libre, perfectionn, partant corrompu Par exemple, si, Lisbonne, beaucoup d'habitants sont morts, c'est cause des consquences de leur vie dans les grandes villes, de l'entassement des personnes et des priorits q u'une culture marchande produit en eux: il leur importait plus de sauver leurs biens matriels que leur vie. Dans le dsert ou dans un habitat plus dispers, les tremblements de terre n'auraient eu qu'un impact limit" (77). See also David Wooton's Cand ide' and Related Texts (95 123). 9 For a recent illustration of Candide's garden, see the illustration by Fernand Sim on from Voltaire's Candide ou L'optimisme at: < http://legacy .www.nypl.org/ research/chss/candied/op3.html >, cited as Illustration by Fernand Simon from Candide ou L optimisme by Voltaire. Paris: Jules Meynial, 1922. NYPL, General Research Division." This illustration was presented as part of the New York Public Library's 2009 exhibit entitled: Candide at 250: Scandal and Success," which commemorated the 250th anniversary of the publication of Candide The official website for the exhibit is found here: < http://legacy.www.nypl.org/research/chss/ /candide/ index.html > A complete outline and full information about the exhibit is found here: < htt p://legacy.www.nypl.org/research/ chss/candide/introduction.html > 10 For bibliographic information on Voltaire about the publication of Micromgas see the "Introduction" to Haydn Mason's Micromgas' and Other Short Fictions For a "scientific study" of Micromgas see Ira O. Wade's Voltaire's 'Micromgas: A Study in the Fusion of Science, Myth, and Art Ira O. Wade has also published a large, well recognized work on French studies, specifically a two volume set on "the structure and form of the French Enlightenment :" The Structure and Form of the French Enlightenment Volume I: 'Esprit Philosophique' ; and The Structure and Form of the French Enlightenment. Volume II: Esprit Rvolutionnaire For a narrative approach to the tale, see Microm gas ou le disfonctionnement des procds de la narration" by Vic Nachtergaele. 11 Likewise, the Ingnu says that man is a machine or cog in the divine machine: nous sommes sous la puissance de l tre ternel, comme les astres et les lments; qu il fait tout en nou s, que nous sommes de petites roues de la machine immense dont il est l me; qu il agit par des lois gnrales, et non par des vues particulires. Cela seul me parat intelligible; tout le reste est pour moi un abme de tnbres" (265). 12 In The Productio n of Space Lefebvre explains a "science of space" (8) which "embodies at best a technological utopia, a sort of computer simulation of the future, or of the possible, within the framework of the real the framework of the existing mode of production" (9) He says that the "starting point" "is a knowledge which is at once integrated into, and integrative with respect to, the mode of production. The

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119 technological utopia in question is a common feature not just of many science fiction novels, but also of a ll kinds of projects concerned with space, be they those of architecture, urbanism, or social planning" (9).

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120 CHAPTER 5 LEAVING HOME: ETHICS ALTERITY, AND THE FEMININE IN VOLTAIRE 'S PHILOSOPHICAL TA LES A Space for Ethics In Chapter 3 I showed how Gaston Bachelard, Edward Said, and Emmanuel Levinas conceive the inhabitation of spa ce or the home. In Chapter 4 I discussed space writing as sociability in Voltaire's p hilosophical tales. Chapter 2 ende d with an ethical analysis of Voltaire's article Gographie in his Questions sur l'Encyclopdie In this chapter, I return to an ethical study of Voltaire by examining the relationship of the self to the world, and the feminine in Voltaire's philosophic al tales. It is possible to interpret space for ethics in Voltaire's tales by first looking at how ethics is considered in both the eighteenth century and the twentieth and twenty first centuries. In Adieu Jacques Derrida gives his farewell to Emmanue l Levinas. He says that Levinas' contribution to critical theory is immeasurable: I cannot find, and would not even want to try to find, a few words to size up the oeuvre of Emmanuel Levinas. It is so large that one can no longer even see its edges (3) Derrida mentions Levinas' seminal work Totality and Infinity as being the prime, and perhaps the most important example of his corpus: And one would have to begin by learning once again from him and from Totality and Infinity for example, how to think what an 'oeuvre or 'work' is as well as fecundity (3). Derrida explains what we have taken from Totality and Infinity : the reverberations of this thought will have changed the course of the philosophical reflection of our time, and of the refle ction on philosophy, on that which orders it according to ethics, according to another thought of ethics, responsibility, justice, the state, and so on, another thought of the other, a thought that is newer than so many novelties because it is ordered to t he absolute anteriority of the face of the

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121 Other (3 ). Bettina Bergo notes that in an essay on Levinas 1 entitled Violence and Metaphysics in Writing and Difference Derrida writes: It is true that Ethics in Levinas's sense is an Ethics without law and without concept, which maintains its non violent purity only before being determined as concepts and laws; However, Derrida continues by saying: This is not an objection: let us not forget that Levinas does not seek to to determine a morality, but rather the essence of occasion neither a determined ethics nor determined laws without negating and forgetting itself ( < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2011/entries/levinas/notes. html > ). Derrida shows here that Levinas makes a kind of distinction between ethics and morality He does not consider t hem to be the same, or think of them as being co or interdependent. As Bergo explains: An ethics of ethics means, here, the exploration of conditions of possibility of any interest in good actions or lives. In light of that, it can be said that Levinas is not writing an ethics at all. Instead, he is exploring the meaning of intersubjectivity and lived immediacy in light of three themes: transcendence, existence, and the human other ( < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2011/entries/levinas/ > ). We shall return to a specific discussion of Totality and Infinity later in the chapter. Concerning considerations of ethics and morality, in the eighteenth century they were thou ght of together. For example, if we look at the entry for Ethique in the Encyclopdie a very short entry of which the author is unknown, we see that the term, though no longer commonly used, is cross referenced with Morale: ETHIQUE [Original Class : unclassified] [Author: unknown] {Machine Class: Grammaire} ETHIQUE, s. f. est la science des moeurs. Ce mot qui n'est plus usit, ou dont on ne se sert que trs rarement pour dsigner certains ouvrages,

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122 comme l' Ethique de Spinosa, &c. moeurs. Voyez MORALE, DROIT NATUREL &c ( Ethique ) The next logical step, therefore, is to examine the entry for Morale, authored by Jaucourt. Morale, also known as the science of manners or customs, is initially explained as the science of man, since rational, reasonable beings deal with it: MORALE, ( Science des moeurs ) [Original Class: Science des moeurs] [Author: Jaucourt] {Machine Class: Histoire de la philosophie} MORALE, s. f. ( Science des moeurs ) c'est la science qui nous prescrit une sage conduite, & les moyens d'y conformer nos actions. S'il sied bien des cratures raisonnables d'appliquer leurs facults aux choses auxquelles elles sont destines, la Morale est la propre science des hommes; parce que c'est une connoissance gnralement proportionne leur capacit naturelle, & d'o dpend leur plus grand intrt. Elle porte donc avec elle les preuves de son prix; & si quelqu'un a besoin qu'on raisonne beaucoup pour l'en convaincre, c'est un esprit trop gt po ur tre ram en par le raisonnement. ( Morale ) Jaucourt explains that morality is the science of man: J'avoue qu'on ne peut pas traiter la Morale par des arguments dmonstratifs, & j'en sais deux ou trois raisons principales. 1. le dfaut de signes. Nou s n'avons pas de marques sensibles, qui reprsentent aux yeux les ides morales ; 2. les ides morales sont communment plus composes que celles des figures employes dans les mathmatiques 3. l'intrt humain, cette passion si trompeuse, s'o ppose la dmonstration des vrits morales ; ( Morale ) For Jaucourt, morality and religion ought to be considered as separate subjects, and moreover, morality can outweigh faith: Enfin ce seroit mal connotre la religion, que de relever le mrite de la foi aux dpens de la Morale ; car quoique la foi soit ncessaire tous les Chrtiens, on peut avancer avec vrit, que la Morale l'emporte sur la foi divers gards ( Morale ). Jaucourt explains five different reasons for this : First: Morality is more us eful than faith: 1. Parce qu'on peut tre en tat de faire du bien, & de se rendre plus utile au

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123 monde par la Morale sans la foi, que par la foi sans la Morale ; Second: Morality perfects human nature: 2. Parce que la Morale donne une plus grande perfe ction la nature humaine, en ce qu'elle tranquillise l'esprit, qu'elle calme les passions, & qu'elle avance le bonheur de chacun en particulier; Third: Moral rules are more common amongst civilized nations than differing rules of faith: 3. Parce que la regle pour la Morale est encore plus certaine que celle de la foi, puisque les nations civilises du monde s'accordent sur les points essentiels de la Morale autant qu'elles different sur ceux de la foi; Fourth: To be a sceptic of faith is not as seriou s as being immoral: 4. Parce que l'incrdulit n'est pas d'une nature si maligne que le vice; ou, pour envisager la mme chose sous une autre vue, parce qu'on convient en gnral qu'un incrdule vertueux peut tre sauv, sur tout dans le cas d'une igno rance invincible, & qu'il n'y a point de salut pour un croyant vicieux; and finally: The human conscience seems to be directed by morality: 5. Parce que la foi semble tirer sa principale, si ce n'est pas mme toute sa vertu, de l'influence qu'elle a sur la morale ( Morale ). Voltaire wrote a rather brief entry for Morale in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie in which we can see that he picks up where the Encyclopdie entry left off, as he speaks exclusively of religion and morality: Bavards prdicateur s, extravagans controversistes, tchez de vous souvenir que votre matre n'a jamais annonc que le sacrement tait le signe visible d'une chose invisible; il n'a jamais admis quatre vertus cardinales & trois thologales; il n'a jamais examin si sa mre t ait venue au monde macule ou immacule; il n'a jamais dit que les petits enfans qui mouraient sans batme seraient damns. Cessez de lui faire dire des choses auxquelles il ne pensa point. Il a dit, selon la vrit aussi ancienne que le monde, Aimez DIE U & votre prochain; tenez vous en l misrables ergoteurs, prchez la morale & rien de plus. Mais observez la cette morale; que les tribunaux ne retentissent plus de vos procs; n'arrachez plus par la griffe d'un procureur un peu de farine la bouche de la veuve & de l'orphelin. Ne disputez plus un petit bnfice avec la mme fureur qu'on

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124 disputa la papaut dans le grand schisme d'Occident. Moines, ne mettez plus (autant qu'il est en vous) l'univers contribution; & alors nous pourons vous croi re. ("Mo rale" ) Voltaire is here explaining that the clergy should focus on spreading the word of God in the moral lesson that essentially makes up part of the Roman Catholic Church's Ten Commandments: Love the Lord your God and love your neighbor as yourself. H e here criticizes t he institution of rites not found in the Bible as well as the greed of the Church Voltaire separates morality and religion. The present behaviors of the Church do not show moral acts towards fellow man, and in order for citizens to bel ieve their moral teachings, they need to observe changes in the Church's actions. In short, the Church needs to practice what they preach. We must recall from Chapter 2 that Voltaire linked morality to geography in his entry on Gographie in the Questi ons sur l'Encyclopdie by stating that it is difficult in geography as in morality, to know the world without leaving oneself or one's home ( Il est bien difficile en gographie comme en morale, de connatre le monde sans sortir de chez soi ). By linkin g both geography and morality together, Voltaire spatializes the observation of moral practice with respect to human interaction and to human occupation of the world. Without a passage through the other both geography and morality would be inadequate and incomplete. Though they are not directly comparable, both have similar effects. Geography, the Feminine, and the Eighteenth Century Geography has been addressed through the lens of gender or feminism. 2 Perhaps the best known feminist works on geography an d space are Gillian Rose's Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge (1993) and Writing Women and Space: Colonial and Post Colonial Geographies (1994). Feminism and Geography

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125 opened up new forms of engagement about the varied forms of patriarchy within the discipline [of human geography] and also outside geography in the area of cultural studies and literary theory (Mahtani 232). Rose wri tes that her work: In exploring the masculinism of geography at some length, is not about the geo graphy of gender but about the gender of geography; it considers the itinerary of the silencing rather than the retrieval (4 5). It argues that feminist theorists imagine a geography based not on the exclusions of a mode of knowing that is dependent on a relation of dominance between Same and Other, but on an acknowledgement of difference (14). For Rose: By introducing issues of race and sexuality, and by considering the absences of masculinism, the hegemony of Man/Woman is challenged and new geograph ies are imagined (14). Writing Women and Space explicitly articulated the complicity and complicated relations between gender, race, class and sexuality through essays about women's multiple, contested, and shifting senses of subjectivities as experienc ed through written representations of spatial differentiation (Mahtani 232 233). Rose and Blunt examine questions of mapping space and difference, the intersection of, most notably, race with class and gender, complicity and/or resistance, and strategie s of critique and disruption (20), in which a critical study of women's colonial and postcolonial geographies should address not only the multiple and complex construction of subjectivity but also of space itself (20). There are misogynist overtones in the entry for Femme 3 in the Encyclopdie of which there are four headings: the entry for anthropologie is by Barthez/Barths; droit naturel by Jaucourt; morale by Desmahis; and the fourth entry is jurisprudence by

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126 Boucher d'Argis. The entry of concern for our purposes is that of morale. Joseph Franois douard de Corsembleu, Sieur de Desmahis writes: Femme ( Morale. ) [Original Class: Morale] [Author: Desmahis] {Machine Class: Morale} Distingus par des ingalits, les deux sexes ont des avant ages presque gaux. La nature a mis d'un ct la force & la majest, le courage & la raison; de l'autre, les graces & la beaut, la finesse & le sentiment. Ces avantages ne sont pas tojours incompatibles; ce sont quelquefois des attributs diffrens qui se servent de contr poids, ce sont quelquefois les mmes qualits, mais dans un degr diffrent. Ce qui est agrment ou vertu dans un sexe, est dfaut ou difformit dans l'autre. Les diffrences de la nature devoient en mettre dans l'ducation; c'est la mai n du statuaire qui pouvoit donner tant de pri x un morceau d'argile. ( Femme ) Desmahis advocates that in nature there is a strong difference between the two sexes, and that there is a redeeming factor in the sweet character of the woman ( les graces & la beaut, la finesse & le sentiment ) as being complementary to the strong qualities of a man ( la force, la majest, le courage, la raison ). Desmahis says that instead of focusing on that which makes the two sexes unequal, it is instead beneficial to s tress the advantages which make them compatible. However, Desmahis is also explaining that differences of nature justify differences in education ("Les diffrences de on ("la raison") along with strength and courage. In Voltaire's Questions sur l'Encyclopdie appears an article for Femme, 4 where we find a similar description of women. There are three sections: Physique et Morale (24), Polygamie (31), and Plurali t des Femmes (36). Concerning the first section on Physique et Morale, Voltaire writes: Le physique gouverne toujours le moral (27). What one is physically capable of determines what one is morally capable of. Voltaire connects work to physical capability, and to morality. What work one can do will

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127 determine where one can work. It will also determine how one will interact with the Other in that space. Voltaire explains how a woman's work differs from a man's: Les femmes tant plus faibles de corps que nous, ayant plus d'adresse dans leurs doigts beaucoup plus souples que les notres, ne pouvant gueres travailler aux ouvrages pnibles de la maonnerie, de la charpente, de la mtallurgie, de la charrue, tant ncessairement charges des petits tr avaux plus legers de l'intrieur de la maison, & surtout du soin des enfans, menant une vie plus sdentaire (27 28). A woman's work in the home requires a sweet demeanor: elles doivent avoir plus de douceur dans le caractere que la race masculi ne (27 28). Douceur can be considered as being a positive aspect to the female character the woman's demeanor is less violent, and therefore more ethical, or more welcoming. 5 Marc Serge Rivire discusses modern perceptions of how Voltaire viewed wom en and his own pronouncements on them (26). He concurs with D.J. Adams' study, according to which [Voltaire] adopted a paradoxical stance towards women, as he did on so many other issues (26). 6 According to Adams: Voltaire peut critiquer le sexe en g nral sans cesser d'estimer les femmes comme des individus (Rivire 27). Concerning the representations of women in his writings (Rivire 27), Adams writes: Voltaire exprimait son mpris ou son adoration selon son opinion de la dame en question, et n on pas selon le genre qu'il employait (Rivire 27). However, Rivire notes that the fact remains that in some of his more private statements either made in his correspondence to members of his inner circle or confined to his notebooks, Voltaire is far fr om complimentary about women (27). For example: Their frivolity, which is repeatedly stressed in the Contes is commented upon

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128 in the notebooks (27). Rivire gives two examples from Voltaire's Notebooks The first, on women's frivolity (27): Les f emmes ressemblent aux girouettes: elles se fixent quand elles se rouillent (i. 414) (27); and the second, on women's garrulousness (27): Women use their tongue as their fans for noise (i. 71) (27). On the other hand: In his dealings with many of his female contemporaries the philosophe did not let such negative views detract from the respect and admiration which he openly professed for his patronesses (Rivire 27). For example, for Catherine II of Russia, [Voltaire] was more than willing to a ct almost as a public relations officer His complex relationship with the empress resulted in a mutually beneficial propaganda campaign in the 1760s (27); and perhaps the best known of all, Mme. Du Chtelet: There is little doubt that Voltaire also respected and revered Mme. Du Chtelet above all women of her era (28). In a letter from Voltaire to his friend Everard Fawkener, an English merchant and diplomat, from Marc h 1740, Voltaire indicated that I would pass some months at Constantinople wit h you, if I could live without that Lady; whom I look at as a great man, and as a most solid and respectable friend. She understands Newton, she despises superstition, in short she makes me happy (Rivire 28). According to Rivire: Herein lies a typica l Voltairean assessment of great women who had in his estimation risen above their own kind: they were in his eyes philosophers and 'great men.' Such is the conclusion we may reach from his examination of the role of great female monarchs in history (28) The Feminine in Voltaire's Philosophical Tales We turn now to a discussion of the feminine in Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu Voltaire displays misogynist overtones in the philosophical tales. However, we can say that he is poking fun at thos e who consider the role of the woman to be

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129 purely domestic or marginalized. In the philosophical tales, Voltaire often portrays women as either having a ridiculous personal character, or he gives detailed scenes of great cruelty in which women are the hel pless victims. However, I will show that Voltaire also opens up such scenes and provides a space for his female characters to redeem themselves to use their feminine qualities in a positive way, as a means of strength to have the potential to occupy t he margin in which they are placed differently. In Zadig we recall that Zadig is an excellent example of a ubiquitous hero. Despite the many difficulties he encounters, the hero is at the same time fate s victim and its agent for others (Sherman 33). A productive way to analyze the feminine in Zadig is to compare Astart and Missouf. Astart, Queen of Babylon and wife to King Moabdar before later becoming Zadig's wife, is portrayed by Voltaire as the representation of Enlightenment ideals, as the symb ol of order and reason. Missouf, King Moabdar's second wife, on the other hand, is portrayed as the complete opposite, as the symbol of total disorder and extravagance. For example, in Chapter 16, Le Basilic, we find Astart, while working as a slave, r eunited with Zadig. Zadig and Astart had been forced to separately flee Moabdar's palace, since he was threatening to take both of their lives after realizing that they were in love with each other (Chapter 7, La Jalousie ). Here, Zadig wishes to know what has happened since they were last together. Astart tells him that she had been pursued by Moabdar's couriers after her escape, but that they brought the wrong woman back to him: Ils coururent ma poursuite, sur le portrait qu on leur faisait de ma personne : une femme de la mme taille que moi, et qui peut tre avait plus de charmes,

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130 s offrit leurs regards sur les frontires de l Egyp te. Elle tait plore, errante ; ils ne doutrent pas que cette femme ne ft la reine de Babyl one ; ils la menrent Moabdar (136). At first, Moabdar was outraged: Leur mprise fit entrer d abord le roi dans une violente colre; (136), but he soon fell in love and married this woman Missouf: mais bientt ayant considr de plus prs cette femme, il la trouva tr s belle, et fut consol. On l appelait Missouf. On m a dit depuis que ce nom signifie en langue gyptienne la belle capricieuse Elle l tait en effet ; mais elle avait autant d art que de caprice. Elle plut Moabdar. Elle le subjugua au point de se fair e dclarer sa femme (136). Astart explains that after their marriage, Missouf's outrageous and extravagant behavior became very apparent: Alors son caractre se dveloppa tout entier: elle se livra sans crainte toutes les folies de son imagination (1 36). For example, she acted in a cruel fashion towards some of the King's subjects: Elle voulut obliger le chef des mages, qui tait vieux et goutteux, de danser devant elle ; et sur le refus du mage, elle le perscuta violemment. Elle ordonna son gran d cuyer de lui faire une tourte de confitures. Le grand cuyer eut beau lui reprsenter qu il n tait point ptissier, il fallut qu il ft la tourte ; et on le chassa, parce qu elle tait trop brle (136); and it was in this same fashion that she gove rned Babylon: C est ainsi qu elle gouverna Babylone (136). Astart explains that due to her absence the absence of order and reason replaced with Missouf's complete disarray of judgement and disregard for the well being of the kingdom, led to both M oabdar losing his mind: Tout le monde me regrettait. Le roi, qui avait t assez honnte homme jusqu au moment o il avait voulu m empoisonner et vous faire trangler,

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131 semblait avoir noy ses vertus dans l amour prodigieux qu il avait pour la belle capric ieuse. Il vint au temple le grand jour du feu sacr. Je le vis implorer les dieux pour Missouf aux pieds de la statue o j tais renferme. J levai la voix; je lui criai : un roi devenu tyran, qui a voulu faire mourir une fem me raisonnable pour pouser une extravagante. Moabdar fut confondu de ces paroles au point que sa tte se troubla. L oracle que j avais rendu, et la tyrannie de Missouf, suffisaient pour lui faire perdre le jugement. Il devint fou en peu de jours. (136 1 37) and to Babylon going into a state of civil war: Sa folie, qui parut un chtiment du ciel, fut le signal de la rvolte. On se souleva, on courut aux armes. Babylone, si long temps plonge dans une mollesse oisive, devint le thtre d une guerre civile affreuse (137). From this last quote of Astart, we see that Babylon had not only fallen due to the lack of order and reason which she had presented while governing as queen, but also due to the lack of an idle softness in which Babylon had been so lo ng immersed. Voltaire therefore presents Astart as the ideal head of an almost utopian society, a society which benefits from her feminine presence in conjunction with her role as a leader. Voltaire opens up the possibility for Astart to return to her original role, which happens in the final chapter, Les nigmes, when Zadig is named king and peace is completely restored in Babylon under the rule of Astart and Zadig: Il fut reconnu roi d un consentement unanime, et surtout de celui d Astart L empire jouit de la paix, de la gloire, et de l abondance : ce fut le plus beau sicle de la terre ; elle tait gouverne par la justice et par l amour. On bnissait Zadig, et Zadig bnissait le ciel (153 154). In Micromgas Voltaire uses encounters with aliens to show up mankind as the prisoners of an ideology, of a limited and self interested system of thought. Ideologies habituate us to the particular conditions of the civilization we inhabit, so that we look upon these conditions as if they were norm al and natural adjuncts of living (Parrinder 47). There is not a very large feminine presence, nor an abundance of detailed

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132 discussions about women or by women in Micromgas There is, however, one scene in particular in Chapter 3, Voyage de deux habit ans de Sirius et de Saturne where the wife of the Saturnian is visibly distraught upon their departure into outer space. We note that the two men are attempting to finalize their preparations in order to leave the atmosphere: Nos deux philosophes taien t prts s embarquer dans l atmosphre de Saturne avec une fort jolie provision d instruments mathmatiques, lorsque la matresse du Saturnien qui en eut des nouvelles, vint en larmes faire ses remontrances. C tait une jolie petite brune qui n avait que six cent soixante toises, mais qui rparait par bien des agrments la petitesse de sa taille (49). We then see the wife's intense sadness, anger, and overly emotional response just before takeoff: Ah! cruel! s cria t elle, aprs t avoir rsist quinze cents ans lorsque enfin je commenais me rendre, quand j ai peine pass cent ans entre tes bras, tu me quittes pour aller voyager avec un gant d un autre monde; va, tu n es qu un curieux, tu n as jamais eu d amour: si tu tais un vrai Saturnien, tu se rais fidle (49). She continues by asking questions and by declaring her everlasting fidelity to her husband: O vas tu courir? Que veux tu? Nos cinq lunes sont moins errantes que toi, notre anneau est moins changeant. Voil qui est fait, je n aimerai j amais plus personne (49). However, the moment that the two philosopher s take off and are gone, she immediately becomes unfaithful to her husband by having a love affair with a younger, more elegant man: Le philosophe l embrassa, ple ura avec elle, tout philosophe qu il tait; et la dame, aprs s tre pme, alla se consoler avec un petit matre du pays (49).

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133 Adams says that il est galement possible qu'il veuille ironiser au dpens du Saturnien, car la femme ne tarde pas, malgr ses dires, aller se consoler avec un petit matre (149). Even though Voltaire portrays the woman here as being overly emotional and hysterical, the fact that she has an immediate love affair with a younger man upon her husband's departure shows a great li beration and sexual freedom on her part. The power of a woman's seduction and the heartache that can arrive in the affairs of love have no spatial limit, for either man floating around in outer space or man grounded on Earth can be afflicted. In Candide Except for Eldorado (most of the time), Candide dramatizes the antithesis of beneficence a kaleidoscope of people turning their backs on others except when using them in economic or religious or physical exploitation (Wolper 276). Voltaire includes man y scenes in Candide where women are the subject of much cruelty, namely physical violence. For example, Cungonde goes from being a young baroness to being a servant and a slave: ajoutez que je suis ne baronne avec soixante et douze quartiers, et que j' ai t cuisinire (33). The Old Woman has a similar story, falling from the stature of a princess: Je suis la fille du paper Urbain X, et de la princesse de Palestrine (33), to that of a servant. However, as with Astart in Zadig and the Saturnian's w ife in Micromgas Voltaire opens up the potential for both Cungonde and the Old Woman to redeem their situation, to use their current position in a positive way, or to occupy the margin in which they are placed differently. For example, we begin with the Histoire de Cungonde (Chapter 8). We note Cungonde recounting to Candide what misfortunes had fallen upon her: Agite, perdue, tantt hors de moi mme, et tantt prte de mourir de faiblesse, j avais la tte

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134 remplie du massacre de mon pre, de ma m re, de mon frre, de l insolence de mon vilain soldat bulgare, du coup de couteau qu il me donna, de ma servitude, de mon mtier de cuisinire, de mon capitaine bulgare, de mon vilain don Issachar, (28 29). Cungonde has been the victim of both rape and physical abuse, along with being forced to act as a slave and a witness to the murder of her family. The last example she states above concerns her encounter with Don Issachar, a man qui aimait passionnment les femmes (27). Cungonde says that indee d Don Issachar tried to rape her: [don Issachar] s'attacha beaucoup ma personne, (27). However, Cungonde resists and is successful: mais il ne pouvait en triompher; (27). Cungonde explains that due to her previous violation from the Bulgarian sol dier, she has learned of the weak position in which women are placed, but that they can gain and build strength from their misfortunes, and choose to resist rather than succumb to such violence: je lui ai mieux rsist qu'au soldat bulgare : une personne d'honneur peut tre viole une fois, mais sa vertu s'en affermit (27). Through Voltaire's description of the Histoire de la vieille (Chapter 11) and Suite des malheurs de la vieille (Chapter 12), we see that the Old Woman's unfortunate experiences are similar to those of Cungonde. While traveling with Candide and Cungonde, the Old Woman recounts her troubled past: Figurez vous quelle situation pour la fille d un pape, ge de quinze ans, qui en trois mois de temps avait prouv la pauvret, l escla vage, avait t viole presque tous les jours, avait vu couper sa mre en quatre, avait essuy la faim et la guerre, et mourait pestifre dans Alger! Je n en mourus pourtant pas; (37 38).

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135 The Old Woman survived all of these miserable events, and gives us the impression that she has overcome, or perhaps never experienced, any negative effects from them, whether psychological or physical. For example, she does not display self pity, but rather says that she has explained all of these horrible occurrences s o as to just pass the time during their voyage: Je ne vous aurais mme jamais parl de mes malheurs, si vous ne m aviez pas un peu pique, et s il n tait d usage, dans un vaisseau, de conter des histoires pour se dsennuyer (40). She also uses her diff icult experiences as a means to enlighten her own knowledge of the world: Enfin, mademoiselle, j ai de l exprience, je connais le monde; (40). She shows that she does not consider herself as a sole victim, but rather as a part of humanity, for which good and evil affects all, as she explains to Cungonde: donnez vous un plaisir, engagez chaque passager vous conter son histoire, et s il s en trouve un seul qui n ait souvent maudit sa vie, qui ne se soit souvent dit lui mme qu il tait le plus mal heureux des hommes, jetez moi dans la mer la tte la premire (40). We recall that the Ingnu begins with the abbaye de Notre Dame de la Montagne at Saint Malo in la Basse Bretagne and the arrival of the hero (with les Anglais ) from Canada (Howells 307). In l'Ingnu Voltaire portrays a strong feminine presence through the character of Mlle. Saint Yves. In Chapter 13, La Belle Saint Yves va Versailles, we see that she has been put in a convent because of her continued passion for the Ingnu, he r godson: Elle aimait toujours son cher filleul autant qu elle dtestait le mari qu on lui prsentait. L affront d avoir t mise dans un couvent augmentait sa passion; (274). Mlle. Saint Yves is now removed from the convent and being forced to marry th e bailiff's son: le maudit bailli pressait le mariage de son

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136 grand bent de fils avec la belle Saint Yves, qu on avait fait sortir exprs du couvent (274), which causes her great distress: l ordre d pouser le fils du bailli y mettait le comble. Les regrets, la tendresse, et l horreur bouleversaient son me (274). The situation of Mlle. Saint Yves seems hopeless, but Voltaire once again presents the possibility for a female character to leave her present situation, as we see that she escapes and heads towards Paris to try and find out what has happened to the Ingnu: puis, le jour destin la crmonie, elle part secrtement quatre heures du matin avec ses petits prsents de noce, et tout ce qu elle a pu rassembler. Ses mesures taient si bien prises qu elle tait dj plus de dix lieues lorsqu on entra dans sa chambre, vers le midi. La surprise et la consternation furent grandes (275). Voltaire demonstrates her skill and intelligence: La belle Saint Yves se doutait bien qu on la suivrait. Elle tait cheval; elle s informait adroitement des courriers s ils n avaient point rencontr un gros abb, un norme bailli, et un jeune bent, qui couraient sur le chemin de Paris (275), and her reasoning abilities: Ayant appris au troisime jour q u ils n taient pas loin, elle prit une route diffrente, et eut assez d habilet et de bonheur pour arriver Versailles tandis qu on la cherchait inutilement dans Paris (275). And upon her arrival at Versailles, Voltaire highlights her douceur as bei ng influential to successfully navigating through the grounds: Ayant su de lui que son amant avait t enlev aprs avoir parl un premier commis, elle court chez ce commis ; la vue d une belle femme l adoucit, car il faut convenir que Dieu n a cr les femmes que pour apprivoiser les hommes (276), and to ultimately obtaining the very crucial information which she is after, finding out how to locate the Ingnu: Le plumitif attendri lui avoua tout. 'Votre amant est la Bastille depuis prs d'un an, et sans vous il y serait peut tre

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137 toute sa vie.' (276) Mlle Saint Yves escapes the confines of a difficult situation in which she is unwillingly placed. Along with her "douceur," it is her skillful and intelligent planning, along with her reasoning abi lities which ultimately help lead her back to the Ingnu. The Relationship of the Self to the World In Voltaire, there are both positive and negative stereotypes of women. Voltaire demonstrates that women are greatly affected by the negative stereotypes He shows compassion for their situation, as we have seen, by opening up the possibility to a more positive outcome for the female characters in the four philosophical tales. By a slight displacement, we could move to a spatial analysis of these female characters by examining the work of bell hooks. We could also move to a Levinasian moral / ethical analysis of them, as was first introduced in this chapter. In Totality and Infinity Levinas analyzes the relationship of the self or I to the world: The o riginality of identification is not to be fixed by reflecting on the abstract representation of self by self; it is necessary to begin with the concrete relationship between an I and a world (37). The self should be affected: The world, foreign an d hostile, should, in good logic, alter the I (37). However, the way out of this possible danger, Levinas explains, is for the I to be both at home in the world: But the true and primordial relation between them, and that in which the I is revealed pr ecisely as preeminently the same, is produced as a sojourn [ sjour ] in the world (37), and at home in oneself: The way of the I against the other of the world consists in sojourning in identifying oneself by existing here at home with oneself [ chez soi ]. In a world which is from the first other the I is nonetheless autochthonous. It is the very reversion of this alteration. It finds in the world a site [lieu] and a home [maison] (37).

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138 Levinas explains that there is then a freedom with this be ing at home: The 'at home' [Le 'chez soi'] is not a container but a site where I can where, dependent on a reality that is other, I am, despite this dependence or thanks to it, free (37). Levinas also speaks of possession when describing the chez soi : The possibility of possessing, that is, of suspending the very alterity of what is only at first other, and other relative to me, is the way of the same. I am at home with myself in the world because it offers itself to or resists possession (38). Ho wever: Neither possession nor the unity of number nor the unity of concepts link me to the Stranger [l'Etranger], the Stranger who disturbs the being at home with oneself [le chez soi]. But Stranger also means the free one. Over him I have no power (39 ). For Levinas, the ethical moment is explained as: A calling into question of the same which cannot occur within the egoist spontaneity of the same is brought by the other. We name this calling into question of my spontaneity by the presence of the Other ethics (43). Levinas shows that the welcoming of the other further explains the ethical moment: The strangeness of the Other, his irreducibility to the I, to my thoughts and my possessions, is precisely accomplished as a calling into question of my spontaneity, as ethics the welcoming of the other by the same, of the Other by me, is concretely produced as the calling into question of the same by the other, that is, as the ethics that accomplishes the critical essence of knowledge (43). The house, or the home is a privileged example of possession. As was discussed in Chapter 2, Levinas considers the home as the commencement of human activity: The privileged role of the home does not consist in being the end of human activity but

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139 in being its condition, and in this sense its commencement (152). Levinas redefines this as hospitality, and names Woman as a figure of alterity or of hospitality: 7 For the intimacy of recollection to be able to be produced in the oecumenia of being the presen ce of the Other must not only be revealed in the face which breaks through its own plastic image, but must be revealed, simultaneously with this presence, in its withdrawal and in its absence. This simultaneity is not an abstract construction of dialectics but the very essence of discretion. And the other whose presence is discreetly an absence, with which is accomplished the primary hospitable welcome which describes the field of intimacy, is the Woman. The woman is the condition for recollection, the i nteriority of the Home, and inhabitation. (155) Diane Perpich analyzes this section of Totality and Infinity : Habitation and the Feminine (Levinas 154): Levinas suggests that the world becomes habitable because the feminine creates a refuge in it, a spa ce within which man is able to 'recollect' (Levinas 154) or recover himself and in which an 'inner life' (Levinas 158) first becomes possible (Perpich 37). Perpich says that Levinas explains recollection as 'a suspension of the immediate reactions the world solicits ,' it is a respite from the roughness of life and from the insistence and immediacy of its demands (Levinas 154) (Perpich 37), and: As such, Levinas equates it with a certain familiarity and intimacy with one's surroundings and argues that this interiority does not accrue to the habits that provide master over it. The 'gentleness' of recollection is accomplished by 'Woman' (Perpich 37). Levinas continues: To exist henceforth means to dwell. To dwell is not the simple fact of the anonymo us reality of a being cast into existence as a stone one casts behind oneself; it is a recollection, a coming to oneself, a retreat home with oneself as in a land of refuge, which answers to a hospitality, an expectancy, a human welcome (156). But woman is an instance of alterity: In human welcome the language that keeps silence remains an essential possibility. Those silent comings and goings of the feminine being whose footsteps reverberate the secret depths of being are not the

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140 turbid mystery of the animal and feline presence whose strange ambiguity Baudelaire likes to evoke (156). 8 According to Sen Hand: It is true that Levinas on occasions appears to offer a male oriented discourse (38). However, it must also be recognized that Levinas emphasi zes the formal and cultural nature of the difference between the sexes; and that the priority of the Other forms the very basis of his philosophy (38). Hand says that Derrida replied to this in Writing and Difference in saying that Levinas pushes the re spect for dissymmetry so far that it seems to us impossible, essentially impossible that [his work] could have been written by a woman. Its philosophical subject is man ( vir ) (38). Several feminist critics have commented on Levinas' approach to feminine alterity. Morny Joy cited part of an interview of Levinas from his Ethics and Infinity : Perhaps all these allusions to the ontological differences between the masculine and the feminine would appear less archaic if instead of dividing humanity into two s pecies (or into two genders), they would signify that the participation in the masculine and in the feminine were the attribute of every human being (Joy 475). However, Joy writes that Levinas never elaborates this possibility, maintaining, in his desig nation of the feminine, his own equivocal stance as to whether he is referring to 'the feminine' simply as an epithet, or to actual women grounded in social and political realities (Joy 475). Joy cites Levinas' discussion of The Ambiguity of Love in To tality and Infinity : Equivocation constitutes the epiphany of the feminine at the same time interlocutor, collaborator and master superiorly intelligent, so often dominating men in the masculine civilization it has

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141 entered, and woman having to be treate d as a woman, in accordance with rules imprescriptible by civil society (Levinas 264) (Joy 475). bell hooks is a feminist critic for whom space must be opened up to several forms of alterity: In 'Choosing the margin as a space of radical openness,' hooks argues that the margin and the centre are neither antithetical nor an indication of a white non white disconnection. Instead, she suggests that racial, sexual, economic and social differences shape and determine a response to, and therefore a connection with, existing cultural norms (McKittrick 191). hooks writes: I am located in the margin. I make a definite distinction between the marginality which is imposed by oppressive structures and that marginality one chooses as site of resistance as location of radical openness and possibility. This site of resistance is continually formed in that segregated culture of opposition that is our critical response to domination. We come to this space through suffering and pain, through struggle. We know struggl e to be that which pleasures, delights, and fulfills desire. We are transformed, individually, collectively, as we make radical creative space which affirms and sustains our subjectivity, which gives us a new location from which to articulate our sense of the world. ( Yearning: Race, Gender and Cultural Politics 153) For bell hooks, women can be empowered in the margin by creating space, and therefore leave the confines of the marginal space that they were forced into through oppression. 9 Through our p resentation of ethics and the feminine in Levinas, we have shown that woman is a figure of alterity: the world becomes habitable because the feminine creates a refuge in it (Perpich 37) and provides the 'gentleness' of recollection for the man (Perpich 37). bell hooks says that though women are marginalized, they may define themselves according to their own will within the margin in which they are placed. The eighteenth century was not devoid of misogyny, but it was also in some respects a promising a ge for women a possibility for change in the order of the world, a

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142 possibility which Voltaire portrays in Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu The rather stereotypical qualities of the feminine character could be considered as a positive attribute to their being their gentle nature (Levinas), or the way that they could occupy the margin differently so as to promote their own views and desires (hooks). This chapter is not meant to depict Voltaire as a feminist, but instead to draw attention to ex amples in the philosophical tales which express Voltaire's compassion and sympathy towards the situation of women throughout history and in the eighteenth century. Voltaire does this in Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu by presenting us with certai n female characters who do not succumb to their marginalization (hooks), as was shown with Astart, the Saturnian's wife, Cungonde and the Old Woman, and Mlle. Saint Yves. Voltaire also shows the possibility of some of these women to act as figures of h ospitality (Levinas), particularly Astart and Mlle. Saint Yves. In doing so, Voltaire makes a statement in the philosophical tales that there is the possibility for wom an to transform our interpretation of social space (Lefebvre). 1 This information is taken from the entry for "Emmanuel Levinas" in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philoso phy, Fall 2011 Edition Edward N. Zalta (ed.), URL = < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2011/ entries/levinas/ >. 2 For additional consideration on women and space, see th e entry on "Judith Butler" (p. 65 71) in Key Thinkers on Space and Place Phil Hubbard, Ed., Rob Kitchin, Ed., and Gill Valentine, Ed., London SAGE Publications Ltd., 2004. Concerning "spatia l contributions" (67) : "Although Butler herself has very little to say about space or place, her ideas about performativity have been very influential for critical geography" (65). For example: "First, Butler's theorization of gender has reshaped geographers' understandings of identities / bodies and their spatialiti es. Second, her notion of performativity has been recast to theorize the concept of space. Third, her work has influenced critical geographers' engagement with no n representational theory" (65) ; and "Fourth, her conceptualization of performativity has ups et feminist methodological debates about reflexivity and positionality" (65).

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143 3 For further studies on women in the eighteenth century, see: Christine Roulston, "Gendering the self in eighteenth century women's letters," SVEC 2002:06 (2002), p. 93 103; E lizabeth Fox Genovese, "Female identity: symbol and structure of bourgeois domesticity," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 2016; Marie Laure Girou Swiderski, "Fonctions de la femme du peuple dans le roman du XVIIIe sicle," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 1925; Sarah Simmons, "H rone ou figurante? La femme dans le roman du XVIIIe sicle en France," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 1918 24; and Vilmos Gyenis, "Le changement du rle des femmes dans la vie littraire au milieu du XVIIIe sicle," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 2016 27. 4 For studies on w omen in the eighteenth century and major authors other than Voltaire, see: Pauline Kra, "The role of the harem in imitations of Montesquieu's Lettres persanes ," SVEC 182 (1979), p. 273 83; Robert F. O'Reilly, "Montesquieu: anti feminist," SVEC 102 (1973) p. 143 56; Adriana Sfragaro, "La reprsentation de la femme chez Diderot," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 1893 99; Jean Pierre Le Bouler, "Sur les crits 'fministes' de Rousseau," SVEC 199 (1981), p. 225 36; James P. Gilroy, "Self educated women in the novels of the abb Prvost," SVEC 302 (1992), p. 141 180; Charline Sacks, "Le rle de la femme dans la socit utopique de Restif de La Bretonne," SVEC 216 (1983), p. 216 18; Ellen McNiven Hine, "The woman question in early eighteenth century French literature: t he influence of Franois Poulain de La Barre," SVEC 116 (1973), p. 65 79; Roland Bonnel, "La correspondance scientifique de la marquise Du Ch telet: la 'lettre laboratoire SVEC 2000:04 (2000), p. 79 95; English Showalter, "How Mme de Graffigny made en ds meet," SVEC 2002:06 (2002), p. 17 26; Batrice Didier, "La femme la recherche de son image: Mme de Charrire et l'criture fminine dans la seconde moiti du XVIIIe sicle," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 1981 88; and Arlette Andr, "Le fminisme chez madame R iccoboni," SVEC 193 (1980), p. 1988 95. 5 In "Lights in Space," Daniel Brewer writes about "domestic space" (180): "Situated on the edges of that space and defining its borders are unruly, transgressive subjects, who have not yet been incorporated into d omestic space, or perhaps who cannot be and must not be if that space is to continue to exist as such. Women writers such as Franoise de Graffigny and Isabelle de Charrire sought to write their way out of that space, and recent work on gender theory and women's writing has recovered and retraced their efforts" (180). Brewer also links this space with the idea of "home" (183): "[Imaginary] worlds may have appeared foreign and exotic at times consider for instance Montesquieu's Lettres persanes Graffig ny's Lettres d'une Pruvienne or even the alpine idyll of Rousseau's La Nouvelle Hlose but they ultimately constituted a way of linking up with the world at home. For just like the urban or domestic worlds represented in [Marivaux, Prvost, and Charr ire], these works aimed at providing new mappings of a complex social field in France" (183). 6 See also Lon Abensour, La Femme et le Fminisme au dix huitime sicle Paris, Editions E. Leroux, 1924, and La Femme et Le Fminisme avant la Rvolution Pa ris, Editions E. Leroux, 1923, as is listed in the Bibliography under "IV. Voltaire et le

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144 Fminisme in D.J. Adams' La Femme dans les Contes et les Romans de Voltaire Paris, A.G. Nizet, 1974. See pa ges 314 326 for Adams' complete Bibliography. 7 For fur ther information on Levinas and the feminine, see: Emmanuel Levinas, "Judaism and the feminine element" in Judaism 18 (1969) (1) (Winter), p. 30 38; and Tina Chanter Time, Death, and the Feminine: Levinas with Heidegger Stanford, Stanford University Pre ss, 2001; "Hands that give and hands that take. The polit ics of the feminine in Levinas in Difficult Justice: Commentaries on Levinas and Politics Asher Horowitz, Ed., and Gad Horowitz, Ed., Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006, p. 48 62; and "The Alterity and Immodesty of Time: Death as Future and Eros as Feminine in Levinas in Writing the Future David Wood, Ed., London: Routledge, 1990, p. 137 154. 8 Jacques Derrida also wrote of "hospitality" and responded to Levinas. For Derrida as well, t here is "first and foremost an affirmation and a desire to open up one's home ( oikos /economy) to the call of the other" (Dooley and Kavanagh 109), and "This is why the concept of hospitality is so central to Derrida's ethical theory" (Dooley and Kavanagh 1 09). In Of Hospitality Jacques Derrida claims that one must be hospitable to the Other, but warns of a danger that can exist that goes along with this responsibility: "one can become virtually xenophobic in order to protect or claim to protect one's own hospitality, the own home that makes possible one's own hospitality" (53). Conversely, he later writes, that the openings of the house, such as its door and windows, which make hospitality possible, also provide the house with an interior (61), wi th a pro tective privacy. In sum : "in order to constitute the space of a habitable house and a home, you also need an opening, a door and windows, you have to give up a passage to the outside world [ l'tranger ]" (61). Derrida also discusses what he calls "uncondit ional hospitality" a way of responding to the limits of hospitality as they are construed in general (the host is hospitable to the guest, with many undesirable implications). Derrida's "unconditional hospitality" is also his way of favorably replying to Levinas. Derrida writes that the "unconditional law of hospitality" is "a law without imperative, without order and without duty For if I practice hospitality out of duty this hospitality of paying up is no longer an absolute hospitality, offered to the other" (8 3). 9 Lefebvre does not concentrate on the feminine in The Production of Space However, he discusses "the female principle," recalling female persecution or male domination throughout history: "All historical societies have diminished the importance of women and restricted the influence of the female principle. The Greeks reduced the woman's station to that of the fertility of a field owned and worked by her husband" (247 248). Lefebvre mentions the "house" as the feminine space: "The female realm was in the household: around the shrine or hearth; around the omphalos a circular, closed and fixed space; or around the oven last relic of the shadowy abyss. Women's social status was restricted just as their symbolic and practical status was indeed, these two aspects were inseparable so far as spatiality (spatial pra ctice) was concerned (248). Lefebvre explains here that, historically, women's physical space and social space were one and the same that of the domestic space, the house, the

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145 home. Lefebvre later defines "the male principle:" "How is it that different societies assign different roles to the male principle and its dominant form, and that this dominant form itself is differently formulated from one society to another?" (248). He compares Greece and Rome: "Greece, for example, which took Athens as its mo del, and Italy, which took Rome, differ so radically that one produced and transmitted the Logos (logic and knowledge) while the other produced and transmitted the Law" (248). For Lefebvre, the "aim is to treat social practice as an extension of the body, an extension which comes about as part of space's development in time, and thus too as part of a historicity itself conceived of as produced (249). Lefebvre distinguishes between "manliness" and "masculinity:" "In Rome the masculine virtues and values, those of the military man and the administrator, were in command. Man liness, by contrast, was a Gree k attribute the kind of manliness that dictates constant defiance towards one's enemies and constant rivalries with one's friends, that cultivates perfor mance, whether in brutal or subtle form, as its basic raison d'tre and goal, and that aspires above all to excel ;" (249).

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146 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION : THE SPACES BEHIND AND THE SPACES AHEAD The purpose of our project has been to show the production of space in Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu Henri Lefebvre's triad the perceived conceived lived triad, showing the three fields: physical mental and social (11 12) has been implemented as the principal method of analysis to illustrate how different characters inhabit different spaces and for what purposes in these four philosophical tales. Our project began with a discussion of geography and the eig hteenth century. In Chapter 2 we saw that the Enlightenment embraced notions of geography as a human, historical, and philosophical discipline, notions that were originally developed during Antiquity (Broc). How man inhabited a given space how man produced space and what implications this had on society were of interest. The Encyclopdie along with being a representation of the fundamental goals of Enlightenment to order and classify knowledge and to promote this organized knowledge to the world is also a spatial symbol of Enlightenment. D'Alembert says this explicitly in the Discours prliminaire by calling it a world map and a tree of knowledge. Diderot said that the word Encyclopdie meant chain of knowledge ( enchaneme nt de connoissances ) (entry: Encyclopdie ). The chains of the world map are figurative roads represented by the different branches of the Encyclopdie For our purposes, it was beneficial to analyze the branch of Gographie. We saw that Didier Robert de Vaugondy presented geography as an illustration of the human experience across space and time ( naturelle historique civile ou politique sacre ecclsiastique ). De Vaugondy's entry was separate from the entry on Gographie

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147 physique by Nico las Desmarest, which gave geologic information about the science of geography. Two conclusions can be drawn from this spatial study of the Encyclopdie The initial conclusion is, as Diderot and D'Alembert have shown, that the Encyclopdie was a road map to Enlightenment and to all forms of knowledge. I believe that this conclusion is similar to what Voltaire is saying in his article on Gographie in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie The Questions sur l'Encyclopdie are a lesser known work of Voltaire, yet a very rich resource for further inquiry into the combination of epistemology and critique that we associate with the Enlightenment. In Gographie, Voltaire's notion of sortir de chez soi leaving the home or leaving the self is tied to both s patial epistemology and ethical necessity. For Voltaire, one does not have knowledge at home or in the self without going through an experience of the other out of one's home or oneself. We return to that notion in the fifth chapter. In Chapter 3 I reca lled the place of the Voltairian philosophical tale in fiction. When analyzing works which deal with geography and literature, the production of space is that of inhabited or experienced space (Bachelard), or produced space (Lefebvre). Through my discussion of the Voltairian philosophical tale, we recalled how the conte was considered in the Encyclopdie by both Diderot and D'Alembert. Diderot explains Conte ( Belles Lettres ) by comparing it with the fable. Drawing on Nicolas Boileau's Art pot ique Diderot shows that the fable respects Boileau's classical rules about time, space, and plot. Diderot also shows that there was a moral purpose to the fable a fable was not considered as such without the moral of the story appearing at the end.

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148 The conte, on the other hand, did not share these same traits. It did not respect Boileau's trois units, nor did it contain an overall moral purpose, narrative, or lesson. Diderot says that the goal of the tale was less to instruct than to amuse. While the fable does contain some comedic scenes, the tale is a series (or chain ) of comedic events. D'Alembert's discussion of Conte, Fable, Roman ( Grammaire ) also demonstrates that unlike the moral intent of the fable, the tale does not possess t his purpose, but instead shows a short series of events where anything is possible. D'Alembert notes that there are also impossibilities in the fable its characters, for example, such as talking animals. D'Alembert says in conversation in colloq uial language the tale has the possibility of being interpreted as a true story, unlike the fable. Voltaire wished the tales were a way to correct the absence of truth in the fable. Through the use of illustration, fabulation, wordplay, wit, irony, and satire (Vartanian 469), the episodes in Voltaire's tales become exaggerated or absurd (Vartanian 469) as a means to portray philosophical problems. While most can agree with Vartanian's assessment of the specificity of the Voltairian philosophical ta le, we must note that there are different considerations of Voltaire's tales that do not follow the doxa (Barthes) of Bildungsroman or of roman d'apprentissage Barthes offered an interesting assessment of Voltaire's tales an analysis which does not foc us exclusively on travel for the purpose of education, but one which supports the immobility of the hero. For Barthes, the space portrayed in Voltaire's tales is not an explorer's space but a surveyor's space (87), and travel in the tales is to aggr andize oneself in order to confirm, not in order to transform oneself (88). We retained for our analysis that for the Voltairian

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149 hero, no transformation of the self takes place the diversity that the characters encounter shows a contradiction within, a nd not fundamental differences between ourselves and others. Chapter 4 presented space writing (Brewer) in Voltaire's four philosophical tales. Different spaces are produced in different ways in each tale. We began this chapter by noting that Voltaire did not write the tale in a linear fashion. The philosophical thesis that is tested throughout the narrative is displayed in a circular form in the philosophical tales. Lefebvre's triad attests to forms of sociability present in the four tales. Voltai re's heroes interact in other spaces (Brewer) as well as in France. Voltaire presents productions of space which deal with philosophical and historical problems: the Ancien Rgime ( Zadig 's Court of Moabdar and Micromgas Planet Sirius); the Lisbon Ea rthquake (1755) and Leibnizian Optimism ( Candide ); and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) ( l'Ingnu ). The figure of the nomad in Zadig showed the ways in which Zadig was a ubiquitous character. Zadig inhabits or produces space wherever he is, be it as a slave in the desert or as Minister at court. Sociability seems more promising at court, but Zadig's success there is based not on the abundance of material goods and lavish spaces present, but on his interpretations of and experiences in spaces of sociability, with the Babylonians, through the promotion and practice of a just society, reflecting and enhancing a human occupation, inhabitation, or production of space. The immutability of the Ingnu is shown by the way in which he inhabits the (for eign) space of France by keeping with the fundamentals of natural law. We have demonstrated that the Ingnu has a rude naivet, but he is reasonable (the myth of the

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150 noble savage). The article on Loi naturelle in the Encyclopdie criticizes what is not natural in positive law. The Ingnu's persistent following of natural law does not disregard what is positive about sociability about which Rousseau and Voltaire hold different views Rousseau defending the solitary state of natural man and Voltaire adv ocating the state of man in society. It was shown that for Voltaire, natural man, or the Ingnu, may be less refined, but he exhibits a profound reason in the spaces which he inhabits in Lower Brittany, as is shown, for example, through his exchanges with Gordon. My analysis of the production of space in Candide approaches the singularity of the garden in that work, particularly with respect to another valorized space by Voltaire, that of Eldorado. I presented this by comparing the garden to the utopia of Eldorado to show how the garden illustrates sociability. In the end, the garden becomes a refuge for Candide and his petite socit: Pangloss, Martin, Cungonde, Paquette, and Girofle. The group needs this refuge space. A danger exists in both the u topian country of Eldorado and in Europe. In Eldorado, all seems perfect, but individuality cannot exist if everything is flawless and remains the same forever. In Europe, there is the presence of the social class system. Man can disappear in this syste m through continued unjust practices of government and civil law. Candide's garden shows the ambivalence of socialization in that it provides the group with a space where they can detach from society a space which they then produce by creating a socia l space through its cultivation. The production of outer space or future space was discussed in our reading of Micromgas Through the analysis of their intergalactic voy age we see the interaction

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151 between Micromgas (the Sirien) and his travel partner th e Saturnien and the minute atoms or the men of Earth. A social space is created through their conversations (Chapter 7) on representations of science, knowledge, and power in society. Human beings, though frail, turn out to be scientifically knowledg eable. However, they are not as advanced in other respects, such as happiness and violence. Micromgas offers to compose a book of philosophy for the Earthlings, which we see is nothing more than a book of blank pages, which draws our attention to di fferences between philosophical and scientific analysis. By examining this science fiction tale, the relation of man to the world how he inhabits or produces space on Earth can be evaluated through observation of travel to and from outer space (Blanch ot, Levinas). In Chapter 5 we returned to Voltaire's notion of leaving home or leaving the self. In the eighteenth century, ethics and morality were considered as one and the same. In the Encyclopdie Jaucourt separates morality and religion in Morale as does Voltaire in Morale in the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie We recall that Voltaire linked morality to geography specifically in the entry for Gographie in the Questions ( Il est bien difficile en gographie comme en morale, de connatre le mon de sans sortir de chez soi. ). The entries on Femme in both the Encyclopdie and the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie are presented in this chapter. Both Desmahis and Voltaire highlight the sweet, soft, gentle, and graceful nature of a woman, along with her beauty, for example. This led us to inquire into how Voltaire considered women during his life. Though he was misogynistic and critical of them at times in his writings, several examples illustrate

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152 Voltaire's high regard for some well known women: Cathe rine II of Russia, and Mme. Du Chtelet. Voltaire displays misogynist overtones in the philosophical tales by describing women as disorderly and extravagant (Missouf in Zadig ), overly emotional (the Saturnien's wife in Micromgas ), battered or ruined (Cun gonde and the Old Woman in Candide ), and oppressed (Mlle. Saint Yves in l'Ingnu ). However, he also gives room for a positive portrayal of women in the tales through the orderly and reasonable character of Astart in Zadig and through the possibility of dealing with each negative situation differently for the Saturnien's wife, Cungonde, the Old Woman, and Mlle. Saint Yves. We presented an ethical analysis of the woman as a figure of alterity and of hospitality (Levinas) and as a figure of marginalizatio n (hooks). In Totality and Infinity Levinas analyzes the relationship of the self or I to the world and of being at home in the world (chez soi) (37). The ethical moment for Levinas comes with the calling into question of the self by the Other (43). He redefines the privileged possession of the house or the home as hospitality (152), and names the Woman as a figure of alterity or of hospitality (155). Woman displays hospitality through intimacy and through passivity bell hooks remarks that ev en though she is placed in the margin, woman has the choice, capacity, and capability to either create the space of the margin in which she was placed according to her own will, or to move out of or away from the margin towards the center, where man is m ost often. Lefebvre also discusses what he calls the female principle in The Production of Space a concept which examines the women's place at home.

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153 A reading of Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu through the lens of Henri Lefebvre's Production of Space highlights man's occupation or inhabitation of space. This understanding of the place of the human in the Enlightenment carried on into the nineteenth century, as Sergio Moravia notes: L'exigence premire de [la culture de la fin du sicle], de la culture inspire par les idologues, semble tre celle de connatre la ralit humaine et naturelle d'une faon finalement positive (939); and according to Nicole Hafid Martin: L'univers, et l'homme en son sein, voluent grce une multitude d'action s qui s'entrecroisent indissolublement (143). Man is tied to his space / place on earth. Man accomplishes a production of space. And it is through the production of space that Voltaire's merging together of fiction and philosophy captivates the reader in eighteenth century space in the philosophical tales. This project is not an exhaustive or comprehensive study of the production of space in Voltaire's philosophical tales. Zadig Micromgas Candide and l'Ingnu were chosen because they are represent ations of the Voltairian philosophical tale a work which reconciles fiction and phi losophy, as Vartanian explained; and because they are good examples of the production of space; each tale dealing with various philosophical problems and different prod uced spaces. Vartanian had also mentioned Le monde comme il va Histoire des voyages de Scarmentado and Histoire de Jenni ou le sage et l'athe as other tales which conform in varying degrees to the paradigm (471). Le monde comme il va is a tale whic h "portera la marque d'vnements postrieurs, et notamment du Paris de 1741, durant la guerre de succession d'Autriche" (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 415). Deloffre and Van den Heuvel note "some important elements of this work" (415): "l'tranger d'une ve rtueuse simplicit, qui dbarque de son

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154 'dsert' Paris Perspolis avec toutes ses preventions de moraliste se laisse conqurir peu peu par la vie mondaine (415). Histoire des voyages de Scarmentado appeared around the same time as the Essai su r les Moeurs (1756) (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 437 438). Scarmentado's "world" "est un monde dsol et dsolant, coup radicalement de toutes les valeurs, o l'on se sent partout un tranger. L'homme n'est plus dans l'homme, et la loi naturelle n'est qu 'une expression vide de sens" (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 439). In Histoire de Jenni, ou le sage et l'athe published around April 1775, "on voit comment la lut t e contre les thologiens pourra constituer dans son plan un prliminaire destin prparer le terrain en vue de la bataille contre l'athisme" (Deloffre and Van den Heuvel 485 486). I would continue this study by first examining how the production of space functions in these three tales, that is, how the characters produce space through socia bility or through hospitality. The project may then extend to other non Voltairian philosophical tales of the eighteenth century, such as tho se examples mentioned in Note 6 from Chapter 3. This study may also expand to the analysis of narratives through t he twentieth century and up until the present day. 1 The philosophical tale genre may be tied to its time. Voltaire, however, is not, and neither is Candide for that matter, as it has been defined as his greatest work, translated into dozens of languages, and read today by people all over the world. It is a text that displays, according to Edward Said, the disorientations of direct encounters with the human ( Orientalism 93). It is also through our use of the twentieth century understandings of place an d space, namely Lefebvre's production of space, as critical interpretation to which man's role is essential, that we can continue to spatially analyze texts. 2 Eighteenth century texts, and Voltaire's tales in

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155 particular, hold a privileged place here, for it is during the Enlightenment that we find serious considerations of human geography with the Encyclopdie and the Questions sur l'Encyclopdie and extending to the contes of Franois Marie Arouet de Voltaire. 1 See also What is Enlightenment? Eighteenth Century Answers and Twentieth Century Questions James Schmidt (Ed.), Berkeley, Univers ity of California Press, 1996, especially "The Questions and Some Answers" (pp. 47 84), and "The Public Use of Reason" (pp. 85 142). 2 Another comprehensive guide on contemporary studies of space and place is Rethinking Architecture: A Reader in Cultural Theory Neil Leach (Ed.), New York, Routledge, 1997.

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156 LIST OF REFERENCES Adams, D.J. La Femme da ns les Contes et les Romans de Voltaire Paris: A.G. Nizet, 1974. Archie, William Councill. An Introduction to Voltaire's Questions sur l'Encyclopdie Diss. Princeton University, 1955. --. Voltaire's Dictionnaire philosophique : Les Questions sur l'Ency clopdie Symposium 5 (1951): 317 327. Ascoli, Georges. Voltaire: 'Zadig ou La Destine, Histoire Orientale Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1929. Babbitt, Irving. 'Zadig' and Other Stories Boston: DC Heath & Company, 1905. Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space Boston: Beacon Press, 1994. Baker, Alan R.H. Geography and History: Bridging the Divide Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Barthes, Roland. "The Last Happy Writer." Critical Essays Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1972. 83 90. -. The Pleasure of the Text New York: Hill and Wang, 1975. --. Writing Degree Zero New York: Hill and Wang, 1968. Belaval, Yvon. Le Conte Philosophique ." The Age of Enlightenment (1967): 308 317. Belknap, Robert E. The List: The Uses and Pleasures of Cataloguing New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. Bender, John. The Culture of Diagram Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010. Bergo, Bettina. Emmanuel Levinas The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2011 Edition) Ed. Edward N. Zalta. < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2011/ entries/levinas/ >. --. Emmanuel Levinas The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2011 Edition) Ed. Edwar d N. Zalta. < http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2011/entries/levinas/ notes.html >. Besterman, Theodore, e d. Voltaire's Correspondence and Related Documents: 1770 1771 Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1975. --. Voltaire's Correspondence and Related Documents: 1771 1772 Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1975.

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165 --. "Globe." Encyclop die ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts, et des m tiers, par une soci t de gens de lettres. Volume II. Tomes VII XII (FO POL) Eds. Denis Diderot, and Jean le Rond d'Alembert. Paris: Pergamon Press, 1757. 197 199. Voltaire, Franois Marie Arouet "Changements dans le globe." La Philosophie de l'Histoire: Par feu l'abb Bazin; texte intg ral d'aprs l'dition de 1765 Paris Genve: ditions Slatkine, 1996. 25 27. --. "De l'Amrique." La Philosophie de l'Histoir e: Par feu l'abb Bazin; texte intgral d'aprs l'dition de 1765. Paris Genve: ditions Slatkine, 1996. 61 64. --. "De la Chi ne." La Philosophie de l'Histoir e: Par feu l'abb Bazin; texte intgral d'aprs l'dition de 1765 Paris Genve: ditions Slatkine, 1996. 113 120. --. "De l'Inde." La Philosophie de l'Histoir e: Par feu l'abb Bazin; texte intgral d'aprs l'dition de 176 5. Paris Genve: ditions Slatkine, 1996. 103 112. --. "Des monuments des Egyptiens." La Philosophie de l'Histoir e: Par feu l'abb Bazin; texte intgral d'aprs l'dition de 1765 Paris Genve. ditions Slatkine, 1996. 130 132. --. "Des sauvages." La Ph ilosophie de l'Histoir e: Par feu l'abb Bazin; texte intgral d'aprs l'dition de 1765 Paris Genve: ditions Slatkine, 1996. 51 60. --. "De la tolrance universelle." Le Trait sur la tolerance l'occasion de la mort de Jean Cala s: 1763. Paris: diti ons Gallimard, 1975. 111 114. --. "Femme." Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie, distribues en forme de dictionnaire par des amateurs Second Edition. London: Cambridge University Library, 1771 1772. The University of Florida George A. Smathers Librairies Ei ghteenth Century Collections Online. < www.uflib.ufl.edu >. GALE CENGAGE Learning Online Resource Materials. < http://find.galegroup.com/ecco /infomark.do?type=search &tabID=T001&queryId=Locale%28en%2C%2C%29%3AFQE%3D%28BN%2CNo ne%2C7%29T2081 60%24&sort=Author&searchType=AdvancedSearchForm&ver sion=1.0&userGroupName=gain40375&prodId=ECCO >. 24 38. --. "Gographie." Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie, distribues en forme de dictionnaire par des amateurs Second Edition. London: Cambridge Universi ty Library, 1771 1772 The University of Florida George A. Smathers Librairies Eighteenth Century Collections Online. < www.uflib.ufl.edu >. GALE CENGAGE Learning Online Resource Materials. < http://find.galegroup.com/ecc o/infomark.do ?type=search&tabID=T001&queryId=Locale%28en%2C%2C%29%3AFQE%3D% 28BN%2CNone%2C7%29T208160%24&sort=Author&searchType=AdvancedSea rchForm&version=1.0&userGroupName=gain40375&prodId=ECCO >. 318 324.

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16 6 --. "Morale." Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie, distribues en forme de dictionnaire par des amateurs Second Edition. London: Cambridge University Library, 1771 1772 The University of Florida George A. Smathers Librairies Eighteenth Century Collections Online. < www.uf lib.ufl.edu >. GALE CENGAGE Learning Online Resource Materials. < http://find.galegroup.com/ecco /infomark.do?type=search &tabID=T001&queryId=Locale%28en%2C%2C%29%3AFQE%3D%28BN%2CNo ne%2C7%29T208160%24&sort=Author&searchType=AdvancedSearchForm&ver sion=1.0&userGroupName=gain 40375&prodId=ECCO >. 102. --. "Nature." Les Questions sur l'Encyclopdie, distribues en forme de dictionnaire par des amateurs Second Edition. London: Cambridge University Library, 1771 1772. The University of Florida GeorgeA. Smathers Librairies Eighte enth Century Collections Online. < www.uflib.ufl.edu >. GALE CENGAGE Learning Online Resource Materials. < http://find.galegroup.com/ecco/infomark.do?type=search& tabID=T001&queryId=Locale%28en%2C%2C%29%3AFQE%3D%28BN%2CNone %2C7%29T208160%24& sort=Author&searchType=AdvancedSearchForm&versio n=1.0&userGroupName=gain40375&prodId=ECCO >. 113 114. --. "Philosophe." Le Dictionnaire philosophique, ou la raison par alphabet. Le Dictionnaire philosophique portatif Paris: ditions Gallimard, 1994. 426 431. --. Romans et Contes I. Zadig et autres contes: Le Crocheteur borgne, Cosi Sancta, Songe de Platon, Micromgas, Le Monde comme il va, Memnon, Lettres d'un Turc, Histoire des voyages de Scarmentado, Les Deux Consols, Histoire d'un bon bramin, Pot pou rri, Le Blanc et le noir, Jeannot et Colin, Petite digression, Aventure indienne, l'Ingnu, La Princesse de Babylone Eds. Frdric Deloffre and Jacques Van den Heuvel. Paris: ditions Gallimard, 1979. --. Romans et Contes II. Candide et autres contes: l' Homme aux quarante cus, Les Lettres d'Amabad, Le Taureau blanc, Aventure de la Mmoire, loge historique de la Raison, Les Oreilles du comte De Chesterfield et le Chapelain Goudman, Histoire de Jenni, ou le Sage et l'Athe Eds. Frdric Deloffre and Jacq ues Van den Heuvel. Paris: ditions Gallimard, 1979. Wade, Ira O. Voltaire's 'Micromgas: A Study in the Fusion of Science, Myth, and Art Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950. --. The Structure and Form of the French Enlightenment. Volume I. Es prit Philosophique Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977. --. The Structure and Form of the French Enlightenment. Volume II. Esprit rvolutionnaire. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977. Wooton, David. Candide' and Related Texts Indianapol is: Hackett Publishing Company, Inc., 2000.

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167 Weltman Aron, Brigitte. Rhizome and Kh ra: Designing Gardens with Deleuze and Derrida. Bulletin de la Socit Amricaine de Philosophie de Langue Franaise 15 (2) (Fall 2005): 48 66. Withers, Charles W. J. Plac ing the Enlightenment: Thinking Geographically about the Age of Reason Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2007. --. Geography in its time: geography and historical geography in Diderot and D'Alembert's Encyclopdie Journal of Historical Geograp hy 19 (3) (1993): 255 264. Wolper, Roy S. Candide Gull in the Garden? Eighteenth Century Studies 3 (2) (Winter 1969): 265 277.

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168 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Kathryn (Kate) Elizabeth Fredericks (ne Hunter) was bor n in Buffalo, NY She attended Orchard Park Hi gh School in Orchard Park, NY (a neighboring suburb) from 1994 to 1998. In 2002, she received a Bac helor of Arts degree in French l anguage and literature with a minor in communication s tudies from Niagara University in Lewiston, NY. From 2002 to 2004, Kat e worked as a graduate student and teaching assistant in the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures at SUNY Buffalo in Amherst, NY. After completing the M aster of Arts degree in French language and l iterature in 2004, she received a Fulbright awa rd for teaching English as a foreign l anguage in France, and from 2004 to 2005 she taught English language and American culture courses at the Institut Universitaire de Formati on des Matres in Lille, France. In 2005, Kate came to the University of Flori da to pursue a doctorate in French and completed her dissertation in 2012 under the direction of Dr. Brigitte Weltman Aron. At UF, she has taught French language, conversation, and culture courses at both the beginning and intermediate l evels. She has a lso worked as research a ssistant to Dr. William Calin Most recently, she has worked for Dr. Gayle Zachmann as both Program Assi stant and Instructor of French at the UF Paris Research Center. Beginning in Fall 2012, Kate will work as Visiting Assistant Pr ofessor of French at SUNY Geneseo in Geneseo, NY. At Genes eo, Kate will teach courses in beginning French l a nguage and i ntermediate French language, along with a n introduction to French l iterature course She a lso plans to get involved with study a broad and continue to pursue her research.