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1 CONTESTED COMBINATIONS: EVANGELICAL, PENTE COSTAL AND CATHOLIC CONVERGENCE AMONG LATIN AMERICANS AND U.S. LATINOS IN THE ANGLICAN COMMUNION By A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSI TY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012
3 To my family
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank all of the interviewees from my variou s case studies for their candid and generous contributions to this study Those compelling voices motivated me to give every effort to carefully craft a dissertation that would preserve the complexity and vitality of the faith I observed in the lives of s o many precious people. and encouragement throughout this process. My brother, Stephen, and sister, Sara, were inspirations in their own vocational pursuits and their steadfast examples continued to propel me forward during the more difficult stages of this project. ghtening feedback through multiple research and writing stages even while she was working on her own significant studies and research. She also edited a number of drafts of this project, which helped make the presentation of the research both much clearer and more c onvincing than it was in its original form. I would also like to t hank my dissertation committee for their valuable insights and recommendations. Anna Peterson and Manuel Vsquez were co chairs who extended patient tutelage both while I was in Florida and during stages when I was out of the country. Phillip Williams and David Hackett were particularly helpful in leading me to consider the interdisciplinary impact and future shape of this research. Finally, I would like to thank Anne Newman whose consistently bright cheer and diligent administrative assistance has helped eve ry graduate s tudent who has passed through this program.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 10 The Creation of ACNA: Progressive Revelation and LGBT Ordination ............................... 14 Case Studi es ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 21 The Chilean Miner Crisis ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 24 Globalization Theory ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 32 Conver gence and Cultural Hybridity ................................ ................................ ...................... 34 History of Charismatic Renewal and Its Relationship to the Convergence Movement ......... 35 Chapter Outli ne ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 41 2 BACKGROUND AND HISTORY ................................ ................................ ........................ 45 Ancient Future Faith as Postmodern Evangelicalism ................................ ............................. 48 The Historic Proliferation of Theological Variety in Anglicanism ................................ ........ 51 ................................ .................. 56 Terry Fullam ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 56 Michael Harper ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 5 9 William DeArteaga ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 61 Telling Differences in Convergent Narratives ................................ ................................ 65 Convergence and Diversity ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 66 3 THE CONTESTED PENTECOSTALIZATION OF CH ILEAN ANGLICANISM ............. 74 Anglicans in Pentecostal Outreach ................................ ................................ ......................... 76 Crossing Denominations, Crossing Social Classes ................................ ................................ 78 Charismatic Awakenings in the Chilean Middle Class ................................ .......................... 82 From Evangelical Liberation Theology to Pentecostal Anglicanism ................................ ..... 91 Patterns of Pentecostalization at La Trinidad ................................ ................................ ......... 93 Attitudes toward the Demonic ................................ ................................ ................................ 95 The Pente costal/Charismatic Ritual of Being Slain in the Spirit ................................ ............ 97 The Globalization of Pentecostal/Charismatic Revival ................................ .......................... 98 Transferring C harismatic Rituals ................................ ................................ .......................... 105 Developing a Global Charismatic Consciousness through Local Experiences of the Spirit ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 107 4 MAKING SPACE FOR CONVERGENCE AT IGLESIA SAN BARTOLOME ............... 113 Transnational Charismatic Networks and the Shaping of Personal Spirituality ................... 116
6 Mul ticultural Visions and Xenophobic Realities ................................ ................................ .. 118 Finding San Bartolome in the Anglican Alphabet Soup ................................ ...................... 122 Forging Charismatic and Evangelical Pathways through Broad Catholic Spaces ................ 123 Cradle Catholic Ambivalence ................................ ................................ ............................... 124 Street Evangelism in the Spirit and into the Church. ................................ ............................ 127 From Evangelical Witness to Charismatic Presence ................................ ............................ 131 A Non Denominational Evangelical Christmas Service ................................ ...................... 138 Cradling Baby Jesus with Mexican Cantitos at San Bartolome ................................ ........... 139 5 PROGRESSIVE CONVERGENCE AT IGLESIA SAN PEDRO ................................ ....... 144 Background of Misin San Juan ................................ ................................ ........................... 147 Convergence and Continuity ................................ ................................ ................................ 150 The Path to TEC ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 153 From Cuba to Northern Florida and from Catholicism to Evangelicalism .......................... 155 Introductions to Charismatic Faith ................................ ................................ ....................... 159 Combining Charisma with Tradition ................................ ................................ .................... 164 El Dia de la Raza : Convergence in Practice ................................ ................................ ......... 166 When the Bishop Comes to Town, She Speaks in Spanish ................................ .................. 171 Implications of Cross Culturalism ................................ ................................ ........................ 174 6 CALLING, CONVERSION, AN D CONVERGENCE ................................ ........................ 178 The Traditional Pauline Model of Conversion ................................ ................................ ..... 178 The Concept of Calling ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 181 Conversion Careers and Testimonies ................................ ................................ ................... 184 ................................ .................... 185 Catholic Formation in Mexico ................................ ................................ ....................... 185 A Mobile Mexican Marriage ................................ ................................ ......................... 189 From Catholicism in Mexico to Catholicism in the Episcopal Churc h ......................... 191 ............................ 196 ip and Convergent Conversion .... 199 Circular Passages between Guatemala and the U.S. ................................ ..................... 199 A Convergent Church Experience ................................ ................................ ................. 201 Convergent Motivations to Leave a Worldly Lifestyle ................................ ................. 203 Calling to Service ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 204 David and Jaime in Convergent Comparison ................................ ................................ ....... 206 Calling and the Negotiation of Identity ................................ ................................ ................ 208 7 MOBILIZING IMAGES AND MEDIATI NG THE MISSION ................................ ........... 209 Competing Mediations of Convergence in Chilean Anglicanism ................................ ........ 211 A Chilean Bishop on the Mobile Mediator ................................ ................................ ........... 218 Circulating Anglican Identity Transnationally ................................ ................................ ..... 220 Moods and Motivations for Anglican Lay Mission across the Americas ............................ 224 The Latina/o Presence on the Diocesan Website of Fort Worth ................................ .......... 235 Distilling Conservative Discourse at the Local Level ................................ .......................... 237
7 The Surprising Interstices of Global North and Global South Conservativism ................... 240 Emergent Christian Media and the Subversion of Conservative Conve rgence .................... 242 Mediation and Convergence ................................ ................................ ................................ 243 8 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 245 Theori es of Globalization ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 247 Classifying My Case Studies in Current Taxonomies ................................ .......................... 249 Classifying Networks by Common Theological Feature s and Linked Histories ................. 252 Ancient Future Faith Paradigm at San Bartolome ................................ ................................ 256 The Relevance of the Emergent Movement ................................ ................................ ......... 258 Global Emergence and Global Networks ................................ ................................ ............. 260 Global Icons ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 264 Concluding Th oughts ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 267 A Call to Further Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 268 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 270 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 281
8 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CONTESTED COMBINATIONS: EVANGELICAL, PENTECOSTAL AND CATHOLIC CONVERGENCE AMONG LATIN AMERICANS AND U.S. LATINOS IN THE ANGLICAN COMMUNION By August 2012 Chair: Anna Peterson Co chair: Manuel Vasquez Major: Religion The Anglican Communion is a global Christian institution in crisis over human sexuality. A conservative minority in North America has aligned with Anglican leaders in parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America to oppose progressive levels of inclusion for lesbian, gay, bisexual and tran gendered people, especially at the highest ranks of ecclesiastical leadership. These conservative, cross cultural partnerships have been facilitated by the perception of a common convergence of Pentecostal, Catholic and Evangelical emphases among such grou ps. This study analyzes three congregations with such combinations: a Chilean Anglican church, a U.S. Latino church in Texas and a bilingual parish in Northern Florida. Even though these churches demonstrate similar levels of mixture, they are differently situated in broader conflicts of the Anglican Communion, and a close examination of their contexts within varying scales of analysis the global, transnational, and local reveals the need to reconceptualize the borders of global Christianity. This study dem onstrates the importance of networks as a key tool in understanding the reconfiguration of Christian borders. It analyzes the unusual combination of two seemingly opposed processes in Christian networking convergence and orthodoxy. Normally the border
9 cros sing that is evoked by a term like convergence would be considered antithetical to people the convergence of Pentecostal, Catholic and Evangelical elements has been tied to a vigorous, though uneven, pursuit of orthodoxy among conservative groups in Anglicanism. Still, progressive groups are also beginning to draw on a common fount of convergent ideas, and the overlapping networks in which these case studies are embedded reveals the high levels of
10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION After Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy, the Anglican Communion is the third largest official church organiz ation in the world. It has been swept up in the fastest flowing contemporary theological controversy, human sexuality. It is not surprising that Anglicanism is currently contested terrain since it is located on the borders of important dividing lines in global Christianity, some of which are well known and others of which require an uncommon knowledge of theological particularities. Anglicans are found at mul tiple intersections: between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, Mainline and Evangelical Christianity, social conservatism and progressive liberalism, and Calvinist/Reformed Protestantism and Wesleyan/Arminian Protestantism. The theological combinations that have arisen at various points along the Anglican borderlands are related to broader divisions between Catholics and Protestants and other subdivisions within the latter. The re is, for example, a difference in terminology for similar rituals, such as the Eucharist in Catholic settings and the quarters. Both Catholic s of both sacramental function and number Many Protestants believe that ther e are only two sacraments, t he vast majority of Protestants do not believe that God uses material means, such as water and bread, to confer divine power, mercy and grac e to a believer. Instead, Protestants stress the symbolism of sacraments. Pentecostalism is one of the newest and most influential s trands of Protestantism shaping current configurations of the Anglican Communion. Like many Protestants, Pentecostals
11 em phasize the importance of reverent reflection on sacramental occasions. In their view, these are moments when believers should remember the salvation that Christ is thought to have brought them personally by dying for their sins on the cross. All the elem ents, though the water, bread and grape juice (the nonalcoholic alternative to wine) are considered unchanged in the process. According to Pentecostals, God does not charge such materiality with sacred currents. They do pray, though, for God to enliven the ir bodies, and the most riveting ritual occasions occur when they pray for the Holy Spirit to immerse them in a new spiritual baptism (usual ly subsequent to water baptism) at which point some speak in tongues, and many others hope to do so. People in hist oric church traditions, like the Anglican Communion, who These various concepts and classifications may seem like abstract categories relevant only to theologians or scholars of re ligion, but an empirical study in 1998 demonstrated significant correspondence between these taxonomies and the identities of rank and file Christians in North fac t negotiate their lives and make sense of the religious world with normatively oriented o Anglican churches. Those known, larger denominations. They also knew that m ainline was definitely not fundamentalist, 1998: 243). As a Church with a history stretching back to the sixteenth century and one that proponents claim maintains continuity with even earlier expressions of Christian fait
12 to understand why there is so much division in Anglicanism, since some members represent their institutional identity in con tradistinction to certain segments within it. And the Anglican Church is not the only mainline denomination that is undergoing change due to Charismatic and Evangelical influence. In The Megachurch and the Mainline Stephen Ellingson analyzes several State s is not only about shifts in affiliation or attendance but also about the power of both ( 2007: 19). Neither is this proces s of Evangelical and Charismatic influence on the mainline confined to the United St ates. Charismatic faith privileges spontaneity and personal revelation, making it difficult to grasp in a steady academic grip; that challenge is compounded by the accelerated swirl of globalization, those frenetic social and political processes in which Charismatic Christianity takes and gives shape. Scholars have noted a seismic shift in the locus of Christianity from the global North to the g lobal South (Jenkins 2011: 9). The centre of Christianity was long thought to reside in Western Europe and North America, but the areas of greatest Christian growth are now in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Not only have these territories had an upsurge in total numbers of Christians, but various strands of Christianity, which had once been compartmentalized in sep arate Christian institutions, have converged in these regions to such an extent that they have resulted in new hybrid forms of pneumatic centered faith. to pin
13 2007 ). This unique response speaks to the malleability and po rtability of pneumatic fait h (V squez 2009 ) and to the distinct combinative possibilities within Anglicanism. Indeed, Anglicanism has led a notable trend in the popularity of Charismatic Christianity w ithin mainline churches in the g lobal South: Among the historic Protestant churc hes in Africa, Asia and Latin America, charismatic renewal has particularly flourished in the Anglican Communion, where it has influenced whole dioceses to a degree that would be impossible in England. The renewal among Anglicans is found almost everywhere where the Anglican Church has a significant presence. This is particularly true of the former British colonies in East and Southern Africa, and in Singapore. Lutheran renewal is strong in Tanzania where a recent Lutheran charismatic rally gathered a massi ve participation. In Korea there are massive charismatic churches among the Presbyter ians and the Methodists (Hocken 2009: 68). Charismatic Renewal within the Presbyterian Church in Ghana has been so extensive that there is an en tire monograph dedicated to its study (Atiemo 1993 ). Scholars of Latin American religion have been similarly attuned to a preponderance of pneumatic faith in mainstream practices among mains tream denominations and even within a significant number of Catholic 2007: 260 261). He makes similar ious North Americans in mainline churches who have been influenced by Charismatic and paradigm of the ascendance of g lobal South Christianity because those African, Asian and Latin American churches are t hought to generally share the North American conservative views of human sexuality. Christian Smith personal commitment to and experien tial relationship with God, from which springs a readiness
14 1998: 243). Evangelicals in the Anglican Communion are increasingly taking a stand and speaking out against the perceived liberal developments in their institution. Some are also doing so with a Charismatic emphasis on the enlivening power of the Holy Spirit, who is thought to bestow supernatural gifts, such as healing, prophecy, and speaking in tongues (glossolalia) on desiring and biblically fait hful supplicants. Most of these conservative Charismatic and Evangelical Anglicans also maintain the historic means in sacraments such as the Eucharist and baptis m. The theology underlying these ritual practices is more closely aligned with Roman Catholicism than to other denominations that are more frequently associated with the term Evangelicalism, such as the Southern Baptists. All of this flux and diversity ma globalization in the context of a mainline, Northern headed religious body like the Episcopal Church or the worldwid 5). Also, in the Latin American case there has not been an extensive study that has contextualized the Charismatic movement in a mainline church within both the religious marketplace in which it competes and within its own conflicted denominational structures. I thus seek to fill multiple gaps in the l iterature by studying the globalization of discourses and practices of convergent Christian faith combinations of Evangelical, Charismatic and Catholic elements and its specific impact on local U.S. Latino and Latin American sites where people move through asymmetrically powered nodes of global Christian networks. The Creation of ACNA: Progressive Revelation and LGBT Ordination Hence I examine three local churches in the Anglican Communion that combine sometimes discrete aspects of Christianity within bot h proximate and more fear reaching institutional Anglican flux. All three churches are part of broader ecclesiastical jurisdictions (the
15 Anglican Communion, even thou gh the relationship between some of these jurisdictions is strained. Anglican conflict over various theological issues has crystallized around the contested role of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) persons in the Church, and especially with in its ranks of official leadership. In 2003, Gene Robinson, a partnered gay man, was elected and consecrated as the Episcopal Bishop of New Hampshire. Since, at the time, the Episcopal Ch urch (TEC) was the only U.S. expression of the Anglican Communion, disturbed cons ervative Anglicans in both the global South and the global North (Hassett 2007: 12). By contrast, Robinson received a warmhearted reception from Anglicans who have sought to make their church more inclusive and gay affirmi ng (Adams 2006: 162). Fierce debates about human sexuality have thus brought a clash of theological visions, pitting conservatives striving to preserve traditional Christian teaching in an open struggle against more liberal evelation to churches and humanity is progressive. This is especially true in the United States, where in 2009 a collection of dissident conservative Episcopalians formed the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA) as a rival organization to the Episcopal Church in the United States; TEC was the only official representation of the Anglican Communion in the United States before the upstart ACNA beg an to vie for that recognition, but TEC is not alone to the nor th, the Anglican Church of Canada, has also made waves for its inclusion of LGBT people and blessings of their unions. In opposition to such measures, the ACNA has attracted Canadian conservatives as well as Americans (Grossman 2009 ). More importantly, the ACNA has received vocal support from Anglicans in various parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America whose conservative views of sexuality have put them at odds with progressive groups within
16 TEC and the Anglican Church of Canada. This support is crucial sin ce the majority of the seven mill ion Anglicans are found in the g lobal South, especially Africa (Jenkins 2011 ). Given the far reaching cultural and theological diversity in Anglicanism, the Archbishop of Canterbury has been an important c giving cohe 259). The Archbishop convenes decennial tremendous growth of the Anglican churches outside t he Anglo 1998: 211). Votes on issues of sexuality at these conferences have revealed a conservative consensus in the Global South (Rodgers 2012 ). The conservative minority in North America has reinforced the impression that the conservative theological orientation in the Global South is an nks forged between North American s and Global South Anglicans are a natural outgr owth of faithfulness to the truth o f the Bible (Hassett 2007: 252). Nevertheless, there is painstaking work involved in creating such links, efforts which are occluded in a discourse that posits a natural affinity betwe North and the G lobal South. Th e framing of such discourses is contested not only by progressives in North America, but in some of the same Global South regions that conservative North American Anglican s 116 ). Still, there are some Global South church leaders who have become exasperated not only approach to theological controversy. Although Williams has generally prefe rred measured admonition to institutional sanction when dealing with recalcitrant forces in North American
17 Anglicanism conservatives and progressives alike he has begun to take a harder line with both. After the 2008 Lambeth conference, Williams and other bishops called for moratoria both on new gay bishops and official church blessings of same gender unions. He also argued for a stop to border crossing, which in this context refers to the practice of conservative provinces in the Global South offering at least interim oversight to conservative factions departing from TEC human sexuality. Williams took further steps to enforce these recommendations. 2010 Dr. Rowan Williams stated that members of provinces that were in breach of the three moratoria on gay bishops and blessings and cross border encroachments of provincial boundaries 20 11 ). For some and the continued installation of gay bishops reflects a false symmetry that equates border crossing with theological revisionism. Some have chosen their own strong terms of re buke, declaring progressives deaf to reasonable conservative rationale. For instance, in December 2011, Archbishop of the Episcopal Church of Sudan, Deng Scho ri, on grounds that TEC was obstinately ignoring more traditional views of faith. He refusal to listen to 201 1 ). In direct opposition to TEC, Bull has thrown his support America (ACNA) as a true faithful Orthodox Church and we will work with them to expand the
18 delineates with which members of TEC the Episcopal Church of Sudan is willing to fraternize: rishes and Dioceses in TEC who are Evangelical Orthodox on this and we will not give TEC advice anymore, because TEC has ignored and has refused our is discourse of religious authenticity and the meanings of terms l are relevant to all three of my case studies, even though my field sites stem from Latin Amer ican understandings of Christianity instead of African. Nevertheless, it would be misleading and unfair to characterize a wide swath of Global work, Anglican Communion in Crisis: How Episcopal Disside nts and Their African Allies Are Reshaping Anglicanism adds complexity to the stock categories of Global North and Global South. She nuances the picture of faith in Anglican churches of Africa where, she explains, there are a variety of voices and a plur ality of practices. While the study of the African role in Global North and Global South alliances is burgeoning, there has been a relative dearth of attention given to the pivotal place of Latin American and U.S. Latina/o Episcopalians in the remaking of global Anglicanism. This omission is conspicuous given the prominence of the Anglican province of the Iglesia Anglicana La Trinidad in Santiago, Chile is the largest parish in the Anglican province of the Southern Cone, an ecclesiastical jurisdiction in full communion with the Archbishop of Canterbury, but which has also participated in the kind province has traditionally included Chile, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, and Uruguay, but its ranks
19 temporarily expanded in a northerly direction. Many of the U.S. and Canadian churches that make up ACNA, including the diocese of Fort Worth, Texas, initially came under the ecclesiastical autho rity of the South American province until the North American contingent could form their own wo uld be province The most notable individual in this cross geographical realignment was Robert Duncan. After he was deposed by TEC from his position as Bishop o f Pittsburgh, Duncan found ecclesiastical shelter in the Southern Cone province (Rodgers 2012 ). Later he became the Archbishop of the ACNA at the inauguration of that organization in 2009. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Wil liams, and others decried su ch border c rossings and the Southern Cone Archbishop of the So uthern Cone at the time of the border crossings in question, he bore the leasure when, as the new Archbishop of the Southern Cone, he was removed from an ecumenical Anglican arm of the Communion called the Inter Anglican Standing Commission on Unity, Faith and Order (IASCUFO). The Southern Cone province has subsequently ceased border crossings (the formation of the ACNA made such acts unnecessary), on church life and order that has been variously ratified and rejected in different p arts of the Anglican Communion (Conger 2011 ). Given the importance of South American and North American ties to the institutional origins of ACNA, it is not surprising that, as leader of ACNA, Archbishop Robert Duncan and others in that organization incr Caminemos Juntos planting movement among Hispanics and to bring together current Anglican Hispanic churches
20 and ministries in another, conversation and presentations we hope to consider different ministry models on bo th [sic] create a unified vision for Anglican Hispanic/Latino ministry and church planting in North (Caminemos Juntos: A Consultation). One of the main organizers of and speakers at the Caminemos Juntos events is a pastor of a bilingual interdenominational evangelical church called Rancho Hills Church in San Diego, California. The Reverend Gabe Garcia has also started churches in Bogota, Colombia and Tiju the ACNA exposes the observer to the dialectical relationship between hybrid institution making and indiv idual religious identities formed out of cross cultural and cross denominational movement. Consider, for example, what Gabe Garcia says about his religious and cultural formation: Growing up in a missionary home at the interdenominational level gave me a g reat perspective of being able to work within the larger context of the body of Christ. I learned how to adapt, and the aspect of adaptation has ended up being a great tool for service. This tool helps us to take into account our surroundings, and therefor e we can fulfill our purpose of reaching all cultures with the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Further, when you effectively use the tool of adaption, you are always a part of the changes happening around you which the n allows us to share the Gospel Indeed, Latin American and North American Anglican partnerships continue to inform conference to explore the relationship between theolog y and mission drew seven South American bishops including guest lecturer and former Church of England Bishop Michael Nazir Ali, missionaries from the dioceses of Peru, Chile, Uruguay and Bolivia, and 13 students from
21 the Wisconsin based Nashotah House (Vi rtue 2012b ). Since Peruvian Anglicans have begun to receive Roman Catholic bishops and priests into their fold, along with a number of converts from Protestant denominations that self identify as Evangelical, Anglican leaders in Peru like Bishop Michael Ch three dominant spiritual strands of Anglicanism Cathol ic, Evangelical and Charismatic (Virtue 2012a). Case Studies Given the prominence of convergence of these elements in So uth American Anglicanism, the history of relationships between the ACNA and the Southern Cone, and the attention that the ministry, I selected a congregational case study that would reflect these variegated dimensions. San Bartolome 1 in Fort Worth, Texas, has only Spanish language services and draws an average Sunday attendance of three hundred congregants. They were once part of TEC, came under the interim institutio nal oversight of the Southern Cone, and are now under the conservative jurisdictional confines of the ACNA. My field work was comparatively concentrated in this setting. I lived in Fort Worth for seven weeks in the summer of 2009. During that time, I carr ied out in depth interviews with congregants, and I attended church services, bible studies, midweek prayer groups, and festival occasions. I also returned to the church to observe a Christmas service in 2010, and I did follow up interviews at that time. It was also imperative to include a case study that would reveal how convergent Anglican faith is lived in the South American context. Because of the transnational (see Glick Schiller) and global scope of my study, it was essential that the church be link ed to multiple Christian 1 To protect the anonymity of my informants, I have used a pseudonym for each church and informant whom I quote in this study, with the exception of public figures like Alfredo Coop er, pastor of La Trinidad, and Hector Zavala.
22 networks. This is certainly the case with Iglesia Anglicana La Trinidad in Chile La Trinidad is the largest parish in the numerically small but globally influential Anglican province of the Southern Cone. The Bishop of Chile, Hec Southern Cone. I spent seven weeks of intensive fieldwork in Santiago, Chile during the summer of 2009, immediately prior to my field research at San Bartolome, and besides my congregational study, I carrie d out interviews with Archbishop Zavala. I also shadowed the rector of La Trinidad, Alfredo Cooper, during a number of interdenominational meetings and events. In addition, I attended Bible studies, healing services, special youth services, and the main S unday services (like San Bartolome, there are three separate Sunday services at La Trinidad). I carried out extensive in depth interviews with a diverse cross section of the church. These two case studies reflect the institutional congruence that has res ulted from common conservative views on human sexuality, but this tells only part of the story of what is happening with globalized convergences in mainline Christianity. Visitors to South America like Bishop Michael Nazir Ali have sought to inculcate anot her strand of Anglicanism, social justice, into the Evangelical, Charismatic and Catholic convergent blend. During the 2012 conference on mission of Latin Americ a. I speak of my work with Christians in Pakistan. Without advocacy of those who suffer injustice, without working for justice we cannot say [our] mission is hope (Virtue 2012b ). This sentiment may be surprising for those accustomed to the ethical c lustering such as opposition to abortion and gay marriage, along with traditional biblical interpretation and another cluster of beliefs and practices like support for LGBT and reproductive r ights, and a commitment to
23 socioeconomic equality division have lost some explanatory power, and none of my case studies is more revealing of this attenuation than Iglesia Episcopal San Ped ro speaking service, which draws a little over a hundred Anglos and African Americans each week, and a Spanish speaking mass, which gathers the two hundred U.S. Latinas /os whom I observed at that site. San Pedro was once part of a separate Charismatic denomination without affiliation to the Anglican Communion. In their previous institutional incarnation they were known as Misin San Juan, but they are now officially pa rt of TEC as Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro/St. American Florida. I first made contact with this congregation in 2006, two years before they joined TEC. From 2008 to 2010, I was a participant observer at various church services and festival occasions at San Pedro. I also carried out in depth interviews with members of the congregation. W Church, as Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro, many other Charismatic and evangelically minded Episcopalians were heading in the other direction, fleeing TEC because of its percei ved liberal trajectory. These churches had temporarily organized as the Anglican Alliance of North Florida before most were integrated into the Gulf Atlantic Diocese of the ACNA. At the very least, these divergent trails of San Bartolome in Fort Worth and San Pedro in Northern Flori d a point to the unpredictability of pneumacentric faith. San Pedro is also important because TEC is hemorrhaging many of its Charismatic and Evangelical members, but San Pedro shows that the networks of convergence are also lea ding to new int egrations into TEC of Charismatic,
24 Evangelical, and Catholic forms of faith that are increasingly oriented in the progressive direction in which TEC seems to be heading as an institution. In combination my case studies demonstrate reconfi gurations in global Christian identity and provide convincing evidence as to why the study of the appropriation of Pentecostalism and other Christian combinations in a particular mainline Church, the Anglican Communion, can open an expansive window throug h which to view broader processes at work in the globalization of Christianity. Furthermore, these case studies suggest that careful attention must be paid to the socioreligious and sociopolitical conditions that promote certain collective and individual p aths over others. Delineating those particular conditions is a potentially daunting task. Hence to elucidate the theories of globalization that will underpin this study, I will offer the following telling example from the most globalizing events I witnesse d during this study, and in which Alfredo Cooper, the Pastor of La Trinidad in Santiago, Chile figures as a prominent protagonist. The following account will demonstrate the multiple frames of reference both necessary for and revealed through multi sited f ieldwork. The Chilean Miner Crisis It is difficult to imagine a more claustrophobic nightmare than being buried and trapped in a mine for sixty nine days, with over 2000 feet separating your subterranean dungeon from the surface of the earth and all your loved ones. On Thursday, August 5, 2010, 33 miners began this harrowing journey together after a cave in trapped them in a 121 year old copper gold mine they were working in Copiap of Northern Chile. Not everyone finds religious solace in perilous times, but even the tiniest sparks of sacred interest came to light in these dark circumstances. makeshift shrine was repo rtedly built (Gonzalez Maldonado). When news of t he disaster first came to the president of Chile, Sebastian Piera, he was in a meeting with his Evangelical
25 chaplain, Alfredo Cooper. Piera asked Cooper to mobilize prayer efforts, something the tongues speaking, spirit prophesying, demon exorcising, Bri tish Chilean leader of an Anglican church in Santiago had already been doing for years. The urgency of such prayer efforts obviously escalated in that moment. Cooper knew how to navigate the diverse Chilean Christian networks of Chile to call for widesprea d prayer. His religious traits bear striking resemblance to Pentecostals, who make up about 15% of the religious population of Chile. This is a significant number for two salient reasons: first, the Catholic Church has been historically dominant throughout Latin America so it is surprising that Pentecostal have made such inroads in Chile over the last century; second, Pentecostals are usually more active churchgoers than are Catholics, many of whom have been Pentecostals, Cooper shares a fervency for spirit baptism, evidenced by sometimes boisterous exclamation raising worship and body slaying prayer I have, for instance, seen Cooper fall over and shake on particularly ecstatic occasions. By striking contrast, on a television show he hosts called Hazte Cargo f a diverse swath of interlocutors. On that show, he has interviewed Catholic priests, gay activists, politicians, journalists and various other segments of Chilean society; Hazte Cargo has provided a forum for discussions about all the most pressing soci al, political and religious questions of the On his show, Cooper has listened with evident empathy as family members of those who to know their loved ones probably endured any number of state sponsored acts of torture and wanton cruelty before
26 their death s nd a sociopolitical and cultural clarity still unrealized. What Cooper does not tell his television guests is that in 1999 he gave a Bible to Pinochet while the former dictator was on house arrest in England, and as internati onal cour ts deliberated over his crimes against humanity. It is important to consider this event role in the Chilean miner crisis reveals about the diverse, seemingly contradictory trajectories of globalized hybrid fait h. Cooper was delivering the Bible on behalf of a group of Chilean Pentecostals who had supported the Pinochet regime and to whom Pinochet had offered public recognition, a social prestige rare for the notoriously poor and sometimes maligned segments of s ociety that have made up the bulk of Pentecostal commitment in Chile. Over a decade before the mining crisis, when Cooper visited Pinochet, he was also accompanying the former Anglican Bishop of Chile, David Pytches, who early in the 1970s was instrumental in spearheading the appropriation of Pentecostal practices within Chilean Anglicanism. In his autobiography, Pytches recounts their meeting with the beleaguered ex dictator: In 1999 I went to visit the General, who was then eighty four, with Archdeacon Al fredo Cooper, a friend from Chile. Pinochet was a house prisoner on the Wentworth estate in Surrey an imprisonment that cost the British Government £ 4,000,000! He was still recovering from an operation on his spine. We were asked to limit our visit to ten minutes. The former President stood up to greet us an d embraced us in true Chilean style. We sat and talked and he never once complained about the inordinate length of time the legal proceedings concerning his arrest were taking. I studied him carefully as he talked to us head upright like the old soldier that he was, with a passive resignation to the fortunes of his life a man confident that he had acted dutifully for the protection and reconstruction of his country. After chatting about Chile, we prayed f or him and presented him with a Bible in Spanish. Then we stood to say goodbye. He proceeded to embrace us again and thanked us for our visit. Walking to the door, hanging on to Alfredo, he stopped for a moment to indicate a Jerusalem Bible lying open on t Just reading the Bible, of course, does not exonerate anyone from anything, but for me it seemed to have
27 some positive significance. We left him thinking that the world would never understand all that he had done for Chile. Would the truth be fairly recorded in the ( 2002:205 206). At first blush, it would seem that Cooper and Pytches had adopted conservative Pentecostal political attitudes along with their appropriation of Pentecostal worship practices; understood in those terms, this account seems to confirm what scholars have said about the political patterns of Pentecostals in Latin America. The Manichean division between the perception of a corrupted, demonically tainted world and a discontinuous heavenly and pure realm can often lead to a political quiescence among Pentecostals, which during times of revolutionary and political tumult, has led some Pentecostals to align with authoritari an regimes that strictly enforce the status quo of socio economic inequality, even while championing Guatemala provide ample evidence of su ch developments. (Kamsteeg 19 98 ; Garrard Bu rnett 1998 ). Cooper, though, does not share that Manichean Pentecostal view of the world even though add to the confusion, Cooper even supports some elements of the progressive religious teaching priests, theologians and laypeople who drew attention to the progressive social concern for poor and oppressed peop le found in the Bible. Liberation theology had thus informed the efforts of many who sought justice for those oppressed by despotic regimes in Latin America, which were especially ubiquitous in Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s. Cooper claims that C hilean Anglicans have appropriated both Pentecostalism and a moderated form of liberation theology. While the IACH [Anglican Church in Chile] has not officially espoused the more extreme forms of Liberation Theology, it has been helped to understand biblic al implications of social justice previously unseen in the Scriptural text. The Old
28 elsewhere challenged us that love in action will often take the church to social and political c ministry of reconciliation. Work was carried out among political prisoners as much as among the Pin ochetistas [supporters of Pinochet] (Cooper 1996: 186). amorphous in the light of Pentecostal and Anglican partnership forged through the crisis of the trapped miners in 2010. During that crisis, while Cooper was calling for prayer and material support above ground, his trapped companions, Jose Henriquez is a professional miner, not official Christian minister. Neither did he belong to the majority tradition of the other miners in his midst, Roman Catholicism. Above ground Jose Henriquez is a l ay person in a Pentecostal church, a denomination that has normally little interaction with Catholicism that is, beyond encounters of conflict and competition. Nevertheless, Jose Henriquez was described in media accounts as the spiritual leader of the grou p. Sixty nine days after the miners first began their ordeal they rose to the surface in capsules created by an international team of engineers. Before the rapt attention of a global contingent of media outlets, Jose Henriquez and Alfredo Cooper were soon assuring the world that it was God in general and the Holy Spirit in particular who had sustained those miners and raised them from their impending doom. There were abundant materially sacred signs to reinforce such proclamations, starting from the moment the first miner emerged into the wrapped arms of his family and the rapturous applause of local onlookers and global viewers. Wearing T shirts with a verse from Psalm 95 on their backs En su mano estn las profundidades de la tierra; suyas son las alturas de los montes (In his hand are the depths of the Earth and the mountain peaks belong to him) themselves enacted a liturgy of grace and thanksgiving that gathered millions
29 throughout the day to live feeds from the mine shaft to computers laptops, a nd smartphones around the world (Drescher 2010) Because of the simultaneity of the news afforded to so many people in so many far reaching territories, one scholar of religion and media boldly declared the coverage of the disaster and particu larly the inspiring rescues bal, digital event [in history] (Drescher 2010 ). Thanks to this global media attention and the diverse connected, Jose Henriquez, a humble miner who would normally have few economic resources to widely propagate his Pentecostal faith, soon found himself swapping Christian testimonies with the President of the United States, Barack Obama. With Cooper as his travelling companion and interpreter, Jose Henriquez was invited to speak at the National Prayer Breakfast in Washington, D.C., where he met Obama in an encounter interpreted by Cooper and which Jose Henriquez described in exultant Evangelical at moved me the most was to learn that Barack Obama had accepted God in his life twenty years ago, and that he was impressed to hear about my story [of faith] in the mine (Ruz Pea). Obama is not known as an Evangelical Christian. Indeed, there were wid espread conspiracy theories leading up to the 2008 presidential election that claimed Obama was really a member of Trinity United Church of Christ in Chicago before t he controversial Pastor of that congregation, Jeremiah Wright, made incendiary remarks about the 9/11 attacks, including the like Fox News. In fact, Wright went on Fox News to discuss liberation theology and explain the joint African American and Latin American roots of that progressive religious model for social commitment. Not surprisingly, Wright did not get a sympathetic hearing in such contexts.
30 Obama disavowed membership in the church. mainline denomination, the United Church of Christ. Yet he was abl e to speak a language of faith that a poor Pentecostal from Chile recognized as a sign of authentic spiritual conversion. The global implications of this connection are manifold since Obama is considered by many to i paradigm of highly visible public figures whose symbolically dense images and lives circulate at high speeds in transnational (televisual, cinematic, print, oral, and d (Ghosh 2011: 4). For many people Obama is symbolic of progressive change, of the socially marginalized rising to a place of prominence by determination, faith and hope. symbolic accretions a four year old African American boy can touch the top of his head. Along with the image, an accompanying story expla ins that the boy had asked the President whether his hair fel t the same Similarly, imagine what it means for a poor miner from C hile to have a face to face and faith to faith connection with a global icon who symbolizes, among other things, the power of the They are not just signif icant as power signs; they also bear an indexical charge for formalized bios inductively focalizes the sign and representative of the ordinary (as
31 we see in countless rags to r iches stories); the icon appears to have been just like us once, a long time ago, despite her later excellence ( 2011: 12). Just as Alfredo Cooper had once facilitated connections between Pentecostals in Chile and a decidedly conservative icon, a former di ctator living in London, he had now enabled a meaningful spiritual encounter between a Chilean Pentecostal and a political leader who is a global icon for progressive change. Even more significantly, that progressive president was grafted into Jose Henriqu that is, all those who have a testimony of personal Christian conversion and transformation. One reason the President can speak with clarity in multiple Christian contexts may have to do with the attenuati on of political linkages between Evangelicalism and the Republic Party. a single expression of American politics, and such perceived evenhandedness earned him atte California during the 2008 election campaign. Obama subsequently asked Warren to pray at his Presidential inauguration. Jose Henriquez thus continued on similar religious networ ks as Obama when he eventually testified at Saddleback Church, again with the interpretive assistance of Alfredo Cooper, about his experience of faith during his ordeal in the mine. The American visit was the culmination of a journey that had taken Coop er and Jose Henriquez on a speaking tour from Chile to Northern Ireland and then to England, where Cooper speaking to thousands of Anglicans in London, Jose Henri quez and Cooper also crossed cultural The church was founded as a church plant of Freedom Hall, a parish of the Redeemed Christian Church of God
32 (RCCG), in Lagos, Nigeria in April 1 people of Nigerian descent Globalization Theory To understand how in the world one can begin to explain such a disparate stream of cross denominational connections and cross cultural Christian exchanges, it is essential to situate these events within broader theories of globalization. Proponents of globalization theory recognize that people have been borrowing, trading and moving across boundaries since time immemorial. Despite extensive trading networks, translocal integration was weak with limited impact over the lives of the vast majority of inhabitants in the heterogeneous cultures and societies subsumed by squez and Marquardt 2003: 35 36). What makes contemporary modes of mobility and exchange distinct, according to such theorists, is the pace le are the expansion, concentration, and acce leration of worldwide relations (Osterhammel and Petersson 2005:5 6 ) Hence many existing processes of spatially extensive pol itical, economic, cultural, and military interact (Osterhammel and Petersson 2005: 10). Anthony Giddens emphasizes the far reaching interdependence produced by globalization: relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles (Held et al. 1999:15) has
33 territory are cons idered relevant to people in regions far from the origin of these happenings. Furthermore, such connections are made quickly because of globalized forms of media, particularly the Internet, that can carry news swiftly and sometimes simultaneously. This as with and for people who were actually far away. That time space compression of the media offered Jose Henriquez and Alfredo Cooper various opportunities to share spiritual narratives and localize such affective bonds with face to face i nteraction, Cooper and Jose Henriquez were able to use another technological product that David Harvey has pointed to as being emblematic of the time space compressi on of globalization, air travel (Harvey 1991: 232) Such processes of mediation and tools of mobility would have opened up vast spaces that were too amorphous and unorganized without the directed focus that Christian networks gave to Cooper and Jose cla ims and particularist demands across various cultures, are well positioned to offer Vsquez and Marquardt 2003: 54). What was striking about the networks through which Cooper and Jose Hen riquez travelled tight 2003: 55). Neither did they pass exclusively along mainline Christian routes. Jose Henriquez, for example, pointed to the ecumenical God and relate their experiences. The majority of the people belonged to the Christian faith:
34 Evangeli cals, Catholics and Anglic 2011 ). Henriquez and Cooper exploited existing connections between various expressions of Christianity and reinforced the material density of such hybrid networks with their embodied travels and performances of narrative tropes. Convergen ce and Cultural Hybridity Some scholars argue that there is an affinity between the mixture exemplified in the argues for viewing globalization as a process of 2003: 59). Hybridity is only one of a series of terms used to describe ongoing processes of mixture. Charles Stewart explains that Contemporary social theo ry has turned to focus on phenomena such as globalization, transnationalism, and the situation of diaspora communities. In this body of literature the word syncretism has begun to reappear alongside such related concepts as hybridization and creoliza tion as a means of portraying the dynamics of global social developments. ( 1999: 48). All of these terms are freighted with complicated histori cal legacies. Stewart explains for instance, that hybrid has embedded within it both negative and positive atti tudes toward mixture. In nineteenth century racial thinking the hybrid was deemed to be weak and sterile while in the twentieth century the new field of genetics showed how plant hybrids, f or example, could be esp ecially fruitful and resilient ( 2003: 45). Nederveen Pieterse points out 2003: negative associations since religion has sometimes been idealized as a pure sui generis and transcendent realm of life, unsullied by the messy mixture of cultural encounter. Hence syncretism carries historical baggage that is too heavy for those scholars w ho want to avoid value laden judgments about purity potentially implied by the use of a term like syncretism.
35 Syncretism was used in the sixteenth century by opponents of a Lutheran theologian named George Calixtus who sought to unify the various Protest ant denominations developing out of the Reformation and hoped to seek ultimate reunification with the Catholic Church. In the jumble of theologies a syncretism and the ensuing debates, which carried on for the rest of 1999: 46). This helps explain why leaders of the Christian parts that they would like to combine in a project of orthodoxy. For them, the term convergence seems more suitable. Convergence like all the other terms for mixture has a history and it is important to understand its development before addressing how I will u se this term throughout this project. History of Charismatic Renewal and Its Relationship to the Convergence Movement On April 3, 1960, Episcopal priest William Bennett announced to his congregation in Van Nuys, California, that he had experienced Pentecos tal spirituality, including speaking in tongues. members of neighboring Episcopalian churches had already been combining newfound Pentecostal spirituality with more l public proclamation made waves. The phenomenon eventually drew the attention of Newsweek and Time Pentecostal blessin g and historic church 132). This integration of pre set rituals and spontaneous Charismatic faith required ritual and theological ingenuity, but Anglicans and Episcopalians were not the only ones having to adapt their l iturgies to the Charismatic outbreak.
36 S caught up in Charismatic spiritual practices that had once seemed to be confined to Pentecostal denominations. Various traditions s hared sacred space in interdenominational Charismatic prayer groups, where Charismatics raised hands high in united praise and invoked the power of the Holy Spirit over their lives and churches. Some spoke in tongues, while others gave supernatural messag and still others exorcised demons. These kinds of meetings flourished in various parts of the Anglican Communion and, within TEC, charismatic organizations like ACT S 29 were establis hed to integrate C harismatic practices in to the Episcopal Church (Irish and Fulton Jr. 2002 ). The collective effervescence of these interdenominational encounters led to mutual borrowing across ecclesiastical borders. Charismatic Cathol ics began to speak in the kind of personal faith terms that resonated with Evangelicals. Some Evangelicals, in turn, were intrigued by the reverence that Charismatic Catholics brought to the sacraments. This newfound appreciation was reinforced through sha red Catholic and Evangelical ethical positions on issues such as abortio n. Indeed, it was through common participation in the pro life movement that the founder of the Charismatic Episcopal Church, Randolph Adler, first began the institution that I would c ion. (Hocken 2002: the Pentecostal, Evangelical and sacramental together in a brackish mix of faith. According to Adler, the cr eation of the 2002: 476).
37 Even though the Charismatic Episcopal Church had Episcopal in its title, it was not officially connected to or rec ognized by the Anglican Communion, and neither did it have a CEC began with people from a foreign land [he is speaking metaphorically here] to whom God had s n 2002: 476). Nevertheless, soon Episcopalian parishes in TEC who had been touched by Charismatic Renewal felt that their conservative theological positions were in closer consonance with the newl y established CEC than they were with their home institution of TEC. One of the parishes that left their home in TEC Charismatic Episcopal Churches. By the time former Ba ptist Leo Sanchez became the rector of thing of the past. Until, that is, Father Leo led the Hispanic portion of the congregation back into TEC in 2008 and became th e priest of my case study in Northern Florida, Igleisa Episcopal San Pedro. Convergence discourse thus had significant currency by the time leaders of the ACNA sought to unite an array of conservative Christians with varying inclinations some toward the Catholic end of Christianity, others with affinities to Evangelicalism, and still others whose primary point of identification was Charismatic faith. Interestingly, though, it seems that ACNA leaders would like to conceal the construction of convergence. They describe the combination spontaneous spirit centered alignment of intrinsic properties which naturally cohere within orthodoxy.
38 The challenge for those promoting these discourses is to occlude the painstaking human [and c onvergence] may conceal the asymmetry and unevenness in the process and the elements Nederveen Pieterse 2003: the ACNA made clear who he believed h ad orchestrated the He has built this House. We have cooperated, even in Ma y His grace f or this never be absent from us ( Although Duncan acknowledges the role of human agency Still, leaders of the ACNA have develop ed an ethos that seems paradoxica l: the ACNA is both self term denoting the ongoing mixing of previously discrete components is often thought to undermine pretensions to orthodoxy and cohesion, leaders of the ACNA do not use any of these By doing so I am not denying the complicated and distinct historical contexts in which suc h terms have arisen. The confluence of terms in this case is rather meant to point to both the emic and etic considerations demanded by this study that is attention to both insider language and classifications made by outside scholars. I agree with Nederve en Pieterse about the potential in between, a sociology from the interstices. This involves merging endogenous/exogenous 2003: 83)
39 The intentional integration of mixture within the ACNA, even articulated with a new term undermine hegemonic projects: after all, this is a movement tha t grew out of conservative discontent with what they perceived to be the unacceptably loose doctrinal positions of TEC. The surprise is less jarring when we consider that hybridity is not only a playful counterforce to hegemonic institutions, but rather e hybridity that leans over toward the center, adopts the canon and mimics hegemony and, at the other end, a destabilizing hybridity that blurs the canon, reverses the current, subverts (Neder veen Pieterse 2003: 73). The leaders of the ACNA have exploited mixture as means of centering conservative Christian consensus within the bounds of authorized interpretations of the Biblical canon, and especially as that pertains to matters of human sexuali ty. Nevertheless, this Nederveen Pieterse 2003: 83). notation of moving across, is another important linguistic element of any study of globalization and hybridity. One of the impacts of globalization that is nearly universally recognized in academic literature is the relativizing of the power of the nation state. Increasingly, culture, economics, and religion, to name several, cannot be bound within the specific demarcations of politically defined territory. That is not to say, of course, that the state ceases to wield power over people within its official b oundaries, and this is particularly so for undocumented immigrants in the movements. Still, those scholars who have drawn attention to the ways that immigrants live
40 social relations have helped delink the sociological study of people from assumptions of hermetically sealed, bounded territory. This is a perspectival move which is fruitful for my study, since Latin American and U.S. Latinos maintain close relationships with networks of Christians in other countries, and these relationships have a reciprocal impact in more than one social field. On the other hand, I do not want to suggest that the participants in my study move only fluidly through pristine transnational contention that on the one hand globalization has indeed created rushing currents of social, political and religious change that help spur new movements of bodies and ideas and which are y harnessed in institutional projects of far reaching consensus. On the other hand, however, the flows of these transcultural, transnational, and even reinforcing th e boundaries of the nation state. The flows are funneled in particular networks, in which different levels of symbo lic sediment impede progress, encourage the construction of new passages through those networks or encourage the construction of new ones. Furthermore, it is not only the flows that propel or the networks that structure their lives. It dispositions structured structures predisposed to function as st ructur ing st (Bourdieu 1977: 72). According to this logic, a group or class perceives the world in a certain way because of both the objective conditions of materiality that make up their environment and ople acquire through an embodied navigation of quotidian
41 life. Th e objective and subjective habitus is thus a useful means to chart patterns of structured agency among the Christians in my study a s they develop variegated dispositions in the diverse encounters they have along convergent networks. continuity in convergent thinking and being. I thus also incorpor laps e and spur religious change (Berger 1990: 47). Nevertheless, I reject the secularization theory that Berger offers as a corollary to his use of plausibility structures. Berger thought that religious worldviews seemed increasingly implausible in the face of the popular ascendance of empirical inquiry and that as secularization advanced, religion would thus either shrink into private qu arters or remain embedded in broader social structures only in a loose and generalized fashion. hypothesis does not discount the important contribution that the notion of plausibility has for understanding changes in individual and institutional religious identities especially when we c onsider plausibility not only in cognitive terms but in an embodied and networked fashion. Chapter Outline These theoretical c onsiderations are reflected in the organization of my chapters, since I follow this introduction with a genealogy of the discourse of convergent orthodoxy and point to the breakdown and ascendance of certain plausibility structures that encouraged the crea tion of such discourses and practices. This chapter also demonstrates the still shifting ground on which participants construct grassroots levels of convergence in my case studies. I then introduce my case studies, providing a chapter for each congregation Although I
42 ethnography, each case study chapter also has a consistent thematic thread peculiar to the conditions of convergence at the particular church under con sideration. Even though I focus on a salient theme in each chapter, I also integrate overlapping themes when relevant to a particular case study. Spatial considerations, for example, are dominant in chapter four the San Bartolome case study, but that sali ent theme reemerges in my other case studies, albeit with less focused attention. In the Chilean case study in chapter three I focus on the multiple crossings at this Charismatic Anglican Church: crossings of class, territory and denomination. Penteco stalism has long been associated with the poorest ranks of urban poor, especially in the capital, Santiago. La Trinidad is thus a thriving and telling exception, since they have combined prominent Pentecostal features with a self conscious a rticulation of middle and upper middle class values. Pentecostalism and Charismatic Christianity are sometimes used interchangeably, but my Chilean case study provides a unique example of Charismatics who have, to a certain degree, defined their collective identities i n contradistinction to Pentecostals with whom they also have much in common, and with whom they have sometimes shared sacred space. My consideration of Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro in chapter five has the greatest focus on a single individual out of the thr ee case studies. Although the priests at San Bartolome and La Trinidad both figure prominently in those case studies, I have considered in much more focused and greater detail the life history of Father Leo Sanchez in my introduction to San Pedro. Here I take a cue from Henri Gooren, who has lamented the paucity of detailed life histories in conversion literature. Such focus runs the risk, of course, of collapsing other diverse narratives within a single supposedly representative case. This is not my in tent in that chapter. Rather, I have tried to use
43 an especially rich narrative to show how leaders can help shape and reinforce particular plausibility structures for their congregants. Again, this is not an academically fashionable point since it may be interpreted as re centering religious elites in the study of religion, when many scholars have doggedly fought to de center the clergy. It will become clear, however, in the subsequent chapter to this case study that recognition of asymmetrical power dyna mics need not I turn to an integrated analysis of my cases st udies in my next section. In chapter six, I explore themes of conversion in convergent Christianity. I examine existing models of conversion in light of the sometimes subtle shifts of religious affiliation I found among participants at my case studies. I and disaffiliation. In chapter seven, I consider the diverse tools of mediation in Charismatic conv ergence. Elements of study in this chapter include print literature, video, and new media. I also integrate and assess the analytical relevance of various theories of globalization to processes of mediatization among my informants. Although this chapter is my most dense exploration of media, mediatization is a perennial theme integrated throughout this work. The far reaching scope of study in the media chapter facilitates a transition into a broad consideration of Christianity, hybridity and culture in my concluding chapter. Here I assess existing religious taxonomies and suggest ways that these systems of classification could be updated in light of conclusions drawn from my case studies. In short, this study seeks to contribute to an expanding knowledge
44 religion, showing how ritual, embodiment, language use, moral concern, and media production (Robbins 2010: 173).
45 CHAPTER 2 BACKGROUND AND HISTO RY Understanding the contested interplay between institutional and grassroots expressions of convergent Christianity requires attention to the sociopolitical, cultural and theological factors that have made convergence a vi able discourse and ethos for conservative Christians. In this chapter I will thus historicize the development of convergent Christianity, tracing its often amorphous, sometimes idiosyncratic emergence among individuals and groups touched by the Charismati c Renewal in the 1960s and 1970s to its development within institutional structures that have an explicitly convergent theology and ethos, such as the International Communion of Charismatic Episcopal Churches (CEC) and the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA). I helped reconfigure the borders of Evangelicalism at a time when postmodernism threatened to shape to new institutional structures that sought to incorporate the evangelical world into even broader Christian affiliations. When a self the Anglican Church of Canada coalesc ed in opposition to what they perceived to be growing liberalism and theological revisionism in their churches, leaders intentionally appropriated the language of convergence to symbolically unify the ir disperse concerns (Virtue 201 2 a ). Although leaders be prominent motif since the inauguration of the ACNA in 2009; leaders of this would be Anglican province have wanted to move beyond the prevailing perception that the institution is defined by what is has opposed diversity. Convergence has thus served as a more positive controlling theme, acting as both a
46 model of diversity in the conservative camp and a model for their fledgling ins titutional identity (Geertz 1973:123 ). To provide context for these specific developments within the ACNA, I will examine the historic institutional factors that made Anglicanism structurally amenable to this movement of conservative hybridi ty. I will also address what the appropriation of convergence in the ACNA means for broader expressions of global ecumenism that is, dialogue and interaction between the three largest bra nches of worldwide Christianity: the Roman Catholic Church, the East ern Orthodox Church, and Evangelicalism. In this chapter I will also consider the narratives of important forerunners who contributed to an inchoate convergent discourse in the Anglican Communion. Their stories act as important precursors to my case stud y chapters since they demonstrate that from its inception people have been attracted to the wedding of Catholic, Charismatic and Evangelical practices for different reasons. Some viewed such convergence as a satisfying completion to a religious search for both clear articulations of truth and mysterious experiences of worship; they were also persuaded by the potential for convergent thought and practice to bring unity to a wide swath of Christian traditions. This was important since more rational ly centere d and theolo gical approaches to Christian unity carried out in the Ecumenical Movement were losing steam. Others saw convergence as fodder in a strategic assault on a perceived virus of liberal theology, which they believed threatened to infect the Anglica n Communion. Importantly, though, even people who viewed convergence as a unifying web for conservative Christianity spun very different positions predicated upon the Charismatic element of convergence that is, evidence of Spirit gifting thought that institutions should ordain women with such recognizable gifts. For other
47 convergent minded leaders, the ordination of women was a tell tale sign of a theologically sic k institution. In contrast to all this convergent diversity, current leaders of the ACNA have made the combination of Pentecostal, Catholic and Evangelical elements seem like an organic process of natural affinity, rhetoric which occludes the painstakin g process of connecting diverse theological parts that do not always naturally cohere or easily fit together. I will thus highlight points of contention lurking in the convergent discourse of the ACNA by drawing attention to the distinct ways that converg ence was understood by the three forerunners I treat in this chapter. The similarities in their narratives demonstrate why convergence has been an appealing discourse for leaders of the ACNA. The points of contestation and difference in those three converg ent narratives help explain why carrying convergence through diverse global Christian networks not only creates novel opportunities for cross denominational cooperation, but also produces new levels of stress and strain for various Christian groups. Indee d, the points of tension and variation that I witnessed at local convergent Christian introduced by sociologist of religion Peter Berger (1967), who used the te rm as a reference to the World here is a descriptive word for what a community or individual deems is Paden 1994: 7). In this sense, convergent sacramental, Charismatic and Evangelical that a 1979: 11). Accordingly, leaders of ACNA have reached out to ecumenical partners from the various major branches of
48 Christianity to provide a thick social base that they hope will sustain the plausibility of the ir convergent conceptions of and practices in the world. In presenting that world, leaders of the revitalize Evangelical Christianity with ancient spiritual practices and theological conceptions that are commonly associated with Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches; this movement developed in part as a response to postmodern winds threatening to topple Evangelical plausibility structures. Ancient Future Faith a s Postmodern Evangelicalism resistance to single explanations, a respect for d ifference and a celebration of the regional local 11). Evangelical Christians were especially vulnerable on this front. sometimes Evangelicalism had historicall y drawn on those same modernist philosophical emphases that postmodernists so vigorously opposed. Proponents of postmodernism, for example, exposed fixed pivot from where we can have a totalizing view of the universe, from where we can move the universe with 23). Postmodernism also challenged the notion that texts carry inherent meaning. Many Evangelicals had relied on the theol ogical idea of the perspicuity of biblical interpretation the belief that as long as people read the Bible with the right intention and employed correct hermeneutical techniques, they could understand the
49 meaning therein. By contrast, postmodernists stres sed the dynamic, ongoing interaction between the meanings of texts and the multiple contexts in which they are read. Some Evangelicals have postmodernism flourishes, t here will be less inclination to read the Bible constantly, at least as the authoritative revelation of God himself. At that juncture the Bible reading that takes place will likely invoke post critical theory, so that the Bible itsel (Carson 2005: 100). Proponents of postmodernism helped cast a shadow over authorial intent and stressed the polysemous nature of texts, especially one like the Bible that has a disparate array of authors from various historical periods. Faced with such a challenge, previous Evangelical models for responding to intellectual critique seemed much less plausible. In the past, Evangelicals had used a modernist package that combined Baconian evidentiary reasoning with literal scriptural interpretation, a combin ation that they had once wielded against liberals who shared many of their foundational philosophic statements of faith to have a proven corres pondence with reality 185). Although some Evangelicals have insisted on reasserting propositional notions of truth in the face of postmodern critique, that kind of world maintenance has limited appeal and plausibility. The alternative was to allow the postmodern cultural winds of change to blow right through the structures of Evangelicalism and to reassemble the pews in its wake. There were some Evangelicals poised, even excited, about such a storm. Robert Webber, a former fundamentalist turned Evangelical Episco palian (before the rift between conservatives and liberals had escalated to its current taut level of tension), proposed that believers rethink Evangelicalism through a paradigmatic lens he was proposing called
50 f th at title, published in 1999, and argued that modernist Evangelical paradigms had lost their luster for a younger generation seeking more vibrant displays of faith. The kind of Christianity that attracts the new generation of Christians and will speak eff ectively to a postmodern world is one that emphasizes primary truths and authentic embodiment. The new generation is more interested in broad strokes than detail, more attracted to an inclusive view of faith than an exclusive view, more concerned with uni ty than diversity, more open to a dynamic, growing faith than to a static fixed system, and more visual than verbal with a high level of t olerance and ambiguity (Webber 1999: 27) A cadre of Evangelical pastors, scholars and lay practitioners took up Webber challenges and promises of postmodernism with concerted attention to both the past and the future of Christianity. Before he directly addressed the connection between postmodernism and Evangelicalism, Webber had already laid the seeds f or such discussion in his 1985 work Evangelicals on the Canterbury Trail: Why Evangelicals are Attracted to the Liturgical Church In that book, he began with his own testimony of trading in systematic and intellectual conceptions about God for wilder, my in the local evangelical churches, I had to look elsewhere. My journey into the Episcopal church ugh worship and the 1985: 1985: 91) and who sought more visually vivid and mysterious renditions of faith. One o f those evangelical authors, Michael billowing incense, the noonday light streaming in, and the joy with which the people and the organ sang together. I was t 1985: 98). Years later, Evangelicals seeking to cultivate vivid experiences of mystery in worship found postmodernism to be an exciting new display on
51 which to assemble a sensory flood of sacred candles and incense (Hunter 2010: 28), along with more novel presentations of faith through new media formats (McNight 2007: 3). As the Archbishop of ACNA, Robert Duncan has added a distinct Anglican spin to the plausibility structures provided by the ancient future faith model proposed by Robert Webber: future treasures of the Christian faith in a highly accessible form. The Anglican tradition, perhaps more than any other Christian tradition, grasps the power of worship to transpor t believers i ). This emphasis on experiential mystery meshes well with Charismatic Christianity. Before Webber began proposing the ancient spiritual practices found within Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy as a means of renewing Evangelicalism for a postmodern age, the Charismatic Renewal had already produced combinations of Pentecostal, Evangelical and sacramental forms of faith. Leaders of ACNA have thus combined the discourse of ancient future faith with Cha rismatic convergence. This combination is evident in the official brochure of the Anglican Church in North America, which assures a diverse cross section of potential 2012 ). The following history reveals that the convergent Anglican attempt to focus on the combination and/or coexistence of Catholic, Evangelical and Charismatic elements is a selective project, one that intentionally eschews other longstanding streams within Anglicanism. The Historic Proliferation of Theological Variety in Anglicanism Various movements within the Anglican Communion throughout the centuries have led to a proliferation of distinct groups within this glo bal institution. Popular notions of Anglican history identify the emergence of the Church of England with the machinations of Henry VIII.
52 independent English ch known desire to shed Catherine of Aragon in order to marry Ann Boleyn that precipitated 6). After 1534 CE, there was plenty of religious and political controversy over just how far the newly est ablished Church of England should move away from Rome. Some Puritan factions sought to bring the Church more fully under the sway of the Protestant Reformation, while other believers augaard 1998: 7) Ultimately, a compromise prevailed in the Elizabethan settlement of 1559, which identified the church as a via media or middle way between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. Since that time, different Anglican movements have tried to s wing the pendulum to one end or the other of the Protestant Catholic spectrum. eighteenth century gave an important stimulus to the Refo 1998: 30 ). Evangelicals in the Anglican Communion place great stress on the importance of the Bible in adjudicating all matters of faith and morals. They also generally maintain a conservative interpretation of Christian scripture, usually resisting modern approac hes to biblical scholarship, such as higher criticism, which challenges the supposed historicity of certain biblical accounts. In addition, Evangelicals have stressed the need for personal conversion to Christ, and a concomitant emphasis on evangelism, th rough which a believer invites others to make these personal commitments. There has been a significant strand of Reformed theology within Evangelical Anglicanism. Reformed Christianity began with a former French lawyer named John Calvin. In sixteenth cen
53 Young, Restless, and Reformed (2008) shows how a cadre of mainly young and increasingly prominent Evangelicals in North America embrace Reformed theolog ical emphases. One adherent 139). There are also Evangelicals who, in contrast to Calvinists, emp hasize human agency in salvation. They are sometimes called Arminians, a reference to a theological rival to Calvin named Jacobus Arminius (1560 1609). Reformed Evangelicals counter this optimism about human agency by insisting that humanity is totally de praved and that the idea of people choosing to receive salvation out of their darkened wills is wrongheaded and scripturally unfounded. Nevertheless, both Calvinist and Arminian emphases can be found in the broader rubric of Evangelical Anglicanism. In co ntrast to the literal interpretive tendencies of Evangelical Anglicans, there is a longstanding liberal and progressive strand within Anglicanism, which was first articulated in the latitude of opinion 1998: 37). Anglicans in this centuries of Catholic tradition and sixteenth centur y Reformation emphases were both easily identifiable strains in early seventeenth century English theology, but the third strain, reason, Haugaard 1998: 24). Progressives and liberals in the Communion have elevated reason as a sacred feature in
54 understanding Darwinism, gender equality, and most recently sexual diversity; their inclusive and rational assessments of these issues have not always squared with traditional scriptural interpreta tion, at least as the Bible has been understood in conservative ranks. Proponents of this progressive element of Anglicanism have also challenged Christians to counter social and political injustices, claiming that this is an imperative that resounds throu ghout Christian scriptures. Progressive theological commitments in the Anglican Communion have not been aligned with any one particular liturgical style, and thus liberal streams of theology run throughout various structures of services in the Anglican Co mmunion. Various factions in Anglicanism have attempted to dam those streams. Progressives have not only had to contend with the conservative Biblical interpretations of Evangelicals; they have also struggled to convince some Anglo Catholics that they are not cavalier in their approach to tradition. Those Anglicans who identify as Anglo Catholics often share with their Evangelical co religionists an optimism about the human role in salvation, but services, where preaching has prominence over ceremony. The Anglo Catholic commitment to continuity with the past has brought that contingent at odds with progressive factions over issues such as female ordination and LGBT in clusivity in the church. Many Anglo Catholics have thus split off from the Episcopal Church (TEC) out of concern for what they believe has been a wanton breach of longstanding tradition. Anglo Catholics in ACNA hearken back to the Oxford Movement of ninete enth century Anglicanism. Proponents of that movement were also known as Tractarians because of a series of tracts written between 1833 and 1841 that called the Church he nineteenth century, with its stress on the historic continuity of the church signified by the
55 apostolic succession of the bishops and its sacramental doctrine, effectively distanced Anglicanism from the Reformation, emphasizing its Catholic rather th an (Butler 1998: 30). Another movement arose within Anglicanism in the late twentieth century whose strong emphasis on supernatural encounter with the Holy Spirit made it suspect among at least some members of all the aforementioned cate gories of Anglicanism. When Anglican and Episcopalian priests first went public in the 1960s with their experiences of glossolalia (speaking in tongues), healing, and prophecy, many Anglicans and Episcopalians were initially not sure what to make of such phenomena. Nevertheless, the fluid nature of this Spirit centered movement called the expressions of Anglicanism, and everything in between. Hence there were soon Charismat ic Anglicans found throughout the U.K., North America, and increasingly in the global South. There seemed to be an early affinity between the Charismatic movement and conservative biblical interpretations; additionally, the collective effervescence produce d in Spirit centered worship helped blur some of the doctrinal borders between Evangelicals and Anglo Catholics in the Anglican Communion. This movement also led to new ideas about how the various conservative segments of Anglicanism might be combined in a convergent blend. I thus now offer several sample narratives to demonstrate the ways that the Charismatic movement among the Christian churches for the recovery of their visible (Till 1972: 15), was otherwise waning. Since this research focuses on Anglicanism, I will analyze narratives of Charismatic convergence in which the Anglican Church played a pivotal 2007 ) of two Anglo men, Terry Fullam from
56 the United States and Michael Harper from England, along with the convergent story of a U.S. Latino named William DeArteaga, demonstrate the diverse geographical, ecclesiastical and cultural reach o f Charismatic Renewal and the ways that such complex connections have been organized and mediated through convergent discourses and practices. The following narratives demonstrate how Charismatic Christianity helped blur some borders within conservative An glican ranks at the same time that it reinforced broader marks of division between liberal and conservative camps. Terry Fullam In the late 1950s, Terry Fullam was a doctoral candidate in philosophy an d a budding musician. He played at various churches, including the denomination in which he was raised. part time basis at a well known downtown Baptist church, T remont Temple 42). him to lead their music ministry. A four year foray into Catholic sacramental devotion had already prepared Fullam for a transition from the simple Bible centered structure of the Baptist church to the more elaborate liturgical ceremony of Episcopal services. themes that would reemerge among some evan gelicals thirty years later as they confronted challenges of postmodernism. In the late 1990s and the early 2000s proponents of the ancient future faith movement sought to re enchant an evangelical world that they believed had become stale through perfunct ory patterns of evangelism. Similarly, Fullam critiqued what seemed to him like obligatory evangelical routines, and, by contrast, he praised the Catholic cultivation of mystery through adoration of the Eucharist, or the transubstantiated body of Christ.
57 It was a church of perpetual adoration There were nuns in white habits that were in there venerating the sacrament twenty four hours a day. And there was something about, you know, about going into that place. he organ began to play always and but here there were people worshiping God other than in a service of some sort and I was strongly drawn to that place I went there for four years almost and read It was a beautiful building you know It was quiet this soft organ music in the background. And it just opened in me a real hunger for something or other other than the rather frenetic, hard sell evangelism that I had been accustomed to, where it seemed to me that often there was no worship at all. Everything had become evangelism. They would give an invitation at the end of every service and it as moving in that way or not it was expected And this was so different this worship at that little church (Slosser 1980: 44). When Fullam later became the music minister at an Episcopal Church, he claimed to find satiation from a hunger first awakene d during his time observing sacramental devotion in the Catholic Church. I was like a person who had been without something in his diet and I began to look around and found a church, years I went almost every day of the week 1980 :46). Fullam had thus integrated the sacramental and evangelical streams, stressing both the presence of Christ in the Eucharist, which he first contemplated in the Catholic Church, and the primacy of scripture that he had learned during his Baptist upbringing and which continued to shape his theological vi ews. Through a meeting with Dennis Bennett, the first Episcopal priest to bring Charismatic Renewa l to national attention (Poewe 1994: 4), Fuller added a charismatic sense of power to his evangelical and sacramental sensibilities. Fuller explained how Ben nett had encouraged him to be open to the power of the Holy Spirit by receiving prayer and expecting to
58 I had spent years and years studying how to think, and then how to speak what I was thinking so that it would come out right and it sounded like Father Bennett your tongue And that was the hardest thing I have ever done in my life. But God gave me grace, and somehow I took a deep breath, felt like a fool, and started in. To my complete astonishment, there it was absolutely e ffortless! It just poured from me! I can tell you that that moment opened up a dimension of the life in Christ that I had not known before a dimension of power fo r ministry and service (Slosser 1980: 53). In 1963, Fullam was ordained as an Episcopa l priest and subsequently became a pivotal leader in in 1977 Charismatic fervor drew the attention of Time magazine. as a new example 99). Hence a t this early stage, media outlets conflated the Evangelical and Charismatic worlds; these categories did overlap at times, but there was also sig nificant discord between some Evangelical and Charismatic expressions of Charismatic fame, Miracle in Darien, it is as if each new encounter with a different element of Christianity first the Evangelical, then the sacramental, and finally the Charismatic brought Fullam a more fulsome sense of faith, and a more expansive view of the Christian Church. In the Methodists, or the Roman Catholics, Baptists, or Episcopalians g a church 247). This expansive view of Ch ristian renewal was echoed to me by charismatic Anglicans in Chile, who expr essed a similar desire for Christian unity.
59 Michael Harper Fullam was not the only forerunner of such sentiment. A British Anglican priest named Harper wrote a b ook in which he personified the movements and institutions associated with whom he called deep longing to see these sisters reconciled to each other; to see them openly united in Christ and the Spirit, learning from one another and humbly listening to each other. If these sis ters could be 1979: 11). As an Anglican priest, he did not underestimate levels of disco rd between the Evangelical and C harismatic strands, even within his own institution, since he had witnessed such tensions first hand. He knew that the dividing lines found within Anglicanism were often drawn even more firmly between separate denominations and church traditions. He had also seen, however, how Charismatic renew al had sparked cooperation and fraternity across institutional borders, and he liked what he saw. Harper beca me a key player in the British C harismatic movement and he initiated an organization in 1979 called Sharing of Ministries Abroad (SOMA), for whic h he recruited the help of Terry Fullam and other important charismatic Anglican leaders. SOMA grew out of a was held prior to the 1978 Lambeth Conference. SOMA wa and empowering to His people through renewal by the Holy Spirit, so that His prophetic purpose
60 global South. Indeed, SOMA was influential in the charismatic formation of two priests from my case studies, Pastor Alfredo Cooper from Chile and Father Juan Reyes from Durango, Mexico, both of whom have continued to use the global networks of SOMA to extend the C harismatic reach of their ministries. Harp er did not confine his work to C harismatic Anglican groups like SOMA, but he was h does have a unique bridge building character about it since it contains within its traditions Catholic, evangelical and char 98). That Harper would isolate these three strands as emblematic of Anglican diversity was a selective choice that members of the ACNA would also make nearly thirty years later. As the ACNA would later do, Harper also drew the lines of convergence in contradistinction to what he perceived as heretical movements in the Anglican Church, evidenced by a number of distressing development s among the clergy: in his view there was increased clerical skepticism about traditional doctrines such as the divinity of Christ, a laxity of moral standards generally, and a lack of coherence over contemporary deba tes on gender and homosexuality. Indeed, according to Harper, there was much that was infecting the Three Sisters Harper added commentary to an earlier speech he gave abou t these perceptions. any substantial change in the condition of the historic churches, corrupted as they remnant [that] needs to draw together. The weakness I have drawn attention to in the historic churches are self indulgences one can afford in a period of stability, but e Anglo Catholics, evangelicals, and charismatics in t he Church of England.) (Harper 1979: 39). 1979: 101) between diverse segments rate Christian traditions.
61 Harper reinforced this cooperation both in print and through a series of ecumenical initiatives. Still, at this stage of Charismatic Anglican history, leaders like Harper seemed to place greater stress on cooperation across a br oadly conceived conservative theological continuum than they did on constructing an integrated convergent theology per se. William DeArteaga By 2002, though, a bilingual U.S. Latino priest was writing in both English and Spanish about the intentional in tegration of the three convergent streams, and he was doing so after being parents had met as young children growing up in Puerto Rico, and they were reacquaint ed years later in New York, where they married in 1931 (DeArteaga 2002: 23). DeArteaga grew up in a devout Catholic home, in a predominantly Irish Catholic neighborhood of Manhattan. Nevertheless, by the time he attended college at Fordham University he wa s disillusioned with walked into a mine field where the traditional m odes of theology were blown apart, and nothing positive or credibl : 28). He jettisoned his faith altogether for several years before he underwent a revitalizing exp erience in the Charismatic Catholic movement. His partic ipation in the Charismatic Catholic movement brought him into a new orbit of ecumenical relationships. DeArteaga explains: It was 1975, and the leadership encouraged attendees to go to interdenominational meetings and special services at non Catholic chu rches. In this way I encountered various evangelical charismatic churches and para churches. I was enchanted by these groups, especially by their strong faith and knowledge of the Bible (DeArteaga 2002: 44). Nevertheless, w hen he began to participate in C harismatic groups that considered themselves
62 decades, the celebration 2002: 45). After he married a woman who had been divorced, and had not had her previous marriage annulled, he was restricted from partaking of the Eucharist in the Catholic Church. He learned of an Episcopal Church e xperiencing Charismatic R enewal and he and his wife made a pragmatic choice to begin attending this church. The transition was facilitated by the similarities in liturgy, sacraments, and charisma with his previous Charismatic Catholic setting. He became an acti ve lay leader at the Episcopal C hurch, but soon clashed with more progressive parishioners who were eager to provide new levels of inclusion to LGBT people. DeArteaga sought to proclaim healing of homosexual desire at the same time that man y members of his church were affirming such sexual orientations as God given. DeArteaga felt sandwiched between progressive voices from below and above. According to DeArteaga, the lead priest at his church had a liberal Episcopal theological formation, but after an unnerving experience with what he perceived to be demonic power, the priest had embraced various features of the Charismatic Renewal. Despite that interest i n the Charismatic movement, this priest preserved a progressive posture toward sexual conservative positions on the subject. DeArteaga thus switched to another Episcopal parish (still within TEC) that was both charismatic and theologically conservative. DeArteaga had received a Masters in Latin American history from the University of Florida and had also taken theological courses at Candler Theological Seminary. His combined interest in historiography and theology led him to write a work on the history of Charismatic phenomen a in the American religious experience prior to the emergence of Pentecostalism. In that book, Quenching the Spirit he argued that some Evangelicals had squelched Spirit centered
63 movements and revivals in their midst because of an anti Catholic bias that made them suspicious of frequent claims to the miraculous, a supernatural focus they had associated with Roman Catholics. DeArteaga continued to read and write on this subject and found that despite the suspicions of Spirit centered and miraculous phen omena among some Protestants, there were notable historical confluences between Evangelical revival, Spirit centered Christianity, and that the Wesleyan revivals on the Wesleyan idea (borrowed from their Anglican upbringing) that there was a tangible mediation of grace through the elements of bread and wine in the Eucharist. DeArteaga documented his findings in a book entitled Supper in Revival In this work, he compared historic revivals to contemporary outbreaks of Charismatic manifestations among churches that stressed the mediating power of the s acraments. institution that had Episcopal in its name but was not affiliated with either the Anglican Communion in general or the Epis copal Church in particular. The International Communion of Charismatic Episcopal Church es (CEC) burst onto the American religious scene in 1992 as an institution focused on the intentional and explicit convergence o f sacramental, Evangelical and C harismatic streams of faith. It alread y has a global presence throughout Africa, the Philippines and Brazil. The CEC couches these combinations within an overriding structure of governance and liturgical theology that some scholars claim bears a striking resemblance to Eastern Orthodox Christi
64 evangelical and charismatic roots, seeing them as authentic aspects of the early ap ostolic church that have been largely forgotten w 20). DeArteaga was invited to speak at CEC conventions and subsequently encouraged disaffected conservative Charismatics in the Episcopal Church (TEC) to consider a tran sition to the CEC. He also soon became acquainted with another convergent institution called the Communion of Evangelical the Convergence movement that has crystallize d around the leadership of pastors from the Tulsa O 557). The CEEC is also distinguished within the studies of early Pentecostalism a nd the role that woman played in that movement I felt attracted t ). Even though he was ordained in the CEEC, DeArteaga continued to minister in TEC, and did so as a lay leader of a new Hispanic ministry. Eventually, many of the Anglo and Latino participants at that Episcopal congregation left TEC and came under the alternative oversight of the Anglican province of the Southern Cone. The splinter congregation called itself Light of Christ Anglican Church. DeArteaga saw a divine orchestration in these events. Providentially the Anglican bishop of Bolivia, Frank Lyons, had read Quenching the Spirit Subsequently we had met in Atlanta and formed a friendship. Bis hop Lyons received me as an Anglican priest immediately. Light of Christ became the northern most parish of the diocese of Bolivia! Founding a new congregation from has man y signs of Providential direction. For instance, the healing ministry in the Hispanic congregation has taken a large leap forward and now practically every service we have is a healing service in which people are noticeably hea led of minor and major ailmen ts (DeArteaga 2004 ) As Harper did in the context of the U.K., DeArteaga has connected convergence to a perceived
65 Telling Differences in Convergent Narratives Still, if there are commonalities in the c onvergent journeys of Michael Harper and William DeArteaga, there are also some telling differences in the ways that each grafted their Charismatic experiences onto a broader ecclesiology that is, an understanding of how and by whom truth is mediated in Ch ristian churches. DeArteaga and Harper both opposed the inclusion of non celibate LGBT people in ordained positions because of their shared belief that sex outside of the confines of heterosexual marriage is sinful, but they had contrasting views of women ordination. DeArteaga is committed to female ordination and articulates this stance in Spirit centered terms. Pentecostalism has sometimes opened spaces of authority to women because the notion of been seen by some as the sign par excellence the role of women in church life, which has precluded Pentecostal consensus on this issue. Not all Pentecostals affirm ordaine opposition to such inclusion on Biblical grounds. Nevertheless, DeArteaga is one of those Charismatics who believes that evidence of Spirit gifting of women should be reflected in institutional policie s that affirm what he believes can be their God flock. eing from his It seemed that here was a church making decisions contrary, in the first place, to the example of Christ, who chose only men to be his Apostles; in the second, to the plain teaching of the Scriptures, which see men having headship over women in the Church and in the family; in the third, to the unanimous opinion of the Church
66 Fathers, and the consensus of the Church that the priest is an icon of Christ, as the Orthodox s ay, and so must be male (Harper 1979: 48). Harper was later received into the Antiochian Orthodox Church, where he served as a priest until his death in January of 2010. To Harper, Eastern Orthodoxy not only preserved long standing tradition on issues of gender and sexuality, but its str ( 1979: 174). Harper seems here to be implying that a sincere reliance on the illumination of the Holy Spirit will lead to the high levels of continuity with historic Christian teaching that has be en so important to Eastern Orthodox identity. Nevertheless, the divergent views of DeArteaga and Harper on female ordination bespeak the unpredictability of the Charismatic element within convergent projects of orthodoxy. Convergence and Diversity Sinc e Charismatics stress ongoing communication between the Holy Spirit and believers, sometimes the perceived supernatural messages that follow can spill over accepted lim its of harismatic faith led him to ordination within a converge nt institution that also ordains women; Harper, also a C harismatic, found such practices completely unacceptable. This diversity speaks to the challenges the ACNA faces in articulating a convergent project of orthodoxy. They recognize that unity in their institution cannot require uniformity, given the diverse array of opinions on female ordination and other contested issues. (For now, the ACNA has allowed for a diversity of practices on this issue, providing institutional space for the Anglo Catholics in their midst who claim that they cannot in clear conscience ordain women to the priesthood or receive Communion from a female priest .)
67 At the institutional level, then, the convergent Christians of the ACNA contend for orthodoxy, but the parameters they s et for right doctrine and right practice are meant to be broad enough to encompass many theological emphases already found in the major branches of global Christianity. Leaders of the ACNA have attempted to make the twin goals of orthodoxy and (conservati ve) diversity seem plausible by courting visible signs of support from Christian leaders outside of the Anglican Communion, including prominent figures from both Eastern Orthodox and Evangelical circles. Public partnership with Evangelicals outside of Angl ican traditions help s likeminded members of the ACNA to feel dually embedded in both a particular denomination and a global transdenominational movement. Likewise, signs of Eastern Orthodox fraternity with the ACNA can help reinforce the combination of Cha rismatic and Anglo Catholic elements found in this fledgling institution, especially since Eastern Orthodoxy places such striking emphasis on the relationship between the Holy Spirit and the sacraments. Eastern Orthodoxy, like Anglo Catholic Anglicanism, elevates the Eucharist as the most important moment in a Christian service, when both groups believe that communicants receive the body and blood of Christ in a mysterious fashion. Additionally, Anglo Catholics and Eastern Orthodox Christians are wary of making definitive declarations about what happens to the church believes that after consecration the bread and wine become in very truth the Body and Body and Blood of Christ: they are not mere symbols, but the reality. But while Orthodoxy has always insisted on the reality of the change, it has never attempted to explain the manner of the 1997: 283 ). Neither Anglo Catholics nor Eastern Orthodox Chris tians insist on the language of transubstantiation, which is pivotal to Roman Catholic conceptions of the Eucharist. Contemporary Anglicans of various stripes also share with Eastern Orthodox
68 Christians an emphasis on the role of the Holy Spirit in blessi ng the elements, a liturgical act been emphasized by the Eastern Churches, is now reflected in the restoration of an epiclesis in modern Anglican liturgical Crockett 1998: 317). Finally, Anglo Catholics and Eastern Perhaps, then, as a gesture toward the Anglo Catholics in their midst, leaders of the ACNA invited the leader of the Orthodox Church of America (OCA), Metropolitan Jonah, to give an Ecumenical talk at the inaugural assembly of ACNA in Bedford, Texas in June 2009. The OCA has Russian roots but is spread throughout North America. Metropolitan Jonah, formerly James Paffhausen, was raised an Episcopalian and converted to Orthodoxy while studying in Russia. Since the OCA is in official communion with other Eastern Orthodox Churches, Metropol itan the ACNA demonstrated the wide range of ecumenical credibili ty that leaders of the ACNA hope to acquire and maintain with a convergent ethos. Nevertheless, portions of his address threatened the coherence o f convergent discourse. Metropolitan Jonah assured the ACNA crowd that the OCA had ceased ecumenical relationships with TEC and hoped for a close relationship with the ACNA. He spoke, though, in no uncertain terms about the stumbling blocks to full commu nion between the OCA and the those sticking points. The OCA, like Eastern Orthodox Churches everywhere, prohibits female ordination. So too do Anglo Catholics in the ACNA. Nevertheless, there is a significant leadership of the ACNA, at least for the moment, allows individual dioceses freedom to choose
69 on this matter. Still, with Evangelicals. Their interests were more clearly represented by a leader outside the ACNA whose ecumenical presence signaled for some that the Evange called The Purpose Driven Life and also pastors a megachurch in California called Saddleback Chu rch. Evangelicals praise him for his integration of personal and social evangelism, since he combines a traditional emphasis of saving souls with a commitment to ameliorating social crises, like the AIDS epidemic in Africa. He has also been a lightning r od for controversy. A video he made for his congregation in which he declared his support for Proposition 8 and his opposition to gay marriage in California spread as tounded, and even infuriated, when he selected Warren to pray at his presidential inauguration. At the inauguration of the institution of the ACNA, Warren was in likeminded and familiar company. Through his work on the AIDS crisis in Africa he had met key African Anglican leaders who had forged partnerships with dissident Episcopalians in the United States. In his address to the ACNA crowd, he encouraged them to move beyond institutional squabbles that had so preoccupied their attention and to give primary Metropolitan Jonah, also reinforced the divisions between the ACNA and TEC. In a quip about litigation between the two groups over assets, church property and titles Warren made his applause followed.
70 By drawing visible support from two figures who represent the furthest poles in the theological continuum of the the ACNA seem to be trying to bolster the plausibility structures of convergent Christianity in a pluralistic culture. Peter Berger comments on world building in pluralistic situations are thus relevant to the A theoretically important variatio n is between situations in which an entire society serves as the plausibility structure for a religious world and situations in which only differs as between religious monopolies and religious groups seeking to maintain themselves in a situation of pluralistic competition. It is not difficult to see that the problem of world maintenance is less difficult of [sic] formation in the former instance (Berger 1990: 48). In this case, the ACNA represents a subsociety, but they are trying to make the borders of their project of conservative pluralism as broad as possible not only so that their group appears legitimate, but so that the values they seek to implement in society are viewed as b eing shared by a wide swath of conservative groups. For instance, Jewish, Lutheran, Mormon, Orthodox, Pentecostal and Sikh communities in the Signatories included Archbishop Robert Duncan and Metropolitan Jonah (Orthodox Church in America ) ) The ACNA, then, has brought Anglicans together with varying affinities to these three main theological emphases: Anglo Catholic, Evangelical Anglican and Charismatic Anglican. These emphases have not always meshed in the broader Anglican Communion, so the ACNA leaders ha ve utilized a pneumatic, convergent discourse to build plausibility structures of conservative pluralism within their institution. Peter Berger explains, Any particular religious world will present itself to consciousness as reality only to the extent tha t its appropriate plausibility structure is kept in existence. If the plausibility structure is massive and durable, the religious world maintained thereby will be massively and durably real in consciousness. In the optimal case, the
71 religious world will then be simply taken for granted. However, as the plausibility structure is weakened, so will the subjective reality of the religious world in question. Uncertainty makes its appearance. What was previously taken for granted as self evident reality may now only be reached by deliberate effort, an act the background ( Berger 1990: 150). To engineer conservative consensus in a global institution beset with division (the bro ader Anglican Communion), leaders of the ACNA stumbled upon three intertwining discourses: ancient future faith, convergent Christianity and orthodoxy. The Archbishop of the charisms of catholic, evangelical and Pentecostal have been brought together in one church to (Virtue 2010). His use of the Greek word for gifts, charisms is evocative of the gifts of the Holy Spirit listed in t he New Testament, of which the more spectacular kinds are speaking in tongues, healing, and prophecy. For Duncan and other likeminded conservatives, the convergence of separate strands of faith in a single movement and institution is nothing less than a gi ft from the Holy Spirit a life giving product of pneumatic faith. This pneumatic convergent discourse permits Duncan to speak loudly about the need for orthodoxy (correct doctrine and practice), but quietly about the particular standards by which correct doctrine, belief, or ritual will be measured. Anglo Catholics stress the primacy of church tradition in evaluating theologies and practices. Evangelicals believe that the Bible should have supreme authority in weighing such matters. Charismatics, by con trast, are accustomed to subsuming theological difference in shared celebration of the Holy Spirit. During the Charismatic Renewal of the 1960s and 1970s, for example, Christians from various traditions were brought together not after theological dialogue and joint statements on matters of doctrine, but through the collective effervescence of Charismatic worship and ritual practices; that
72 many in the movement, and to outsiders offering their support. Impo rtantly, these discourses do not only interest Anglicans; nor is their appeal restricted to North Americans. Consider, for instance, the work of a Pentecostal pastor and theologian from Singapore named Simon Chan, whose book Liturgical Theology: The Church as Worshiping Community drew the following blurb from Robert Webber on the back of the book: worship to its place of belongin g in the church. His calling to return to the catechumenate, to the ordo of Sunday worship and the reinvigoration the historic liturgy is especially timely given the postmo Here is a Pentecostal Singaporean considering the the ologically instructive example of Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic liturgical practices for an Evangelical and Pentecostal audience. Chan also moves through various convergent networks developing across different institutions. For instance, he was th e keynote speaker at the 2008 convention of the International Communion of Charismatic Episcopal Churches (CEC). In June of the following year he was invited to speak at a conference at the Trinity School for Ministry in Ambridge, Pennsylvania, Ministry is noteworthy for my study since many of the current leaders of the ACNA were trained there, as were a number of the Chilean leaders (both priests and a bishop) whom I interviewed in Chile. Indeed, leaders of the ACNA are as interested in the cross cultural resonance of convergence as they are in its cross ecclesiastical appeal. Evan gelical and Catholic makes clear, the
73 resonate with Anglican realities on the ground in Africa (Hassett 2007 ). Indeed, many of the most prominent leaders in African Anglicanism, as well as other parts of the global South, have offered strong signs of support for the ACNA and traditional theologies of human sexuality. Two years after the formation of the strong and we continue to be seen as gospel partners a nd b earers of authentic Anglicanism I thus chose two case studies of churches embedded in these networks: one an Anglican church in Chile, which is a part of the Southern Cone Province, and the other a U.S. Latina/o Episcopalian church in Fort Worth, Texas that left TEC, came under the jurisdiction of the Southern Cone province, and is now part of the ACNA. My third case study, Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro, reveals the kinds of institutional and personal changes that can result when some of convergence are given even fuller expression. As the following case studies will demonstrate, grassroots experiences of convergence are n ot always amenable to the institutional goals of convergent institutions like the ACNA, and the Charismatic element is the most unpredictable and volatile factor in the mix.
74 CHAPTER 3 THE CONTESTED PENTEC OSTALIZATION OF CHIL EAN ANGLICANISM In this ch apter, I will examine how Charismatic theological emphases and ritual practices have emerged in Chilean Anglicanism in general and at an affluent, middle class church called La Trinidad in particular. I will situate this emergence within the expanding glo bal sphere of Pentecostal and Charismatic influence. Indeed, this Anglican church occupies an increasingly prominent node in the global networks of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity, especially as those networks are constructed across the Americas. Since La Trinidad is a middle class Charismatic church in a country which has a long and significant Pentecostal history among the urban poor, participants at the church must mediate differences of both religion and class. Their class st atus also encourag es them to be sensitive to Roman Catholicism since it is the most dominant expression of Christianity in the middle and upper classes, the majority faith of Chile, and the most common religious background of people who come to La Trinidad. Indeed, compare d to many Latin American Evangelicals, leaders at La Trinidad have a conspicuously tolerant and open view of Roman Catholicism, which even includes some levels of cooperation. This is unusual in the Latin American context where Evangelical and Catholics ar e often locked in religious competition and conflict (Chesnut 2003:59). This ecumenical openness is facilitated at least in part by the fact that La Trinidad shares some of the same ritual styles and theological emphases of Roman Catholicism, such as infan t baptism, weekly celebration of the Eucharist, and similar liturgical attire (the priests wear collars and on special occasions they also wear liturgical robes). Sacramental theology at La Trinidad is certainly not identical to Roman Catholicism, and it i s less pronounced than in my two U.S. Latina/o case studies. (This is partly due to the British roots of Chilean Anglicanism, since evangelical
75 over sacrament). Still, the convergent mix of Evangelical, Charismatic and sacramental emphases at La Trinidad means these Chilean Anglicans share family resemblances to groups like the ACNA. Nevertheless, the Charismatic convergence at La Trinidad and the religious intens global discourse of convergent orthodoxy, and the connections that are made with that institution are often tenuous. Those weak links are due to general preoccupati on at La Trinidad with other global Charismatic Christian events outside of Anglican institutions. Hence this chapter provides a window into the frenetic processes of global Christian convergence, which sometimes reify class and national borders, sometime s relativize them 2010:272). I argue that members of La Trinidad in general, and particularly their leader Alfredo Cooper, have adopted a pragmatic approach to navigating tributaries of Catholic, Evangelical and Pentecostal faith in Chile and abroad. They have sacralized this pragmatism, claiming that it is the work of the Spirit to know how to most effectively deploy the convergent features of their faith at particular moments and in certain contexts. This is not to say that people associated with La Trinidad live faith through a constant calculation of costs and benefits ; but rather leaders and members of La Trinidad believe that they have been uniquely empowered and positioned by the Holy Spirit to bring revival to their country and the world, and they thus take great care in trying to convey that message winsomely and p ersuasively. I start this examination of local, national, and global mission at La Trinidad with a vignette of people normally set apart in separate denominational quarters and distinct class divisions, who have been drawn together through shared fervency for Evangelical revival. This narrative helps
76 bring to life some of the elements of faith and class that are so important to a broader reaching networks of global Charismatic Christianity. As will becom e clear, though, the experience of cross class and cross denominational unity in the following event is only part of the story. Anglicans in Pentecostal Outreach On one sunny winter morning in Santiago, Chile there is raucous cheering. Waves of fresh a pplause undulate rhythmically over a steady stream of praise; beaming faces match the joyful sounds. This is not a World Cup soccer celebration, nor is it the victorious frenzy of a political election. These are Pentecostals from the largest Pentecostal Church in Chile, the Methodist Pentecostal Church, who have just participated in an evangelistic blitz throughout Santiago, a Mil Esquinas 1 They have traveled in groups throughout the city, passing out booklets wit h pithy explanations of the Evangelical gospel, explaining that people are separated from God through sinful humanity, and that a restored relationship with God requires a personal acceptance and and other striking sartorial expressions of joy. Having dotted the Santiago landscape with their evangelistic message, they have Jotabeche, where the flickers of Pentecostal enthusiasm they lit on the streets have burst into festive conflagration. Various groups, representing mostly Methodist Pentecostal churches from 1 After the mainline Methodist hierarchy in Chile expelled a number of congregations for their pentecostalized theology in the early twentieth century, Chilean Charismatic Methodist leader William Hoover founde d the Methodist Pentecostal Church, which maintained the Methodist structure of decision making and major theological tenets while also allowing a space for charismatic worship. For more information, see J. Anderson (2005).
77 div erse regions in Santiago, proceed into the cathedral. They dance, wave and even drum their way into the sanctuary. In a confusing twist of ethnographic misadventure and miscommunication, I find myself on the stage with the highest ranks of the Chilean Pe ntecostal leadership, where I have an ideal view of the proceedings. I have explained throughout the day that I am a Canadian student of religion at the University of Florida, but because I am a special guest of one of the esteemed leaders of Evangelicali sm in Chile, I have also been confused for a Canadian missionary. I am not sure on what basis I have been invited to the stage. There, I mimic the movements around me, trying to find visual cues for how to comport myself on this platform of ecclesiastica l leadership as I am brought face to face with the rank and file of Chilean Pentecostalism. Congregants emerge from the sunlight into the shade of the sanctuary in unbridled revelry. We, the leaders on the stage, clap and smile in recognition. After three quarters of the vast cathedral has filled, a collection of youth in bright yellow jackets, with MOU (Misin Operacin Urbana Urban Mission Operation) stitched across them, sway down the aisles, cheering wildly; they match, if not exceed, every bit o f Pentecostal exuberance that surrounds them. These youth do not, however, belong to a Pentecostal church. In fact, they come from an expression of Christianity that in some European and North American settings is sometimes described by self effacing mem refers to the traditionally staid and formal religious demeanor of its members. The frigid descriptor, though, does not fit these fiery Anglican youth. I know that they are Anglican because the esteemed guest who I have accompanied today tells me so. Pastor Alfredo Cooper is the most easily recognized Anglican pastor in Chile; in fact, he has become one of the most recognized leaders of Chilean Evangelicalism in general. He
78 explains to me that the Pentecostals i n Chile have borrowed some of the techniques that these Anglican youth use in their own evangelistic campaigns in Santiago, which they call MOU. Although they have joined the Pentecostal outreach on this day, the Anglican youth maintain their distinctions with MOU emblazoned on their jackets. Eventually, a twenty something leader of MOU joins us on the altar. After we have taken our seats, Pastor Alfredo Cooper is invited to pray over Pentecostals and Anglicans alike. He lifts his hands over the congrega tion in a cruciform style, and in an impassioned prayer he invokes the power of the Holy Spirit. In this act, Cooper demonstrates his hybrid religious identity: an Anglican with Pentecostal zeal. He is also a cultural hybrid as an Anglo Chilean born in Ch ile, but educated in England. He speaks Spanish with the consonant swallowing cadence of a native Chilean, and English with a natural British lilt. In my interviews with him, the fifty nine year old Cooper occasionally reaches to find the right English w ord, English to the work of the Holy Spirit among Spanish speakin g Evangelical Chileans, including the Anglican variety. Crossing Denominations, Crossing Social Classes If Anglican and Pentecostal collaboration in Chile is surprising, the cross class cooperation that such fraternity entails may be even more striking. Classic academic works on Pentecostalism in Chile highlight the humble socio economic base of Chilean Pentecostalism. In Follo wers of the New Faith Emilio Willems explores the growth of Pentecostalism in both Chile and Brazil during the 1940s and 1950s. He argues that the vast majority of those attracted to Pentecostalism during this time period were economically marginalized people who embraced Pentecostalism in order to adjust to the abrupt changes of rapid industrialization and urbanization
79 in their co untries. According to Willems, Pentecostalism offered an individualistic ethic of improvement to survive this socioeconomic switch (1967:10). conversion; he argues that w hen economic changes in Chile from 1920 to 1960 catapulted poor migrants from rural settings to the city, Pentecostalism offered a replica of the erstwhile patron client relationships these laborers had known in their rural environments. Pentecostal pastor s acted like the hacendados (estate holders) on the latifundia (large estate): like the hacendados they were authoritarian and demanded high levels of obedience, and similar to these local bosses, the Pentecostal pastors offered paternalistic protection fr om a host of perceived wiles. felt during their sudden dislocation in the cities. These works paint a picture of Pentecostals from low socioeconomic brack ets whose motives for conversion may have to do with tangible this worldly concerns, but who are drawn into a faith that is apolitical and which stresses a host of otherworldly concerns, such as securing salvation for heaven. Other scholars have since adde d more diverse hues to that picture. David Martin for example claims that Pentecostal assemblies create pockets of democratic practice, where participants learn skills like public speaking and acquire the esteem necessary to be active participants in socie ty. Martin does not lay out a clear teleological trajectory of Chilean Pentecostalism, but he believes that historical prototypes like the Methodists suggest that religiously inspired democratic skills and values will have a positive impact on Latin Americ long term democratic future. Frans Kamsteeg (1998) complicates the political implications of Pentecostalism even
80 liberation theology, a progressive approach to the intersection between religion and sociopolitical concern, into their broader Pentecostal matrix. Such combinations led some Pentecostals to courageously defy the dehumanizing machinations of the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet during the 1970s and 80s, and to devise projects of material assistance to the poor and socially limited resonance in Chilean Pentecostalism where the vast majority continue to focus on supernatural practices and beliefs at the expense of this worldly concern. He is also attentive to the large segment of Pentecostals who supported Pinochet and who turned a blind eye to reports of his human rights abuses. Pinochet, seeking religious suppo rt for the regime, conferred Pentecostals with social status that was appealing for people who were normally socially marginalized. There is no uniform Pentecostal position on the legacy of that relationship to Pinochet, but Pentecostals are increasingly r eflective about their changing social and political roles in the country. In a conversation I had with the bishop of the Methodist Pentecostal church in Santiago during the Mil Esquinas event, he told me that one of the most significant changes to Chilean Pentecostalism over the last one hundred years has been upward mobility. Pentecostals, he proudly proclaimed, now inhabit all the major spheres of Chilean society, including the political realm. If some Pentecostals have risen in social class and promine nce, the perception continues in non Pentecostal settings that Pentecostals come mainly from the lower socio economic brackets of society. When Anglicans from La Trinidad interact with Pentecostals, they not only believe they are crossing socio economic an d socio cultural lines but they often are. La Trinidad Anglican Church is located in one of the most prosperous sectors of Santiago, in an area called Las Condes. Along with other well to do sectors, Las Condes is part of the Barrio Alto (the
81 upper neighb orhood). Reverend Cooper explained in an interview that the crossing of both traditional denominational lines and social classes is something that has won favor for Cooper among the Pentecostals: They like the fact that an Anglican can experience Pentecos tal blessing and that he testifies to a church where there are Pentecostal manifestations. They feel very comfortable with that. There is a social element here that lower Pentecostal echelons of society always rather look up to the Barrio Alto [a term for a collection of upper middle class sectors of Santiago] so the fact that a Barrio Alto pastor can come down there and give these sort of expressions is to them quite an eye opener ve the many thousands to Christ. Catholic church in a prosperous middle class sector of Santiago is uncommon. This success among the middle cla ss in the Chilean religious marketplace is especially surprising since La Trinidad Anglican Church shares much in common with Chilean Pentecostals, a religious group who in popular Chilean imagination are closely associated with the urban poor. The middle and upper classes of Chilean society have generally resisted evangelico associated in Chilean society with poor Pentecostals. It is no wonder, then, that popular terms for Pentecostals become confused in the academic literature. Joel Robbins points out, for speaking Latin America scholars often translate the folk term evangelico as evangelical even when it is clear that the g roups they are discussing are Chile. Canuto, is a closely related term t o evangelico and is found only in Chile; it is a pejorative applied to all Evangelicals but especially Pentecostals. The term derives from the evangelistic
82 efforts in 1890 of a Methodist pastor named Juan Canut de Bon who ministered in the Chilean region of La Serena. Emilio Willems noted in 1967 that the term was in widespread use in Chile: Although the unorthodox and completely unsophisticated forms of proselytism practiced by the Pentecostal sects have attracted thousands of followers among the lower classes, they have also generated ridicule and contempt in Chilean society at large. This disdainful designation canuto has gained wide currency and is often indiscriminately applied to all Protestants. The popular definition los canutos son los locos qu e gritan en la calle (the canutos are the crazy ones who shout in the street) obviously expressed derision and the desire to ostracize such dubious elements from middle class respectability (Willems 1967:63). From my interviews, it seems that for the middl e class this term continues to evoke the negative image of poor, boisterous, street preaching Pentecostals. Even the Anglican Bishop of Chile used the term canuto when describing his childhood impressions of Evangelicals. As a middle class church led by a priest, Alfredo Cooper, who is so renowned in Evangelical circles that he was made the Evangelical chaplain to the president of the country, Sebastian Piera, La Trinidad is breaking the Chilean Evangelical mold. Charismatic Awakenings in the Chilean Mid dle Class In Las Condes, Cooper and other members of La Trinidad have combined an Evangelical message of salvation with Pentecostal and Charismatic expressions of praise, and they have carefully crafted their message to address familial discord, which is w hat they perceive to be the most acute anxiety of the middle class. Indeed, the majority of new members of La Trinidad came to the church through spiritual programs that emphasize family stability, the most popular of which is Encuentro Matrimonial (Marri age Encounter). Pastor Alfredo explains that after
83 in the Catholic Church and which Anglicans have adapted to their distinct context. Couples travel for a weekend retreat where they are apparently bereft of some of the cu stomary luxuries of a middle class lifestyle. The retreats are meant to be so private and intimate that participants were only willing to disclose general features to an inquiring academic. I was informed, though, that the comparatively spartan condition s are meant to refocus the couple on the primacy of relationships with each other, their children, and with God. The participants in Marriage Encounter do not typica lly make an explicit faith commitment during the weekend retreat, but many eventually make such decisions in subsequent services at La Trinidad. According to my informants, the weekend retreat of Marriage Encounter lays the groundwork for subsequent spiri tual growth. At the twenty fifth anniversary celebration of La Trinidad, Pastor Cooper asked for a show of hands of people who had come to the church via Marriage Encounter. Of the six hundred people present, between sixty to seventy percent raised their hands. One couple, who I will call Luis and Aida, praised Marriage Encounter for fortifying their shaky marriage back in 1997. The experience of Luis and Aida confirms what sociologist David Smilde has said about the prominent role that social and famili al networks play in Latin came to Marriage Encounter on the advice of friends
84 retreat had left on their own marriage. Luis insists that these enthusiastic reports of the success of Marr iage Encounter are typical. If you do an analysis of the ten or twelve couples who went through Marriage Encounter [with us that weekend], you will find that none of them is separated. They have gone through difficult times, there have been periods of se paration, but none of those marriages has broken up to this day. Not one. Actually there were probably more like fifteen couples. created a new set of relationships, and it was a link to church services at La Trinidad; there the Charismatic features of the services were initially startling but eventually facilitated evangeli cal what scholars have noticed about the opportunities for escalating experiences in Pentecostal and services, revival and other ritualized smooth, but Luis and Aida hi t a bump on their way from the Marriage Encounter weekend to the regular Sunday services at La Trinidad. Lutheran church in Santiago and desc ribes his faith before coming to La Trinidad as similarly uninspired. Luis and Aida had decided not to marry in the Catholic Church because the burden. They thu s occasionally attended Lutheran services as a married couple but feel, in
85 hindsight, that their spiritual commitments were shallow in comparison with their current level of devotion at La Trinidad: they point out, for example, that they did not pray toget her as a couple and that they had no interest in studying the Bible. All that changed at La Trinidad, however, are also now active participants in many of the Ch arismatic expressions of faith that had initially seemed so chaotic. When they first attended La Trinidad, the most shocking portions of the service for Aida that time, there were people who would receive Holy Communion [the term for the Eucharist see this, but at first it was kind of a shock, but not shocking enoug important to note the various levels of continuity and change in this story. Aida was initially startled by overt Charismatic phenomena, which were new to her, but it is likely that the connection between these new practices and older patterns of faith, such as the familiar ritual of the Eucharist, buffered the jolt sufficiently to keep Aida from leaving the church. After all, people were falling under perceived spiritual power during the Eucharist, the centerpiece of both C atholic and Lutheran services. This personal narrative is analogous to broader institutional patterns of continuity and change at La Trinidad. La Trinidad not only provides some connections to Chilean Catholicism, but it has maintained continuity with Chi lean Evangelicalism by using prominent Pentecostal features. They have, though, ruptured the typical pattern of Pentecostal outreach by tuning their Charismatic message to middle class sound waves.
86 Luis suggests that Cooper has divine insight into how to negotiate religious continuity and change. In describing the freedom of both Charismatic expression and solemn reverence at La Alf has always been very clear, during the ten or twelve years th at we have known him, that this is a church in which you can feel free: free to lift your hands, free to cry, free to worship the Lord the way you want, and Alfredo has always been very anointed in this, in the sense that he has been very clear with the pe ople by saying, long as your heart is being healed and you are receiving. La Trinidad speaks to the unique and class conscious way that La Trinidad has appropriated Pentecostal experience and language. In Pentecostal and Charismatic circ les the word anointing individual, movement, or particular local church. In this passage, Luis draws attention to ons among newcomers to the church; in his view, Cooper has made this a safe space for the majority of first time visitors, who usually have a nominal Catholic background in which they were unaccustomed to overt emotional release in church. It is as if Coop those terms, Catholicism is an important element in the habitus of many middle and u pper class Chileans (Thumala 2007:25) and thus it is important that Cooper valorizes such a habitus by reminding parishioners that quiet experiences with the Spirit are as authentic as more demonstrative encounters. At the same time, Luis sees this balanc e in presentation as a kind of Spirit and participants have helped forge religious identities that are betwixt and between the dominant Chilean Christian models of, on the one hand, the predominantly lower class forms of emotional
87 Pentecostalism, and, on the other, a multi class (but especially middle and upper class) Catholicism less inclined toward such exuberance. This attitude is reflected in the use of media at La Trinidad. The various aspects of media ministries at La Trinidad draw some participants into relationships which encourage reflection on a number of pressing issues in the broader Chilean society. A television show hosted by Pastor Alfredo Cooper called Hazte Cargo program that seeks to elevate values in Chile, Hazte Cargo where we take stock of our lives and these circles. Many themes covered on the show, however, are not readily associated with Latin American Evangelicalism. There have been frank discussions, for example, of the military takeover of the country in 1973, the long period it is clearly a theme from the past because it took place a long time ago but for our country it is a theme of the present because people continue living with the pain and there are people vast majority of historians opposition parties and people suspected of such opposition were surreptitiously detained without at the hands of a military that crushed even hints of
88 political critique through torture and other dehumanizing tactics. In this exploration of an exampl e which challenges stereotypes of cloistered Evangelicals separating from the broader culture. One woman in her late thirties, Josefina, is active in the various media ministries of La Trinidad; indeed, she first suggested the idea of Hazte Cargo to Pas tor Alfredo. Josefina comes from a denominationally mixed household: her father is Catholic and her mother is Anglican. Josefina describes her Christian formation as a deep, slow, and gradual process of transformation. One of the spiritual highlights of conference with members of L Charismatic Christians use to identify the activation of a supernatural gift of the Holy Spirit, such as speaking in tongues, prophecy or divine healing. For Josefina, however, her gift was mor e the multiple cultures with which she is engaged through he r media ministry. Josefina self identifies as a basic Christian, one who eschews denominational labels. and less denominations, and divisions, and tolerate one another. I know it is easy to say it (laughs). But I try to not lift up Anglicanism. That [attitude of denominational exceptionalism]
89 actually bothers but Josefina extends the ecclesiastical reference furt her than most. She includes Catholics in this designation and adds that she realized after meeting various Catholic priests who have participated in segments of Hazte Cargo clarifies later in the intervi ew that these particular Catholics were Charismatic Catholics. She stalism, work of the Holy Spirit helps to explain why evangelicals can accept Catholics despite their clarify that Walsh implicitly refers to Charismatic Evangelicals, rather than the more Reformed branch of Evangelicalism, which is means but she recognizes a kins hip with some people, including Catholics, who have used this label. Her ecumenical sensibilities are predicated on Charismatic conviviality, a sense that all Christians can unite in common submission to the presence of the Holy Spirit. Josefina exhibits similar characteristics to what the scholar Grant Wacker noticed in his study of the history of Pentecostalism. After sifting through a host of early journals and other historical sources of popular Pentecostal culture, Wacker concluded that from its earl iest stages there was an inherent tension in Pentecostalism between primitivism and pragmatism. Primitivism refers to that element of Pentecostal ethos which has encouraged Pentecostals to run roughshod over human made traditions. For Pentecostals, the movement of the Holy Spirit
90 could topple the enterprises of humanity even when Christians had constructed those human bonds of spirit centered fraternity is comp arable to Pentecostal primitivism. may care attitude about tradition in Pentecostalism was offset by a pragmatic concern for delivering the Pentecostal message in a way that resonated with broader cultures. Pentecostals atte mpted to combine the spontaneity of spirit centered faith with La Trinidad seems to hold together a si milar tension between primitivist and pragmatic emphases. As an interviewer on Hazte Cargo Pastor Alfredo maintains a poised and steady demeanor while offering carefully crafted questions and rational reflection. As a preacher, by contrast, he throws of Pentecostal preacher. There is plenty of slippage and overlap between these apparentl y distinct worlds of Pentecostal fervor and media professionalism. Horsfield argues, The ability of religious bodies to communicate their message and perspectives to the wider society is influenced significantly by the extent to which they can translate t he language and practices of the religion, constructed within particular media cultural contexts, into the required languages, industrial demands, and cultures o f the dominant media industries (2008:117) Knowing the right tune for the right moment is cruc ial for cultural engagement. Josefina explains that every episode of Hazte Cargo behind the scenes. Although the show has a pragmatically selected mix of politicians, journalists, religious believers, and educators, she the show. Doors open, doors close the goal is to honor Him and the Lord does what He wants. We always see how God accomplishes his will. The cost is great
91 I ask as a follow up question whether the show is meant to be evangelistic; in other words, are even the episodes with overt political and social commentary meant to draw people to Some interviews on the show contain evangelistic rhetoric, but there are other episodes of Hazte Cargo in which the evangelistic message of salvation is subdued or absent. Josefina Hazte Cargo news distinct sociopolitical and cultural confines of Chile, and Josefina clarifies that it does so in a evangelico [Evangelical], not so canuto he idiomatic expression acts as an adjective rather than a noun, used to designate certain styles of Christian proclamation that are evocative of Pentecostals from a lower socioeconomic bracket. Josefina admits that, like canuto and when she decides to use this term bespeaks the mix of spiritual spontaneity and pragmatic describe as Evangelical when the Lord shows me, you kno This admission provides clear recognition of the multiple tributaries of Christian identity in Latin America. In her media ministry, Josefina seems to self consciously navigat e and mediate these 2 of Chile From Evangelical Liberation Theology to Pentecostal Anglicanism Wh en Alfredo Cooper first returned to Chile after theological and biblical studies at All Nations College in England, he was buzzing with a heady mix of evangelistic fervor and a 2 See Chesnut (2003) for the co ncept of the religious marketplace in Latin America.
92 vigorous commitment to social justice. Before his evangelical conversion, he w as a self proclaimed Marxist. His newfound evangelical faith was thus combined with long standing La Flo rida, Cooper launched his dual campaign to save souls and society: ion but I wanted a biblical version of and ask questions: How did this faith that we were finding affect our social and political situation? And the classic sort of liberation theology [question], but around the Bible. Liberation theology without that evangelical section to it is basically the group of people asks the questions before God, but I was doing it in front of the Bible. e from his partial dissatisfaction with Pentecostalism: What I liked best from what I had read was this vision of getting among the poor Pentecostal church in the West Indi Pentecostals were raising up the poorest, you know. Eventually, however, Cooper noticed a pentecostalization of his Anglican parish, a change that scholars of Latin American religion would eventually describe with the adage that liberation theology opted for the poor, but the poor opted for Pentecos talism (Stoll 1990). became Pentecostal churches later on; the ones in Northeast Brazi l, very few remained with that political vision, they just became Pentecostal. And this is what happened to us as well, our church very quickly became a sort of Anglican Pentecostal church, but I developed the vision [of evangelical liberation theology] b background made me feel that I wanted to contribute to the return of democracy
93 Cooper eventually decided that his Anglican parish was yet another Evangelical church in a poor sector that already had a plethora of similar religious options. So that [Anglican parish in La Florida] grew quickly into a little church of about 30 to 40 people in about a space of a year and when I tried to find a building for that, I discovere d that there were another four Pentecostal churches all vying for the same plot of ground. We won, and the church is planted and it is there to this day, but it made me feel like we were just cluttering the evangelical landscape with another church, when there were already Pentecostals doing such a good job. So that sense of really wasting my time, what am I doing? concurred with the invitation from the Bishop to start an Anglican work in this upper Barrio Alto sector, the upper middle class, professional sector, those who rule Chile but at the same time had no expression of non Catholic churches, apart from English speaking expressions or a German Lutheran expression. So here was the challenge to start in Spanish. And that was in 1978 We began with fear and trepidation. Cooper started a Spanish mission in a middle class sector called Providencia and handed that ministry over in 1984 to start La Trinidad in Las Condes. La Trinidad has had startling numerical success for a middle cla ss non Catholic church. Patterns of Pentecostalization at La Trinidad Although La Trinidad fits the pattern of the pentecostalized mainline in Latin America, it does nonetheless stick out among other Anglican churches in Santiago; La Trinidad is the larges t and most Charismatic parish in both the country and the broader Southern Cone jurisdiction to which the Anglican Church in Chile belongs. Sunday attendance, including children, averages nine hundred congregants and sometimes reaches a thousand. The san ctuary holds approximately two hundred and fifty people, and there are multiple rooms around the church campus for Christian instruction, meetings, and special events. La Trinidad offers three different services with three distinct styles. The first, at 9:30 a.m. on Sunday, is the most formal of the services and is also the bridge service to which participants in Marriage Encounter are invited. During this service, the congregation recites pre set prayers and creeds drawn from the Book of Common Prayer.
94 Charismatic gestures are present at this earliest service, such as hand raising during singing and even the occasional manifestation of speaking in tongues, but those features are moderate and much less frequent than the second service at 11:00 a.m. D uring my field work in the summer of 2009, I often attended both morning services. I noticed a palpable change in the atmosphere once the second service began. Whereas hand raising was scattered and Charismatic practices few in the first service, the con gregation during the 11:00 a.m. service are much more energetic in their worship: there was widespread hand raising during the singing and other embodied signs of enthusiasm abounded, such as dancing and jumping during particularly lively songs. The eveni ng Sunday services are set apart for the youth of La Trinidad. For these services, the sanctuary is transformed into a medium sized rock show, with green, red, and yellow strobe lights adding to the religious spectacle. Youth belt out danceable praise so ngs as well as slower more intimate worship songs. Much of the praise and worship involves Spanish translations of the hugely successful music ministry of the Charismatic megachurch, Hillsong Australia. One young man in his late teens and with long spira ling red hair was elated about the possibility that he and the rest of the youth band at La Trinidad might open for the worship group from Hillsong The liturgical elements of pre set prayers are tr uncated during the youth service, but the biblical readings for the day are read aloud in the sanctuary, just as they are in the morning services. Before a sermon, there is often an interview with an invited speaker or with one of the youth who has had a momentous spiritual experience through La Trinidad. Both interviewer and interviewee sit down during this session, a visual design that is meant to appeal to the informal and laid back elements of youth culture. The interview is followed by a sermon.
95 Eve n though La Trinidad has tried to create a familiar and comfortable atmosphere for youth, speakers stress the Pentecostal and Charismatic features of La Trinidad. According to where youth (2003:173). This emphasis was particularly striking during an evening in which Pastor Alfredo spoke to youth about the role of the Holy Spirit i n Christian life. His sermon was followed with a prayer time in which some youth began to speak in tongues for the first time, and others wept openly. La Trinidad does not lack for committed youth leaders in their teens and twenties. During prayer times a variety of people laid hands on the shoulders or back of the youth in prayer, a practice which is typical in local Pentecostal and Charismatic settings. Sometimes fellow youth, who have not been designated as leaders, will spontaneously surround their friends Attitudes toward the Demonic These kinds of emotive demonstrations of spiritual power are most evident in the general congregation at the bi weekly healing services held on Wednesday evenings. During these services there are prayers for the sick, emotionally troubled, and those perceived to be any kind of prayer that resists demonic influenc e, understood to include a continuum from minor levels of oppression to the much more sinister, and less frequent, cases of demonic possession. Anthropologist Joel Robbins claims that this is a ubiquitous feature of global Charismatic er neo Charismatic doctrine enjoying worldwide popularity is that of spiritual warfare, which encourages believers to view daily life as dominated by an ongoing s of
96 a common point of discussion among participants during my observations of La Trinidad, I was present for what participants believed was an encounter with t he demonic. One Wednesday evening I was observing the variety of prayers when Cooper suddenly made his way back to the middle of the left side of the congregation where a group of adults was huddled around a girl between fourteen and sixteen years of age; the intensity and audible level of prayer rose when Pastor Alfredo joined the group. The girl remained seated as Cooper began Fuera, en el nombre de Jesus Fuera continuously until finally he began t o laugh and the tone of the prayers took a much softer turn. addition to the prayers that she had already been receiving throughout the evening. I inquired aft erward what had happened during this time of intercession. Pastor Alfredo explained that the girl had been tormented by demonic oppression and that her family had been r during releasing the girl from demonic bondage. I attempted to gauge her post prayer attitude while she lingered in the sanctuary, waiting as her family spok e to well wishing congregants. The girl snapped a series of self portraits on her cell phone, tipping her hat to various angles, and making model like facial expressions. She seemed more concerned with fashion than Jesus or the Devil, but her countenance had changed. She had a dreary forlorn look for most of the night before she received prayer, but she was now smiling peacefully; so too were the many other congregants who testified to some kind of physical alleviation or emotional release during the heal ing prayers. Through the packed schedule of mid week church activities and studies, which include
97 rayers of deliverance they also acknowledge that the church is a haven from what is seen, by implication, as a sometimes spiritually polluted world. There are, though, differences between the strict Pentecostal ch, and the comparatively more permeable and flimsy borders that leaders and participants at La Trinidad draw between the sacred and the profane. believers to eschew alc ohol, dancing, and even the cinema. At La Trinidad, there are no qualms about congregants drinking alcohol socially, and there were occasions during my observation when clusters of smoking congregants were gathered outside the church, especially during eve ning events. This is in keeping with broader Chilean society, where smoking is a ubiquitous habit. Even the deliverance session I witnessed during the night of healing prayer stands in contrast to the more raucous exorcisms performed in settings where ther e are sharper divisions drawn between the church and broader society. Still, it would be misleading to characterize congregational life at La Trinidad as only a reflection of its social context. The Charismatic patterns at this church may be muted by middl e class reservations, but they are no less discordant during services that had so surprised Aida upon her first visit to the church was widespread during the evening of healing prayer and deliverance. The Pentecostal/Charismatic Ritual of Being Slain in the Spirit The service came to a close slowly as various congregants a rose from the woozy aftermath be overcome by a perceived spiritual presence and some fall back on the ground when they
98 receive prayer; besides the slain in t he Spirit label, this phenomenon is also referred to as induced sensations have become so commonplace at La Trinidad that ushers station themselves behind people receiving prayer to be ready to catch them if they fall. This phenomenon did not used to happen as frequently as it does now at La Trinidad; according to Pastor Alfredo, this newfound ubiquity of spiritual manifestations in his church is due to the influence of Pastors Ricardo Rodriguez and his wife, Maria Pat Rodriquez of Bogota, Colombia, who lead a church in Bogota called Centro de Avivamiento Mundial Trinidad. By revival, Charismatic Christians do not alw ays mean an upswing in total number of Evangelical Christians, although most expect this to be an outcome. Rather, revival often refers in to what Geertz (1973) means by those terms that is, they lead to various emotively charged patterns of behavior inclinations. It is helpful to situate the revival discourse and Charismatic behavior at La Trinidad within broader global patterns of percei ved Spirit centered outbreaks. The Globalization of Pentecostal/Charismatic Revival Pastors Ricardo and Patty Rodriguez are the latest figures to spearhead Charismatic and Pentecostal revival in South America; even before this revival, South America was se en as a locus for Spirit centered outbreaks in transnational Charismatic networks, which crisscross such far reaching environs as South Africa, the United States and Canada. The Toronto Blessing in 1994, an outbreak of gifts of the spirit at a Vineyard Fel lowship located at Toronto Pearson Assemblies of God Church in 1993. Similarly, the Rodriguez couple from Bogota, Colombia has
99 more than just the vast expanse of the Americas on their horizon. The title of their church, World Revival Center, bespeaks the global scope of their spiritual ambitions. While global Pentecostal and Charismatic networks are diverse and complex, the themselves in the presence of the Holy Spirit in both private devotion and church assemblies will receive an anointing. The couple insists that it is through the anointing, or empowering of the Spirit, that even common Christians can become vessels of miraculous power, channeling the healing and saving power of God for the sick and so evangelicals) of the world. For those familiar with the basics of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity, there is nothing novel in this articulation of the faith; this simple message has, however, produced demonstrable results in the form of dramatic manifestations of per ceived spiritual power. Services have proved captivating for the thousands who come to Bogota from across the globe for annual events like the World Revival Congress, and for the local Bogotanos who attend the three weekly services at the World Revival Cen ter, one held on Friday evening and the other two on Sunday mornings. This church provides a strikingly visible Evangelical presence in a country with only modest Protestant growth. Still, if the World Revival Center in Bogota is a dense blot of Protest antism on a national map in which the Evangelical presence is otherwise thin, this large Charismatic church fits the megachurch model so prevalent among Evangelicals in Bogota. The relatively large space of the Center for World Revival structures the mean s by which congregants experience spiritual incorporation. Some of the ministerial practices resemble other
100 North American faith healers, such as Benny Hinn, who carry out campaigns in large venues around the world. Benny Hinn has been known to wave his h and over sections of an audience, bellowing en masse believing they are under the power of the Holy Spirit; this phenomenon of being slain in the Spirit in a large venue differs from the typical pattern in smaller church settings. As mentioned, at La Trinidad people are generally slain in the Spirit during prayers of close physical contact, which sometimes endures for a considerable period. Typically the praye r minster (who could be clergy, a lay leader, or even a devout member of the congregation) lays hands on the (particularly female to female), the minister may even caress the shoulders or back of the prayers, it comes paradoxical ly at a significant distance. Ricardo and Patty Rodriguez in Bogota, Colombia have added an interesting material element to such capacious orchestrations of spiritual power. Videos of the various World Revival Congresses in Bogota show Ricardo Rodrigue z, in particular, waving flags of distinct nations through the air, sending all in the vicinity of the gesture toppling with such immediacy that they seem to have been hammered by a gale force of spiritual power. The pastors are not averse to dramatic fla ir but this is also more than mere spectacle; the use of national flags in some of these meeting speaks to the combination of de territorialization and re territorialization that accompany Pentecostal and Charismatic claims to revival (Appadurai 1996).
101 The anointing is thought to be available to all, without regard to place of origin, but the freshly empowered Christians who encounter revival are called by leaders to be agents of change in their home nations. In Jesus in Disneyland: Religion in Postmodern Times, David Lyon demonstrates that contemporary Pentecostal/Charismatic attractions can be expanded through the enthusiastic reports and demonstrations of spiritu al travelers carrying back the remittances of thought to be diffuse since a local revival can spill over national and geographic boundaries. On the other h and, the theology of revival can reinforce the boundaries of the nation state, since many recipients are admonished that their reception of anointing is meant to change the moral and spiritual climate of their particular country, while both undermining and reinforcing the borders of the nation state. When a Pentecostal/Charismatic revival is carried from the original site to new areas, the features of revival may morph in the process of articulation and reception. Uniformity is impractical in revivals wit h an extensive geographic reach. Lyon describes, for example, the plurality of Christian cultures that have been in some way connected to the Toronto Airport Blessing: more readily in some settings than in others, or, to maintain the earlier metaphor, that the flows follow some channels and not others. The Blessing may, for instance, touch certain groups that evidence few features of California style Vineyard Fellowshi p, or even airport culture cosmopolitanism. In Pensacola, Florida, for example, the relevant sister church is, according to Margaret Polomba, much more like the more familiar old southern Pentecostalism, which suggest that the flames of the fire may burn quite differently in different locales, even though the spark may have come via Toronto (2000:109). In this excerpt, there is evidence of various religious cultures adapting the same broader revival to their particular situations. This makes the strong in fluence of a non denominational
102 Charismatic revival in Bogota, Colombia on an Anglican church in Santiago, Chile much more comprehensible. Still, that a priest with a collar has become an important part of the revival networks gives Cooper a conspicuous pr esence in such circles, a prominence that both he and the Rodriguez couple use for pragmatic rhetorical purposes. In trying to spearhead Pentecostal/Charismatic revival around the world, the Rodriguez couple in Bogota, Colombia did not expect to find a pow erful conduit in an Anglican pastor. Decades before Alfredo Cooper made his first visit to the World Revival Congress, he had already witnessed the dramatic impact Charismatic Christianity carried across geographical boundaries: Some of the English missi onaries who had come into the Charismatic experience had come back to Chile because in England it was just beginning in the late 60s early 70s; there was this new big Charismatic movement. So the missionaries would come back full of the Lord and full of f ire and they would start ministering to the people, so this was interesting. We had the synod and at one point in the synod we asked the bishops to pray for us and they prayed and the Holy Spirit came with tremendous power. In fact, we had an Acts 4 expe rience: the church that we were in shook literally, violently like an earthquake. There was an earthquake. The minute we said amen, after praying for about three hours, and with all sorts of Pentecostal expressions and tongues and things we stood in a gr eat cross and we earthquake over Chile, I remember, but it was at that exact timing, I remember, and wa Cooper decided after that experience to foster Charismatic Anglicanism in all the new ministry efforts he would carry out in Santiago, including the middle class church plant s. In hindsight, he thinks that even his best efforts to fan the flames of spiritual renewal were stymied by his own reservations about Charismatic excess. He believes that he and the churches he led would tation of the Holy Spirit. That reticence gave way to surrender when Pastor Alfredo and several other members of La Trinidad felt they were suddenly caught up in the gusting winds of Charismatic revival in Bogota, Colombia.
103 At one typically energetic serv ice at the World Revival Center, Alfredo Cooper was a return visitor, testifying to the spiritual transformation he experienced in 2005 at his first World Revival Congress in Bogota, Colombia. Before Cooper spoke, Pastor Ricardo Rodriguez singled out Past or Cooper and his wife Hillary as evidence of the far reach of Colombian revival. Did you all know that the revival is not only here, but that the Lord is anointing men who have had contact with the revival and have begun to start a tremendous work in ot her countries? We have friends in Venezuela, others who God is moving in the United States, in Mexico and in Argentina and in Chile; in Chile there are tremendous things happening. How many like to hear news of the revival? [Applause] How many like to he ar news of the revival? [Louder applause] How many like to know all that Christ is doing in the revival? [Even louder applause] How many like to know that God is using the revival to touch the world? [Final crescendo of applause] At this point in the serv ice, Pastor Ricardo presented Alfredo and his wife Hillary. Hillary was the first to speak; excitedly, if somewhat shyly, she proclaimed the powerful influence that the Bogota Revival has had on her life and her ministry in Santiago. She described the pra under which she was refreshed and empowered for local ministry. She believed that this new anointing had helped her deal with the emotional toil she witnessed and fel t when helping troubled couples who came to Marriage Encounter weekends. In this case a ministry geared to middle class Chileans, Marriage Encounter, which does not have prominent Charismatic features, is brought into a broader Charismatic orbit through rh etorical links. Cooper made narrative that included Chilean Pentecostalism, Charismatic Anglicanism, and non denominational Charismatic revival in Bogota, Colombia. P revival.
104 Who would have thought that in this Congress in 2005, right there [gestures to the front of the altar] the Holy Spirit would fall suddenly on this inoffensiv e, quiet change forever? From that spot, they lifted me up and brought me up here [on the altar] where for the first time I was face to face with Pastor Rodriguez. I had prayed t [Pastor Coo per makes a sweeping motion to replicate the waving gesture that Pastor Rodriguez used over him in prayer] and I received millions and millions of golpeos sm acts as a humorous and potentially convincing foil to the dramatic, body animating power of the Holy Spirit. (From shadowing Pastor Alfredo around many parts of Chile, I can say with uncertainty that while he is not offensive, he is rarely quiet, especi ally in religious gatherings.) Pastor Rodriguez followed Anglicanism (self deprecating in the Charismatic context where enthusiasm is prized and reservation discourage d) by reiterating how surprising it is that an Anglican would be so was least expecting God to choose to light this fire because an Anglican is very traditional; they still maintain a lot of ritual, but look at him: He is more Pentecostal than all the Pentecostals. He are meant to suggest to participants that the Holy Spirit can rupture denominational defenses against spiritual enthusiasm. It seems then rhetorical act of persuasi manifestation that is thought to be so strong that it even topples a dignified Anglican, rendering him powerless before the creative and spontaneous movement of the Spirit. If the Colombian
105 cong regation had any doubts about what this Anglican pastor was claiming about his own experience, an embodied demonstration followed to convince the skeptical. which we d o in Chile to give glory to God for all that he is doing. In Chile, we greet each other in place to place and I would like to greet my Chilean brothers and sisters who are watching, Gloria a D (Glory to God) Chile para Cristo Gloria a Dios further instructed that after this triparti te refrain, Pastor Alfredo and his wife Hilary would Chile Para Cristo Colombia para Cristo The congregation responded to the call with great gusto and there was a vibrating cheer throughout the World Revival Center. Gloria a Dios Chile para Cristo and Hillary. He instructed the Chile para Cristo Pastor Rodriquez touched the outstretched hands of Pastor Alfredo and Hillary and they fell back immediately. While both were prostrate on the floor, Pastor Alfredo writhed, kicking his legs in the air, screaming out in seemingly ecstatic praise. Transferring Charismatic Rituals With the pronounced emphasis on spontaneity and immediacy of spiritual experience in Charismatic circ les, practitioners of this enthusiastic faith, like Pastor Rodriguez, do not always recognize the nature of ritual in their own congregations; at the very least Protestant ous Pentecostal
106 and Charismatic settings, I have heard the term ritual equated with rote repetition, which is Anglicanism: it is shocking that God has chosen an Anglican for revival, partly because There are, nonetheless, some fascinating ritual exchanges and concomitant crossings of religious culture during this instance of As an Anglican, Cooper has appropriated a ritual which was created within denominational Pentecostalism in Chile, and he has introduced it to the neo Pentecostal congregants at World Revival Center; moreover, Coo with Chilean Pentecostalism on a Colombian stage of revival. I only witnessed this ritual in Chile once during my fieldwork. At the assembly following the Mil Esquinas event in the Method ist Pentecostal Cathedral, numerous Pentecostal leaders led the congregants in this scripted praise. After the first rendition, Pastor Alfredo leaned over to me on the stage to surreptitiously explain that this was common Pentecostal practice in Chile. W hile I certainly Gloria al Senor attended, I never heard him, or any Anglican leader for that matter, implore an Anglican assembly to repeat this refrain in ritual style, nor did a ny Anglican congregants do this on their own initiative. Hence when Cooper introduced the ritual to the Colombian neo Pentecostal Pastor Alfredo could have introduced the Colombian con gregants to the more familiar El Seor sea con ustedes Y con tu/su espiritu That call and response, however, wou ld likely have a familiar ring, and not necessarily a positive
107 one, for many in the Colombian assembly, since the same words are used during a Catholic mass. (Having previously worked with Mennonites for nearly a year in Bogota, I noticed that most Evange licals seem to have a lower view of the spiritual merits of the Catholic Church than I found in my research among the leaders and congregants of La Trinidad in Chile.) Pastor Alfredo thus seems to be strategic in the parts of his hybrid identity which he e mploys at particular moments in certain places. The attention he draws to his Anglicanism makes his sweep into the Charismatic swell of Bogota revival seem more dramatic. His association with Pentecostals allows him to draw upon a Pentecostal ritual whic h can be more easily, and less offensively, adapted to the Protestant Charismatic setting in Bogota than would an Anglican greeting that mirrors Catholic liturgy. Developing a Global Charismatic Consciousness through Local Experiences of the Spirit As a widely traveled religious leader, Cooper has had plenty of practice at pragmatically navigating various denominational expressions of Christian faith. His global consciousness has developed from personal experience. Even congregants who do not have such o pportunities can develop a global consciousness of their faith. A thirty something congregant at La Trinidad named Alba has learned from others how to stitch her personal narrative of Charismatic Christianity onto a broader plot of global faith. Alba is n ew to La Trinidad; she began attending services with her boyfriend. Alba says that she believes in a host of spiritual ideas which include everything from features of pantheism to reincarnation. She recognizes the heterodoxy of her beliefs in the context of La Trinidad but experience, rather than belief, whic h has created the most radical changes in her life. She
108 clarifies that her experience in the presence of God is a restoration of long lost childhood identity. Alba felt the presence of Jesus when she would pray as a young child; but at a very early stage s he lost that sense of presence. In the absence of sensation, she just talked to God from I was waiting for the suddenly when it was my turn to receive the bread and the wine I started to sob, because I saw Jesus and he told m felt like he invited me to eat and be with him. What a beautiful sensation. I cried and cried and cried From then, I realized that I was in the right place. gan to fit broader Charismatic patterns, even before she knew of such trends. One of those visions occurred when the congregation was singing a rousing worship song in which, with her eyes open wide, Alba saw gold raining from the roof of the church over the even turned to her boyfriend to ask if he was seeing the sam e thing. Unbeknownst to Alba, Christians in various Charismatic revivals, including revivals in Argentina and the Toronto hands and even in their teeth. She w as not ignorant for long about the connections. After she shared her experience with Cooper, he in turn shared it with the congregation at La Trinidad as confirmation that this local church was experiencing global revival. Hence having a peripatetic priest means that even newcomers to La Trinidad can emplot their local experiences on a broader narrative of global Charismatic Christian revival.
109 Still, these local to global narratives do not always unfold in a mutually reinforcing fashion. Sometimes the ext ension of Charismatic networks across expanses of national territory undermines the normally preeminent role of the local pastor in giving counsel and spiritual support to his congregants. For example, the shadow of the Bogota revival has loomed so large o ver the life of a La Trinidad lay leader named Hector, who is in his early twenties, that he staked his future marriage on the divine insight of Patty Rodriguez from the Colombian revival. Hector helps plan and lead the Sunday evening youth services at La Trinidad. In the summer of 2009, he travelled to the World Revival Congress in Bogota and came back on a divine mission to get engaged. behind the scenes peek into the lives of Ricardo and Patty. He was impressed with what he saw and was convinced that their dramatic displays of spiritual power in the church were no show, but a natural outgrowth of a disciplined life submitted daily to the power of the Holy Spirit. Hence when Patty Rodriguez called Hector and his girlfriend to the altar on their last evening in ision of the couple while in prayer. She had seen a long, extensive path on which the couple walked holding hands. She explained that Hector and his girlfriend would face difficulties but that if they committed themselves to the Lord, they would overcome those difficulties; it was a marriage that God as he recounted the prophe cy. Hector and his girlfriend were not even engaged before this
110 prophetic vision, but the details resonated so deeply for Hector that he decided to ask his girlfriend to marry him after recounting the experience to his future parents in law. Since La Trin decisions based on divine counsel from that site, one might expect that La Trinidad would be ad has emphasis on the Bible and personal conversion, the Charismatic stress on the gifts of the Holy Spirit, and a surprising (for a Latin American Evangelical congre gation) tolerance for and appreciation of Catholicism. In addition to these convergent family resemblances, La Trinidad has a global consciousness of a worldwide movement of the Holy Spirit. One could assume that such a mentality would be amenable to the c ross cultural efforts of the ACNA, who are eager to sporadically, even though some of the most prominent leaders of the ACNA, including the Archbishop Robert Dunca n, were given interim ecclesiastical status with the Anglican province Bedford, Texas representing the Southern Cone during the inaugural meetings of ACNA, most of th e congregants I spoke to at La Trinidad knew nothing about that meeting. Had they known, they could have watched those proceedings online, as I did while I was in Chile. Although the language barrier would have made comprehension impossible for many, it s eems that some congregants at La Trinidad were more attuned to what was happening in another country on their own continent. One congregant I spoke to who had heard something about the Bedford meeting of ACNA watched a live internet feed of the Bogota revi val instead.
111 Still, when the Bishop returned to Chile, he recounted to congregants at La Trinidad why the ACNA was founded. He was insistent that the ACNA provides an orthodox and Evangelical example of biblical faithfulness made vital by what he believe traditional tracks. Indeed, according to the Bishop, TEC had lost its way. It was not incidental that Zavala made such claims during a confirmation service, when thirteen people at La Trinidad were committing not only to persona l Christian faith, but to that faith expressed in an Anglican context. Again, though, the case of La Trinidad bespeaks how intentional and deliberate the global networking needs to be for a global consciousness of convergent orthodoxy to take meaningful r oot in far flung territories. The purveyors of convergent orthodoxy in North America may have such congregations as La Trinidad in mind as they trumpet the global relevance of their brand of faith, but they might be surprised how strong the affinities are between Anglicans in Chile and Charismatic Evangelicals in Bogota. This, of course, does not necessarily undermine the cultural Anglican identity, since members of the ACNA also minister with non Anglicans in N orth America and attempt to use such ecumenical partnerships to reinforce the plausibility of convergent consensus. Still, if Anglicans at La Trinidad continue to have a convergent ethos but relatively little interest in the ACNA, then the globalist and tr ansnational discourse of convergent orthodoxy so essential to conservative Anglicans in North America begins to sound more like a rhetoric confined to a few leaders than a description of a substantial and organic affinity across far reaching territory. If Alfredo Cooper goals as they do in perceived signs of Charismatic revival throughout the Americas, they will no
112 doubt do so with the same careful pragmatic consider ation that they evidenced in their myriad crossings of denomination, class, and national boundaries.
113 CHAPTER 4 MAKING SPACE FOR CON VERGENCE AT IGLESIA SAN BARTOLOME Upon entering the sanctuary of Iglesia San Bartolome in Fort Worth, Texas, many members of the church dip their fingers into a bowl sized font of holy water, cross themselves from head to heart, then left to right across each shoulder, and conclude the motion with a cruciform hand gesture, which they kiss. This ritual is commonplace in Catho lic Churches throughout Latin America, and the Anglicanism in which Father Juan Reyes, the priest of San Bartolome, was raised is strikingly similar to Roman Catholicism in Mexico. He calls it to the teaching authority of the Roman Catholic Magisterium, nor do they recognize the Pope as having any preeminent place in Christianity. Even though they do not have any official relationship to the Catholic Church, Anglican Catholics in Mexico share ma ny common religious symbols and ideas with Roman Catholicism. Some of those commonalities are evident at San Bartolome in Fort Worth. A four foot tall painting of the Virgin of Guadalupe, adorned with flowers and elevated on the right center wall of Igles ia San Bartolome, is an unmistakable reminder of the Mexican Catholic presence in this humble ACNA church in Texas. Father Juan has also imbued San Bartolome with a curious mix of Charismatic and Evangelical features. In this chapter, I will analyze the negotiations of Catholic, Evangelical and Charismatic spaces at San Bartolome. I argue that even though these three elements are all important to the developing ethos at the church and the collective and individual identities therein, these Christian emph ases are often compartmentalized and cultivated in either separate spaces or in the same power relations, through their participation in a multitude of struct uring processes, people make a plurality of histories and construct a plurality of 14). By
114 differentiating spatiotemporal arrangements with particular practices the congregation meets a twofold objective: first, to be a plural istic and welcoming religio cultural space for Christian U.S. Latinos of varying religious backgrounds and national heritages, and second, to be a center for spiritual growth. In my analysis, practices associated with Catholicism in general and Mexican ass ociations with that faith in particular, along with devotion to social justice issues for U.S. Latino immigrants, provide the broad religio cultural base for the congregation. It is from that relatively pluralistic foundation that congregants can make more particular steps of spiritual growth; at Iglesia San Bartolome, those latter commitments tend to manifest in practices and discourses associated with Evangelicals and Charismatics. On Tuesdays, the church sanctuary is used for collectiv e prayer, which of ten includes C harismatic practices such as petitions for divine healing and jubilant songs. These prayer services are usually led by women. The main Sunday services (which the priest and the atic features are usually absent during these times. A traditional Spanish speaking Roman Catholic would likely feel at home during the Sunday mass. The church sanctuary is not the only important convergent space at San Bartolome. The third element of conv ergence, the Evangelical emphasis, is dispersed in various locales. Congregants develop an interest in and attention to sacred text during weekly evening Bible studies that take place in small Sunday school rooms on the church campus. Another important dim ension of Evangelicalism at San Bartolome manifests when members claim a personal conversion experience during special conferences held in open tents on the church grounds, or in events that take place at other churches. This spatial differentiation is en couraged by and mediated through varying channels of power. Women, for instance, cannot be ordained for priestly service at San Bartolome and thus
115 the evening prayer service in which spiritual power is thought to be conferred by evidence of the Holy Spirit provides a spatiotemporal opportunity for regular practices of female leadership. Indeed, the lived religious patterns produced by various Evangelical, Charismatic and Catholic pr actices structure spaces, creating certain perceived limits and possibilities that can seem as tangible to the participants as the various constraints and possibilities produced by the architectural design of the church building. In that sense, space as it is constructed physically by architectural design and spiritually by religious practice becomes d squez 2010: 16). Mobility is a salient theme in the productive practices that can make a certain territory a Charismatic place one evening and a seemingly Catholic one the next. Many of the congregants at San Bartolome are immigrants from Latin American countries, and the majority comes from Mexico. They have thus often lived religion on the move; that sacred momentum does not stop once they 2006 ). As will become clear in this chapter, some of these leaders and congregants find creative ways to link their church life with their in relation to the movements of people who designate it as such, and therefore the practices that make such 2004: 13). I thus demonstrate the complex means by which part icipants make differently coded places out of common church spaces at San Bartolome and, in turn, how their religious views of the relationship between the church and the world help them connect these sacredly charged places to broader public points in the urban landscape of Fort Worth, Texas. This sacred place making at and via San Bartolome is also a realm of frenetic identity identity emerge together in a relationship of rec 5).
116 The se ongoing processes of convergent identity and place making are connected to the multiple institutional and cultural networks in which participants at San Bartolome are embedded. The priest, Father Juan, whose detailed personal narrative follows, has a co mplex conversion career that has provided a template with which other participants at San Bartolome have negotiated convergent spaces at the church and abroad Transnational Charismatic Networks and the Shaping of Personal Spirituality The stereotype of a U.S. Episcopalian is an affluent Anglo raised in the denomination from birth, and who enjoys the social esteem conferred to a member of a historic Protestant denomination. Such a cradle Episcopalian might be confused by a visit to San Bartolome, where comb inations of Pentecostal and Catholic faith are integrated in attempts to bring emotional, social and physical healing to the marginalized, not the well heeled. If San Bartolome is not a typical Episcopalian church, neither does Father Juan Reyes fit the i magined mold of a Mexican. Indeed, he is often mistaken for a foreigner even by his own compatriots. When, for example, americano [Anglo American] speaking Spanish so Whenever I speak in person with Father Juan, an Episcopalian priest born in Durango, Mexico, I am struck by our unlikely similarities, even when he is playfully highlighting our differences. One brisk December morning in Texa s, he motions for the attention of a parishioner working near his office, points down at my flip Canadiense before rolling his eyes. A back injury has left him prematurely and slightly hunched, but we are both in our thirtie s. We also share trademarks of an Irish heritage: freckles and red hair (his more pronounced than mine) indicate that our distant pasts include common cultural features, characteristics not commonly associated with U.S. Latinas/os. As I learned in intervi ews, Father Juan is a product of both cultural and Christian hybridity.
117 to seep into and fill diverse structures. It begins in Mexico, where Father Juan was imme rsed in a sacramental form of Anglican faith that considered eating the body and drinking the blood of Christ as the primary mediation of divinity. He was not completely satisfied, though, with his religious devotion. According to Father Juan, his faith w as lukewarm for most of his life. When he was twenty one, he attended a retreat in Mexico from the American branch of the organization started by Michael Harper (the British Anglican I discussed in chapter two) called Sharing of Ministries Abroad (SOMA). By his accounts, Father Juan found a new fount to quench his dry faith, a charismatic stream channeled through transnational links. He claims that when these American representatives of SOMA laid hands on him and prayed, he felt an overwhelming sensation of the presence of God and an irresistible call to ministry. He told me that this is why he marks that day as a new birth. He smirks wryly as he explains that when people ask him his age, he always says he is twenty one because that was how old he was whe n his encounter with SOMA transformed his vision of Christianity. He still emphasizes the sacraments as a crucial means of relating to God, but he also trumpets the enlivening power of Charismatic faith to his parishioners. After he moved from Mexico to T exas he continued to participate in SOMA events, and has brought other U.S. Latinas/os into a Charismatic orbit via those particular ke divine healing, prophecy, and speaking in tongues. Father Juan undergirds this Catholic and Charismatic mix with an Evangelical understanding of the gospel, which declares heaven home for those who have received Jesus as personal Lord and Savior, and warns of the fires of hell for those who reject that invitation. He
118 expressed this message at a conference I attended, but he certainly does not frequently make this point in such bold terms at his church. I never heard him make such definitive claims in a homily, for instance. His caution with religious language is likely due to the multiple expressions of Christianity found at San Bartolome and the varying backgrounds and levels of commitment among the congregants. Even though Father Juan and the membe rs of San Bartolome create distinct spatiotemporal arrangements for the various elements of their convergent faith, there were times when their marginal status as immigrants forced them to struggle for any religious space at all. The history of San Bartolo Worth, Texas, and it includes multiple institutional transitions subsequent to that personal journey. Multicultural Visions and Xenophobic Realities When Father Juan came from Mexico to Fort Worth in 2001 as an ordained Episcopalian priest, he found an eager spiritual collaborator in Father Andrew Thomas. At the time, Thomas deas for Latina/o ministry with open arms. With limited English skills, Father Juan sought potential Spanish speaking congregants at a paradigmatic place of globalization a spot where peoples of all cultures and languages congregate, McDonalds (C.F. Barbe r). There, while children frolicked in plastic playhouses, Father Juan struck up conversations with Latina/o parents, always being sure to mention that he was a priest. At another restaurant, Father Juan met a woman who was seeking to baptize her son. Af ter explaining the differences between Episcopalianism and Catholicism, Father Juan offered to perform the baptism. Other Catholic Latinas/os were also impressed with the similarities between Episcopalian and Catholic rituals, especially once they heard a n explanation from
119 Father Juan. He was thus called on to perform a number of baptisms in the community. Some Latinas/os in Fort Worth heard about the new priest in town while waiting in lines for immigration assistance. Father Juan explains that he truste d that God would bring the right people his way at the right time and in the right place. With such ready expectations about providential intervention, Father Juan created fluid connections between the sacred space of the church and his various movements t hroughout the city. Soon Father Juan assembled enough chance evangelistic opportunities throughout Fort Worth to start a fledgling U.S. Latina/o congregation. With seven Spanish was born. Father Juan and Father Andrew shared visions of a growing multicultural church. Their shared enthusiasm gave their vision momentum, but when Father Andrew retired, multicultural ministry (beyond pan screeching halt. Anglo dominance over a burgeoning Spanish speaking flock that had swelled to one hundred. a source of conflict. Anglo parishioners, the new rector claimed, were tired of boisterous Latina/o children running all over the patio and the lawn. The implication of the complaints was that the children were running amuck because of disinterested Lati na/o parents.
120 Those complaints crystallized around an important religio cultural symbol. The Episcopal Diocese of Fort Worth has historically been considered Anglo Catholic. Indeed, the differences between the practice of Christianity in that diocese and Roman Catholic expressions of faith has been so minimal that there have been some Episcopalians, and an entire Episcopalian Church, that have been officially received into the Roman Catholic Church, with the provision that they can preserve Anglican disti had a history of venerating Mary just like the other parishes in the Diocese, the new Anglo priest did not want to face a particular incarnation of that blessed figure, the Virgin of Guadalu pe. He insisted that after every mass Father Juan and his group of lay volunteers take down a four foot painting of this Latin American symbol, a figure which, when Father Andrew was still at the helm, had been left undisturbed during both English speakin g and Spanish speaking services. According to Father Juan, the Anglo congregants finally squeezed the Latino segment of Iglesia San Bartolome out of the church property through a kind of religious filibuster. Iglesia San Bartolome normally met at 1:00 p.m after the Anglo congregation held their service. On that final fateful Sunday the English service continued past 1:30 p.m., with Anglo priest and parishioners feigning unawareness of the time. Father Juan perceived this obstruction as a clear message t o him and his flock. Immediately after this last service, he encouraged his Latina/o co religionists to gather up all that San Bartolome could call its own and along with that symbol of multicultural harmony, the Virgin of Guadalupe, they left Saint Barth purview of the Anglos. Even the youngest among them wondered whether there was one gospel for Anglos and another for Latinas/os. Father Juan winces as he recounts an exchange he had with his then six year
121 plit, and who has now been a member at San Bartolome for over a decade, remembers well both the pain dejected from this he sought new ecclesiastical shelter. This, I believe, was a pivotal point in the development of identity at Iglesia San Bartolome since physical spaces in the formation of pe 1). Father Juan had closely collaborated with Father Andrew and was excited about a multicult ural vision for the church that would include both Anglos and U.S. Latinos. After the change in Anglo leadership, the hostile treatment that Latino congregants faced in the same sacred space enhanced desires for San Bartolome to be an intentional ly welcomi ng space for a diverse cross section of U.S. Latinos. This has meant developing a hybrid religious identity that facilitates the co existence of multiple streams of U.S. Latino Christian faith. y found help outside the denomination at Messiah Lutheran Church; then co opened their house of worship to the orphan Latino congregation. Iglesia San Bartolome they secured a new home. In 2004, San Bartolome purchased and then renovated, through the labors of parishioners, a garage located on Lincoln Highway. This is an area of Fort Worth that was once predominantly African American but now, according to my info rmants at the church, has a majority Latina/o population. The
122 church has grown to an average Sunday attendance of three hundred and fifty. The converted garage is now a sanctuary that holds approximately one hundred people at its capacity. There are thus three services on Sunday, and children and youth attend Sunday school in separate rooms on the modest campus. They talk, pray and study the Bible together in these rooms until it is time for the celebration of the Eucharist, at which point they line up ou tside the sanctuary and enter single file. The sanctuary itself has not been moved, but the church has undergone multiple shifts in institutional affiliation: from the Episcopal Church (TEC), to a temporary alignment with the Anglican province of the Sout hern Cone, and finally incorporation into the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA). Finding San Bartolome in the Anglican Alphabet Soup San Bartolome has made this institutional transition in step with its diocese, the Episcopal Diocese of Forth Wor th. Dioceses are local jurisdictions which exist within broader church within each national church or province there is a national/provincial synod chaired by the presiding bishop/archbishop of the 34). The Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth, to which San Bartolome belongs, however, is no longer part of TEC. In 2008 the vast majority of the members of the Episcopal Diocese of Fort Worth vote d to officially leave TEC and join another Anglican province, called the Anglican province of the Southern Cone in South America. The latter province, like the Episcopal Diocese of Fort Worth, prohibits female ordination to the priesthood, and likewise co ndemns gay sex as sinful. After joining the Southern Cone, the Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth also later became part of the ACNA, so for a time they occupied a kind of dual citizenship in both institutional structures. There are now no official ties bet ween the province of the Southern Cone and the ACNA churches but prayers for the Southern Cone and its Anglican leadership were adopted into the liturgical life at San
123 Bartolome and parishioners are thus aware, even if only vaguely, of the role Latin Amer ica Anglicanism has played in their institutional transition. Some are also cognizant of the extensive legal struggles that San Bartolome has been brought into because of its membership within the Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth in the ACNA. The less cons ervative remnant of Episcopalians in Fort Worth who remained part of TEC after the conservative majority left has been reorganized and claims to represent the only legitimate Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth. There is, then, now an Episcopal Diocese of Fo rth Worth that is part of the ACNA, and an identically titled group within TEC. Not surprisingly, TEC and the Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth within ACNA are embroiled in ongoing litigation over titles, property and assets. The litigation appears to be a scending like a rocket to the Supreme Court. The Episcopal Diocese of Fort Worth in the ACNA must rely on American mediators to settle litigation, but since they have received moral support from many Anglicans in the global South, they are also keenly atte ntive to cross cultural partnerships closer to home. San Bartolome is thus under the watchful eye of a diocese that sees itself as embodying the cross cultural imperatives of Christian mission. Forging Charismatic and Evangelical Pathways through Broad Cat holic Spaces The Fort Worth Diocese prohibits female ordination to the priesthood, but one of the most vibrant church activities at Iglesia San Bartolome is the Tuesday evening prayer service, which is led by women. As mentioned, this is also the most cle arly Charismatic of the services. During one of these prayer times, a twenty nine year old woman with three children, Iris, stood and derramar ) his Spirit on everyone in attendance. During these services, there is a mix of spo ntaneous prayers, scheduled and unscheduled testimonies, and enthusiastic singing. At the end of the service, another woman encouraged everyone to join
124 hands and to dance in a circle in simple choreographed steps, clockwise and counter clockwise; in the mi dst of the dancing, congregants sang jubilantly about the unity in the Spirit. I carried out an extended interview w ith Iris and an other leader of the evening prayer service. These women came with their families to the United States from Mexico while they were adolescents and now, in their early thirties, they are both married with multiple children. The Charismatic and Evangelical streams of faith are the most meaningful element of convergent Christianity for them. They are also both, to a certain extent wary of the Catholic emphases at San Bartolome, and they strategically sidestep those perceived Catholic aspects with which they are most uncomfortable. For example, even during the Charismatic prayer services they lead, they sometimes selectively refrai n from invoking the Virgin Mary in celebratory songs. They do not censure the women in their midst who sing praise to Mary, and even their withdrawal from such invocations is surreptitious; in other words, they do not try to spread an aversion to Catholic features at San Bartolome to other congregants. Nevertheless, their caution bespeaks the agency of congregants at San Bartolome who adapt the spaces provided to them according to their own particular convictions and religious inclinations. In the process of such individual and collective in particular dramatizes the complex differentiations of space created at San Bartolome. Cradle Catholic Ambivalence Iris m oved to Fort Worth from Mexico when she was fourteen; she has now been in the United States for sixteen years. She had a mixed upbringing with both religious and non s not in the least bit religious
125 to a saintly image or statue ( una imagen negotiations of religious transmission that occur within Latin American and U.S. Latina/o Christianity, and it also complicates assumptions about the homogeneity of U.S. Latina Cath olic important layer of complexity to assumptions about familial patterns of religiosity. Her experience is worlds apart from what David A. Badillo identifies as a n important factor in Latina abuelita (grandmotherly, or broadly construed, female) theology among Latino Catholics, grandmothers and mothers played significant roles in the passing on of religious tradit ions in th 189). By impressed with the Spanish speaking Catholic masses she attended once they moved to Fort Worth, Texas. Iri s says that she always believed in God, but that her relationship with the divine was fraught after her parents separated and other discouraging personal events followed. Her mother had debts back in Mexico and this financial strain cast a somber shadow o ver the family. At twenty, Iris fell in love and married three months later, a hasty decision that she believes was and aunts who attended Iglesia San Bartolome Church from childho
126 However, it was not until a year later when she attended a week end retreat called cursillo The Father [Juan] had invited me various times but for one reason or another I needed a change in my life. I wanted a change in my life. It was a Saturday, I just know that he existed at that point, but rather I could feel him. My first encounter wi th the Holy Spirit was there in that cursillo That impacted me so much. I felt like, wow! I felt like I was in the clouds. I felt so happy. Iris interrupts this happy recollection to explain that she was always an angry person. People, she claims, would sometimes not want to sit next to her because she would come from work or There [at the cursillo], I started my relationship with Chr ist. And really since then I have been coming to this church for seven years He began to change my life from the inside out. The Charismatic side o f convergent faith preceded the E the Holy Spirit that she grew in a personal commitment to Jesus, and longed to share that experience and commitment with others.
127 Her account fits, perhaps too neatly, the Evang elical narrative template of conversion in which believers are encouraged to locate a definitive turning point in their testimony, seen in the I felt something in my heart. I had heard a few things that the Father had said and that he had died for me. I recognized it. I accepted him. I said to him that I wanted to accept him into my heart, and that I believed in Him and in his resurrection and that I wanted to serve him from this day forward. This was a private moment for Iris but often in Evangelical churches a Pastor will offer a public invitation of salvation. The pattern frequently involves a new convert approaching the altar basic formula in which converts acknowledge their sinfulness, the debt that Jesus is thought to have paid on the cross for t unmerited salvation by the vicarious atonement of Jesus. Without these collective ritual assurances, Iris began to doubt the means by which she was my heart and what I felt to say. I expressed with my mouth I know that the Bible says had a p subsequent evangelistic efforts: she invites people into Charismatic spiritual presence, where she hopes they will be led to an Evangelical faith commitment. It is through such endeavors that Iris not only navigates various Christian networks but creates new sacred maps on the move. Street Evangelism in the Spirit and into the Church. One day while Iris was walking on the street, a Latina saleswoman in her young twenties, who I will call Sarai, approached her. They conversed about a product that Sarai was selling
128 recall a sermon, which she had heard on an evangelical radio station that morning, that addressed Christian temerity. According to the sermon, God frequently prompts people to share their faith with others but fear impedes many from heeding that call. I e felt a surge of boldness and began to pray. She renewed the conversation with Sarai and suddenly found that they had broached the Catholic? What religion a really I would say God loves you as you are, He wants to know you, so really I would say to you pause here and consider the multiple convergent discourses that Iris employs while sanctifying what might otherwise be considered profane space. One can infer from her own testimony that Iris sometimes cordons the sacred off from the profane in her life. no such qualms inside San Bartolome. She was nevertheless emboldened to extend sacred space outside the church, and the impetus for this extension came from listening to a U.S. La tino/a evangelical radio station. Not only did the sermon she heard on this station convince her to be bolder with her religious proclamations, but it also provided her with a discourse to use in drawing a stranger into a discussion about God. She employed what I refer to as an Evangelical
129 In an effort to promote and safeguard ideas of Christian uniqueness, Evangelicals often to reach Go d, and that Christianity in its ideal representation, by contrast, presents a relationship only viable avenue to a relationship with the divine is through a cceptance of Jesus as Lord and from the Chilean case study strategically employed an Evangelical identity when it furthere d her particular religious goals of the moment. Iris is similarly pragmatic in representing her religious identity. She draws on an Evangelical discourse without labeling that speech in those terms. Iris then puts on her denominational title, as it were, l ike a loose piece of fabric that she can just as quickly discard. She speaks the broad Evangelical discourse about Christian exceptionalism by assuring her interlocutor that she does not believe in negotiable path to God through personal relationship with Christ. of recognition: known Catholic priest and media personality who was frequently featured as a spiritual advisor on Spanish speaking television programs on stations such as Univisio n and Telemu ndo. His presence became even more ubiquitous on such channels after photos were taken of him caressing a woman on a Miami beach. He subsequently became an Episcopalian, and has since been received into the Episcopalian priesthood (where celibacy is optio nal). That change in religious affiliation caused a media storm among Latin American and U.S. Latino outlets who discussed, often clumsily, the
130 differences between Episcopalian and Roman Catholic Christianity on national television. It was denominational title on her Christian commitments. Hence, the process of Iris walking and talking with spiritual intentions through urban spaces brought her and Sarai into a broader inte rtextual sphere of popular religious images and commentaries drawn from U.S. Latino media. Whether those links had a positive, negative or neutral valence for Sarai is not clear, but at the very least the familiarity seemed to create a bridge for her to at both of which involved significant pain. I and talk and talk as if we had known each other for a long time I know that it was God who was working. The day I met her I could see her in the church. I had a vision of her being in the chur magination since Iris envisions the presence of new members in the church who she encounters in other spheres. In this sense the secular space of the city is not converted in to sacred space per se, but it is imbued with sacred potential. In this story thus far, the landscape of the city is overlaid with a network of familiar media associations that help to make sense of unfamiliar religious categories; all this in turn facilit ates an exchange of personal narratives, which encourages imaginative at San Bartolome. Iris lea rse,
131 (Evangelical conversion) rather than on her degree of participation in ritual activities (Catholic observance). Before introducing Sarai to the prayer assembly t hat Tuesday evening, Iris shared about her street encounter with Sarai, which she used as an opportunity to encourage fellow declared Iris. This admonition likel y had a dual purpose: to encourage her co religionists to bold proclamation, and to remind Sarai that her presence in the church was no chance encounter. Iris had thus articulated a narrative that highlights the limits of human perspective, and a concomita nt need, in her view, for the human eye to be spiritually transplanted with a heavenly optic. Iris believes that God has not only clarity about the connections between seemingly random events, but the power to orchestrate them into life giving cohesion. Ac cording to Iris, God discloses (at least partially) these plans to people who are attentive to divine purposes. Charismatic presence that brought that narrative to embodied life. From Evangelical Witness to Charismatic Presence Indeed, there was a decidedly Charismatic postscript to this already spirit centered evening of prayer. Several parishioners remained after the service to receive individual prayer from Fathe r Juan, who appeared after congregational prayers. Father Juan encouraged people to approach him one at a time near the front of the chapel. He then asked prayer recipients to relax, clear their minds, and to shake their hands at their sides. When he was not receiving prayer himself, the First Warden of the church (a high ranking lay member of the vestry) stood behind that is, fall backward under a perception of weighty spiritual power. F ather Juan gently placed his hand on the forehand of each recipient, invoking the presence and power of the Holy Spirit. When Sarai received prayer,
132 she began to fall backward but lunged to regain her balance. After more prayer she suddenly dropped to th e ground. Iris and a couple of other women quickly encircled her and began to pray while Sarai lay seemingly stunned. Sarai rose to her feet quicker than others who had received prayer. Unlike Sarai, the other women were apparently accustomed to falling during prayer and remained on the ground with eyes closed while one or two parishioners hovered to the side or above them offering additional whispered prayers. By contrast to the peaceful expressions on other faces, Sarai looked shocked and confused on ce she rose to her feet. Iris explained to me later that although Sarai found this experience strange, she expressed interest in attending an upcoming Sunday service. In these services Father Juan seems to embody spiritual power. He has traveled across various geographic spaces and is perceived by congregants to have carried within him a vivifying experience of the Holy Spirit. He has, in turn, introduced others to Charismatic practices via various Charismatic networks like SOMA. He has thus reconfigure d and extended the reach of these networks. This aspect of his life bespeaks the relationship between spiritual power, space and place in Charismatic circles. It is not so much the perceived weighty presence of the Spirit in specific territories that is p aramount in Charismatic contexts, but rather the idea that the Spirit portadores (carriers) such as Father Juan are thought to be empowered by the Spirit on their journeys and can thus mark traversed territory with endowments of spiritual presence, known in emic emotional and physical healing, raise their hands in ebullient worship services, and even dance in
133 receptor of divine power. Discerning and welcoming such presence requires receptive postures, including matches the language I have heard in other Pentecostal and Charismatic settings. The intensity with which she closes her eyes at this point and raises her voice also appears to be a learned imitation of Charismatic and Pentecostal patterns. In an interview she confirmed the influence of Pentecostals on her spirituality: Lately I have you invite me to a church where I hear that they preach the same Jesus, and even more importantly, I see t hat they preach with an example that I can see and feel, I one loved me or anything l ike that), but he taught me this love, this affection through people whom he put in my path. She further specifies that some of these Evangelical churches and the people therein whom God There are, thou gh, few parallels between Sunday masses at San Bartolome and the Tuesday night prayer services conducted by Charismatic women who use Evangelical language when articulating their commitments to Christ. The Charismatic aspects of Tuesday evening services ar e barely perceptible on Sunday, and would go unnoticed by those without intimate familiarity with Charismatic faith. No one raises their hands during the singing on Sunday; there ndeed, the only sign of Charismatic faith that I discerned during a Sunday mass was the singing of a worship song from a Mexican Charismatic Catholic composer. Roman Catholics find a familiar setting at San Bartolome and other U.S. Latino ACNA churches in the area. Informants explained that some
134 newcomers to these churches assume that the churches are Roman Catholic until they are told otherwise. main services of the ch urches they attend appear so decidedly Catholic. Interesting ly, Iris calls self identified E way, she seems to have inherited Latin American terms of Christian division. E vangelicals in Latin America have historically claimed that Catholics were lost in religious dogma and in need of salvation; believing in their comparative religious authenticity, and in contradistinction to s). The distinction between cat licos (Catholics) and cristianos (with the connotation of Evangelical Protestants) is now immersed in broader Latin American discourse and is a common way to distinguish between Catholics and Prot estants. It seems that Iris has incorporated her experience at San Bartolome within these religio cultural taxonomies. When Sarai asked Iris what church she una iglesia cristiana for Iris, San Bartolome is not an Evangelical church per se or at least not only an Evangelical church. Still, even though she uses these distinguishing terms, her ecclesiology her understanding of who and what constitutes the global Church is broad. In othe r words, she uses the language of Christian division that she inherited in the Latin American context but she does so in a fashion that undercuts the grounds of division upon which such language is h is an authentic Christian as long as she Nevertheless, there are conspicuously few ritual enactments of Evangelicalism at San Bartolome. I did not witness, for example, any altar calls in which people would come forw ard to
135 Bartolome would make such rituals difficult, even if Father Juan w ould like to use an explicitly e vangelical approach to conversion. This could be an exam ple of how the conceived space of of convergent faith. Even in the face of such potential structural limits, however, participants like Iris have found ways to imagine a dispersion of sacred space, and this is not a mere ethereal process those ideas are given concrete contours through embodied practices, such as walking in calling on these activities gives sacred purpose to what might otherwise be considered mundane activity, Still, the lack of collective ritual opportunities for Evangelica l commitments at the church may lead to a degree of uncertainty for Iris and others who more frequently encounter explicit Evangelical discourses of salvation at other churches or in other religious media outlets, such as Evangelical radio broadcasts in Sp anish. Iris, for example, still feels some diffidence about her own conversion narrative because she assembled much of it in piecemeal fashion, based on In I of encounters with other people who she believes are on their own divin ely patterned journeys. The personal aspects of these evangelical journeys are similar to what Elaine Pea found in her Peregrina ar; peregrinas may walk side by side to the same physical space, but each woman is pursuing her own spiritual journey toward the Virgin and
136 establishing h 2011: 146). Likewise, Iris is on a personal journey of faith, but this individual relationship with God is made real in her community. The fact that she is so consistently immersed in her convergent congregation even though she finds some of its Catholic features unsettling shows that she does not expect her personal journey to be a solitary continues to dwell spiritually in San Bartolome, the ecclesiastical space that she and others have converted into her place through practices of lov e, devotion and leadership. Indeed, the church reflects the multiple Christian identities in their midst in broader acts of representation to the surrounding U.S. Latino community. The negotiations of church space, then, involve nuanced levels of identity together diverse threads of faith and culture. For example, members of San Ba rtolome literally clothe their C harismatic dimension of their faith by wearing red t shirts that commemorate the day of Pentecost, a celebration of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the early disciples of Jesus. The image on the t shirts has a series of undifferentiated black figures who stand with a white flame above their heads. This is a visual representation of the description of the event of Pentecost in the New Testament book of Acts, where the Holy Spirit is described as descending lowers, thus enabling them to speak in the diverse languages of the Jewish Diaspora. The center and tallest of the figures on the t shirt has hands the Holy Spiri church. On the back of the t shirt, Iglesia San Bartolome appears at the top, abo ve a cross.
137 Those who abide in me and I in them bear much fruit, because apart from me you can do en in Spanish, a language which can preserve the second person plural of the original Biblical Greek passage with the Spanish ustedes These t shirts then do not only act as individual markers of Christian identity; they are collective emblems of Iglesia San Bartolome, a church which announces visually, through both sign and text, its concomitant focus on Jesus and the Holy Spirit, which speak s to the dual Charismatic and Evangelical emphases in the church. Many congregants wore those t shirts when they held a Kermes on the grounds of the church, which is an annual Latin American celebration of food and culture. San Bartolome uses the festivities, which draw hundreds o f Latinos/as in the neighborhood as a fundraising tool for church ministries. Members of San Bartolome also have an opportunity to share both culture and faith with neighboring Latina/o Catholics interested in celebrating the Virgin Mary. For instance, on the which the congregation has held public celebrations on her feast day, December 12. Hundreds of Latinas/os who are otherwise not connected with the church co ngregate there for the celebration of this important religious and cultural figure. Members of San Bartolome thus diversify their public sacred space by sharing the campus with fellow devotees to Guadalupe, many of whom are Roman Catholics not affiliated with an Anglican church. It is the intentionality with which leaders and congregants at San Bartolome combine their faith with culture that distinguishes them from other Evangelical churches in the area that do not have the convergent blend of
138 influences found at San Bartolome. The following comparison of Christmas Eve services helps demonstrate this point. A Non Denominational Evangelical Christmas Service New Beginnings is dimly lit with candles covering the ledges of the balcony. All two hundred peopl e sit below in the main section of the church. Although the pastor was trained in the Baptist tradition, the church does not belong to a particular denomination and thus it exercises significant flexibility in scheduling events. They are holding this Chr istmas Eve service on December 23. Congregants represent a gamut of Fort Worth culture. Latinas/os, African Americans, and Anglos share a sacred space conducted by a thirty something Anglo Pastor who grew up in North Texas. An attractive brother and sist er in their twenties are perched on stools on the raised altar in the front of the church, strumming acoustic guitars and belting wider selection of less seaso n specific worship songs. Except for the Christmas songs, the sermon and worship singing would have been just as appropriate for a Good Friday service, Pastor, and the focus of this Christmas celebration quickly turns to the end rather than the The Pastor offers a fluid rendition of the Evangelical understanding of atonement. He breathlessly connects Old Testament passages about sacrificia l lambs and scapegoats to the crucifixion of Jesus. On an LCD projector, he pulls up pictures from the Passion of the Christ for emotional impact. A photo of the soft vulnerable hands of a baby is jarringly juxtaposed to the nail driven and blood soaked
139 parta king of bread and grape juice is a symbolic act of holy remembering. Congregants make their way to the front of the church to pick up their gum sized wafers and diminutive cups. They return to their seats, carefully gripping the tiny elements. The Pastor spontaneously asks a congregant to pray for the bread, which symbolizes the body of Christ. We consume it together. He then calls on another man to pray for the grape juice, which, the Pastor reminds the eads cock backward, downing the fruity blend in eager reverence. More singing follows and most in the church lift their hands in exaltation. religion than I did in a have found more familiar liturgical rhythms the next evening had he attended Iglesia San Bartolome with me. Even with a Catholic background, though, he would likely have found much that was unfamiliar. Growing up in Canada I went to a number of Christmas Eve masses in the Catholic Church, but I never witnessed what I saw at San Bartolome. If it did not fit a predominantly Anglo model of a Catholic Christmas, neither did it resemble the Christmas service at New Beginnings not by a long shot. This illustrates the cultural and religious convergence found at San Bartolome. Cradling Baby Jesus with Mexican Cantitos at San Bartolome Tonight, at San Bartolome, there is only one Christmas Eve service and no Sunday school. The sanctuary thus fills quickly, forcing late arrivals to stand at the back. It is a strikingly multigenerational affair in which children have a conspicuous presence. Many of them have carried dolls with them to the service. The Christmas Eve service is similar in many ways to a regular Sunday mass at San
140 kingdom now and set prayers. Interspersed throughout the liturgy, two women lead singing in melancholic tones reminiscent of a ranchero song. A synthesizer s erves as the only instrumental accompaniment. The singing may sound mournful to the uninitiated but there is plenty of joy here. The crowded confines encourage intimacy: parishioners wish one another the peace of Christ by shaking hands, cheek kissing or hugging. Similar to the service at New Beginnings, these congregants celebrate Holy Communion during this Christmas celebration. They approach the priest for the bread, cup their hands and nd move to the left to receive wine from the lay chalice bearer, who this evening is the Second Warden. He encourages recipients, not thought to merely symb olize the body and blood of Christ, as they do at New Beginnings. In sermons Father Juan stresses that the elements mediate the tangible corporeal character of Christ. Father Juan does, however, take great pains to clarify the symbolic aspect of another ritual they will perform in the Christmas Eve Service. At one point in the service a man and woman rise and move to the front of the sanctuary to perform various acts of veneration of a doll, which swaddling clothes, and rocks it bac k and forth as they sing a song familiar to Mexican Catholics Unlike New Beginnings, where the overriding emphasis was on the crucified Christ, there are elaborate rituals at San Bartolome to focus on the infant stage of the incarnation. Father Juan,
141 fo r example, asks the children to hold up the dolls and he walks down the aisle, generously sprinkling holy water in their direction. Besides the Eucharistic portion of the service, there is no mention of the death of Christ this evening. In his homily, Fa ther Juan implores everyone to make space for the infant Jesus in their lives. He encourages congregants to spend a quiet Christmas at home, embracing the love of friends and family. He invokes a famous phrase from Martin Luther King Jr. and explains tha t hispanos area spend a quiet, loving Christmas at home with family, without the artificial mirth of alcohol. Indeed, he has punctuated various statements this eveni sin alcohol (without alcohol). A Mexican congregant in his early forties cheerfully explained to me in an interview that when he first heard Father Juan preach, he immediately liked his mix of motivacin y regao lding). This blend is evident tonight. Christmas, Father Juan insists, is a day when people should wake up feeling fresh in the warm hearth of the message see ms more specifically devoted to a particular ethnic group than the more universal sermon of atonement and salvation at the multicultural church New Beginnings. At the end of the service at San Bartolome, congregants line up to venerate the doll, which rep resents the baby Jesus. A woman elevates the baby so that each parishioner can bow in front of and/or kiss it. To the right, a man holds a basket from which parishioners choose a chocolate or some other kind of sweet. I leave the chapel, chewing on my H what to make of these two dramatically different Christmas services. In my analysis, the difference lies in the varying weight that each church places on the role of church and culture in creating a sense of belonging. Christm as Eve inevitably draws people to
142 Christian services who do not usually attend throughout the year. For an Evangelical pastor, this is a prime opportunity to preach to the lost, understood to be those who have not made some public and personal reception of Beginnings felt compelled to structure the Christmas Eve service around the controlling theme of atonement. In comparison to New Beginnings, the process of conversion at San Bartolome is more gradua l. The starting point for conversion at San Bartolome does not seem to be personal cultural and individual belonging in a pluralistic Christian space that mai ntains continuity with the traditions of the majority of its congregants and visitors. Father Juan thus does not use the presence of visitors to a Christmas Eve service as an opportunity to save the lost. Rather he seizes this moment to reaffirm the nurtur ing place of the U.S. Latino home and to encourage the preservation of its sanctity from what Father Juan seems to believe is a the desultory tradition among many U.S. Latinas/os to mark festive occasions with the consumption of alcohol. If a visitor begin s to attend San Bartolome consistently, she or he will have opportunity to move within that religo cultural sense of belonging into other avenues of Evangelical and Charismatic practices of devotion. San Bartolome provides sacred space for Evangelical, C harismatic and Catholic elements by staggering sacred time with these variously charged theological components. Sometimes San Bartolome is a place of Charismatic prayer and praise where people are conceptually predisposed ly Spirit. I n these places and at these moments they might dance, pray loudly, or even fall over under the perceived power of the Spirit. At regular Sunday services and on festive occasions like Christmas Eve, San Bartolome is a place of Catholic
143 sacrame ntal observance; at those times people expect to receive the body and blood of Christ through the ritual celebration of the Eucharist and to experience other densely material mediations of faith. When San Bartolome serves as a predominantly Catholic place no one falls over in the Spirit, or dances, or prays loudly. Instead, they cross themselves and show a mainly quiet, reverent attitude during the proceedings. There appears to be a convergent continuum at San Bartolome. The public celebrations of the V irgin of Guadalupe and their cultural festivities like the Kermes draw Catholic Latina/o immigrants in Fort Worth to a peripheral engagement with San Bartolome. Other congregants at San Bartolome attend weekly masses, which have a familiar Catholic charact er for many of the participants. For those who engage with the church beyond these masses, they will inevitably encounter Charismatic and Evangelical features of faith, even if they do not possess pre existing categories for such experiences. Since partic ipants at San Bartolome navigate convergent spaces selectively, choosing to opt out of or into various activities, there is diversity of religious opinions at the grassroots level. For example, the Second Warden told me that he believes that all religions can lead to God as long as the practitioner is sincere. This stands in contrast to not only the broader view of the various diocesan and global networks in which San Bartolome is e lost. In the next chapter, I examine a convergent church in Northern Florida to try to make sense of the sometimes surprisingly progressive trajectories of convergent faith.
144 CHAPTER 5 PROGRESSIVE CONVERGE NCE AT IGLESIA SAN P EDRO This study of Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro in Northern Florida illuminates the conditions in which a pneumacentric (spirit centered) praxis and theology is translated into a progressive ethos. Progressive in this case is a relative term. Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro worships q uite comfortably within the Episcopal Diocese of Florida, which is a more conservative jurisdiction than other dioceses in TEC; but San Pedro in general and Father Leo Sanchez in particular have moved in directions that counter some conservative characteri zations of Pentecostal and Charismatic faith. Father Leo and the vast majority of his current congregation were once part of a Hispanic Communion of Charisma tic Episcopal Churches (CEC). The CEC was founded in 1992 by Randolph Adler of San Clemente, CA as a space for the confluence of various streams of Christianity that had b een hitherto separated. (Hocken 2002b: expected growth pr imarily f rom the evangelical charismatic sector, the CEC quickly began to attract Episcopal priests and their people who were disenchanted with the liberal direction of the 2002a: opal Church in Northern Florida ascendancy of liberal theology in TEC, so when they learned that there was an institution that not only intentionally wedded all the parts of convergent faith at Evangelical and sacramental), but that was also theologically conservative on issues of human sexuality and basic Christian doctrine, they were happy to move to the CEC. The church changed received into their new institution, the CEC, a week after Leo had joined the church. Eventually
145 Leo was ordained a deacon and then a priest within the CEC. He subsequently led the Hispanic ministry of Years later as the institutional ethos of the CEC became increasingly conservative in only lead them to swim against a tide of Christians with family resemblances, but would reverse the Episcopal Church (TEC) had led to the founding of the conservative Anglican alternative to that i nstitution, the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA), which though not affiliated with the CEC, has a similar convergent ethos. Even though churches within TEC that had a convergent mix of Charismatic, Evangelical and sacramental influences began to dep art for the more conservative confines of the ACNA, Father Leo and his congregation went in the other direction: they intentionally sought more inclusive space by joining TEC. This surprising turn of events reveals the diverse range of organizational poss ibilities for Charismatic faith. Some scholars claim that there is an affinity between Charismatic conceptions of the Holy religious orientation (Coleman 2004: 27). Never theless, conservative viewpoints and institutional structures are not intrinsic properties of a Spirit centered faith, as this case study of Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro will demonstrate. Instead of being a Charismatic exception that proves the conservativ e rule, the history of Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro shows how malleable pneumacentricism can be in a global Christian environment where traditional boundaries of belonging are smudged with the frenetic footsteps of people following what they believe to be t
146 In their previous incarnation as Misin San Juan of the CEC, the church bulletins his local hybrid identity reflected the intentional combination of such elements within their parent institution. The CEC has no official title refers to the type of authority to overseers, called bishops, and an institutional leader called a Patriarch. Father Leo At the pa rish level, the priest is in charge, of course, and he picks out of the everything. Everything is do Even when the congregants of what is now Iglesia San Pedro of TEC were worshiping in the more conservative confines of the CEC, their lived religion did not easily conform to the patriarchal structures of that institution. Misin San Juan of the CEC was emblem atic of the poetics and politics of hybrid faith, and an analysis of those processes will help elucidate some of the CEC to TEC. Hybridity theory emerged as a playful counterforce to the deathly serious hegemonic pretensions of modernity. Some have implied that hybridities were born as the disobedient and generate d destabilizing mixed identities i squez and Marquardt 2003: 58). Nevertheless, processes of hybridity, whether religious or cultural, may help efface We must keep in mind
147 that mixing also reterritorializes and reintrodu squez 2010 :90). This was true for Misin San Juan of the CEC, where the hybridic wedding of Charismatic, Evangelical and Catholic emphases took place within wha t at least one of their ordained leaders, Father Leo Sanchez, considered an increasingly strict, male centered institution that was propagating misleading and biblically inconsistent views of human sexuality. Still, even an institution that maintains firm boundaries of doctrine and policy cannot control all of the dynamic processes of hybridity in their midst. The CEC hierarchy, for instance, likely did not envision that a Latino congregation birthed within their institution would reassemble convergence wi th a more progressive valence. If hybridity is understood as a completed process in which previously distinct and self contained parts have converged as a new whole, then this convergence is in no less a static state than the bifurcated categories which th e hybridity first sought to blur. Studying the processes of hybridity, by contrast, is a more fruitful scholarly endeavor than the mere recognition of hybrid exi stence. Attuned to such dynamism, scholars can recognize the fluid, dynamic ongoing nature of exchange in hybrid settings. Also, parsing the processes of hybridity reveals the varying power asymmetries that exert pressure on the shapes and directions of hybrid formation. Let us now consider the pushes and pulls of power that were part of the hybr id Christian practices of Misin San Juan of the CEC. Background of Misin San Juan Misin San Juan was a pan Latino church that was intentionally combining previously distinct Christian elements (and to a lesser extent cultural elements) in a convergent e xpression of faith. This, like the congregational life I detailed at San Bartolome in chapter four, extended boundaries of belonging to U.S. Latinos with diverse Christian backgrounds. Unlike San Bartolome, however, where the various convergent elements a re separated in different spaces,
148 there was a more integrated expression of convergence during the main Sunday services at Misin San Juan. On any given Sunday, an usher would hand a visitor to Misin San Juan a leaflet bulletin outlining many of the song s and prayers of the service. This guide would serve, in part, to help the uninitiated navigate the tributaries of religious hybridity in this church. Any visitor who was accustomed to relatively fixed parameters of Christian belief and practice would be s truck by comparatively porous borders. The Church services would begin with an acolyte carrying a cross and the steady stride of a priest in liturgical vestments; this much would be familiar to Christians from any number of liturgical tr aditions. But beyond those familiar figures in the processional line, there were also five young girls, between the ages of eleven and Espiritu Santo Ven rit), or a similar song of Charismatic worship, the girls would gather at the front of the altar and begin to dance with flowing choreographed movements. The priest, Father Leo, would subsequently begin the call and response liturgy outlined in the bullet in. Here sacred space was also hybrid space. A Catholic visitor would be familiar with much of the liturgy written in the bulletin. A significant portion of the service paralleled the traditional Roman Catholic mass, including the weekly ritual crescendo of the Eucharist. On the other hand, Evangelical visitors would be more likely to recognize the multiple songs in the service that were drawn from a thriving Latin American Evangelical music scene, a market swelling with prolific worship CDs from Evangeli cal household names like Daniel Montero, Marcus Witt, and Jesus Adrian Romero; these singers have ever growing transnational and transdenominational appeal because of the sharing of Christian resources across multiple Latin American and Latino networks eve n
1 49 networks in an institution like the CEC, which has multiple representatives in the Global South (particularly Africa), but few Latino congregants in the United States.. Since the Latino presence in the CEC was minimal, Misin San Juan stood on its own in many ways. This was intentional since Father Leo was finding the strictures of the CEC increasingly stifling. With a Baptist background and having had lively Charismatic encounters with multiple denominations, Father Leo had once relished the wide amorph ous borders of the CEC that had brought people from different Christian backgrounds into a shared convergent place. I learned from conversations with other congregants that many had been similarly attracted to the church. After his ordination to the pries thood in the CEC, though, Father Leo narrower and more strikingly visible: Initially [the CEC] was supposed to be the three streams coming together from all places to find a house of worship; so that was great for a person coming from the increasingly conservative In having embraced convergent Christianity, Leo had also developed a general Anglican ethos (even though the CEC was not an official member of the Anglican Communion). It was the classical Anglican formu lation of the via media between Protestantism and Catholicism that had in the CEC, according to Leo were less enamored with the via media concept than they were with Roman Catholicism. Leo notes that many of the oman Catholic Church, Leo says,
150 They went through a time in which they would be in the pro life marches and be involved with the priests for life in the Catholic Church and they had ecumenical talks with the Catholic Church to a certain extent. Our servic es had borrowed some elements from the Roman rite, which was fine. And then comes the decision that they are not going to ordain women to the Deaconate, but we already have people that were called; then comes the decision that the ethos of the CEC has to do with its governance, which is governance by consensus male only headship. Well, that was not the advertising when we first came in It became more fixed. As Father Leo his own congregation, meaning room to implement these policies in ways that made sense to his flock. Leo Leo did no t hear these egalitarian social concerns echoed at the higher ranks of CEC leadership; in fact, they seemed increasingly muffled. Convergence and Continuity It is, then, less surprising now in retrospect that when I had first explained to Father Leo that I was studying convergent Latino churches, he had suggested other churches outside of the CEC that I might want to examine. He confirmed what I had heard about a significant Brazilian presence in the CEC, but he added that there were other churches in Chile and Colombia that were not tied to the CEC, but did self describe as convergent churches. The other church he mentioned was a Latino Episcopal Church (TEC) in Houston, Texas with over seven hundred members, which combined a similar blend of Christian inf luences to that found at Misin San Juan. Father Leo had emplotted his church on an imagined landscape that was broader than his particular institution, which later emboldened him to guide his own congregation from the CEC into TEC. In fact, Misin San Juan had even drawn its leadership ranks from outside of explicitly convergent circles. The Associate Pastor of San Juan came from an independent Charismatic
151 Church in Venezuela that was not affiliated with any kind of liturgical or sacramental expression of faith. His participation with Misin San Juan did relate, however, to the multiple intersecting and transnational links of globalized Christianity, to which convergent Christians are connected. Pastor Luis was teaching at a bilingual ecumenical Chris tian college and graduate school in Northern Florida, whose president was a Bi shop in another c onvergent Christian denomination. The president was aware of the need at Misin San Juan for a Pastoral assistant and thus Pastor Luis came on board to serve wi th both his musical and teaching talents. g 2005: xi) that arise in the flux of Christian networking. In the closing portion of services, when Father Le o would exhort congregants to invoke Saint Michael the Archangel to protect them from the wiles of the devil, Pastor Luis would reverently raise his hands but, like a few other congregants, he would not say the words of the saintly intercession. In this w ay, Pastor Luis exorcised the same kind of selectivity that Iris uses at San Bartolome when she refrains from evoking the intercession of the Virgin Mary. Father Leo was sensitive to the diversity in his congregation. He realized that for an Evangelical li ke Pastor Luis, and for some others in the congregation, invoking the assistance of a saint seemed like a potential affront to the intercessory power of Jesus, and thus he encouraged the kind of flexibility that allowed people to participate as they felt m ost comfortable. Hence Misin San Juan was producing 181). There were degrees of continuity and discontinuity for both those with Protestant and Catholic backgrounds. In t images of Jesus and Mary. A Protestant might balk at this rich iconography but neither would a Latin American Catholic have been likely to find many familiar points of reference there. Th ere
152 were no images of saints or Mary in the chapel that would be culturally associated with Latin America. Instead, all of the images were drawn from Eastern Orthodox Christianity. This inherited iconography is ubiquitous throughout the CEC but Father Leo also thought it served a distinctive function in his congregation. For him, this foreign selection disconnected the localized associations that Catholics might have to particular saints in their countries of origin. This facilitated the making of a fresh pan Latino identity, since no single Latin American seemed to reflect at least some suspicion about popular Catholicism. Unintentionally, this practice may have impeded undocumented immigrants in the church from creating the kinds of safety and freedom from the fearful scrutiny of the state (V squez 2010: 300). Indee d, despite the desire to foster thoroughgoing Christian pluralism at Misin San Juan, hybridity was inevitably an uneven process. Church leaders and lay participants at Misin San Juan had created hybrid spaces by way of both improvisation and structured p rocesses. If there were specific elements of the services that would be more familiar to Catholics than Evangelical visitors, and vice versa, there were broader rhythms to the proceedings that were just as likely to be lost on anyone who was not a frequent participant in the services. There were often moments, for instance, in which Father Leo encouraged parishioners to raise their hands and offer their own individual praises and supplications, an admonishment to which the parishioners would immediately and knowingly respond. Most would raise their voices and hands in a polyphonic swell of prayer. The priest initiated this moment but the congregation seemed to control its duration. Father Leo would
153 move on to the next part of the liturgy only after the cla mor had given way to a barely audible murmur and the parishioners had lowered their hands. The Path to TEC Father Leo and others were distressed by the restrictions on female leadership in the CEC, but they seemed to find ways to exploit the Charismatic di mension of convergence to circumvent some of those institutional strictures. One female member of the choir, for instance, often filled moments of transition between songs with extemporaneous and prophetic prayer, in which she usually reminded parishioners of the faithfulness and love of God. In one instance, Father Leo was about to close the service when the same woman told him that she believed God wanted to minister healing to the sick members of the congregation. Father Leo enthusiastically responded to the perceived prophetic message and he invited those desiring physical or emotional healing to come forward to the altar for prayer. Like the evening prayer services at San Bartolome in Fort Worth, it was the Charismatic stream of convergent faith at M isin San Juan that opened the most expansive spaces of spiritual authority to women. In this case, a woman who had a recognized gift in prophecy or healing wielded a measure of authority based on these perceived In contrast to the Charismatic stream of faith, there were constraints represented by the sacramental dimension of worship at Misin San Juan. Although some women distributed the bread and wine during Communion, the pivotal sacramental moment in the service was reserved for the male p riest. Since the CEC proscribes female ordination, Father Leo was the only person who could consecrate the Eucharist. It was clear, then, that not all hybrid parts were equal in this setting, and the weight given to one stream over the other could be con sidered an act of power. Father Leo knew first hand that convergent combinations of Charismatic, Catholic and Evangelical faith need not lead down exclusively conservative paths. Indeed the conservative
154 expression of convergence, represented by the CEC, n o longer seemed plausible to him or his congregation. After a transition in local leadership, Leo began to find the demands to conform to institutional policies both more insistent and intolerable. The new Bishop was an ex Episcopalian priest whom Leo des cribed as very conservative. He wanted to bring order to the Juan Father Leo began an exploratory dialogue wi th leaders in TEC. Eventually the CEC began going. The English language congregation began to meet in a chapel at a local university, but in this was not a tenable arrangement for the Spanish speakers. He explained to me that Latinas/os tend to tie their spirituality to a local church building; hence the makeshift and provisional nature of a borrowed chapel did not create the feeling of a spi ritual home thought to be essential for the Spanish speaking congregation. Eventually, Misin San Juan started renting English language service. If spatial factors accelerated a transitional process for the church, Misin San Juan was also forging more figurative distance from the CEC: The last couple of years in the CEC we were faithful in doing what we needed to but we were an oddity: a church in which women were active in all parts of ministry, a church in which some people were conservative and other people were more liberal. I would say me and the postulate then, are more liberal than our
155 congregation, and considerably more liberal than people were in our diocese [of the CEC]. After two years of this arrangement, in 2008 Misin San Juan was officially received into the Episcopal Diocese of Florida of the TEC, bringing the Spanish congregation together with the already established Anglo and African American more liberal than his congregation at the time of the change, but judging from the conversion history of a layperson na med Jaime, which I treat in chapter six, theological attitudes among congregants also shifted with institutional change. That said, there is no doubt that as a middle class, medically trained priest who has traveled broadly across Christian traditions and less expansively, but no less importantly, across geographical spaces, Leo Sanchez is the key figure the congregant s of Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro Indeed, the conve rgent conversion histories of people like Leo Sanchez dramatize the ways that transnational movement, multidenominational encounter and broader cultural trends have created Charismatic spaces for the plausible construction of progressive convergence. I wil l thus important networked connections and institutional transitions in the life of Father Leo Sanchez, MD, before returning to a consideration of the current exp ression of convergence at Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro. From Cuba to Northern Florida and from Catholicism to Evangelicalism foundational principles of Catholic faith. Leo s but there were nevertheless pictures in their home of Saint Michael the Archangel, Saint Barbara
156 (who, as he points out was later demoted from official canonical status), and a large painting of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. He also participated, though infrequently, in the life of the Catholic Church. He remembers, for example, his First Communion and going to mass on special holy days like Christmas and Easter. He even served as an altar boy on occasion. Leo estimates that he was confirmed in the Catholic Church when he was ten, a year before he moved with his family to northern Florida. ed when Fidel Castro took power, did not hold elections, and Northern Florida who sponsored them to come to the United States as political refugees. Once on American soil, they soon shifted religious affiliations as well. They visited an English speaking Catholic church in their city a couple of times, but the family felt estranged by the foreign language and did not perceive that they were warmly welcomed. Leo draw emotional and practical assistance the Baptist Church offered them as immigrants. The only Spanish language churches at that time were Southern Baptist churches and we were befriended by their missionaries, who were also from Cuba. They used to have help for migrants, you know, refugees. They took my mom and dad around and helped them out and then we started attending church. s, the Baptist church in his city in Northern Florida had Spanish language services before the Roman Catholic Church provided this linguistic variety. The Sanche z family utilized the networks of family to escape a perceived panoptical state, but during the difficult adjustment period in a new country their traditional source of religious
157 consolation, the Catholic Church, was not providing the same levels of cultur ally contextualized solace that their competitors, Evangelical churches, were offering. Leo hints that their conversion was a product of feeling loved and accepted and not a matter of being cognitively convinced of a Protestant paradigm of faith. These eve nts would seem to confirm the presuppositions of rational choice theorists who measure patterns of conversion with the analogous terms of the economic opportunities to solve personal problems, but also to find faith communities, spiritual meaning, 2003: 76) The family felt at home in the Baptist church, where they could worship God in their native tongu e. Leo also stresses the appeal of the straightforward religious message they heard at Christ, you have a new life and you read your Bible. That seemed very do; it was something reserved for clergy; so for them to get their own Bible [in Florida] and to have someone help them read it, that was very important final tradition, but he and his sisters were quickly immersed in Spanish speaking Evangelical culture in Northern Florida. ic to the Baptist church was for him and his We had a peer group of folks our age who came from the same background and of course the Bible was interesting because that had not been part of what we did, so
158 we all got one Our Sunday school teachers, all of whom were converts, were very good at trying to teach us the books of the Bible, some of the major Bible passages. As kids it was fu n. We made up games of who could find the passage faster. Leo and his sisters were also very active in youth camps and sung in the choir. More importantly for their development of an Evangelical ethos, they all made a sins personally and they received him as Lord and Savior of their lives. Leo was sixteen years feeling touched by God and I wanted to serve him; you know, that very typical born again him to ministry, and he pledged to fulfill that mandate upon his conversion. When he went to college in Miami, that enthusiasm waned drastically. He remained a You know, I guess that is the age when you really begin to question who you are. I had a lot of explicitly never wanted to do that. young adul a cognitive crisis of faith. Leo was not struggling with theological propositions, but with his identity, and especially his future vocational identity. Henri Gooren observed in his study of
159 Mormonism in Guatemala that when new converts are given weighty assignments at an early stage in their commitment to a church there i themselves [and] so 65). During his period of disaffiliation, Leo adopted behavioral patterns forbidden by his church and thus began to between the two. His secularism was a stark contrast to the persistent faith of his sisters, whose devotion had received a Charismatic boost while Leo attended college. Introductions to Charism atic Faith emphasis on the Holy Spirit to their Baptist reverence for scripture. Leo explains, One of their friends had some kind of an experience at a retreat and told them about it, so they starting looking at their Bibles and reading, so they decided that they wanted more of the Holy Spirit. That sense of being touched by God sort of energized their lives. I was not really interested in that when they were going thro ugh that experience. He had met his future wife, Lourdes, in a Baptist youth group in high school, and their sur rounded by a new set of Charismatic Baptist familial relations. My mother in she came back saying that she had felt the Holy Spirit and all this stuff and that she had spoken in tongues. Of course, we were horrified. So then she invited us to go to a special service. It was a small Puerto Rican Pentecostal Church here in town. be, but there was a real ha ppiness about their faith, you know, and it was very joyful and loud and expressive and I had never really experienced that and they talked about faith and reconnecting with God and I really felt like I needed that, so when they called for prayer, I went up to get prayer and of course my wife was right next to me making fun of every single person; she would go in my ear wonderful spiritual environment for that (laughs) But it was so funny because I really felt like I reconnected with Christ.
160 habit on the spot. I woke up the next morning feeling strangely happy. I started remembering the songs, and I must have gone about three days remembering my past, remembering my immediate past in college. I really felt a sense of repentance, thinking that I felt like me. I started attending church again but I really enjoyed going. joined in the Spirit but we would go to prayer meetings of folks from other denominations, other churches. You know back Bible again and found that much of what he was taught as an adolescent returned with vigor. With a renewed faith, Leo traveled with his wife to the Dominican Republic where he studied medicine. There, ecumenical Charismatic faith moved to the forefront of both of their lives, which would later have an impact on h is ministerial trajectory. In the Dominican Republic, Leo and Lourdes became involved in a small Assemblies of stresses that their experience with these Pentecostals was also thoroughly enjoyable and people walked to church. The however, did not accept wholesale everything he heard in those Pentecostal settings. Since he was bilingual, Leo was often called upon to translate for visiting speakers in the Pentecostal church, and sometimes he ran into theological notions that he could neither stomach nor articulate with a clear conscience.
161 I got to see the beauty of it and the manipulation There was one guy who was a great preacher but he insisted that th e Bible commanded people to speak in tongues. And he would speak in tongues and have them repeat so they could hear convergent journey is essential to understanding the way that his Charismatic formation relativized institutional structures. Consider, for instance, what Peter Berger says of these possible, its constructed character Let the people forget that this order was established by men and continues to be dependent upon the consent Berger 1990: 33). For Leo, his experience through the transnational networks of institutional Pentecostalism did not require an all or nothing response: he did not have to choose between belief in the obvious human construction of the institution or the overarching control of the Holy Spirit. Leo had a both and approach to the exercise of institutional religious power. He believed wholeheartedly in the power of the Holy Spirit in such settings, but also recognized that such presence did not preclud e human intervention and even manipulation in these sacred spheres. Leo and Lourdes could be discriminating in their views of religious authenticity because they had a diverse frame of reference. They certainly did not restrict their practice of faith in the Dominican Republic to Pentecostal confines. In the 1980s the Charismatic Renewal was enflaming new spiritual passions among Roman Catholics and was also creating new spaces of ecumenical fraternity among various stripes of Protestants. Leo found ampl e opportunity at the university where he studied medicine to form meaningful cross denominational friendships. Leo beams as he recounts the unity he shared with Christians from diverse folds. isted: Templo Biblico, Mennonites, a lot of Charismatic Catholics. And we would all gather together at lunch for these prayer meetings. Someone would get out a guitar and
162 f aith. And it also allowed me to see that, you know, just because I was raised in a particular church, there were a lot of Christians who had disagreements with me on points of doctrine but they were lovely people. Leo decided that unity in worship did no would do a study, and then the next week it would be a Pentecostal and then a Catholic. You Leo also read vorac Orthodoxy to the vigorous call to social commitment in works by liberation theologians like Leonardo Boff. The relative peace of a post dictatorship Dominican Republic allowed for a free flow of both progressive and conservative theology, especially in written media, which d refused the dichotomy of supernatural power channeled through pure institutional framework vs. human manipulation in the guise of spiritual intervention, he also eschewed the compartmentalization of soul and body in Christianity. There was, in his view, a progressive social concern at the heart of the Gospel, church of his youth. Additionally, Leo learned about the charismatic ministry of Emiliano Tardif, a Fre nch Canadian priest whose missionary work was based in the Dominican Republic. Leo witnessed Emiliano Tardif was still there. He was very strong in the Charismatic movement then and much to our surprise Lourd es and I visited a Catholic church where people were lifting their hands and speaking in tongues, and to us that was something interesting because we had never associated the Catholic Church with that kind of thing. Emiliano Tardif did a mass that we went to and there was a church called Casa de la Anunciacion where he used to preach and so I visited that and what was new in my life was getting reacquainted with the Catholic Church from an adult perspective and through Charismatic Catholics who believed so me of the same
163 have that. Through the ministry of Tardif and other Charismatic Catholics, Leo witnessed combinations of practices and theological emphases that he had once considered incommensurable He still was practices that Leo and Lourdes found unsettling; but he was captivated by the reverence with which these Charismatic C atholics approached the Eucharist, and he felt a growing hunger for this sacrament. ional period, Leo found himself drawn to the experience of the sacraments, specifically the Eucharist; but he felt uncomfortable venerating images, a common practice in Latin American Catholic churches. This echoes the environment at San Bartolome, which I described in chapter three; often the more traditionally Catholic churchgoers will venerate Mary, for example, while Charismatic of convergent elements. At th is church, however, convergence is front and center during the Spanish speaking Sunday services, something he learned from his next cross denominational encounter. Indeed, his next encounter at the medical school demonstrated not only how he might integrat e various strands of Christianity but how he might do so upon his return to the United States: One of my colleagues in medical school was a Lutheran from a very well known Charismatic Lutheran Church in Miami called Prince of Peace; so when we were on vaca tion he invited us to his church and to my surprise it was very similar to the Lutheran; that
164 When he did finally return to Northern Florida, Leo attended a Baptist Church, which his brother in law was leading. There was some continuity with the Baptist experience of his youth, but this congregation was also pulsating with Chari because this is the church of my youth but with the little extra stuff that I had learned in the Dominican Republic and had learned to enjoy; you know the whole singing and liveliness and the openness to the Spirit to liturgical practices in the Catholic and Lutheran churches. He wondered, for instance, why the Baptist church did not carve out meaningful units of liturgical time and celebrate p articular church seasons, such as Pentecost, which other churches found d ialogical companions in books he was reading across the vast Christian spectrum. He was particularly perplexed by the plethora of existing Christian denominations and traditions; he Apostolic Fathers and realized that the church that he saw in these accounts was not like the Baptist Church. The early views of the Eucharist and baptism stood out as especially different from contemporary Baptist understanding. Combi ning Charisma with Tradition ancient church practices and liturgies was really a renewal of a childhood faith. He clarifies that before his experience in the Dominican Eucharist in a setting where I felt like I could connect to the worship. I think that seeing that within the Renewal movement in the Catholic Church pointed me to the possibility that that is something I members from participating
165 services in the Dominican Republic. They were, nonetheless, struck by the beauty awe and holiness of Charismatic Catholic participation in the Eucharist. This was a dramatic contrast to beginning to believe otherwise. Leo sensed that there was something amiss and perhaps even inconsistent with the Protestant ideal of sola scriptura, scriptura sola (only scripture, scripture alone); this staple of Prot estant doctrine elevates the Bible as the ultimate authority in shaping both individual and collective Christian life. Baptists are Bible people so I started reading the Bible; certainly there were things that we did which were in the Bible but there were things that we did which were not; and there were things that were in the Bible which were explained a certain are sort of arbitrary; they are related to our tradition. Leo had stumbled upon a reality around which a growing cadre of Evangelicals have begun to offer careful reflection: there are certain core elements of Christian doctrine that Evangelicals consider axiomatic, which are, nevertheless, not fully elucidated in th e Bible, but are rather the products of church tradition. Evangelicals, though, have often been suspicious of tradition since it is assumed that human made patterns had corrupted the Christian church until Luther restored the Bible as the supreme authorit y in matters of faith and morals. The most compelling example of tradition informing the reading of Christian Scripture is the post Nicene conception of the Trinity (referring to the doctrine of the trinity that as it was articulated in the Council of Nic ea in 325 CE), which the vast majority of E vangelicals would only implied in principle in the Scriptures, and Christians have inherited a more precise
166 articulatio n of the natures and interwoven relationships of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit from the Patristic Fathers and early creeds. This coupling of tradition and scripture tends to be obscured in Evangelical circles. In other words, the influence of extra bi blical (but not anti biblical) tradition has been more far reaching in terms of the development of Protestantism than most Evangelicals have been willing to admit or consider. El Dia de la Raza : Convergence in Practice ed him to a spiritual space in which the traditions of order and im provisation. Interestingly this balance is also seen in decision making at Misin San s hearkens back to H. Richard Christ and Culture. There was evidence at the interst ices of spirituality within and outside the church, that power could also be exerted and shared through dialogue and rhetorical persuasion. On the El dia de la raza free form as pects of the services seemed to transpire on cue and involved relatively uniform somatic gestures. The service was drawing to a close and Father Leo reminded the congregation el dia de la raza Misin San Juan would hold their service at 10:30 a.m. rather than the usual 12:00 p.m. slot and since three other service would be bilingual. Following the mas s there would be a celebration with distinct Latino flare. Among the various activities scheduled for the event, including performances in folkloric costume, there were to be eight booths in which members of Misin San Juan would sell food that was repres entative of their countries of origins.
167 It was upon hearing this reminder that a female parishioner, who appeared to be in her late thirties, raised her hand. When called upon, she publicly and forthrightly voiced her disagreement with the plan to charge for food. Since church members were likely to bring to this celebration friends and family who did not normally attend the church, the disgruntled congregant thought it was unbecoming for the church to charge for meals particularly since the proceeds woul d go to the church. Her complaint sparked a spirited debate among the congregation as Father Leo subsequently and somewhat bemusedly answered a flurry of hands. The basis of his argument on this particular point was, in ethnographic hindsight, indicative of and into the TEC: he insisted that any festival (sacred or sec ular) celebrating el dia de la raza in Florida would likewise charge for food. In other words, Father Leo refused to reinforce a Manichean distinction between the church and the world, a division which scholars have noted as a general characteristic of Pe Christianity, and the ethos he helped inculcate in the congregation, involved a perceived Spirit led expansion of borders, not a religiously inspired delineation of sacred and profane spheres. If the example of Jesus, not on the desire to be separated from potentially polluting forces. The relationship between congregants, institutions and the broader culture is thu s complex and multifaceted at this convergent site. Christ and Culture (1996) is one of the most famous accounts to systematically treat the interplay of faith and culture. Niebuhr designed a five point typology of ideal types, wh ich outlines the varying cultural stances of historic Christian figures and groups.
168 straightforward of these categories. by a dogged resistance to cultural forces the region of darkness, into which the citizens of the kingdom (Niebuhr 1996: 48). Niebuhr points to the notion of spiritual regeneration as the stabilizing leg in this religious stance of cultural opposition. The Apostle Paul testifies in the New Testament that hings have fallen for some Christians the old things seem to have included the broader cultural worlds in conception was the thought that whatever does not b elong to the commonwealth of Christ is u 50). He paints a broad historical brush in the category of Tertullian and the n would have made him a likely candidate for this oppositional position. The refusal to listen to alternative narratives frustrated Father Leo while he was in the CEC. He bemoans issues of divorce and remarriage, but insisted on intransigent and uncompromising stances on homosexuality. Father Leo argues that biblical texts clearly identify divorce and remarr iage as sins. They are much less clear, he claims, about sexual diversity. Nonetheless, within the highest echelons of leadership of the CEC, there were divorced and remarried people: So then the Bible is [supposedly] clear on homosexuality, even though mention it, but it is not clear on divorce? So to me I thought that was untenable. And not that I am a person who is in favor of any particular agenda but there needs to be a sense of fairness and a certain sense of toning down our rhetoric when we
169 ving His use of world here is fascinating since it is the strict tension between Christian faith and the secular wo rld that some have connected to Pentecostal and Charismatic conservativism. Sanchez, by contrast, appears to draw on this dualistic distinction to make a progressive and, potentially, gay affirming faith statement. His opposition between God and the world though, seems closer rather between a group or groups of other people expressing culturally other values which are independent of or contradictory to such a confession. This latter group is what the New Tes oder 1996: 75). Father Leo has thus joined theologians like Luke Timothy Johnson who identify engaged listening to marginalized people as a Christian value (Johnson 2004) By extension that value opposes dogmatic duplicity: the kind that marginalizes some p eople, such as the LGBT community, under the ostensible guise of rigorous scriptural interpretation at the same time that it finds hermeneutic loopholes for the more institutionally acceptable transgressors of strict biblical mandates, such as divorcees. Those contesting values, listening vs. hypocritical conservativism, might both come from officially Christian realms, but one, according to Leo, is more appropriate for a fallen world, and the other is a fitting cultural expression for a redeemed church. Contemporary scholars have enumerated Pentecostal tendencies that make them sound like Manichean distinction between a secular world sullied by demonic influence and a Christian
170 sphere of spiritual purity can lock them in mainly insular matrices. In other words, Pentecostal theology constrains possible outcomes in quotidian life: I would venture to say that one of the conditions that shapes the type and range of political actions for Pentecostals is precisely religious ideology. While it is true that ideology can be appropriated differently stressing various aspects within it given the demands of everyday life, the Pentecostal worldview limits the scope of legitim ate socio political appropriations because of its tendency toward fundamentalism. Religious ideology demands that the believer stay on the narrow path, restricting the ways s/he can translate theology into social action and political praxis. In other wor ds, not just any appropriation goes (V squez 1998: 94). Other scholars, by contrast, argue that a radical reliance on the Holy Spirit empowers Pentecostals to forge democratic spaces, in which the gifts of the Holy Spirit make other markers of social statu s seem less relevant, and in some ways, even trivial. This interpretation of the reconstitute their place in the world. New cultural practices had to be ini tiated in a free space which was circumscribed machismo and violence, as well as personal and familial disintegration. Inside, however, there began a new order of the worl d full of Sanidad Divina: soufoul release and physical healing. For those people who gathered in the free space a signal break had been made with the old ways. All the mediations between them and God were abolished. They were now a redeemed community wit h direct access in and through the Spirit, and by implication they were also above or beyond all the mediations of society as a whole, not merely the mediations of the priestly caste. All the criteria of power and worth which oppressed them in daily life were (Martin 1993: 107). If argue that to the extent that Pentecostal and Charismatic theology tends toward fundamentalism (a rigid and binary worldview that is intolerant of ambiguity and a hierarchical institutional structure supporting such rigidity), its range of sociopolitical a pplications will be limited; but Pentecostalism, ala Martin, holds seeds of emancipatory potential in its pneumatology (theology of the Holy Spirit)
171 which recognizes the potential S pirit gifting of all people and groups. When Pentecostal emphases are unhi nged from conservative institutional confines, the creative possibilities proliferate ( Martin 1993: 49). Religious ideas are not disembodied unidirectional forces; rather they morph and move in conjunction with the twist and turns of human bodies, whose ki netics can be vigorously controlled in strict institutional bounds, or released in comparatively inclusive spaces for improvisation, performance and continued negotiations of bio power. Indeed, to understand what Iglesia San Pedro looks like in its new com paratively progressive institutional setting, we turn to bodies in worship. When the Bishop Comes to Town, She Speaks in Spanish A white dove is a common symbol for the Holy Spirit in Christianity, and it can also represent peace and harmony in other setti ngs. At 10:30 a.m. on January 23, 2011, in a multicultural bilingual Episcopalian church in northern Florida a cloth dove seems to carry all these concepts. A U.S. born Latino adolescent holds high a metal rod and causes an undulating cloth dove to sway through the air as he leads a procession of acolytes, choir members, liturgical dancers, priests, and bishops down the church aisle. There will be more pomp and circumstance to the proceedings today than is typical for the Anglo and African American congr egants at St. speaking congregation. Today, though, is a historic event in the life of this parish, and it calls for a combined service. The Anglo and African American co Episcopalianism, a much less decorative affair than the lively high ceremony that Father Leo has been conducting for so many years among Spanish speaking congregants. In shepherding his English speaking Anglo and African American flock, Father Leo focuses on sermons, Bible reading and traditional hymn singing. His growing enthusiasm for this quieter and less elaborate
172 approach to faith is obvious. He still revels, though, along with the rest of the Spanish sp eaking bells during important ritual occasions in the service). Their penchant for ceremony is enlivened with celebratory Charismatic flare. Indeed, Father Leo may be adapting well to the less lively style of the English speaking services but on his blog below a report he posted about the church folks, the bells and lighthearted reference but it is hard to exaggerate the animated joy with which Father Marcelo continue t o cultivate the convergent blends of Charismatic, Evangelical and Catholic streams that they have practiced since their days as Misin San Juan. This morning, the dove ripples through the waft of incense and the combined congregation is momentarily transf ixed; their gazes, though, quickly turn to the most esteemed and honored guest in the processional line. The Presiding Bishop and Primate of the Episcopal Church (TEC), Katharine Jefferts Schori has come to preach in both Spanish and English to a church t hat only a little over two years ago, on June 18, 2008, melded an aging English speaking congregation with U.S. Latinas/os from another denomination. They did so with the support of the Episcopal Bishop of the Diocese of Florida, Samuel Johnson Howard, wh o is also here today. about Katharine Jefferts Schori on his blog: Having had the privilege of hearing our Presiding Bishop preach on several occasions I can say sh e is definitely not someone you can neatly tag and place in a box. A quiet speaker, she is uncompromisingly an advocate for those who are needy, marginalized, isolated, the immigrant and infirm. Often her words remind the church that the good news are not just to be believed and talked about but lived in love and service to God and our fellow man! God bless and guide the Rev.
173 Katharine Jefferts Schorri as she leads the Episcopal Church in this complicated century. Let her be a voice for Christ proclaiming t he good news of his love for all. When Father Leo found out the Presiding Bishop would be coming to Northern Florida for the convention of the Episcopal Diocese of Florida, he hoped that a visit to his modest multicultural congregation of 200 Latinas/os an d 70 Anglos and African Americans might prove an appealing multicultural experience for the Bishop. Once the choir, bishops, priest and acolytes have positioned themselves at their respective stations at the altar, a group of female adolescents begin to da nce in front of the congregation, a lyrical and embodied form of worship that has carried over from Misin San Juan. In their typical form fitting pink, purple and black dresses, the girls glide across the floor. The priest, Father Leo, subsequently begi bulletin. He follows the traditional script of an Anglican service, except he alternates between Spanish and English. There is joyous singing throughout the service, a combinative soundscape of slow decorous hymns and jaunty Spanish songs with a salsa rhythm. The Presiding Bishop preaches on the analogous relationship between followers of Jesus and sunflowers/ girasoles Sunflowers turn to the light during the day and face that direction even in work in our midst, and when the night seems darkest, to keep turni ng in expectation of the light and transform the darkness, she integrates other metaphors of reaching and seeking lost people. What has brought healing and l details, but at some point you decided that fishing nets with instructions only in some of them, and picked up some new ones, with instructions in Spanish. You
174 noticed that the kinds of fish had changed, and that different methods were required. It is interesting, and somewhat misleading, that she addresses the English speaking congregation here. It is as if it were the E nglish speaking congregation that was the most illuminating narrative, that their benevolent welcome of a Spanish speaking congregation was the most notable sign of mission in this mixed congregation. In f egation, speak to a discourse resounding throughout multiple segments of Christianity: the missionized have become the missionaries. Conservative Anglicans have seized that discourse, insisting that after centuries of faithful missionary work in the global South, converts there have raised up generations of Evangelical devotion to the Bible, Charismatic practices of the Spirit, and enlivening reception of the sacraments to help American theological comprise and heresy. This, though, is not the missionary thrust of Father missionized con tingent become the missionaries of TEC? What is their mission from this progressive outpost? To answer those questions we need to revisit the multiple networks of mission through which Father Leo has passed, and consider the impact of this journey on Igles fluid denominational affiliation. Implications of Cross Culturalism Father Leo Sanchez is a General Practitioner in the field of medicine and as a priest of a multicultural congregation, which he inherited after moving from the CEC, he must exercise an
175 equally broad base of cultural and religious expertise. He has been travelling through multiple religious and cultural networks ever since his family sought refuge in the United States, and then in the Baptist church. His professional education came in a Latin American country experiencing the kind of hybrid Christian growth that comes after the multiple religious responses to a brutal dehumanizing dictatorship have had time to encounter one another in relative peace. In the Dominican Republic he encountered the works of Leonardo Boff, Guatavo Guterriez and other liberation theologians who mixed sober social analysis with a fiery commitment to biblically based social justice on behalf of the poor and dispossessed. At the same time that his eye f or social injustice became clearer through such reading, he was navigating multiple spheres of Protestant and Catholic charisma, where he noticed both sparkling signs of spiritual presence and manifold evidence of human manipulation. He grew in faith and r ealism, acknowledging the humanly constructed nature of religious institutions, with its cracks and faults, at the same time He has brought this faith filled and realistic et hos into a mainline denomination that has heard a death knell of decline and irrelevance. The mainline, it was once thought, was a bastion of Anglo affluence and cultural respectability. It is now known more for its continual theological updating and progr essive broadening of the boundaries of belonging, but it is not thriving w ith numerical growth. Katharine Jefferts Schori refuses to play the numbers game: "We don't count the right way. How many lives has the work of a congregation touched this year?" she said. "That's a more important question than counting who came to church on a Sunday" (Kaleem 2012 is a reminder that congregations and institutional structures are touched by lives.
176 Scholars have diligently attended to questions of Evangelical growth in both North America and the Global South, and they have addressed what that upswing means for dwindling mainline denominations (Ellington ). Academic radars have not b een as frequently tuned into Christian disaffiliation from Evangelical matrices in preference for more progressive expressions of faith. That inattention likely comes from a lack of such sizable switches, but like Jefferts Schori, I think the numbers game can occlude some significant realities. Consider Jay Bakker, for example; as the son of one of the most notorious televangelist couples in Pentecostal history, Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker, Jay Bakker now leads a progressive church that is vigorously committe d to the full inclusion of LGBT people in all walks of life. He came to this position through Pentecostal means: he prayed and felt that God told him that homosexuality was not a sin. This is perhaps a surprising but instructive example of how the Pentec ostal and Charismatic teaching on progressive revelation: the idea that God continues to disclose new level s of truth to humanity. The story, then, of institutiona l changes from Misin San Juan to Iglesia Episcopal San ways of speaking about circulating at borders between Evangelical and mainline churc hes. Father Leo Sanchez and his congregation are situated at those borders with their convergent faith and increasingly progressive ethos. Their mission then may involve creating plausibility structures of convergence for cradle Episcopalians who associat e such practices with the perceived reactionary forces of fundamentalism, and to demonstrate the progressive potential of charismatic theology and practice to U.S. Latinos journeying through more conservative networks.
177 The Presiding Bishop gave the benedi ction prayer in serious momentarily stunned, and then quickly beamed. That may say something about how convergent Latino life will continue to be received in organizations like TEC, mainline churches once thought to be mono record, he and his congregation will continue to exercise agency within their new inst itution with the same blend of S pirit centered enthusiasm and caution.
178 CHAPTER 6 CALLING, CONVERSION, AND CONVERGENCE T ost of dead religious beliefs. Max Weber (p. 123 124) Scholars have identified a number of factors relevant to charting religious conversions from Catholicism to Protestantism in both Latin American and U.S. Latino contexts. Some have pointed to the marketability of Evangelicalism, stressing a variety of supposedly niche products it offers, such as divine healing and general empowerment of marginalized peoples (see Chesnut 2003; Gill 1998). Others draw attention to functionalist factors, such as the ways Protestant values help migrants orient to new, often urban, settings (see Willem s 1967; Roberts 1968). Still others claim that social networks filled with Evangelical peers and family help create a How, though, does one measure conversion in a setting where Protestant and Catholic practices coexist or converge? Does considering transitions to such settings stretch the term conversion beyond its explanatory bounds? In order to answer these questions, I highlight a factor that is omitted o r given short shrift understanding changes in Christian affiliation for people with pluralistic outlooks on the global Christian landscape. I outline how calling has gener ally been used by sociologists of religion, how it has been applied in studies of conversion, and the potential for an expanded use of this theme to illuminate personal and institutional changes in contemporary global Christianity. The Traditional Pauline Model of Conversion conversion marks a definitive turning point from personal chaos to religious clarity. This
179 presumed pattern is drawn, in part, from the story of the Apostle Paul, who according to the New Testament book of Acts was initially a dogged persecutor of Christians; he suddenly shifted conception of conversion thus assumes that converts cross thresholds of religious identification, and never return. To gain assurance of salvation, many Evangelicals have tried to squeeze their own religious experiences, which often involve fits and starts along a broad religious continuum, w ithin that narrow narrative template of intense and definitive religious change. Evangelical permeates the public life, worship and witness of the church does not r eflect their own experience. They feel distant or alienated from their own experience because it does not fit the 2010: 2). I pointed out in chapter three, for instance, that Iris b ecame diffident about her conversion when she became description of the changing model for some Evangelical churches would be a more fitting explanation for the communal shifting from the punctilinear, dramatic movement of faith to process: a faith nurtured by the 1999: 143) An experience of a def initive turning point may characterize some Christian conversions, but current spiritual commitments are often the result of a journey of important religious Brazil, traditions rather than clear 2007: contribution to the study of conversion is helpful in delineating and analyzing the conv ergent
180 paths that have led some Latin Americans and U.S. Latinos to the Anglican Communion; many have travelled through various passages within and between Protestantism and Catholicism. The term passages thus may carry more explanatory power not only for scholars of religious change but the converts themselves. Despite its problems for both observers and religious adherents, scholars are reluctant to completely jettison the traditional Pauline understanding of religious conversion; many have, though, qua lified that model, expanding conversion to include a continuum of religious change onto which a Pauline break with the past remains a relevant, though not exclusive, indicator: encomp assing event certainly has a place within a continuum of conversion, uncritical acceptance of such a paradigm 2007: 7). The religious transitions of most of the participants in my study belie the simplistic notion of pre and post conversion religious life. The Pauline paradigm appears occasionally in my interviews with informants, but multiple religious changes over a period of time some subtle, others dramatic are more frequent. provides a useful framework for measuring the religious transitions that have led some Latin Americans and U.S. Latinos to convergent settings. He explains, The conversion career approach goes beyond the Pauline idea of conversion as a unique and once in a lifetime experience, categorizing levels o f conversion (pre affiliation, affiliation, conversion, confession, and disaffiliation) and outlining t he key factors that our approach identifies as essential in the conversion career (so cial, institutional, cultural, personality and contin gency factors) (Gooren 2007: 66). and 2010: 80).
181 I discuss the experiences of Latin American men whose conversions coincided with journeys to the United States. The men in this study found a spiritual setting which oriented them to a world in which they and their newfound co religionists are an ethnic minority. The xenophobia that continues apace among some segments of the United States can encourage cultural solidarity among the marginalize d, and by combining religious elements that are segregated in countries of origin, Latin American immigrants in the United States may help foster pan Latino unity. The conversion careers I treat in this chapter, however, do not exclusively show signs of ins 48). That is, my informants did not make convergent Christian transitions only to address the experiences of disruption and concomitant feelings of dis ease they felt during unstable times, even though personal religi ous change played a part in ameliorating those distresses. Rather the focus of this chapter is on moral agents who experienced the harsh constriction of boundaries and found that a more expansive view of Christianity, than the one they previously held, res onated with their diverse set of meaningful relationships and their desire to live both a truthful and inclusive view of divine love. Although the bounds of that inclusivity have been structured by the different institutions in which they currently live th eir religion, the salience of calling in their conversion careers is equally compelling and illuminating in both accounts. The Concept of Calling sociologist Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Weber draws a 2002: 39) and the development of Western capitalism. Weber argues that prior to the Protestant Reformation, the
182 acceptably to God was not to surpass worldly morality in monastic a sceticism, but solely through the fulfillment of the obligations imposed upon the individual by his position in the world. That 2002: 40). Luther overcame an anxiety about sin by stressing salvation by grace through faith alone; this liber ating doctrine freed him to explore the varieties of callings and vocations in which common Christians could carry out good works, without having to measure the relative merits each deed might provide for salvation. He thus expanded the notion of calling to the quotidian sphere. a former French lawyer who spearheaded the Reformation in Geneva in the sixteenth century and brought the rigors of a rational legal mind to bear on Protestant theology. According to Calvin, generation Puritans in because As those commitments waned in ensuing generations, however, there was widespread spiritual angst over questions of salvation. There was little assurance of salvation for those for whom religious activities held minimal appeal. Weber argues that in the nineteenth century the perceived signs that God had elected a person for salvation shifted from the traditional markers of spiritual regeneration to an economic imprint. These Pur itans began to believe that they were called to certain economic tasks and that the acquisition of wealth proved their election; the proper response to such blessing was thought to be investment of wealth. Eventually that ethos ran off of its spiritual ra capitalism.
183 The role of calling among the participants in my study was not explicitly tied to material improvement; nor do they focus their perception of a divine call on a particul ar profession. 1973: immigrants to believe in hindsight that their ste ps had been directed by divine foresight, even if such planning felt haphazard at the time; it was also important for many of my interviewees to believe that they were called by God to particular religious functions, which gave them esteem they lacked in t heir sometimes marginalized social positions. In this sense, calling is a model of their mobile reality: the discourse of calling becomes a portable cognitive map, the contours of which are constantly updated as bodies move across different geographical an d religious spaces. Since their combinations of faith expose them to various Christian borders, the idea that individuals are called to certain religiously inspired tasks can also help them navigate a re competing options abound. Here, calling becomes a model for Christian living. The trope of calling can facilitate shifts in religious affiliation, when believers trust that God is calling them to do so, and paradoxically it can also help people dwell i n new religious spaces, by providing a sense of divine rootedness in the spaces where they will respond to further callings for particular tasks. That is not to say that a sense of calling to a particular religious community precludes the potential appeal of religious competitors from other churches, denominations or even other religions. Calling does seem, though, to relativize such appeals, since a convergent Christian may affirm the truth claims of another Christian institution without feeling compelle d to switch denominations or churches
184 The concept of calling also helps to make sense of the kinds of changes in Christian affiliation which have led to convergent expressions of Christianity. Convergent Christian s are more likely to recognize a plurality of viable and authentic Christian structures. When they explain how they have come to settle (at least temporarily) in one particular spiritual home, they do not generally talk about the ineluctable appeal of a pa rticular church style, or convincing that individual to that particular congregation. More broadly, then, calling is an increasingly relevant trope to und erstand the ethos for ecclesiastical association in a globalized Christian context, where people are increasingly aware of church options, and where they perceive that viable and authentic choices abound. Conversion Careers and Testimonies In outlining his application of conversion careers to the Latin American religious 2007: 55). According t o Gooren, this lack of attention to an entire life trajectory contracts conversion accounts into misleading models, which can not fit the breadth and width of subtle changes in religious affiliation (or disaffiliation). In this chapter, I analyze two conv ersion careers in depth, which are drawn from interviews and participant observation at my U.S. Latino case studies in Fort Worth, Texas and Northern Florida. Both men in these cases have traveled across far reaching geographical spaces before joining the ir current convergent Christian affiliations. In these two cases there seems to be a connection between geographic, cultural and religious passages. In both accounts, the idea of Christian calling is central to their new convergent affiliations. I will transition, in which calling is the most salient theme.
185 Today at the threshold of the diminutive sanctuary of Iglesia San Ba rtolome, David looks regal. Draped in a white liturgical gown, he also wears a confident smile. He is a regular lay preacher and leader at a sister church of Iglesia San Bartolome, called Iglesia San Lazaro, and yes, is in Mexico, David has an opportunity to hone his preaching skills in a less familiar environment. He greets parishioners at Iglesia San Bartolome with all the poise one would expect of a seasoned veteran of ministry, but by most standards he is a ro okie. Although he is taking ministerial exams, David is not yet ordained and his undocumented status in the country is complicating efforts to move him along an unconventional track to the Anglican priesthood. David is in his mid thirties, but his schedu le would be grueling for even younger men. He must consistently draw on reserves of energy to meet his multiple commitments: besides his liturgical duties at San Lazaro, David is a devoted husband and father of two, and he works full time as a constructio n worker. As a child in Mexico he wanted to be a priest. Back then, though, there was no question that his ministry would be in the Catholic Church. His journey from the Catholic Church in Mexico to the Anglican Church in Texas had many gradual passages, some of which David was not even aware of at the time they occurred. Catholic Formation in Mexico continuum, but when my explanation of calling is added to the variou s elements of that scale, formation that manifested with vigor when he was confro nted with a religious alternative: the eager Evangelicalism of his best friend.
186 David was raised in a Mexican town in Chihuahua, and he estimates that when he was d clase baja father sought local government support to build a Catholic pari mother got a job working for the church. She cleaned and cooked for the priests in the city and brought young David along. By his own accounts, he was while his mother worked. From ages five to fourteen David was a devoted assistant to various priests in the city. When David was twelve, a wealthy friend of the family offered him the opportunity to travel to Spain and then to Rome to study for the priesthood The wealthy patron was willing to David was the youngest in the family, his mother refused and said it would be better to wait some years before making a decision of that kind. The prospect of having two sons living abroad might have been too much too bear for his mother, even if she would have felt Catholic pride to see David become a priest. She was not averse, though, to David travelling. When he was ten, Davi d began to occasionally travel with his parents to the U.S. They had relatives in El Paso, Texas, and one to San Fernando Valley, California at thirteen. The family kept close contact with him, and eventually
187 Davi d joined his mother and father on visits to his brother, which in some periods took place annually and at other times every two years. David remained involved in the church even after his mother denied his early track to the priesthood, a decision which he found disappointing. He led a Catholic youth group until he was fourteen. David recalls a nine month period when he accompanied his mother to mass six days a week at seven in the morning (there was no mass on Saturdays). David enjoyed this religious regimen. At fourteen, though, he began to work more frequently for his brother, who was involved in a printing business, and David had little time leftover to help in the church. He continued to on work. David dropped out of high school in his final year because he believed his studies were a financial burden on his family. From the age of twelve, he had worked for his brothers during summer vacations in th e printing business, and he now left high school at eighteen to join them full time. awakening came at twenty one when his best friend returned from a life altering retreat in an Evangelical church called Calvary Temple. Bursting wit h evangelistic fervor, the friend began to pepper David with biblical questions, claiming that the Catholic Church had strayed from scriptural foundations. Confronted with these accusations, a deep well of Catholic formation bubbled to the surface. David answered the pointed questions with agility Church, but it also left h
188 those things, or at least understand why they are there and if they are really b thus stayed in the Catholic Church despite some misgivings. David wanted to get back in the boat at a point where he could move about knew honored answers for his new questions and he sought a free space, unencumbered by familial bonds and ties of friendship, to raise them frankly. His Evangelical friend claimed that Po pes had deviated from David raised his questions in the Catholic Church but he also found himself teaching others. In a youth group, a leader asked for volunteers to teach about baptism. A young woman raised her hand first. David was the second to answer the call. As a baptismal instructor, David learned the finer points of Catholic theology and returned to his Evangel ical friend ready to discuss their differences. He describes their subsequent conversations on adult vs. infant baptism as amicable. David was practicing Christian pluralism, learning to negotiate difference with reason, biblical literacy, and a sense of historical Christian doctrine. Notably, he did not expect either side to switch ecclesiastical allegiances. Since David would eventually land in the convergent setting of U.S. Latino Anglicanism, via media testantism and Catholicism, the affiliation is the term used here to describe the worldview and social context of potential members of a religious group in their first contacts to assess whether they would like to affiliate 2007: 53). In his initially contentious and eventually
189 peaceful interreligious encounter with the Evangelical friend, David took his first tentative steps to ward Christian pluralism: a discursive religious context in which Protestant and Catholic ideas coexist peacefully in the same space without resolution. It is thus telling that he and his friend debated issues of adult vs. child baptism and never expected to convert the other to his position. David would eventually find institutional space for these fledgling dialogues in the Anglican Communion, and thus the informal theological debates with his Mexican Evangelical friend seem to comprise a pre affiliatio n stage of conversion to Christian convergence. For other informants in my study, the pre affiliation stage involved a romantic relationship in which one of the partners was Protestant and the other Catholic. That was not the case for David, but a relatio nship would play an important role in his continued religious journey. A Mobile Mexican Marriage David married his co instructor from the baptism classes, Maria, in August 1996, and tough during that time Before coming to the United States, Dav Mexico and Maria had worked as an accountant for Firestone. They did not, then, immigrate because of overwhelming financial exigencies. David explains that they only planned to live in the U.S. for three or four years, before returning to Mexico to begin their own business. was unable to travel because of the pregnancy. A few months after giving birth to their son, her g randfather also passed away. This time she returned to Mexico to be with the family, and David, after selling the few possessions they had in the United States, followed suit shortly
190 thereafter. With all of these complications, they had not been able to save the money that they had hoped, and found themselves in Mexico considering a return to the United States. In 1998, they decided they would move to Dallas, Texas. David would go first, preparing the place for Maria, who would join her husband months later. In Dallas, David acquired jobs in restaurants and construction. After considering the future opportunities of their young American born son, the family decided to put down permanent, though undocumented, roots in the United States. Even though thei r courtship had begun in an obviously spiritual setting, the couple had He was working seven days a week from sunup to sundown. David attributes their infreque nt attendance at church to the overwhelming economic demands on a young family, which leave spiritual goals. We came with the goal of working and making money We put aside cultural piece of the American dream, they oft en work long hours, frequently at two or even more jobs. The heavy work schedule leaves precious little time and energy to become involved in religious V squez, et al 2009: 15). When they would occasionally attend church, David and his wif e went to a Spanish speaking Catholic service in Dallas. David eventually visited a friend in Fort Worth and compared its relative merits to Dallas. employment opportu nities. The family decided to move to Fort Worth at the end of 1998. They would also in that year move church traditions without even realizing.
191 From Catholicism in Mexico to Catholicism in the Episcopal Church David had friends who were seeking help wi th immigration documents and had learned that a church called San Andres in Forth Worth was offering assistance. After these friends joined San Andres, David and his wife began to attend regularly. There was nothing strikingly new about these services and r had they noticed that the priest was married; they had never seen Father Jose and his wife together because these two would often take care of separate ministerial duties after the services. David stresses that there are very few differences between an Episcopal service in Fort Worth They attended San Andres regularly for almost three years, assuming they were in a Catholic Church. At the beginning of 2001 San A ndres offered a course called Alpha, an introduction to Christianity which originated in a Charismatic Anglican church in London called Holy Trinity Brompton. The Alpha course began in the 1980s and was co nsistently nurtured under the watchful and valu e sh aping eye of Sandy Millar. Nicky Gumbel took over running Alpha at Holy Trinity Brompton in the fall of 1990. Gumbel soon realized that the course had evangelistic potential for those outside the c hurch. Over a period of a few years, Nicky, using his keen mind and practical experience, adjusted the course to fit the conversation of those outside the church (Hunter 2010: 101). Nicky Gumbel redesigned Alpha so that Christians and spiritual seekers of various sorts could discuss a variety of Christian themes, s uch as the Bible, healing, and other basic theological issues, through an engaging video series. Alpha is meant to take place in a relaxed atmosphere in which participants discuss these themes over a shared meal. David spoke with Maria and the
192 two decide d that this was an opportunity to re engage with church life and to deepen their involvement beyond Sunday attendance. Their newfound religious commitment coincided with a burgeoning change to their immigrant outlook. David clarifies that at this point means of financial gain. During the Alpha course, they found out that they had been putting down spiritual roots i group that they were not in a Catholic Church. that I would leave the Catholic Church. My w nic example of what Gooren calls the group membership does not necessarily form a central aspect of o 2007: 53). As a regular pa rticipant in Sunday masses at San Andres, David was a formal member of that religious group, but he did not realize that he had shifted Christian affiliations. Obviously, then, Episcopalianism was not central to his identity. Other U.S. Latina/o informan ts in my study also began to attend an Anglican or Episcopalian church regularly before they realized that it was not Catholic. In the midway point of the Alpha course, David and Maria decided to leave San Andres and seek out a Roman Catholic parish. A co Charismatic Catholic mass. David and Maria had participated in the Charismatic Catholic
193 Renewal in Mexico and were eager to be reacquainted with this vibrant form of faith. Before the celebration of the Eucharist the Charismatic Catholic priest speculated about possible prayer refe rring to concerns that an immigrant might have in the United States. David surmised that the questions had a more specific connotation. Driving home after the ser A few weeks later, they received a call from Father Jose from the Episcopal Church San Andres, explaining that they missed David and Maria and wanted to offer them an invitation. The dioces e would be hosting Spanish speaking cursillos in Dallas for the first time and Padre cursillos was, David decided, their answer to prayer and a sign toward their eccles iastical calling. after a new affiliation with a church helps sustain newfound conversions (especially Mormon conversions) ( 2007: 65). Committing to volunteer in the church immediately after recognizing a call to switch Christian affiliations ce. David explains, though, that he was a novice when it came to
194 th e Episcopal Church. David says that even though the transition from Catholicism to Episcopalianism was not a huge leap, there were two salient changes in his religious identity, both of which have to do with calling. He claims that in hindsight he had al ways attended the Catholic Church out of obligation. is paradox ical. He felt called by God to the Episcopal Church in response to prayers in which he calling was a submission to divine mandate. Still, that calling created a f eeling of voluntarism, making David feel that he had made a choice about church involvement for the first time in his life. This contradicts earlier parts of his conversion narrative. After all, David had recounted his enthusiasm for attending the Catho lic Church in Mexico, even when that commitment was potentially wearying (six days a week). Also, after his initial religious disputes with his Evangelical friend, he exercised agency by attending a Catholic parish where no one knew him. make sense of such seeming contradiction if we remember to think of a meaning system not as a rigorous structure but as a loosely integrated repertoire of meanings that are often multi ple and narrative it is important to consider what was absent from his personal narrative about his participation in the Catholic Church: namely, the language of call ing.
195 David may have felt the same sense of voluntarism had he believed that God led him back to the Catholic Church, rather than the Episcopal Church. If so, the important part of his decision to join the Episcopal Church was not the ultimate result but r ather the paradoxical sense of freedom and calling that led to such a decision. Calling seems to have provided David with a new measuring rod for meaningful religious change, marking one event as especially significant on a map of multiple religious trans itions. There was freedom in choosing an adult path rather than walking a course set from infancy, and there was meaning in selecting one that he believed God had specifically chosen. For a person whose passages from Mexico to the United States and back h ad seemed haphazardly driven by the vagaries of life, death, and economic demands, calling seems to have created a sense of direction and meaning. as shared dialogue Episcopal Church, you find extremes between Protestantism at one end and Catholicism at the n of sharply with what he learned in the Catholic Church in Mex not call Protestants to become Catholics or vice versa; instead, he uses the common denominator of Jesus as his rallying point. Since David is married it would be much more difficult for him to become a priest in the Catholic Church. I wondered whether the possibilities for priesthood that he has in the Anglican Church might have been a freighted factor tipping his decision in f avor of the Episcopal over the
196 Catholic Church. He insists, though, that even if it were clear that his already difficult path to Anglican priesthood would become impossible, he would like to remain Anglican, as long as he could be in a parish where he wa s needed. The sense of calling converging with need keeps him via media (middle way). Protestant Church. I want to go where God wants me and where I can be most effectively used change of calling is by no means regarded as objectionable, if it is not thoughtless and is made for the purpose of pursuing n to a different ecclesiastical affiliation has been reformulated in the language and experience of calling, and it is that sense of guidance which he claims will direct his future ecclesiastical choices. This is not mere rhetoric since discourses compris e part of the material forces at work in lived religion. As Manuel V consequences for how they build their identities, narratives, pr actices, (Vsquez 2010: 5). The discourse of calling has weighty significance for David and others on convergent Christian paths. Did David eventually convert to Anglicanism? refers to a (radical) personal change of worldview and identity. It is based both on self report and on attribution by not typical of conve rsion, I believe it was sufficiently radical to be considered a conversion. He was once a faithful Roman Catholic in Mexico who was taught that the Catholic Church had a
197 monopoly on salvation. He consistently attended Episcopal Church services in Fort Wo rth for three years before realizing that he was not in a Catholic Church. He made a decision to return to the Catholic Church, but changed course after seeking divine guidance about where he should be. He and Maria reported to one another that they share d prayers for an ecclesiastical call, and cursillos higher spiritual call to church affiliation in the Anglican Communion. In one respect, it is difficult to consider th ese changes as radical, especially since the similarities between Catholic and Episcopal faith practices are so abundant that David did not recognize differences for three years. Nevertheless, David has now studied Anglican Christianity in depth and some changes to his religious affiliation have been dramatic. He is now Christocentric, focusing on Jesus as a bridge across differences of denomination or ecclesiastical tradition. This has radically reoriented him to a new set of relational associations wit h people of both Protestant and Catholic backgrounds. The radical change in worldview and high level of 2007: 53). David has a strong missionary attitude but he is not focused solely on drawing outsiders into his gro up, since his Christian pluralism encourages a different missionary ethos. In the past he was taught that Protestants were beyond the pale of heavenly salvation, but he now worships alongside people who still identify in that fashion; he assures both Cath olics and Protestants alike that salvation is mediated by Christ alone, not through Protestant or Catholic passports to heaven.
198 Clifford Geertz famously argued that religious ideas take visible form through a ritual always visible to outsiders and he seems just as willing to cut it off should God so request. It is as if, though, there is a large JC emblazoned permanently and prominently on all that David wears. This Christocentricism is, for David, a non negotiable identifier at the heart of his Christian and cultural identity. When I ask David, for example how he would respond if someone asked him what religion he is, he avoids denominational labels and points emphatically to Jesus. Many people have asked me that question. I say, before talking about my religion, at he did for me, how he has changed my life, and how he can change yours? If your way of thinking fits with the way of thinking of the church where I attend, you are welcome to come to my church, but if you already attend a church, allow me to suggest th at you take a step forward and begin to work where you are. For me the important thing is not that the person changes what s/he believes or changes her/his view of Christ to fit my view. The important thing for me is that the person attributes change in h er/his life to Jesus Christ. As I point out in the case study of San Bartolome, Evangelicals tend to use the discourse of Christianity as relationship rather than a religion in order to distinguish the call to personal professions of faith from other ritua l activities in different Christian traditions, or in other religions. David does not use this rhetoric in triumphal fashion; rather, he diminishes the importance of religious labels so that he can build bridges between sometimes competing faith tradition s (Evangelicalism and Catholicism) within his cultural group. He preached this same message during a sermon I witnessed in Fort Worth, which took place before my interview with him. p makes him an
199 conversion career, though, this categorization becomes much more meaningful if we add a sense of calling to the mix. David has been radically converte d to an Anglican worldview, which views Catholicism and Protestantism as potentially equal contributors to a Christocentric message of salvation. When he speaks of possibly changing Christian affiliations in the future, he means that God may call him to l ive this pluralistic outlook in a different denominational or ecclesiastical setting. Likewise, he is not a less enthusiastic missionary in the confessional stage than those with clearer denominational affiliations; he is rather one whose confession to ot hers is inextricably tied to calling; he believes that God called him to occupy a particular room in the broad Christian house of God, and he is sensitive to the potentially diverse callings of those with whom he shares the Gospel message. Second Life Hist Calling is also a crucial theme in the religious passages and conversions in the life of a sixty five year old man, whom I will call Jaime, at Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro in Northern Florid a. Like David, Jaime is now an active lay leader in a convergent setting, and his religious passages coincided with geographical travels from Latin America to the United States. In rovidential plan to move him exactly where he needed to be. Jaime, like David, believes he was called by God to human sexuality, beliefs which have helped him move with the progressive institutional flow of his church. Circular Passages between Guatemala and the U.S. Jaime grew up in Puerto San Jose in Escuintla, Guatemala under the nourishing but indigent care of his single mother. His father abandoned his mo ther when he was young, leaving
200 In Guatemala, they went to the Catholic Church in San Jose infrequently and on special occasions. He participated in the town fe stival for its patron saint, but he estimates that as a youth he would only attend mass three times a year. While the Church had passing appeal for Jaime, his devotion to soccer was steadfast. His goalie skills developed so rapidly that he was selected fo r a municipal team at eighteen, and subsequently caught the attention of a professional team from Guatemala City. He was twenty two when the famous Los Rojos (the Reds) contracted him to defend the goal in their bitter rivalry against Los Cremas (the Whit es) and other major league opponents. Two years later, an injury halted his foray into the professional field. He studied to become a fire fighter in Guatemala City and after a period of volunteer services he earned a steady salary. City life was drama there is greater congestion of people; there were very few people in my hometown. The biggest change [from town to city life] was that in the city you have to go around buying this, buyi ng documented the propensity for Guatemalan Catholics to convert to Pentecostalism during urban transitions of this kind (1968). Jaime, though, had no intere st in trying out a different Christian fold. He had a Pentecostal neighbor who continually invited him to church, but Jaime always rejected these appeals. Although Jaime was not interested in moving church traditions, he had geographical passages on his mind. His brother had moved to New York and his sister and mother to New Jersey in 1972. Jaime left Guatemala for New York in 1973 where he worked undocumented at a factory. After three years, the INS showed up and imprisoned anyone they found without i mmigration papers. The physical aggression they used to detain the workers was traumatic for
201 Jaime; that a Colombian inmate hung himself during the week that Jaime was imprisoned in Manhattan was even more haunting. Jaime used the money he had saved from his factory work to pay the bail, and after his release he was given three months to return to Guatemala. He left a month later in December, 1975. Upon his return to Guatemala, he started a business which he continued for nine years. In 1984, his siste r traveled to Guatemala from New Jersey and persuaded Jaime to return with her to the United States. her mother about salvation and spirit baptism before she too was converted. Soon afterward, Jersey, with his mother and sister watching with glowing approval. He was visiting his sister at this time before making his way to Queens. In Queens, he began to attend a Catholic Church, Pentecostal church in Queens after his conversion in New Jersey. In our interview, he noted that Catholicism was familiar, and thus without the social network of his family, perhaps venturing to a Pentecostal church without them was daunting. His social network did, however, expand in Queens. He married a Guatemalan woman there and they had a c hild. Jaime worried that Queens was a dangerous environment to raise a child given the ubiquity of cocaine dealing and other nefarious activities. After visiting his brother in law in N orthern Florida, Jaime and his wife decided that Florida was a bette r alternative to Queens. They moved there in 1995. If his first conversion in the Pentecostal church did not stick, a coincidental encounter in Florida led him on a convergent path where he has remained for nine years. A Convergent Church Experience Jaim e got a job working in a retirement home in Jacksonville and needed to take a cooking course downtown. When Jaime entered the office for the course, he met a fellow Latino who
202 asked him in Spanish whether he was new to town. When Jaime answered in the af firmative, the man followed by asking whether Jaime had found a church. Jaime describes this meeting as a divine encounter, a kind of holy convergence of the Catholic and Pentecostal paths he had travelled in Guatemala, New Jersey and New York. The stra nger handed Jaime a card and explained that he was a co priest at a church in the city. Familiar with Catholic services and, to a lesser extent, Pentecostal settings, Jaime asked what kind of church it was. The priest gave the perfect sales pitch for a m an like Jaime, who was that you want? Is it a Protestant Church? Is it a Catholic Church? Because the church where I am has everything. It has Catholic ele ments, Protestant elements it is a mix of everything. I What I liked was that I found what I was basically accustomed to. I was accustomed to Catholicism. I liked this. But I also liked that the church had Protestant aspects as well: everything was mixed. They had Bible studies, and they ask that you bring a Bible with you to church. The Catholic Church does not do that kind of thing. But the service was similar. I th ought to myself, if the service is similar to what I like and they want us to bring a Bible, I am going to study the Bible. It seems that Jaime has found a pleasing balance between the liturgical form of Catholicism and the biblical emphasis of Pr otestant ism. Ruben P. Armendari Bible study, Bible centered instruction, and preaching, Protestant Hispanics convert to a 1999: 248). For Jaime, th ere is no comparison between his previous religious passages and his commitment to his new church, which at the time was called Misin San Juan of the CEC. Since the ethos of Misin San Juan involved combining Pentecostal and Catholic aspects of faith, Ja church in New Jersey all comprise a pre affiliation stage to his current religious commitment.
203 But that pre affiliation is complicated by the weighty legacy of his conve rsion in the Pentecostal church. The Pentecostal conversion did not initially manifest in active and satisfying church attendance, and he never sought out a Pentecostal church to attend in Queens. That experience did, however, give Jaime language for his relationship to God, a vocabulary which still shapes the contours of his conversion narrative. Jaime uses, for example, an interesting mix of terms to describe his religious state before a cristiano cristiano reserved for Eva ngelical Christians (Sm ilde 2007: 29 30). Both Protestants and Catholics cat lico cristiano Protestants. It seems more likely that Jaime would have considered himself a cat lico rather than a cristian o before his Pentecostal conversion, but since he now views both Protestants and Catholics as authentic Christians, cristiano is a kind of anachronistic and retrospective term that rth, Jaime has inherited the sociolinguistic terms of religious division in Latin America, but he has appropriated that language to fit his budding Christian pluralism. Convergent Motivations to Leave a Worldly Lifestyle is also usually restricted to those Protestant environs eventually found a convergent setting in Misin San Juan, where Catholicism and Protestantism are both valo rized, and his current descriptions of his previous spiritual state now reflect that rse of spiritual
204 authenticity he learned in the Pentecostal service and which he used later to test the authenticity of his religious change in Misin San Juan. Classical Pentecostals in Latin American and U.S. Latino contexts are notorious for religious asceticism, usually classifying alcohol and smoking as not only unhealthy activities, but ungodly ones. Jaime says that after his Pentecostal conversion, he continued to smok e and drink. After joining Misi n San Juan (which would become Iglesia Episcopal smoking. Ruben P. Armendari z points out that the imaginary threshold of U.S. Latina/o conversion to Protestantism is sometimes located, by the convert, at a point of pe conversion may mean accepting Protestant tenets of faith, the deeper meaning is found in leaving 1999: 248). Jaime, though, left a way of life that he could n ot abandon in either Catholic or Pentecostal settings. Jaime implies that he was called to a convergent congregation, combining features of both Protestantism and Catholicism. Nevertheless he seems to measure the impact of his calling to this convergent s etting with Pentecostal principles: that is, the degree to which he was able to Calling to Service Soon after attending Misin San Juan for the first time, Jaime volunteered to help in the church. He was initially as signed the role of projectionist, but found that the previous leader in the position was too impatient in giving him direction. When a need for a greeter at the door arose, Jaime jumped at the opportunity. Jaime is now one of the first faces whom a newcom er sees at Iglesia Episcopal San Pedro. His business casual attire fits his professional and friendly demeanor at the door. He also leads a groups of ushers, and directs people when and where to enter the altar rail to receive Holy Communion. Indeed, Ja ime seems ever present in the
205 church was thus cemented by a more specific calling to service. Calling also helped Jaime make sense of the institutional transiti on from Misin San Juan in the International Communion of Charismatic Episcopal Churches to Iglesia San Pedro of the TEC. He admits that initially the only thing he knew about the Episcopal Church before they joined was that there was a gay bishop in the traditional figure in such a knows h the institutional realm reflects what Weber said about the egalitarian thrust of the Reformation reworking of calling: 41). This extension is also ironic considering the progressive change. If a person is in a position of ecclesiastical authority, Jaime seems to assume that God has set them there, which is an attitude that can obviously reinforce the status quo, whatever that happens to be. Jaime, though, does not acquiesce easily to the impositions of authority. He explained that whenever the priest of San Pedro, Father Leo, preaches something that does not accord with his understanding of scripture, he returns to the B ible, ruminates over relevant passages, and seeks out dialogue with Father Le o to share his opposing views Jaime, though, is also open to hearing and discussing the views of others, an openness which seems to spring from his sensitivity to diverse calling s. Hence when his church shifted from affiliations with a theological conservative
206 institution (the CEC) to one that was making waves for liberal developments (TEC), Jaime also shifted from a conservative standpoint on sexuality to a gay affirming attitude His understanding of calling not only facilitated that change, it proved to be the dominant means through which he articulates his new position. to specific unless it is the will of God. It was the will of God to bring us here and here we are. We came here looking for protection [since they no longer had a church home at Episcopal Church] and now Father Leo is the rector of the church [the combined Anglo and L David and Jaime in Convergent Comparison David and Jaime both started in the Catholic fold. David was immersed in the institutional They both ultimately left the official confines of Roman Catholicism for convergent settings in which Protestant and Cat holic approaches to faith variously coexist or converge in new blends. It would be misleading, then, to say that they felt called out of the Roman Catholic Church. Rather, they both felt called to something new that would maintain levels of continuity wit h the old. In both their experiences, we can identify a series of factors relevant to that calling, which scholars have noted as salient in studying conversion more generally. In Reason to Believe David Smilde argues that men who were connected to relat ional networks of evangelicalism in Venezuela were much more likely to convert than people without such ties of evangelical conversions. David and Maria became connecte d to Episcopalian networks by friends who had
207 through family rather than friendship. His sister and mother converted to Pentecostalism before he made his own furtive connections with that faith. representatives of a certain religious group, acutel y felt crises, stressful situations, and other 2007: 54). David initially joined an Episcopalian orbit without knowing that he had made such a change, but it was the invitati on to attend the Charismatic Catholic Church service that would ironically prove to be the most influential contingency factor in his Anglican conversion. If it was not for that timely invitation, he might not have been ritually prompted to reconsider his ecclesiastical calling. coincidence for someone who had experienced both Catholic and Pentecostal practices. It is important to remember that these seemingly random events fit a retrospective view of calling that provided a template for future decision making. This is similar to what David Smil d e noted about the retrospective v iew of conversion among the Venezuelan Evangelicals in his study. I argue that the Evangelical meaning system provides narratives through which acting, not them. These narrat for conversion and thereby increase the interpretive validity of the new identity ( 2007: 14). As I have demonstrated, the convergent meaning systems of David and Jaime have even more layers of retrospe ctive and predictive explanatory power because these men have even more
208 Calling and the Negotiation of Identity In the flux of contemporary global Christianity, with increasing intermingling across Christian traditio ns, participants in particular Christian groups or denominations increasingly negotiate differences in fact to face contact with other people from different backgrounds. In these pockets of pluralism, Christians seem more amenable to acknowledging the auth enticity of faith among people from other Christian traditions, and thus a change in Christian affiliation is often not considered a definitive break with the past. Rather, convergent Christians tend to articulate those changes in the language of calling, which makes movement, whether geographical or ecclesiastical, seem orchestrated by God. They use that interpretive framework retrospectively to make sense of seemingly random and even disordered events in their lives and the lives of others. They also u se calling to interpret broader institutional changes. Calling, then, is ambiguous: it can make people more docile, accepting and even fatalistic in the face of change. It can also, however, make people more determined to pursue aspirations and dreams w hen confronting borders and obstacles in their paths. As a relational concept between the believer and God, calling may also make for empathic connections with other people. When believers view the lives of others through the interpretive lens of calling, they are less likely to judge people with a stable, fixed value system. Calling is paradoxically a means of managing flux and a fluid guide for individual and relational decision making.
209 CHAPTER 7 MOBILIZING IMAGES AN D MEDIATING THE MISS ION Promi nent leaders of the conservative movement within the Anglican Communion have sought to unify a chorus of diverse and sometimes discordant voices over vast expanses of physical space, often utilizing tools of media in order to convey their unity. These le aders try to strike a delicate balance between two differently freighted strategies: comprehensiveness and coherence. First, they seek to rally as broad a base as possible with an overarching message that appeals to the Catholic, Evangelical and Pentecost al strains found within conservative Anglicanism. In the current flux of the institutional crisis in the Anglican Communion, those attempts have often involved creating an identity by negation, implicitly proposing and together by insisting that liberal Anglicans and Episcopalians threaten foundational tenets of Christianity, such as the divine authority of scripture. More specifically, belief in the sinfulness of sex act s outside of the bounds of heterosexual marriage has been the key conservative rallying point of that message. In addition to defining the ACNA by what it is not (TEC), conservative leaders have posited the convergence (or at least co existence) of Cathol ic, Evangelical and Charismatic spiritual emphases as a positive explanation of identity that answers the question, the ACNA have thus attempted to create broad unity in a way that also has specific resonance for each branch of th e conservative movement. The increasingly complicated relationship between religion and media in an accelerated age of globalization makes it difficult to convincingly convey this message. There are certainly multiple tools available to mediate the message. David Morgan points out the variety of practices, commodities and cultural products that can now be
210 media also means Internet fan sites and blogs, circul ating videos or cassette tapes, lithographic prints, billboard advertisements, mass produced commodities such as plastic statuary or music CDs, or symbols 12). One of the keys to championing conservative convergence in the Anglican Communion has been the use of a broad array of media, including electronic media, such as blogs and websites, which help bring co religionists in far conser vative [North American Anglicans] have been prolific in producing and circulating such texts, not only among their immediate allies but also, where possible, to larger audiences, includin 19). If these mediated connectio ns act as preliminary social glue, long distance travel by lay and institutional leaders helps reinforce these relationships. Nevertheless, the rapidity of globalized flows of both people and media, and the concomitant proliferation of various kinds of rel igious media and mediating options, has made conservative convergence in the Anglican Communion an exercise fraught with conflict and competition. Hence in this chapter I will explore how the broad conservative consensus of convergent Anglicanism has bee n mediated across expansive terrain, detailing complex networks of conservative Christianity from Chile, Colombia, England, Australia and Texas. I will examine percei ved like mindedness rather than on g 147). I will demonstrate how subtle rivalries between various elements of conservative Christianity, which have flourished in particular locales around the Anglican world, are swirlin g in the convergent streams of Chilean Anglicanism in particular. Those brackish waters have been channeled across large swathes of territory and have coalesced at different sites, such as a pastoral training seminar
211 in Forth Worth, Texas, where Iglesia Sa n Bartolome is located. Using this seminar as an example of the divergent messages lurking within conservative convergence, I seek to show the dynamic understood not as individual instruments to be studied on their own but as part of the dynamic of society itself, a mediated reality comprising not just technological media of mass communication Horsfield 2008: 113). I will thu s treat not only the mobilization of images and words across geographical and ecclesiastical spaces, but the concomitant movements of people as carriers, makers, and active interpreters of the religious worlds in which such images and words are rendered me aningful. Competing Mediations of Convergence in Chilean Anglicanism There is a struggle among Anglicans in Santiago over what is the primary means of conveying the Christian gospel, whether word or spirit. This is not a zero sum dispute, of course, but r ather a question of emphasis. Those who place greatest emphasis on scriptural authority in Chilean Anglicanism typically have a more Reformed, or Calvinist, theological orientation. Globally one of the most uniformly Reformed segments of Anglicanism is fo und in Australia. And Australian missionaries to Chile have been prominent in Chilean Anglican theological institutes, such as El Centro de Estudios Pastorales (Center for Pastoral Studies) or CEP, as it usually referred to in Anglican circles in Chile. Charismatic Anglican Alfredo Cooper, for example, admitted to me that he and others were concerned that this inordinate Reformed woman and anti identify as Reformed tend to be mo historically been less receptive of Charismatic claims to spiritual power and revelation. Just as some Charismatics, like Cooper, are hesitant about certain Reformed emphases in the Anglican
212 Chu rch, Reformed leaders from other Anglican congregations in Santiago are similarly skeptical about the Charismatic tendencies found in churches like La Trinidad. For instance, one Anglican pastor who is known in Chilean Anglican circles as exemplifying Re formed theological commitments, whom I will call Pastor Roberto, warned that Charismatic Christianity carries the seeds of liberalism. He recognizes diversity in the rs fervor to supersede sober Biblical interpretation. I think that anything that replaces the Bible as the revealed a uthority of God is dangerous. This can be the beginning of liberalism. Therefore if a s upposed revelation of the Holy Spirit separated from the Bible, if this is this carismatismo view, this is dangerous. I think the Holy Spirit gui des us by the Word of God [the Bible] to all truth in Christ. He also took pains to clarify that in this context the Bible does not merely contain the words of God, but is the definitive Word of God. My study of Iglesia San Pedro in Florida would seem to arismatic Christianity can be a potential harbinger of liberalism. Scholars have pointed out, though, that Charismatic Christianity fosters certain collective activities that help regulate and synthesize theological interpretation in such circles. In her study of French Charismatic Catholics, Daniele Hervieu Lger notes that Charismatics have a personalized style of Biblical interpretation; words on the page may become suddenly and personally relevant because of the perceived illuminating charge of the Hol y Spirit. When spontaneity abounds, interpretation is likely to vary from person to person, and it is this multiplicity that leads Pastor Roberto and others to worry about the potentially porous borders of interpretation among Charismatics. Hervieu Lger experience over any kind of objectively controlled communal conformity explains the porosity of 1997: 30). She clarifies, though, that in the
213 case of Charismatic Cath olics this spontaneity is regulated by the institutional discipline of the th e cultural and social background of the group. But all the groups, as effervescent as they are at the beginning, tend always to elaborate, in the course of their meetings, a common language that provides an inescapable stereotyping of the individual expre 1997: 36). This combination of spontaneity and regulation helps explain how some Chilean Anglicans have wedded Charismatic fervor and revelation to a systematic and even, in some cases, Reformed emphasis on scriptural authority. The Ass istant Pastor at La Trinidad, for example, considers himself both Charismatic and Reformed. Still, in the Anglican Communion, leadership is much less centralized than in the Catholic Church and, concordantly, diversity is much more difficult to contain wi thin orthodox borders. The frontier of Charismatic personalism is also much wider in Protestant than Catholic circles, and, according to Pastor Roberto, it can also be wilder. Pastor Roberto decries, for instance, the Avivamiento (Revival) movement in Bo gota and its connection to Alfredo Cooper and a number of the congregants at La Trinidad. Pastor Roberto is adamant that this particular Charismatic movement in Bogota is heterodox. I am in complete disagreement with [Pastor Alfredo on this issue]. I tol d him this. I think that couple is absolutely outs ide of the truth of the Bible. The problem lies in the idea that Pastor Rodriguez has a kind of red telephone to comm unicate with This has nothing to do wi th the trut h of the Bible. He receives revelation from God. He has the anointing of God. He is a kind o f guru. I told Alf this, that I think they are totally outside of the tr uth of the Word of God. It is one thing to be charismatic but this is completely outside of what the Bible authorizes. Alf told me that I do not know them and I admitted, well, perhaps Pastor Roberto subsequently confirmed his suspicions about the Rodriguez couple not by attending the Avivamiento event in Chile, but rather by watching their ministerial practices
214 which has been a vital source in c reating conservative Anglican ties across vast stretches of territory, can also be used to undermine conservative convergent consensus. Leaders of the ACNA would like to think that Charismatic, Evangelical, and Catholic emphases naturally cohere under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, in the case of Pastor Roberto, an adherent of the Reformed Evangelical stream of conservative Anglicanism, YouTube provided a means to carefully consider Charismatic messages; clearly Pastor Roberto found that message thoroughly wanting. The tensions between Reformed and Charismatic segments of Anglicanism are extended transnationally along networks established in the making of the ACNA. At a conference on evangelism in Forth Worth, Texas in April 2009, U.S Latino clergy and lay leaders from TEC joined together with a cadre of ministry leaders from England, Australia and the United States in both Christian and cultural convergence. This meeting took place before the official establishment of the ACNA in Ju ne of the same year, and thus the diocese of Fort Worth was a de jure member of TEC even though it was in a process of de facto realignment with other conservatives in the global South. The European contingent were all Anglicans on a Latin American and U. S. Latino tour, trumpeting the evangelistic merits of a new introductory course n elderly Australian couple who had ministered in the Anglican Church in Chile served as interpreters. This couple had also organized the translation and publishing of the Spanish language material
215 for Christianity Explored, re titled in Spanish as El Cor az n del Cristianismo (The Heart of Christianity). Before coming to Fort Worth, this training team had just introduced the course to Chilean Anglicans in Santiago. Although all Anglican churches in Chile were invited to the event, they held the course in churches in Santiago. The Australian missionary couple, whom I will call Anne and Patrick, was influential in the establishment of Reformed theological emphases through the seminary CEP and other forms of curriculum production among Chilean Anglicans. They explained to me that at first they were considering publishing the Spanish language version of the Christianity Explored material through a well know n and well established publishing c ompany, but they changed their minds when they considered the number of Charismatic books that were published by this company. They offered books by the controversial American faith healer Benny Hinn as examples of the kinds of Charismatic works with whic h they did not want Christianity Explored to be associated. During my fieldwork at La Trinidad, I noticed that some of the books on the book table following services were authored by Benny Hinn. As a participant observer in the conference in Fort Worth, I was struck by the similarities between Christianity Explored and a much more well known and popular course called Alpha, which was used at La Trinidad. Like Alpha, Christianity Explored was designed to draw people into a study of some of the major tenet s of Christianity in an atmosphere which, for people who do not attend church regularly, would be less threatening than traditional ecclesiastical confines. In both courses, participants share meals and study material related to the Christian faith over a number of weeks. I asked the leader and founder of this new program, Rico, to differentiate between the two programs, and his response was revealing of the inherent tensions between
216 Charismatic and Reformed Christianity within the conservative wing of th e Anglican Communion. First, he explained that in Alpha there is a weekend retreat in which participants study the role of the Holy Spirit and receive prayer for an experience with the Holy Spirit. While I was doing fieldwork in Santiago, this Alpha ret reat was shortened to one day among participants at La Trinidad. Charismatic manifestations were intense and widespread. Many people sobbed in tears as they prayed to be healed from interior emotional wounds, and at the close of the day, there were piles of people on the floor, who believed that they had been overcome by the power of the Holy Spirit. Christianity Explored, by contrast does not have a similar segment dedicated to the Holy Spirit. Rico cautions that one cannot know how and when the Holy Sp irit will manifest and he implied that the Alpha course makes such an erroneous presumption by designating a weekend to the study and experience of the Holy Spirit. This particular distinction relates to a broader division between historic Charismatic and Reformed tensions within the Church of England and at key nodes within the global networks of Charismatic and Evangelical Anglicanism. Alpha was birthed out of Holy Trinity Brompton Church in England. The rector, Nicky Gumbel, has been in the forefron t of the Charismatic movement in the Anglican Church; indeed the outbreak of charismatic phenomena at Holy Trinity Brompton was influential in spearheading other charismatic revivals, such as the so latter emerged wi thin the Vineyard denomination and became a global center of charismatic experience, to which Christians and spiritual seekers traveled from across the globe throughout the 1990s.
217 Rico is the evangelism pastor of another well known church in conservative Anglicanism, All Souls Church, Langham Place. The most well known leader associated with All Souls is the late John Stott, who was a pastor, prolific writer and teacher renowned throughout the Evangelical world. Although Stott had attempted to bridge ten sions between Charismatics and Reformed Anglicans in England, All Souls was more closely associated with the Reformed associates with Reformed Christianity, there is also an impression that the Reformed camp is much less sanguine about relations with the Catholic Church than are Charismatic Anglicans. Christianity Explored. In his secon d distinction between Alpha and Christianity Explored, Rico explained that the Pope had officially approved the use of Alpha in the Catholic Church. Indeed, Alpha has spread like wildfire through all Christian denominations and traditions. Rico clarified that if the Pope (commit suicide). I winced slightly and momentarily lost the sober gaze of ethnographic objectivity when he made this comment. I was not only str uck by this strong and seemingly anti Catholic language, but I already knew enough about the Anglican/Episcopalian churches in my study to wonder why the U.S. Latino priests in our midst, who were ministering to immigrants who maintained significant contin uity with their predominantly Catholic backgrounds, did not make a hasty and defiant exit at that point. I learned through interviews that all of my U.S. Latino informants had found this comment foolish, but were willing to adapt the material of El Corazo n del Cristianismo to their distinct needs for biblical instruction at their churches. This demonstrates the high levels of agency in the reception of Christian media in convergent
218 networks where teaching resources do not pass in unimpeded flows. People se lect and reject from the available material, which makes textual transmission dynamic. Messages are contextualized according to how particular groups conceive their Christian mission. Still, this agency of interpretation is constrained since leaders with official institutional and economic support have greater power to integrate potentially diverse motivations for mission into authorized institutional narratives. The following example demonstrates how the Evangelical emphasis on Biblical authority is wield ed to reinforce borders of interpretation and how others are implicitly drawn into such performances. A Chilean Bishop on the Mobile Mediator Shortly after attending the inaugural meeting of the Anglican Church in North America in Bedford, Texas, the An glican Bishop of Chile, Hector Zavala, spoke to the congregation of La Trinidad in Santiago. In all three services on that Sunday in late June 2009, the Bishop related news of the first meeting of the ACNA to the largest congregation in the numerically sma ll but globally influential province of the Southern Cone. Zavala had traveled to Texas as a representative of the Right Reverend Gregory Venables, Primate of the Anglican province of the Southern Cone, who was unable to make the journey because of previo usly scheduled ecclesiastical commitments. The transnational realities represented in the services at La Trinidad that day bespeak the complexities of mediating conservative and convergent Anglicanism across far reaching territory. Even before his trip to Texas, Zavala had traveled across various lines of Christian tradition in the global Anglican Communion. He was raised a nominal Catholic but he explains was strong enough to initially resist invitations to an Anglican church. He assumed that any non
219 n Anglican Church, he was struck by the resemblance between Anglicanism and the Catholic Church; the abundant commonalities made the difference that Anglican priests could marry that much more striking and appealing for the young Zavala. This struck him a s a sign that Anglicanism was more modern than the Catholic Church, a stance which impressed him. In the Anglican Church, he also heard for the first time the evangelical message that Jesus died for him on the cross and was eager to be his personal Savior and Lord. This, according to Zavala, was something he had never heard in the Catholic Church. He thus made this evangelical commitment to Christ in an Anglican church when he was in high school. In University, he became involved with a multidenomination al evangelical organization known in English as Intervarsity Fellowship. There, he shared Christian fellowship with Pentecostals, Presbyterians, Baptists and other Christians. He explains that his involvement with the Anglican Church facilitated these na in the Anglican Church, I discovered that the Anglican Church is a good bridge between other churches; because within the Anglican Church I related with Pentecostals, and discovered that they were my brothers in Christ; I related with Baptists, who I also realized were my brothers in of various expressions of Christianity eventually helped him navigate the diverse theological tributaries of Episcopalianism in the United States. After two years of serving in the priesthood in Chile, he studied at Trinity Episcopal School for Ministry in Pennsylvania, where he received a Master of Arts in Religion. Zavala w as at first shocked by the differences between the Episcopal Churches associated with this institution and the Anglican Churches in Chile. At the seminary in Pennsylvania, he
220 met people who identified more with the comparatively elaborate ceremonies of An glo Catholicism, which were foreign to Zavala. Indeed, even those churches that self identified as learned from his experience with diverse (but conservative) Episc Bishop explains that his experience in the United States also taught him about his place in the periences are compatible with the ethos of the ACNA: a conservative movement that seeks to unite Catholic, Evangelical and Charismatic worship styles and theological emphases. That broad unity in diversity, however, now has clear limits for Zavala, border s which he vigorously outlined during the confirmation service at La Trinidad. Circulating Anglican Identity Transnationally Many in attendance at La Trinidad had come to witness the confirmation ceremony of twelve church members. Family and friends of th e candidates had joined the usual congregation to swell the church beyond capacity. Some in attendance seemed weary from standing and were anxious to begin the post confirmation barbecues and family festivities that would ensue. On this day in Santiago, h owever, Bishop Zavala had the ecclesiastical disputes in North America on his mind as he confirmed a dozen Anglican Chileans. Zavala is a soft spoken and dignified man but during his homily he spoke with urgent tones; he railed against TEC for their wa ywardness and praised the ACNA for its faithfulness. He is referring to the 2003 election and consecration of Gene Robinson as bishop of New Hampshire. Robinso n is a partnered gay man who has the public encouragement of both his former wife and adult children.
221 I learned of this family support by reading a biography of Gene Robinson, entitled Going to Heaven: The Life and Election of Bishop Gene Robinson The book was printed in Canada, published by Soft Skull Press in Brooklyn, New York and distributed by Publishers Group West. I purchased the book at a used bookstore in Arlington, Texas. Although this information would normally be placed in a footnote (if a t all), I include it in the body of this chapter because it demonstrates the variety of means by which media are created, produced, consumed and, especially, circulated. Johanna Sumiala explains the importance of networks in understanding how and why cert ain forms of media are passed on at particular moments: The simplest way of defining circulation is, thus, to say that whether it is materi al or immaterial items, goods, artifacts, ideas, or beliefs that are being distributed and di sseminated. circulation could not be understood without the strong role of the media. The anatomy of mediated circulation consists of a number of encounters with different actors: new and old me dia, images, texts, viewers, subjects, venues consumers, vendors, markets, experts, journalists, producers. In short, circulation in cultural and social networks shaped by the commun icative logic of the new media technology ( 2008: 44). The biography I read on Gene Robinson has a history that is partially unknown to the multiple actors who have encountered the book and passed it along various networks. Importantly, no matter how diverse and seemingly disparate these various ne tworks may be, this transmission did not extend to a Spanish speaking Anglican church in Santiago, Chile, where after every service and most ministry activities a representative from La Sociedad Biblica (The Bible Society) sets up a book table where congre gants gather and peruse a wide variety of Christian themed titles. 2008: 121) I wou ld add that it is also important to consider how the unavailability of particular forms of media has pronounced social consequences.
222 Without the biography of Gene Robinson, the Chilean Bishop is either unaware of the family support Robinson receives or h e is incredulous about their approval. Instead, Bishop Zavala digs for a root to this perceived North American heresy; in the process he continues the mediation of ecclesiastical controversies through a discourse and embodied rendition of events that has been repeated throughout a number of networks in conservative Anglicanism in the Americas. The problem with the Episcopal Church in the USA, he claims, is that they say that the ain the word of God. is the services in which it rings through the sanct uary. In his study of Swedish Pentecostalism, Simon Coleman analyses the connection between are not opposed in evangelical practice but are mutually constitut Coleman 2004: 118). For all of the frenetic Charismatic activity that normally goes on in La Trinidad, on this day, it is the E vangelical portion of convergence which takes center stage; that is to say, biblical authority is the dominant mode of media to contextualize the act of hand raising in La Trinidad Hands are normally raised on or near the altar and in the congregati on as an outward sign of inward spiritual reception. During the singing of praise and worship songs that gesture is especially ubiquitous. Also, when people receive prayer, leaders will often encourage the supplicant to raise her or his hands, and will i raising is thus
223 a self turn, to be filled with the power of the Holy Spirit. aspects of Austinian speech act theory that describe how discursive practice can, in performative guage are externalized from the speaker and turned into physical signs of the pres (Coleman 2004: 131). When the Charismatic mode of mediation is dominant, the Spirit is diffuse and fills people in spaces throughout the congregation, or even across huge terrain through the internet or television. By contrast, when giving prominence to the Evangelical component of convergence, scriptural authority, the Bishop centralizes spiritual power in the Bible, and reifies the self evidently conser vative vision of human sexuality it is presumed to contain. By elevating his Bible with outstretched arm, and raising his voice with an authoritative cadence, the Bishop performs a gesture (the signifier) which can produce a shared meaning (the signified) about the Whereas congregants and the rector normally raise their hands to be filled with the Holy Spirit, it is as if the Bishop raises his Bible in the air because of the spiritual power which already word of God (it is not an empty signifier to be filled with meaning and power) but already exudes power as the ve ry Word of God itself. A conservative approach to scripture which sees
224 the Bible as already containing meaning and power prior to perception, or even prior to the animation of the Holy Spirit, inhibits the kinds of flexible interpretations about human sex uality which have opened ecclesiastical spaces of leadership to LGBT people in TEC and the Anglican Church of Canada. In a later interview with Zavala he reinforced his disdain for progressive biblical interpretation. I reminded him that some segments of the Anglican Communion consider worried about what the liberals say because it is not the truth. What I mean is that the fact that we oppose the ordination of a gay bish op or a gay priest comes from obedience to the Word of God. So what I always say is that God does not approve of homosexual practice but he loves the Moods and Motivations for Anglican Lay Mission across the Americas In each of the same three Sunday services in which Zavala, made his plea for biblical faithfulness, the rector of La Trinidad, Alfredo Cooper, introduced a ministry team that would be embarking on a short term mission to the United States. One young couple on the team was discern time missions. The husband, Esteban, in his early thirties, and wife, Maria, in her late twenties, live a comfortable middle class lifestyle in Santiago. They are keenly aware that their potential calling will demand downwa rd social mobility. As lay leaders at La Trinidad, they had been active in ministry to some of the poorest sectors of Santiago, and they now sensed that perhaps God was calling them to work full time with the Hispanic population in the United States; firs t, they would test the waters in Virginia and Maryland for a two week venture. In front of the congregation, Esteban explained the goals of the mission: "We will be working with los hispanos [Latinos] in the United States. There is a great need there. Many are
225 undocumented." He added that the team would assist an "Episcopal church," as that Episcopalian congregation initiated a Hispanic ministry. A chuckle emerged from the congregation when he clarified that in this particular Episcopal church the "pri est is married to one woman." about the perils of biblical infidelity. In each of the three services preceding the introduction of Maria and Esteban, the bishop had vigorou sly argued that the Episcopal Church in the United States had departed from biblical faith by opening the highest ecclesiastical ranks to sexually the Chilean team would minister is one of the congregations that left TEC and joined the ACNA. This church in Virginia calls itself "Anglican," rather than Episcopalian, but before his trip to the United States, Esteban was not familiar with this budding nomenclatur e of division. roads to Convergent Christianity and the vital role that media has played in that spiritual journey. was in the aesthetically austere environment of denominational Pentecostalism in Chile. In this setting, there has been a marked division between the life of the church and non Pentecostal segments of society; this dualism between as been expressed in both comportment and attire. Although the upward mobility of many Pentecostals in Chile is changing their attitudes to broader Chilean society, historically Pentecostals were known to withdraw from the broader social and political mil ieu of Chile. They have tended to enter those realms with frequency only in evangelistic sorties, in which teams of Pentecostals blitz the streets of Santiago with loud gospel proclamation. Also, women have been encouraged to refrain from ostentatious dre ss and makeup, and to solidify gender divisions with long unadorned hair and dresses. Similarly, Pentecostal men often dress
226 formally as a marker of distinction from non Pentecostal segments of society. When Esteban and Maria fell in love as teenagers, th ey realized through conversation that they both had misgivings about the strict religious environment of denominational Pentecostalism. After they married, Esteban sought wisdom in tradition. He began to read church history and learned that the earliest P rotestant groups were Lutheran and Anglican. (Similar motivations led Pentecostals and Protestant Charismatics in North America to revisit ancient church practices and subsequently begin convergent institutions like the CEC.) Maria and Esteban went to a Lutheran service but found it boring. They came upon La Trinidad Anglican Church, where they formation and the pentecostalized worship styles and gestures tha t abound among the were wedded to their earlier formation in Pentecostal exuberance, a convergence that unwittingly led them into a new realm of conflict. Both the Bishop and this couple have been brought into an orbit of Anglican division United States, he has maintained close contacts with many of the leaders who now m ake up the ACNA. He is thus much more attuned to the place of the Southern Cone in the realignment of global Anglicanism than are Maria and Esteban. Bishop Zavala used one of the most pivotal initiatory rites into Chilean Anglicanism, the confirmation ser vice, to stress Chilean Anglican allegiance to ACNA; it was as if he was designating to Chilean co religionists appropriate places seminary experience in Pittsburgh As a cross cultural mediator of shifting institutional developments in global Anglicanism, Zavala competes with a host of other forms of mediation
227 that do not always conform to broader institutional interests. Evangelicals have been particularly adept at using varieties of media to both proclaim the evangelical gospel and to propel Christians into evangelistic pursuits. This is certainly the case for Esteban and Maria. They came to their watershed moment through a video that was produced neither by A nglicans nor Latin Americans. During an interview at their home, Esteban and Maria were brimming with excitement as they recounted how they first became interested in a mission to North America Esteban was wide eyed as he welcomed me to the computer room. There he played a YouTube video created by the American Evangelical megachurch Willow Creek. something African American woman delivers insistent spoken word over hip hop beats and emotive inst rumentals, a soundscape accompanied by images of war, pestilence, and eventually redemption. The video summarizes some of the primary tenets of Christianity: a fall from grace through the original sin of the first human parents; the subsequent entrance in to the world of sin, manifesting in murder and human human flesh in the person of Jesus); and, climactically, a call to global mission. There is a palpable emotional urgen of theology which attempts to explain how an all good and omnipotent God could allow patent tragedy and evil to seemingly flourish in the world. In this video this quandary is confronted through paroxy sms of distress. At one point during the video, the protagonist sits at a computer while opening various files. She ruminates over one particular digital clip that shows an African American teenage girl, who appears to be the protagonist at a younger age, singing a hymn called
228 st watches the singing, she quietly catalogues reasons for hope, a litany which eventually reaches an ironic crescendo of anguish and despair. The protagonist cries out, ere in see it! The earth is groaning night and day, a song of huma n slavery, of dark disease and at comes to me. Are you still far away on high? Still staring out at that empty sky? Still reaching out with that I know about theology. I know in myste ry. I get invisibility; but I still see their misery. I hear their voices There is another sudden shift in momentum as an ethnically diverse con tingent in culturally distinct settings appears on the screen, one at a time; each individual repeats a refrain in their belt out the same hymn from the earlier of images of care giving (to the disabled, the poor and the sick), the protagonist joins the fold, on the paradox of divine control and human misery, and she has presumably chosen faithful service over doubting despair. The mix of image and word make the message clear: God loves the downtrodden, but God is in need of willing vessels to conduit that love to an otherwise tenebrous world Mediascapes, whether produced by private or state interests, tend to be image centered, narrative based accounts of strips of reality, and what they offer to those who experience and transform them is a series of elements (such as characters, plots and textual forms) out of which scripts can be formed of imagined lives, their own as well as those of others living in other places. The scripts can and do get disaggreg ated into complex sets of metaphors by which people live as they help to constitute narratives of the Other and protonarratives of possible lives, fantasies
229 that could become prolegomena to the desire for acqu isition and movement (Appadurai 1996: 35). In Es venture but they certainly seem to be responding to a compelling drive for movement. the possibility that 1996: 6). Maria indicates in an interview that her children have already begun to demonstrate the kind of careful and empathetic considerations of life that facilitate family ministry to the dispossessed. During their missionary outings to poor areas of Santiago, the young children, a daughter who is nine years old and a son who is five, had been struck by the poverty they saw and asked Maria why these people term missions experience to the United States confirmed a desire for longer service and they returned to Virginia in March 2010; this time they brought their children with them for an indeterminate length of service particularly complex. In the final images of the video, various people del iver practical assistance to those in need. There is no obvious indicator that the missionary and the missionized are of different ethnicities or of distinct racial and cultural backgrounds. Indeed, there seem to be cultural, if not necessarily class, com monality between those giving and receiving care. In articulating their desire to work with U.S. Latinos, Maria and Esteban claim that it is difficult to have intimacy with God when one is singing worship songs in another language. As first language Span ish speakers, Maria and Esteban believe that as they cross geographical space to go to the United States they will, paradoxically, make U.S. Latinos feel more at home by relating
230 to them in their native tongue and welcoming them into relationship with God in what they believe to be the transcendent space of the kingdom of God. burdens in missionary service to poor others in exotic lands. Instead, the selection of image s in the video implies that the global call to Christian mission is meant to be carried out in locally specific ways and by people who presumably have a connection to those whom they are called to serve. Maria and Esteban explain to me that La Trinidad sho wed this video with Spanish subtitles during an evening dedicated to Christian leadership they were cut to the heart by its message. and asking him for forgiven missionary at all. One can be always talking about Christ but I had never considered it as vocation; it is your [full emotion al response to these scenes dramatizes what Sahaja Yoga, via Simon Coleman, says induced in ritual provide members with an intimate feeling of belonging to an inter nat ional 62 63). applicable to this use of and response to Evangelical media. Geertz argued, Religion is a system of symbols which acts to es tablish powerful, pervasive and long lasting moods and motivations in [people], by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing those conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and moti vations seem uniquely realistic (1973:90) attempting to arouse emotions which they hope will draw outsiders to new Evangelical
231 commitments, and insiders to a renewed faith. The video from Willow Cree k seeks to create a images of grave human need; the somber mood is meant to provoke motivation for mission. Like the minimalist documentary style cinma vrit of ongoing life, casually 229). One could argue that the over narration (which is absent in documentaries using cin ma vrit style), but this does not discount the aura of factuality that the video is meant to evoke for the viewer. The viewer is encouraged to trust the images that are supposedly refracted through the peripatetic journey of the protagonist; the juxtapo sition of images of the protagonist and the hardships she documents suggests that she is immersed in this global morass. The repeated images of the protagonist holding and focusing her shoulder held camera create a sense that the other images in the video are revealed with care and precision. The implication is that the world is depicted as the world really is. Although Maria and Esteban are implicated in the realignment of Anglicanism through their missionary participation with an ACNA church in the Un ited States, they seem largely unaware of and relatively uninterested in institutional squabbles. Their identity as Evangelicals seems to have preeminence over their denominational and institutional allegiances. The particular mode of mediation involved fledged formation of denominational identities. Importantly, the only scene of Christian ritual in the missionary montage is of a baptism, in which an adult is fully immersed in water. This is not the usu al form of baptism in the Anglican Communion, where typically people (and most often infants) are baptized with a sprinkling of water. Neither are there are any images of the Eucharist. Mission is depicted as generic Christian service without denominatio nal particularity.
232 This is part of the Leaders seek to be part of the trans denominational Evangelical world since some of their members identify closely with this that movement. Also, by garne ring the public and visible support of Evangelical icons, like Rick Warren, the ACNA bolsters the plausibility of its It is certainly possible for the moods and motivat ions provoked by the generic evangelical been channeled along very particula r institutional routes. We could speak of this process as territorialization, in that the general moods and motivations are given a specific institutional space for expression: in this case, the primar y concerns are evangelistic and social, rather than institutional. Maria and Esteban know that ministry to U.S. Latinos will inevitably draw them into sociopolitical realities. Esteban was whom they would serve, and in an interview with me he repeatedly stressed his compassion for the difficult social plight of many U.S. Latinos. Maria and Esteban were active viewers in appropriating this video, especially in how they applied it to the needs of U.S. Latino immigrants. If this video provided an imaginative palette for a mental picture of global mission, Maria and Esteban mixed the colors and provided the is growing evidence that the consumption of the mass media throughout the world often provokes resistance, irony, selectivity, and, in general, agency 1996: 7). Nowhere in the video is there a scene that depicts ministry to undocumented workers. There are no coded references to such controversies, but
233 should be understood not as instruments carrying a fixed message but as sites where construction, negotiatio n, and reconstruction of cultural meaning takes place in an ongoing ( 2008:113). Maria and Esteban may not have been aware that by participating in a mission with conservative North American Anglicans, they were headed for a sphere of relationships that is not uniformly receptive to their concerns about undocumented immigrants. the ACNA mentioned t o me as being particularly instrumental in forging ties across the spectrum of conservative Anglicanism. The only commentary that appeared on that blog about the passing of a controversial immigration law in Arizona, called SB 1070, detailed criticism of Rt. Rev. Kirk speaking Arizona the Arizona Bishop of TEC was elitist in his criticism of the law when, according to 2010 ) All eight of the comments as representative of the ACNA. It is clear, however, that if Maria and Esteban seek to
23 4 un burden U.S. Latinos from both sin and social stigma, not all the ACNA enthusiasts in cyber space will prioritize those concerns. Neither does their vision of ministry to U.S. Latinos fit all the elements of the discourse of convergent and conservative c onsensus in the ACNA. In their interview, Maria stressed that evangeli zing this confused Catholic landscape. These characterizations are not in keeping with promotes, and which the broader ACNA movement seeks to affirm in their close ecumeni cal relationships with Roman Catholics and Eastern Orthodox Christians. It is also important to stress that at no time in my interview with them, or during their messages at La Trinidad, did Esteban and Maria claim to be excited about contributing to the work of the ACNA to provide a faithful, orthodox alternative to TEC. The only sign of anything participation with a particular Episcopal church where the priest was ma rried to a woman. This denunciations of the Episcopal Church. Their speeches before the church about their upcoming k by the timing of their trip, not by the content of their the ACNA and TEC likely connected the two messages for the participants at La Trinidad. Sometimes the internet is employed as a means of making such institutional and grassroots connections, even when these visual juxtapositions occlude elements of institutional critique or contestation.
235 The Latina/o Presence on the Diocesan Website of Fort Worth Cartographers shrink vast territory into manageable maps, which can, in turn, be used to navigate those far reaching spaces. Websites have similar compressible capabilities, as a cyber introduction to the al Diocese of Fort Worth, Texas demonstrates. On Sunday, December 12, 2010, the website for the Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth (within ACNA) has a prominent Latina/o presence. In fact, of the sixteen faces shown, there is only one Anglo, V. Jack Iker, the Bishop of the diocese; he is flanked by a Latino priest and multiple parishioners (mostly children) dressed in indigenous Mexican garb. The accompanying caption gives context Before the Bishop's official visitation began on Sunday, Nov. 28, members of Iglesia San Cristobal 1 in Fort Worth performed a traditional dance in honor of Our Lady of Guadalupe. During the worship service that followed, Fr. Ricardo Jimenez presented almost three dozen young members to Bishop Iker for first communio It is not surprising that Latina/os would get such prominent coverage on this website. The Latino church featured in the photo, San Cristobal, has the largest congregation in the diocese, with an average Sunday attendance of six hun There is yet another Latino image below that of the Bishop and the traditionally clad parishioners at Sa n Cristobal. A photo of a grinning Fr. Raphael Villareal accompanies a textual explanation that this priest and his congregation of Misin Santa Cruz in Houston (formerly a mission within TEC) have been incorporated into the Episcopal Diocese of Fort Worth (of the ACNA), bringing the diocesan total of congregations (both English speaking and Spanish 1 This is a pseudonym.
236 speaking) to 57. Misin Santa Cruz has thus apparently joined the exodus of conservative Perhaps fittingly, th en, on the left side of the screen, there is a link to the website for D irector of Ministry Advancement at Exodus International, who commends Bishop Iker for his equates opposition to the o oppose God have managed to fashion an identity for the Anglican Church that has been eagerly carried by the mainstream media. anyone seeking healing and compassion including friends and family linguistic sleight of hand Webster equates the Anglican Church in North America (ACNA) with all of Anglicanism. He does not distinguish between those parts of the Anglican Communion who have a reputation for promoting the full inclusion and acceptance of LGBTQ people, such as TEC, from those, like Webster, Iker and other members of ACNA, who call the sexual If liberals have hijacked Anglican identity, as Webster claims, the Bishop of the Episcopal Diocese of Forth Worth, Jack Iker, wants to wrest those terms back into conservative arms. Iker seek s to fashion a comprehensible identity for his brand of Anglicanism, outlining what conservatives stand for, rather than against. Sandwiched between the pictures of the Latina/o images on the right side of the screen, and under a terse request for Confirm ation class
237 Iker offers cultural and ecclesiastic contours relevant to that response: One of the allegations in the numerous lawsuits brought against us by the other side the Church and joined There are several problems with this, of course, reality than the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America (sometimes called TEC for short). Add to this the fact that it was the Diocese of Fort Worth that left TEC (by a vast 80% majority vote at two successive diocesan conventions), not just me as the Bishop. I a vote at diocesan conventions! And the third, we d id not vote to join another denomination, but to realign with another jurisdiction of the worldwide Anglican Communion the Province of the Southern Cone. However you cut it, we are still Anglicans or Episcopalians two different words used for the same denomination all over the world. Curiously, Bishop Iker omits reference to the ACNA here, even though he played such a prominent role in starting that institution. (Fort Worth is one of the largest dioceses in the ACNA.) It is likely that this seemingly g laring omission is due to the standing in the broader Anglican Communion, since the Archbishop of Canterbury has yet to in to believe that th recognition as a province in the Anglican Communion, gave, by extension, secure ecclesiastical footing to the Episcopal Diocese of Fort Worth (within the ACNA). Given such insti tutional flux, it is not surprising that Iker addresses the contours of Anglican identity. His comments on this subject are relevant to the identity making of participants at San Bartolome. Distilling Conservative Discou r se at the Local Level Some of my informants at San Bartolome use the terms Anglican and Episcopalian interchangeably. Their lack of distinction between the two terms is in keeping with Bishop
238 TEC to try to claim ownership and exclusive rights to the name Episcop The use of the terms Anglican and Episcopalian at San Bartolome is not merely a product of support for their diocese in its struggles with TEC. Indeed, there are many congregants at San Bartolome who are not immersed in these controversies. Even at t he highest levels of lay leadership at the church, opinions are divided over the relevance of this controversy to life at San Bartolome. The First W arden (an administrative position of lay leadership in Anglican and Episcopalian churches) was able to arti culate to me a general summary of the controversies that have led to the and openings to gay ecclesiastical leadership in TEC as the precursors of division. He a lso various families are far away from this [these disputes] but certainly families know and are happy that we made this decis arden, however, was much more insistent that these matters are distant from the immediate concerns of the congregation: We are not in favor or against it I personally believe that as much as possible it is better not to enter into conflicts that are not ours. Really, we we are not going to end it. The proble ms are between them [pres umably the Anglo leadership of the ACNA and TEC] and they are going to decide. We are going to follow our spiritual leader, our Father [Juan]. Father Juan, along with the other Latino representatives, voted to leave TEC but this i ssue does not seem to be of primary concern for him, nor does he want to elevate it as a core component of identity at San Bartolome.
239 According to Father Juan he is trying to lead his flock to an identity rooted in Christ, in which denominational decisi ons and concomitant controversies play only secondary and peripheral roles: Generally I have taught my congregation to have a relationship with God, with Christ, by way of the Holy Spirit. I have not taught my congregation about church politics. I have taught my congregation that we meet in a church that is within the Anglican tradition the bulletin says that. The people have an identity. We are not a Catholic church or a Baptist church. We are an Anglican church, but first and foremost, we are Christ ians, worshipping God within an Anglican building For me, Christian identity is the most important thing. The Anglican Church gives me all I need for salvation, all of it. Father Juan takes great pains here to keep an overarching Christ ian identity in the foreground, while also providing what he believes are important background details, such as the pragmatic usefulness of his denominational affiliation. Father Juan considers himself an Evangelical and speaks charitably of other Evangelical churche s in the area. He also lauds the ACNA for Anglicanism has, in his view, been successful in bringing him to salvation, and Father Juan has seen others commit to faith in t he same ecclesiastical setting. Father Juan believes that TEC, by contrast, could be an impediment to salvation: An Anglican church that is badly focused and badly viewed (mal vista) can lead you to modernism, and modernism is doing things that are not go od. The Episcopal Church left biblical principles and concepts. Yesterday we spoke the truth in the Bible study, the truth, which is what is going to make you free. I believe that the truth is found in the sacred scriptures. There is more rejection in the Bible of homosexuality than acceptance. As is typical in conservative Christian settings, Father Juan makes a distinction between the sinners should be enco behavior, but loved and accepted no matter how they respond to such admonition.
240 He points out that gay people have come to services at San Bartolome and that there is one particul ar lesbian couple who has not only attended the church faithfully for a decade, but has prominently volunteered in a variety of church events. He assures me that they are accepted in o them, though, that they refrain from any demonstrable expressions of romantic affections in the church. The cochinadas the repulsion he feels toward homosexual sex act welcoming the sinner, and hating and denouncing their sin, is echoed at higher ecclesiastical linked. The Surpri sing Interstices of Global North and Global South Conservativism of Latin American heritage to be elected as primate of the Southern Cone province of the Anglican Commu nion. Zavala inherited the position from the British born Gregory Venables, who remained Bishop of Argentina and interim Bishop of Northern Argentina after ceding his previous role to Zavala. Zavala not only inherited a prestigious position from his prede cessor, and Anglicans in the United States and Canada were provisio nally incorporated into the province of the Southern Cone. As an ethnographer travelling to three different case studies in widely different locales, I witness connections that are not always visible to my informants. Sometimes those connections are vex ing. On Wednesday mornings, Iglesia San Bartolome holds masses in celebration of particular saints. During those masses, Father Juan gives a brief history of the particular saint
241 that they are honoring on that occasion and then the twenty to twenty five pe ople who generally appear for this midweek morning mass follow a scripted liturgy. There are no designated readers for the portion of the liturgy dealing with prayer and thus parishioners volunteer spontaneously to read those portions. In late December, (Hector Zavala) since it had only been a little over a month since he had been elected Primate of faithful lesbia ns whose presence has been so prominent during many volunteer activities at the church. She stood next to her partner, looking at her for assurance about the pronunciation of the names of the other bishops and priests which she was to say in the prayer. nickname, a seemingly incongruous intimacy between a gay parishioner and a theologically conservative bishop, two people who are also separated by a nine hour flight. There were thus multiple and subtle layers of meaning in this moment. In the Southern Hemisphere, Zavala has been part of a movement to maintain a conservative biblical interpretation of human sexuality, and he and others have provided alternative Episcopal ove rsight to a North American diocese their romantic love lock ed behind closed doors. Within church walls they pray for their newly elected Latin American primate who calls the sexual expression of their love sinful and who unites others in ecclesiastical opposition to such practices. There is then a disjuncture her e in the interstices between a globalist institutional rhetoric and lived reality at a local grassroots site. It is he world as a 8), global religious pr
242 (Harvey 1990: 284). Some participants, like the lesbian couple at San Bartolome, exercise agency by compartmentalizing their lives into public and private realms. Even so, their continued participation as respe cted volunteers at the church is a kind of embodied resistance, however subtle, to the dominant religious discourses imposed through various institutional networks. As mo st of us use the term, it encompasses the tensions, the ongoing struggle of definition, which are constituted within every religious tradition and that are always present in how people choose to act. Practice thus suggests that any synthesis is provisional Moreover, practice always bears the marks of both regulation and what, for want of a better word, we may term resistance. It is not wholly one or the other (Hall 1997: xi). This lesbian couple might be more comfortable with the way convergence is being m ediated in other pockets of Santiago. Emergent Christian Media and the Subversion of Conservative Convergence Bishop Hector Zavala would likely be distressed to hear what one leader in an Anglican church in Santiago told me about the Bible: he is not sure that he can affirm the statement that the Bible is the Word of God, but he definitely believes that the Bible contains the words of God. This is the exact sentiment that the Chilean Bishop posited as the root of heresy in the United States. This leader, whom I will call Julio, is immersed in a more progressive expression of Christian convergence called Emergent Christianity, which I detailed in the introductory chapter. He, like Father Leo Sanchez at San Pedro Episcopal Church in northern Florida, has bee n profoundly influenced by the most prominent figurehead in Emergent Christianity, Brian McLaren. book Generous Orthodoxy had confirmed his own convergent thinking while he was still in the Ch arismatic
243 and I was able to buy one called El Secreto de Jesus (entitled The Secret Message of Jesus in English) at a local secular bookstore next to a popular coffee chain in Santiago. At the Anglican church in Santiago in which Julio is a leader, they have used this work for a congregational book study. McLaren argues that the central message of Jesus about compassion and loving welcome to all people into the kingd om of God has been muffled by conservatives who have sometimes reduced the gospel to a message of saving souls. He also prioritizing the message of social j ustice which he has learned from McLaren and progressive Evangelicals like Jim Wallis, Julio finds that controversies over human sexuality have become peripheral to his own identity as an Anglican. In fact, he is in a process of soul searching about how t o guide fellow Anglicans across the complex pathways of human sexuality. He is uncertain as to whether homosexuality is a sin and at the very least believes that gays and lesbians should be inclusively welcomed into church life so that they can participat e in their own communally guided processes of discernment on such issues. Since he recognizes an affinity between much that he has read and heard from McLaren, b oth conservative Anglican and moderate to liberal Episcopalian settings, he is now a fixture in Episcopalian church networks and he has been forthright about his affirmation of committed gay relationships in Christianity. Julio had yet to read these prono uncements at the time of my interview with him, but he describes his own Emergent journey in terms that are strikingly Mediation and Convergence Mediated religious messages are never hermetically sealed; they are always in the flux of
244 experiences, forms of shared consciousness, communion, or community that allow people to assemble meanings that articulate and extend their relation s to one another In this chapter I have demonstrated how various kinds of media and religious mediation have helped steer different life trajectories on the road to convergent faith. Some of those mediated paths have created forms of social association that are naturally congenial to the institutional goals of conservative consensus; others have created encounters that can be grafted on to the institutional project of convergent Christian consensus in the ACNA but do not have any inherent link t o these institutional goals; still others have the potential to undermine, even unwittingly, conservative Anglicanism in the Americas with a more progressive trajectory of convergent combinations. The proliferation of diverse kinds of Christian media that sometimes run through the same or similar transnational and global networks means that people often make pragmatic selections about whether to adopt, adapt or re create the media they encounter. This complicates cross cultural and cross territorial attempt s at regulating a convergent orthodoxy.
245 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION In this study I have demonstrated how certain major theories in the study of global religion, such as the intensification of global consciousness and the transnational religious networks th at result from such perceptions, are useful in studying emerging trends, such as the reorientation of the Anglican Church in North America toward the Global South, based not only on perceived theological agreement but on the discourse of a natural converge nce of Evangelical, Charismatic and Catholic spiritual emphases. My conclusion, then, will illustrate the ways in which my major themes dovetail with the study of globalization and the dual processes of deterritorialization the delinking of meanin gful socioreligous relationships from bounded territorial units and reterritorialization the reinforcement of old and new connections between socioreligious arrangements and relatively bounded spaces. I do so first by explaining the language of flows and hybridity, which emphasize the fluidity of borders in an age of time space compression, facilitated by global travel and increased communication. Hybridity is often aders present the hybridity of congregational convergence as natural and, in that way, synonymous with proper orthodoxy. I will also examine what this particular wedding of hybridity to inue to reconfigure erstwhile taxonomies of Christianity. I will also evaluate the relevance of seemingly pass frames of analysis, specifically the nation state. Although national boundaries are less relevant to the transmission of ideas across space in this global age, they are still very real and powerful, especially to the bulk of the Latina/o congregants in my two United States case studies who migrated to the U.S. In this sense, the nation continues to be an important, though not predominant, frame of analysis. I
246 favor the discourse of networks to articulate transnational interactions and to qualify the Latin America, illustrates the relevance of networks acro ss political boundaries, and I discuss changes to global Charismatic and discursive networks in religious studies. I conclude with a vignette on global icons, whic h I see as central to the future of religious studies. The study of religion has been increasingly focused on popular or lived religion in recent decades, fueled by the realization that the behaviors and beliefs of congregants are creatively constructed a nd constrained and do not always reflect the religious views touted by their elite religious leaders. I have found, however, that in spite of this discrepancy, global religious networks are diversifying so swiftly that these frenetic connections produce a potentially disorienting rush of new ideas and practices, which are often mediated by personalistic figures, or global icons, who articulate these changing networks on a global stage. Alfredo Cooper, pastor of La Trinidad and chaplain to the Chilean Pre sident Sebastian Piera, best represents this trend in my case studies, although it can also be seen by the centrality of such figures as Katharine Jefferts Schori and Brian McLaren in this study. I explicate this trend using a multilevel analysis of the Chilean mining crisis that I covered in the introduction to this work. continue to emerge as the most densely material expressions of existing and reconfigured p lausibility models in global Christianity. Since convergent Christianity has been swept into other dynamic sea changes, such as the growth of Christianity in Africa, Asia and Latin America, I also examine the ways that shifting discourses of Christian cu lture have shaped the field of perception about possible convergent
247 strategising actors needs to be combined with an appreciation of the structural constraints on individuals and groups in their production of b 5). Hence, I demonstrate in this concluding chapter that the mingling of previously separate segments of Christian faith within an institution that seeks to assert a glo bal orthodoxy renews the need for mobile and multi sited academic cartographies. Theories of Globalization Leaders of the ACNA seem to be both products and perpetuators of what David Harvey prolonged strife surrounding the theological status of homosexuality and attendant controversies over varying levels of inclusion for LGBT people in the Anglican Communion, conservatives connecting both through older practices of missionary movement and c omparatively newer forms of electronic communication have perceived affinities between their minority theologies in the Global North and the majority theologies of the Global South. The selective points of commonality included shared conservative viewpoint s on human sexuality, and similarly convergent practices of faith. These conservatives then became key purveyors of this particular expression of accelerated global consciousness in order to meet some of their own institutional objectives. Conservatives An glicans in various regions, but especially North America, have thus appropriated a globalist discourse from scholars and a religious discourse from various Christians who have envisioned previously segmented aspects of Christianity Evangelical, Catholic, a nd Charismatic converging in Spirit such aquatic terms leaders of the ACNA can represent their institution as a by product of the
248 Pentecostalism reveals the intricacies of the entanglement of global ( 2010: 116). I certainly witnessed plenty of entanglement between the global and the local at my three Spirit centered case studies, and I am not suggesting that leaders of the ACNA are intentionally disingenuous and duplicitous about the mingling of different kinds of Christian in differentials of power, of inclusion and exclusion, of cooperation and conflict, of boundary crossing and boundary y interconnected sites (V squez 2010: 298) simultaneously conduct and restrict flows of goods, capital, people and religious identities, and practices across multiple spaces, from the personal to the transnational and global, producing both deterritorialization and V squez 2010: 164). I have thus drawn on the potential for network theory to illuminate those contested crevices and corners that institutional leaders might prefer remain in the shadows. Like Manuel V ne the fact that religions on the move entail the activity of specific individuals and groups that are located in and connected through shifting but binding d squez 2010: 310). I have used a heuristic, organizing category in a study that Bergunder 2010: 53). In this concluding chapter, I consider how this st udy of convergent Christian networks emanating from nodes located within a
249 mainline denomination has revealed broader levels of coalition, contestation and change afoot in global Christianity. Classifying My Case Studies in Current Taxonomies This projec t called for significant mobility. I traveled from my base in the American Southeast to the Global South, from Chile to the American Southwest, and back from Texas to ile sightings from sites. They are positioned representations of a changing terrai n by an itinerant cartographer. 2006: 11). There were times during my travels when I was not conscious, or only barely so of borders. During air travel, I would read, dose off, or just let my mind wander as the aircraft flew over multiple territorial demarcations on the flight to Chile, our route was digitally mapped, and the position of the plane on our current flight path was continually updated on the screen. When a border agent in Atlanta, who had the power to deny my reentry into the country, became confused about my status as a Canadian studying in the United States and returning from a South American nation, I experie nced the kind of bodily concern for borders that you can measure in sweat. This was an important reminder to me about the different ways that people experience borders, and all the variables of class, citizenship, and status that can make borders seem like pebble sized obstacles for certain people at particular moments, and immovable barriers for many others throughout their lives. Even though I have demonstrated ways that new hybrid forms of Christianity have reconfigured erstwhile borders between institut ions, people, and theologies, I am not arguing that borders are no longer relevant in global Christianity. Indeed, new hybrid formations should make scholars even more attentive to borders especially ongoing processes of border making and border cross ing. It is meaningless to speak about such movements if we do not have solid
250 explanatory models of what the current configurations look like, both reflexively for participants and from the perspective of fresh academic taxonomies. Hybridity is entirely context ual, relational. What is strikingly hybrid in one setting may not even be noticeable in another. The significance of hybridity extends only so far as the reach of the boundaries that it transgresses. If hybridity subverts a provincialism, outside the provi nce it has n o meaning. (Nederveen Pieterse 2003: 106). Throughout Latin American history, syncretism has abounded in encounters between religions and cultures. The Roman Catholic Church has had varying official attitudes to syncretism in its long history wi thin Latin America, but it has opened space for its own brand of Spirit centered faith, Charismatic Catholicism. The difference, though, between that potential border zone and my convergent cases is that scholars like Andrew Chesnut have offered convincing accounts that Catholic Charismatic Renewal draws increasingly tight borders of identity as a Catholic movement, and one that is self consciously distinct from Pro testant Pentecostalism (Chesnut 2003: 65). When I found out that there were U.S. Latina/o chur ches remaking and inhabiting worlds in which otherwise competing images and practices were important coexistent and constituent elements, and not clearly identified in either the Protestant or Catholic camps, I was intrigued to explore the imaginative mate rial combinations embedded in such constructions. There were moments when the sanctuary of St. Bartolome was a Catholic world in which bread and wine were the body and blood of Christ, and the Virgin of Guadalupe was an ever watchful figure, available for supplication to Catholic minded congregants. I watched one woman at San Bartolome approach the painting of the Virgin of Guadalupe with her young son in her arms. She stood close and seemed to prayerfully gaze at the painting while she interjected instruc tive comments to the child, whispering to him and then pointing at the painting; then whispering and pointing again. At other moments, that same spot was inhabited by a different set of dominant
251 symbols. On Tuesday evenings, the Holy Spirit was the cent ral figure, invoked through urgent prayers and embodied in people who collapsed under the perceived weight of spiritual power. globalization at least for scholars in the soci al cultural sciences concerns its cultural dimension: the possibility for people to deploy alternative imaginaries that give rise to new k inds 117). I was struck, then, by the salience of mobility in the new combinations I having crossed various Catholic and Protestant paths in their journeys from Latin America to the United States. Jaime is an example from my case studies of the kind of convergent jour ney that Still, even within the same institution, the Anglican Communion, it was not always easy to find patterns in the imaginaries of my varied informants. Some i mportant figures like David, who contribute to the spiritual life of San Bartolome and likeminded Latina/o churches in the Fort Worth area, have decided that the backdrop of either Protestantism or Catholicism is too limiting. David has carved out an ident ity by refusing believes the ecclesiastical boundaries of any one particular denomination or Church are himself a spirit filled, Christocentric follower of God who has embraced the via media and declared that Catholic and Protestant affirms one way to God, Jesus, but n ot one ecclesiastical formulation of that path. Others, like Iris, seem to be edging closer to an Evangelical or Protestant Pentecostal identity and understanding of faith, one that eschews the prominence of saints and images more
252 closely associated with Catholicism. When, for example, someone gifted her husband with a when the occasion demands she will join a processional line to kiss a doll representing the baby Jesus. Where then are we going to put her? What are the most appropriate analytical categories for any of these diverse hybrid expressions of faith? To answer these questions it is necessary to examine the ways that various Christian groups are curre ntly classified. Classifying Networks by Common Theological Features and Linked Histories There are theological features and historical links that would suggest that all of my case studies should be placed within a broad network of pneumacentric Christian faith. Some stress the dynamic and active role of a spirit or spirits in the liv es of practitioners (Chesnut; V squez). There are various ways of addressing the p neumacentric expressions within Christianity; some prefer the broad term Pentecostalism, even for groups that fall outside of official Pent ecostal denominations (Robbins 2010: 156). Others use more narrow terms of classification, distinguishing between self identifying Pentecostal denominations and those groups of believers who have combined Pentecostal practices with other longstanding rituals in their churches. Suc h groups have been 19), and, since La Trinidad interacts with official Pentecostal denominations, I have primarily used the term Charismatic for the participants in my case studies so as to avoid confusion; but my case studies are relevant to broad conceptions of global Pentecostalism. Despite their varying institutional links, all three of my case studies have a Charismatic Christian ethos; that is, the leaders of all three churches believe the Holy Spirit plays a pivot al part in their Christian lives and they have sought to fan the flames of varying Charismatic
253 features among their congregations. I witnessed multiple participants from all three of my case studies either practice or speak positively about characteristics generally considered Pentecostal and Charismatic: speaking in tongues, prophecy, faith healing, dance, hand raising during emotive singing and other embodied worship patterns. Not all of these features were present to the same degree or in the same space s within each of these congregations, and that diversity was a telling feature about the diverse local shapes that convergence can take. in the Pentecostal global n etworks, along which ideas, media products, preachers and believers 120). My study of new levels of relational association and institutional c onceived Pentecostal global network, and one in which Charismatic Christianity is a sub network. My study also dovetails with the work of scholars who have advocated the fruitfulness of studying Pentecostalism as a discursively constructed network of vario us Christian groups. identified without any need for a preconceived normative or analytical definition (such as Evangelicalism plus speaking in tongues as initial evidenc concerned primarily with the experience of the working of the Holy Spirit and the practice of spir 55). Rather, Pentecostalism should be understood as gunder 2010: 54). Bergunder does not reject the importance of studying theology or identifying common features and practices and practices in a network have to be retrieved as they show themselves in discursive articulation (Bergunder
254 2010: 55). Such an understanding would leave room for the inclu sion of the kind of hybrid constructions of convergent faith that I have documented in this study. Also, as Bergunder Evangelicalism, Protestantism, Christianity, religion, conservative politics) must always be 54). As a movement within the broadest networks of Pentecostalism, convergence is likewise embedded in even wider networks of Evangelicalism, and it is playing a prominent role, which Evangel icals are noticing, in reconfiguring the shape and adding new connections to those networks. Like Pentecostalism, Evangelicalism can be delineated according to theology and shared features. The classical grouping of Evangelical qualities is drawn from Davi on Evangelicalism in Modern Britain in which he offers a quadrilateral of Evangelical conversionism the belief that lives need to be changed, activism the expression of the gospel in effort; biblicism a particular reg ard for the Bible; and what may be called crucicentrism a stress on the sacrifice of C 2 3). This cluster is still salient in Evangelicalism, but new models of conversion in Evangelicalism call for a networked approach that would help make sense of the expanding ranks and characteristics of a movement whose leaders take great care to reflect on and monitor the shifting borders of their brand of faith. Some of those leaders sound exasperated about the litany of subdivisi ons arising within Evangelicalism and are subsequently anxious that an identity they hold dear is being stretched beyond cohesion and explanatory power. Consider what one such Evangelical wrote in an introduction to a comparative work entitled Four Views o n the Spectrum of Evangelicalism In what seems like intentionally vertiginous style, Collin Hansen enumerates the growing range of
255 progressive, postconservativ e, and preprogressive evangelicals. We are traditional, creedal, 2011: 1). That lament is not t he final word in that book, obviously, but the four contributors making their cases for Other leaders believe that the growing cultural and theological variety within Evangelicalism has shaped the movement so profoundly that the most pivotal point of the movement, conversionism, is undergoing a radical reinterpretation, and to them, this seems a positive c hange. It is particularly germane to this study that s uch an article was featured as the lead story on the online edition of a foundational evangelical publication like Christianity Today because several factors that the author highlights relate to the con tours of convergence that I It is not an overstatement to say that evangelicals are experiencing a "sea change" a paradigm shift in t heir understanding of conversion and redemption, a shift that includes the way in which they think about the salvation of God, the nature and mission of the church, and the character of religious experience. Although there is no one word to capture where e vangelicals are going in this regard, there is a word that captures what they are leaving behind: revivalism (2012). He proceeds to argue that the reasons why Evangelicals are increasingly conceiving of and experiencing conversion as a gradual, lifelong pr ocess of commitment, rather than a definitive pollination from other Christian recovery of both the
256 most salient factors that I have pointed to in this study. He draws attention to Robert Webber g evangelicals to draw on the wisdom of the church fathers and the liturgical and catechetical consider how participants in my case studies fit within such mediated connections (Robbins 2004:125). There have been times when the study of Christianity has suffered from imbalanced attention to theological ideas, as if the sophisti cated musings of a few represented the lived practices of many. As a result of that legacy, it may be tempting to highlight frenetic hybridity on the ground as a way of giving the lie to the message of stable orthodoxy from above. In this work I have docu mented multiple layers of divergence between various authorized narratives and lived religion on the ground both among laity and clergy. In the case of convergent Christianity, though, it is important to keep in mind that there is also sometimes surprisin g correspondence between theological propositions and creative grassroots combinations. To ignore the correlation as a scholar would be to simplify a complex phenomenon, one that requires continual rethinking and reformulating. Consider, for instance, som e of the surprising Ancient Future faith designs. Ancient Future Faith Paradigm at San Bartolome paradigm of postmodern Evangelical faith, such as their elaborate ritual enactment of incarnational theology. The incarnation is a theological term for the idea that God became flesh in the person of Jesus. In Ancient Future Worship (a sequel to Ancient Future Faith ), Webber points out that Evangelicals
257 have difficulty giving theological significance to Christmas because they have a poor ist, but if that is the crux of the salvation message, then celebrating the birth of a baby in a manger seems retrospectively anticlimactic. Webber found a more robust meditation on the incarnation in Eastern Orthodox Christianity: As I read Byzantine Th eology (over and over again, mulling it in my mind and heart), I realized that the missing link in Western theology is a deep appreciation for the incarnation and subsequent Christus Victor theme of how God incarnate won a victory over sin and death. For example, in the West many seem stumped by the virgin birth. We believe in the miraculous conception, but we are not sure what to do with it. Not so with the Eastern fathers. They know exactly what to do with the incarnation. God in the womb of the Virg in Mary united with his entire creation in order to reverse the fallenness of creature and creation by taking into his own body the consequence of sin, which is death (Webber 2008: 160). hurch, has inherited a series of ritual practices from Mexico that focuses all senses on the incarnation. Through touching, kissing, bathing, bowing, sprinkling and all the other acts associated with honoring the baby Jesus during their Christmas Eve servi Future faith model and ritual life at San Bartolome are also evident i n their treatment of conversion as a continuum. Webber believed that the crisis conversion experiences orchestrated in Evangelical settings had run their course and that the multiple stages of Christian initiation that the early church practiced were more compatible with postmodern environs. This early church evangelism assumed four things. First, it was based on Christus Victor [Christ as victor over the powers of death and evil] understanding of the death of Christ. Second, it presupposed that the ch urch plays a mothering role in the formation of the new convert was nourished. Third, the rituals of the church pertaining to salvation (passage rites) were treated as exter nal means of organizing an internal experience. Fourth, conversion was understood as happening in various
258 stages of development; a person was led through a maturation that led to baptism and entrance into the church as the culminating events of the conver ting process ( Webber 2008: 148). Juan and congregants pray for immigration Reform, take active steps to change health care policies that hurt undocumented worke rs, and incorporate such concerns in special liturgies of contemplation. The Relevance of the Emergent Movement Other groups in my study have extended the blend of convergent worship and social action in the ancient future faith model of convergent worship but they do so in networks increasingly began as groups of mainly disaffected Evangelicals whose reappraisal of faith in a postmodern age led them to a series of pro posals similar to Ancient Future faith: intentional acts of community building within and outside the church, experiential and experimental worship patterns, a convergent appreciation for theological practices and beliefs across the wide spectrum of Christ ianity, and a pronounced emphasis on so cial justice in the Bible. Scot McKn ight explains the differences between the two related terms for this movement. To prevent confusion, a distinction needs to be made between "emerging" and "Emergent." Emerging is t he wider, informal, global, ecclesial (church centered) focus of the movement, while Emergent is an official organization in the U.S. and the U.K. Emergent Village, the organization, is directed by Tony Jones, a Ph.D. student at Princeton Theological Semin ary and a world traveler on behalf of all things both Emergent and emerging. Other names connected with Emergent Village include Doug Pagitt, Chris Seay, Tim Keel, Karen Ward, Ivy Beckwith, Brian McLaren, and Mark Oestreicher. Emergent U.K. is directed by Jason Clark. While Emergent is the intellectual and philosophical network of the emerging movement, it is a mistake to narrow all of emerging to the Emergent Village (McKn ight 2007 ). The G reat Emergence a book in which she argues that the model of previously distinct quadrants of Christianity,
259 partake in a combination of the various emphases represented in those quadrants. On the top of for communities of f Christianity and particularly by the global icons of progressive forms of Christian faith. In writing on that back cover, the Presiding Bishop and Primate of TEC, Katharine Jefferts Schori, does not spare superlatives in her recommendation of this work: Phyllis Tickle offers a creative and provocative overview of multiple social and cultural chang es in our era, their relation to previous paradigm shifts, and their particular impact on North American Christianity. This is an immensely important contribution to the current conversation about new and emerging forms of Christianity in a post modern en vironment and a delight to read! Leo Sanchez mentioned in an interview that during her stay in Northern Florida, Jefferts Schori Indeed, it is not only leaders of TEC who are exci ted about the promise Emergent networks hold for the future of the mainline churches. In Toward a Hopeful Future: Why the Emergent Church is Good News for Mainline Congregations co pastors of a Disciples of Christ church in Springfield, Missouri, champion the same themes that Robert Webber explored in his various Ancient Future multisensory, and interested in a return to ancient practices and symbols, all the while remaining open to postmodern exp Snider and Bowen 2010: 9). Furthermore, they 2010: 22). The parallels are legion between the convergent discourses within conservative segments of the Anglican Communion an d the increasingly combinative language used in these more progressive Emergent circles.
260 A striking parallel between the conservative hybridity I have documented and these more progressive combinations of Christian faith is that these Emergent leaders also use the language Robert Duncan have used to reinforce the idea that combinations in the ACNA are by products of an external force (the Holy Spirit), and not prima rily human and strategic efforts. Snider and Bowen explain, We certainly want to help progressives connect with emergents, but not by advocating some sort of extreme faith makeover. Instead, we wish to point to the onship to emergent church culture and progressive faith traditions a convergence that is spontaneous, organic, and unexpected ( 2010: 51). Here convergent discourse is combined with implicit pneumatic discourse, where the unpredictable Spirit is thought to b e reconfiguring the North American religious landscape, a rearrangement leaders only need to point out, rather than rework by their own efforts. In fact, progressives are even using the same aquatic metaphors so ubiquitous in conservative segments of the A nglican Communion. Marcus Borg, who is Canon Theologian at Trinity Episcopal Cathedral in Portland, Oregon, explains on the back of Hopeful Future What is absent from these selections is a reference to the global. Global Emergence and Global Networks Brian McLaren is a notable author and speaker who once straddled the line between Evangelical and Mainline Christianity. In 2006, he made Time Magazine influential Evangelicals, but in North America he now spends the majority of his time among mainline churches. He is a notable figure in the Anglican Communion in general and TEC in particular. In the past, McLaren had been a gu est speaker at events that some might see as being diametrically opposed to one another. In 2006, for instance, he spoke at the winter conference of
261 ACNA. His global fa me has also earned him speaking engagements in much less conservative confines. He spoke at the Anglican Lambeth Conference of 2008 and most recently he shared at McLaren, like other Emergent leaders, g enerally eschews strict doctrinal formulations and stresses, instead, the power of embodied narrative and community in spiritual transformation. In 2006, he gave an address at the commencement ceremony for graduates of a convergent worship institute called effort to bring narrative to life in Christian worship. For McLaren that narrative is primarily a story of social justice increasingly informed by theologians and writers from the Global South. lands which North American Protestants had once t ried to convert are reappearing as spiritual influences in the North American context (even after their deaths) via new networks of Global South to Global Nort h ministry. In a travelogue, McL garden in a courtya rd at a small hotel in El Salvador. I just returned from visiting the Catholic Church where Archbishop Oscar Romero was shot in 1980. We also visited the Jesuit residence inspired, American writings of liberation theology, including those of Leonardo Boff and Gustavo Gutierrez, and has incorporated their prophetic denouncements of str uctural injustice in his most recent works.
262 America he took to learn from and speak with various segments of Latin American Christianity. The trip helped solidify gro wing links between Emergent Christianity in North America and progressive expressions of Latin American Evangelicalism that are organized in a network called La Red del Camino progressive networks that overlap Evangelical and Mainline frontiers are being connected to similar movements in Latin America. La Red del Camino held a conference in Argentina, in which one of the keynote speakers was a leader from a church that was planted out of La Trinidad in Santiago, Chile (the church that I referred to in chapter 4 as having another leader conference in Argentina in 2011 the leader from Chile spoke on the theme, meeting of Lutherans, Anglicans, Baptists and Pentecostals, the participants reaffirmed a number of goals at the core of their identity: T he necess ity to connect more with this network [ La Red Del Camino ] and to continue believing in this form of the church, which is countercultural within the Evangelical world. Themes addressed included social injustice, the apathy of churches on that subject, the l ack of community proposals in the field of microenterprise, and all the possibilities we have i n Christ as the people of God. 1 Back in 2006, Brian McL The leader from the church plant out of La T rinidad told me that he hopes to invite McLaren The Secret Message of Jesus first place and priorit y to the downtrodden and oppressed. It remains to be seen how this 1 I am not providing this source so as to protect the anonymity of the participant from my case study.
263 message will resonate in a post dictatorship Chile still haunted with the eerie silence of incomplete truth and reconciliation, and at La Trinidad where Alfredo Cooper once traded liberati on theology for Pentecostal emphases. Regardless, the impact of the trip on McLaren speaks to how progressive, religiously informed political views can be carried through complex eans know that the CIA planned the assassination of one of their presidents, Salvador Allende, and helped install in his place a military dictator, Pinochet, who killed thousands of Chileans who were fighting for This study has been about the ways that U.S. Latinos and Latin Americans have created distinct brands of convergent Christianity in a globalized and fracturing denomination, in which non white and non Western Christianity has newfound spiritual capital. Some Emergent church leaders and observers have lamented (or critiqued) the predominance of white and middle class figures in the Emergent church. Given its multidenominational and multicultural character, Iglesia San Pedro may be a mod el of where the Emergent Church is heading: articulating an inclusive message of convergent spirituality shared across cultural divides. At least one sample of Emergent literature has stirred Generous Orthodoxy and wh an Anglican in the CEC, having had the opportunity to interact, learn and love Christians from almost every conceivable tradition, I identified completely with many of the concepts and illustrations in this book. A coincidence or the Spirit at work in many different places in the themes I have deduced in examining convergent Chri stianity: ecumenism dialogue, sharing and cooperative interaction between various segments of Christianity and calling. Convergent
264 ecumenism, in both liberal and conservative settings, is, for insiders to these movements, a first step to addressing where the Spirit is moving. Convergent Christians believe the Spirit is leading across denominational lines. According to this view, then, there are many viable options of where to settle into a spiritual home. Becom ing involved in one particular S pirit honori ng place requires a sense of leading and calling at least in hindsight, if not with foresight. Figures like Brian McLaren, Alfredo Cooper, Katharine Jefferts Schori, Father Alberto Cutie, and the other internationally renowned people I have treated in the study, and who move through and are well known in various transnational and global religious networks, are key mediators of these diverse and potentially disorienting networks. People are making connections to these networks through relational association s, and prominent figures help embody these connections. Global Icons This insight draws on what Simon Coleman found about the ways various elite religious figures can be siphons for broader notions concerning the transnational networks of Charismatic faith action and personality, and just as we saw how Ekman stands for Swedish influence over the world, so Sumrall represents revivalist history and influ ence coming to Swed 2004: 125). These living icons are not only drawn from elite ranks, as Joel Robbins points out: the actions of the Spirit, icons to be seen by one anot s 2010: 165). And this process participants to turn themselves into iconic objects of contemplation by allowing themselves to be (Coleman 2004: 172). The extensive use of media at La Trinidad provided particularly provocative material to consider how politicians,
265 religious leaders, and local lay people are inscribed into the official framing of the ministry of La Trinidad. In a 2012 video celebrating their 28 th anniversary as a local church, members of the media ministry at La Trinidad put together a high polished montage of various representative figures and ministries from their church. Over the musical ba congregants and lay leaders praying, taking communion and performing various evangelical outreaches throughout Chile accompany imag es of Alfredo Cooper in all his national prominence and religious globetrotting. There is, for instance, a picture of Cooper with the miner Jose Henriquez and the President of the United States, Barack Obama. There is also a picture of the President of Chi le, Sebastian Piera, with his hands on the knees of an infirm man, while the Catholic Chaplain to the President, Luis Ramirez, and the Evangelical chaplain, Alfredo Cooper, both stand in priestly garments, smiling affectionately at the scene. That particu lar iconic image is inscribed with greater textual details on the website for the church. There anyone who clicks ong with Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, Pentecostal, and other representative of Christian traditions in Chile. At this 2011 celebration of the annual holiday event, Cooper acknowledged the hard work of the president, his cabinet and the opposition, and he i mplored the various esteemed politicians e community of survival that they formed in the mine was a
266 prayerful democracy ( La comunidad de supervivencia que se form en la mina fue una democracia orante this en esta casa de gobierno lives and the countries of those who give their voluntary votes to him. As Jesus h In addition to this wedding of the rhetoric of evangelical personal conversion to political conversion, Cooper also discursively fused the Charismatic emphasis on healing prayer to the power of the president. He explained, Last year, a girl that was dying from cancer participated in this event. She is a great admirer of the president and she asked for an opportunity to meet him bef ore dying. Moneda). This year, in similar conditions but affected by Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis, with not very promising prognosis, [we will pray for] Michel Mardones, beneficiary of a wheelchair from the mission of the Presbyterian Church, believer in his Savior, and also desiring to meet his president, whom he profoundly admires. Here we have a str iking dramatization of the ways that transnational religious links the Pentecostal miner Jose Henriquez have been deployed to sacralize a particular political express ion of the nation state in a setting in which the various constituent elements of convergence Evangelical conversion discourse, Charismatic healing prayer, and the representation of Catholic and Eastern Orthodox leaders are all on public religious stage. All of this is then compressed into a video for the local church, which focuses not only on reaching potentially unnoticed individuals of society, given icon ic presence in this case by the man with ALS, Michel Mardones. This demonstrates how the individual can be drawn into the global
267 level of analysis by global icons like Alfredo Cooper, adding political and social dimensions to an otherwise personal journey Even so, these processes are contested by some of the same virtual means that they are propagated. For instance, Cooper wrote on Facebook that he had prayed on his birthday that he would received a hug from his beloved president Sebastian Piera, and was thrilled when Piera not only offered an embrace but encouraged the visiting king of Spain, Juan Carlos I, to do the know how to evangelize a king, I will reveal eve responses to that post were joyful, affirming, and expectant, but one man offered an incisive, biblically king stops killing defenseless animals [a pos sible reference to reports that the Spanish king had recently gone on an elephant killing safari in Botswana]. and as to the president you could evangelize him about the rich young ruler, seeing that he is one of the richest men in this country, applying the well known animales indefensos...y al presidente..se le podria evangelizar sobre el joven rico, siendo uno de los hombres mas ricos de este pa is aplicando la conocida formula...comprar barato y vender These sentiments dramatize the multiple levels of power at work in constructing conception s of the local, national, and global. Concluding Thoughts It is clear that traditional boundaries between denominations are increasingly blurred and that people are multiply embedded in various local, national and trans n ational networks since some networks overlap other meaningful boundaries. Accordingly, borrowing and religious exchanges continue to outpace efforts to harness religion in tight doctrinal borders. Also, the discourse of a flourishing non Western and non Anglo Christian faith is gaining ground in many
268 contemporary Christian circles with disparate North American views as to the most salie nt themes of that non Western faith, and different applications of what kind of impact Global South patterns of faith should have on North America. The most important networks to the future shape of global Christianity are those which fall under the broa even though San Bartolome and La Trinidad are appropriately classified within Evangelical networks, and Iglesia San Pedro is more closely connected with Emergent Networks, the simi larities of discourses and combinations of faith in these networks means they are not hermetically sealed from another. Furthermore these networks present both local and far flung links, which people increasingly navigate via pneumacentric discourses and practices. In the process, both kinds of networks have hybridized so extensively that the idea of a centripetal core of orthodoxy is becoming increasingly implausible. For conservatives within Evangelical networks the only solid point of differentiation fr om perceived liberals remains their continued insistence that homosexuality is sinful. Even for conservatives, though, the pneumacentric elements in their midst, with the idea of an unpredictable Spirit who does new things, threatens to topple the plausibi lity structures supporting that stance. Barack Obama, for example, has been inscribed as a global icon into the transnational religious networks and global consciousness and he wholeheartedly supports gay marriage. A Call to Further Research The preponderance of the trope of globalization in convergent and Emergent circles points to possibilities of how people from diverse cultural backgrounds and from different Ch ristian denominations and traditions may negotiate the vagaries of globalized life; for there are ever expanding motives and means for mobility across religious, geographic and cultural spaces, but
269 few signs of direction about where to go or who to be. ostmodernity signifies the absence of a consensus as to the agenda for an identity, hence the demise of the pilgrim metaphor for travelers Musschenga 2001: 245). The pilgrim metaphor has often had a connotation of people travelling to a single predetermined destination. Many of the participants in this study, however, believe that they have been led to multiple points in an ongoing journey, and the trope of calli ng is compatible for the complex narratives they design after settling or while on the move. Charting their course from an academic perspective will require more in depth interviews that are attentive to the array of religious media products people consume the networks through which both people and products travel, and the broader institutional discourses that respond to and shape social and political processes. We need to take all these narratives and discourses seriously without taking them for granted. That task will require an academic mix of humility and clarity, bold assessments and qualified conclusions. If this sounds disorienting, perhaps we will be in the right frame of mind to listen to narratives that are weaved through ever shifting borders, boundaries that belie their novelty by sometimes firmly constricting and constraining the imaginative and practiced possibilities of global Christian faith. In short, we should not underestimate the continued salience of borders, nor should we discount the expansive practices and imaginative possibilities of global Cha rismatic convergent Christianity.
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281 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Masters in International Affairs Latin American Studies from Ohio University. Sean continued to explore interdisciplinary research in the Religion in the Americas program at the University of Florida where he received his PhD in summer 2012. H e has taught a wide spectrum of classes in religion, history, Latin American Studies, European Studies, and Modern Languages at various institutions of higher education. His academic interests include social ethics; US Latino and Latin American religion; religion and globali zation; religion and disability; and religion, film, and popular culture.