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1 THE RISE AND DEMISE OF THE GENS DE COULEUR LIBRE ARTISTS IN ANTEBELLUM NEW ORLEANS BY KAREN BURT COKER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012
2 2012 Karen Burt Coker
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would first like to thank my family for their patience and support in this task. I also wish to thank my co workers, especially my department head, Jordan Vosmik, for her constant empathy and understanding. I want to thank my committee members especially Dr. Ro bin Poynor, for his knowledge of, and enthusiasm for the history of Louisiana.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 3 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 6 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: ARTISTS OF COLOR IN THE TRI CASTE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF ANTEBELLUM NEW ORLEANS ................................ ................................ ....... 11 2 SETTING THE STAGE: CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO A UNIQUE SITUATION ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 15 3 TWO DIMENSIONAL ARTS: PAINTING, PRINTMAKING AND PHOTOGRAPHY ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 27 Louis Pepite ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 28 Julien Hudson ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 30 Jules Lion ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 43 Louis Lucien Pessou ................................ ................................ ............................... 55 Comments ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 60 4 THREE DIMENSIONAL ART: SCULPTURE AND TOMB DESIGN ....................... 62 Florville Foy ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 63 The Warburg Brothers (Eugene and Dani el) ................................ ........................... 71 Comments ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 84 5 CREATIVE ENDEAVORS: LITERATURE AND MUSIC ................................ ......... 86 The Writ ten Word ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 86 B. Valcour ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 88 Victor Sjour ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 89 Music ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 90 Edmond Dd ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 91 The Lambert brothers ................................ ................................ ....................... 93 Victor Eugene Macarty ................................ ................................ ..................... 94 Comments ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 95 6 ARCHITECTURE AND THE DECORATIVE ARTS ................................ ................ 97
5 Architecture ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 98 Ironworking ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 99 Furniture ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 100 Comments ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 103 7 THE INCREASE OF RACIAL TENSION AND THE CIVIL WAR ........................... 104 8 RECONSTRUCTION: IMPACT ON ARTISTS OF COLOR IN POST CIVIL WAR NEW ORLEANS ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 110 Th e New Identity of Creole Artists of Color: the Effect of the Upheaval of the Three Caste System ................................ ................................ .......................... 110 The Slow Revival of Artists of Color in New Orleans ................................ ............ 115 Comments ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 120 APPENDIX: FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ 123 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 167
6 LIST OF FIGURES Fi gure page A 1. Portrait of a Man, Called a Self Portrait by Julien Hudson: 1839, oil on canvas 123 A 2. Portrait of a Man (Abner Coker). by Joshua Johnson, ca. 1805 1810, oil on canvas ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 124 A 3. Dona Maria Theresa Piconelle, By Antonio Meucci Ca.1818, watercolor on ivory. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 124 A 4. Three figures By Antonio Meucci, Ca. 1825, watercolor on ivory ........................ 125 A 5. Pascuala Concepcin Muoz Castrilln By Antonio Meucci, ca.1830, ............... 126 A 6. Portrait Miniature of a Creole Lady Attributed to Julien Hudson Ca. 1837 39, oil on panel ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 126 A 7. Portrait of a Creole Gentleman Attributed to Julien H udson ca. 1835 1837, oil on canvas ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 127 A 8. Nos Hommes et Notre Histoire By Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes, Montreal; Arbour & Dupont, 1911 ................................ ................................ ..................... 127 A 9. William Charles Cole Claiborne II By Jean Joseph Vaudechamp, 1831, oil on canvas ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 128 A 10. Madame Clara Durel Forstal and Eugne Forstall By Jean Joseph Vaudechamp, 1836, oil on canv as ................................ ................................ .... 129 A 11. Edmond Jean Forstal and Desire Forstall By Jean Joseph Vaudechamp, 1836, oil on canvas ................................ ................................ ........................... 130 A 12. Portrait of Betsy by Franois (Franz) Fleischbein 1837, oil on canvas, courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, 1985.212. ............................. 131 A 13. Portrait of Marie Louis Tetu, Madame Francois Fleischbein by Franois (Fran z) Fleischbein ca.1833 1836, oil on canvas ................................ ............. 132 A 14. Portrait of a Young Girl With a Rose by Julien Hudson, 1834, oil on canvas, .... 133 A 15. Creole Boy With A Moth by Julien Hudson 1835, oil on canvas ..................... 134 A 16. Nicholas Legrand and his Grandson by Alexandre Denis Abel de Pujol, 1815, oil on canvas ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 135
7 A 17. Boy With a Rose By George David Coulon, 1842, oil on canvas ...................... 136 A 18. Jean Michel Fortier III by Julien Hudson, 1839, oil on canvas .......................... 137 A 19. Portrait of a Free Man of Color By Julien Hudson, 1835, oil on canvas, courtesy of a private collection ................................ ................................ ......... 138 A 20. Charles Gayarr By Jules L ion, Date unidentified, lithograph ........................... 139 A 21. Achille Lion By Jules Lion, between 1837 and 1847, lithograph ....................... 140 A 22. Daguerreotype o f a Young Woman Attributed to Jules Lion, 1840's, daguerreotype ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 141 A 23. The Cathedral of New Orleans By Jules Lion, 1842, lithograph ....................... 141 A 24. Ashur Moses Nathan and Son (Achille) By Jules Lion, 1845, pastel, portrait owned by Ann & Jack Brittain and children ................................ ...................... 142 A 25. Martin Van Buren By Jules Lion, between 1837 and 1866, lithograph .............. 143 A 26. View of Jackson Square, New Orleans from Riverside By Louis Pessou and Simon Benedict, 1855, chromolithograph ................................ ......................... 144 A 27. Plan of the City of New Orleans By Louis Pessou and Simon Benedict, 1860, lithograph ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 144 A 28. Camp Moore By By Louis Pessou and Simon Benedict, 1861, lithograph, courtesy of the Histo ric New Orleans Collection ................................ ............... 145 A 29. Child With a Drum By Florville Foy, 1838, marble ................................ ............ 146 A 30. Advertisement for Florville Foy, Scu lptor, Creator unknown, 1800's, advertisement from Gardners's New Orleans Dictionary ................................ .. 147 A 31. Famille Abat Tomb By Florville Foy, 1851, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). ...... 148 A 32. Famille Dejan Tomb By Florville Foy, 1888, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). ... 149 A 33. Adam Tomb By Florville Foy, 1866, marble (St. Louis I Cemeter y). ................ 150 A 34. Abat Tomb, Detail By Florville Foy, 1851, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). ...... 151 A 35. Fernandez Tomb, Detail By Florvi lle Foy, Date unknown, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 151 A 36. Adam Tomb, Detail By Florville Foy, 1866, marble (St. Louis I Cemetery). ..... 152
8 A 37. Pons Tomb, Flambeau Detail By Florville Foy, Date unknown, marble (St. Louis I Cemetery). ................................ ................................ .......................... 152 A 38. John Young Mason By Eugene Warburg, Ca. 1850 55, marble ....................... 153 A 39. Holcombe Aiken Column By Daniel Warburg, 1904, marble (Metairie Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 154 A 40. Holcombe Aiken Column, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1904 marble (Metairie Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 155 A 41. Holcombe Aiken Column, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1904, marble (Metairie Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 155 A 42 Lob Family Monument By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 15 6 A 43. Lob Family Monument, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 157 A 44. McLean Monument By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). ... 158 A 45. McLean Monument, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metair ie Cemetery). ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 159 A 46. Les Cenelles, Choix de Posies indigenes (title page) 1845. .......................... 160 A 47. Victor Sjour. From Diogene March 8 1857 ................................ .................... 161 A 48. Alexandre Dumas ................................ ................................ ............................. 161 A 49. Le Fils de las Nuit (cover page) by Victor Sjour 1856 ................................ ... 162 A 50. Photograph of Edmond Dd ................................ ................................ ........... 162 A 51. African House Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, La. ................................ ...... 163 A 52. Beauregard House, Fence Detail, French Quarter, Historic American Builders Survey ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 163 A 53. Celestin Glapion, Creole style armoire ................................ ............................. 164 A 54. Dutreuil Barjon mahogany armoire, exterior ................................ ..................... 165 A 55. Dutreuil Barjon mahogany armoire, interior ................................ ...................... 165 A 56. The Wooing of Hiawatha By Edmonia Lewis, 1872, marble ............................. 166
9 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for th e Degree of Master of Arts THE RISE AND DEMISE OF THE GENS DE COULEUR LIBRE ARTISTS IN ANTEBELLUM NEW ORLEANS By Karen Burt Coker August 2012 Chair : Robert Westin Co Chair: Robin Poynor Major: Art History The gens de couleur libres of New Orleans occupied a unique position as worldly practitioners of the arts. This situation was created by social, legal and cultural circumstances. Louisiana, as a French colony, implemented the "Code Noir," to control the large popul ation of free people of color. These laws, although designed to control, granted opportunities for free people of color. This led to a three caste social system with the gens de couleur libres occupying the central position, betwee n whites and enslaved peoples. Restrictions forbidding the marriage of free people of co lor to white s, or enslaved blacks combined with th e fact that free women of color outnumbered free men of color, led to the system of placage, an extralegal system of common law marriage between white men and women of color. When children resulted from p lacage unions, additional laws sought to hinder those ch ildren from obtaining an education. This was remedied by the custom of wealthy white fathers sending their sons to Pari s for schooling. This education frequently concentrated on the fine arts.
10 New Orl eans was a rapidly growing city, eager to prove its sophistication and dispel any reputation as a bac kwater colony. The newly French educated artists were eagerly received by Francophile New Orleans patrons keen for the newest demonstration of the superior culture of their motherland. This thesis explores the work of the se artists, while focusing upon the rise and fall of the tri caste system that created a positive environment fo r artists of color whe n most free blacks faced open hostility elsewhere
11 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION : ARTISTS OF COLOR IN THE TRI CASTE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF ANTEBELLUM NEW ORLEANS The antebellum period in the American South is often associated with racism and the subhuman treatment of people of African descent. In New Orleans, another situation existed simultaneously. Although a large percentage of the black population was enslaved, another sizable class, referred to as free people of color, lived and thrived. Louisiana's free Negro population greatly outnumbered the free Negro populati on of other states in the Deep South. For example, in 1860 the free Negro population of Louisiana consisted of almost 3,000 more people than Mississippi, Georgia, South Carolina and Alabama combined. 1 The majority of these free people of color resided in N ew Orleans; the1860 city directory lists 10,000 free people of color. 2 Circumstances unique in the American South had created a distinctive three caste social class in New Orleans: white, free people of color and enslaved blacks. This thesis will focus on the artistic endeavors of the free people of color in order to reveal the valuable contribution they made to the arts. Although the gens de couleur libres of New Orleans have been researched, much of this research focuses upon the gender issues of placage (arranged legal unions between white men and free women of color) or on the prosperity and sophistication of people of color. Joan Martin has written about the social phenomen on of placage in her essay for the book Creole while Monique Guillory has conce ntrated her research on the 1 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Negro Population in the United States, 1790 1915 (Washington, 1918), p.57. In 1860 there were 18,647 free Negros in Lou isiana, 9,914 in South Carolina, 3,500 in Georgia, 2,690 in Alabama, and 773 in Mississippi. 2 Violet Harrington Bryan, "Marcus Christian's Treatment of Les Gens De Couleur Libre" in Creole ed. Sybil Kein (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Pres s, 2000), 53.
12 Quadroon Balls 3 Much of the work centered upon the differences in sophistication between free people of color and enslaved people centers upon the fact that free people of color often owned slaves themselves. Patricia Brady, an independent historian and the founder and director of the publications department at the Historic New Orleans Collection for twenty years, has written extensively o n the creoles of color, including research on the artists I have focused upon in this work. This thesis endeavors to explore the artwork more deeply while focusing on the manner in which a combination of legal, social and cultural circumstances, for a short period, provided a perfect environment for the cultivation of sophisticated artists of co lor in a country where most people of African ancestry faced a hostile environment. In Antebellum New Orleans it was not race, but culture that determined class and social status. Francophile culture served as a unifying factor, effectively uniting people of mixed racial backgrounds. Part of this cultural bond was an appreciation of the arts and of artists, particularly of French arts and of artists that had been educated in France. This thesis will demonstrate how the gens de couleur libres artists of New Orleans thrived in their esteemed position as worldly practitioners of the arts. This thesis is divided into three sections. Section I sets the stage for the discussion of the artists by providing a background explanation of the gens de couleur libres and the unique position they held in society. Chapter 1 introduces the topic and discusses the organization of the material, methodology and resources used. Chapter 2 analyzes the combination of legal, social and cultural circumstances that led to the 3 The Quadroon Balls were the equivalent of debutant balls, the social "coming out" ceremonies for young women being initiated into the social phenomen on of placage.
13 formati on of a tripartite caste system as well as the manner in which this system allowed the gens de couleur libres to find success in artistic endeavors. Section II focuses on the artists and their works. Chapter 3 covers two dimensional arts such as painting, printmaking and photography, while Chapter 4 discusses three dimensional artists, specifically sculptors and tomb cutters. Chapter 5 explores the contributions of artists of color to literature and music, and Chapter 6 concentrates on architecture, ironwo rk, and furniture design. These chapters will note changes in the artistic and economic status of these artists due to the influx of Americans to New Orleans and the consequential rise of racial tension thereafter. Section III describes the end of an era. Chapter 7 further explores changes in the social status of the gens de couleur libres up to and during the Civil War. Chapter 8 addresses changes taking place during the Reconstruction period that fracture the tripartite caste system that allowed this uni que artistic flowering to occur. A conclusion sums up the research. The encroaching racism designed to restrict the gens de coleur libres ironically forced them to return to France for a superior artistic education. Racist restrictions required all people of color to be registered periodically according to race, thus creating numerous documents for use as primary research sources. As a result, these primary sources include original manuscripts such as the New Orleans City Directory and census, legal briefs and business documents collected by families of color that owned properties and businesses. The resources available in the city of New Orleans have been invaluable to my research, especially those in the Williams Research Center and
14 its New Orleans artist collection. 4 A serendipitous contribution to my work was an exhibition, sponsored by the Historic New Orleans Collection, which brought together many works by artists of color from diverse public and private collections. A symposium organized to coincide w ith the exhibition brought together scholars to address the subject. Not only were works of art housed in collections and museums pertinent to my research, but the extensive tombs of the "cities of the dead" of New Orleans also provided examples of signed stone carvings created by sculptors central to my research. 4 Fortunately, these institutions are mostly located on high ground and so survived the flooding of hurricane Katrina.
15 CHAPTER 2 SETTING THE STAGE: C IRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO A UNIQUE SITUATIO N Amid the history of people of color in America, one can find a distinctive exception from typical convention in the So uthern United States. That exception was the gens de couleur libres (free people of color) of antebellum New Orleans. These people occupied a unique position as sophisticated connoisseurs of the arts as well as producers of arts and crafts. This high statu s was obtained due to a unique set of circumstances. New Orleans, in Spanish and French Colonial periods as well as in the American antebellum period, was a city eager to prove its sophistication and to dispel any reputation it may have had as a backwater colony. Geographic circumstances had placed the port of New Orleans, and thus its French colonists, far from Paris in a fetid swampland teeming with disease. The city, however, soon developed into a lively model of commerce and wealth capable of supporting a semblance of the highly esteemed culture of France. The first opera presented New Orleans took place at the Thtre St. Pierre in 1796, and the first ballet was performed in 1799. In 1815 the opened, providing a semblance of French cul ture in the new American Era. The Thtre faced competition from the St. Charles Theater when it opened in 1835. 1 The French Opera House was the meeting place of choice for the antebellum upper classes. Newspapers enthusiastically announced play s, musical and dance productions, soirees, balls and art exhibitions. The seasonal arrival of iterant European artists, such as Italian miniaturist Antonio Meucci, was of great interest to the citizens of New Orleans, who desired to negotiate the services of such artists for themselves. 1 Alfred E. Lemmon.2010."Opera and Ballet." Kn owLA: Encyclopedia of Louisiana, a ccessed 2/17/12, http://www.knowla.org.
16 The Creole artisans of color were often French educated, and as such, had obtained the savoir faire of the European fine arts tradition the colonists so desired. Francophile New Orleans patrons, keen to sample the latest in the culture of the motherland, eagerly embraced these well trained artists. Many talented gens de couleur libres experienced successful artistic careers with positive interaction between blacks and whites (both artists and patrons) that was unusual for t he antebellum United States. Painters, sculptors, printmakers, and photographers flourished and thrived. Musicians, composers, poets and writers performed and published their work. Artisans such as furniture makers and ironworkers produced high quality pro ducts much appreciated by a society that wished to improve the city's quality of life. Regardless of this evidence of lack of prejudice between races, no records exist of women of color employed as artists. Prejudice against women artists may have existed. Since many of these women were financially comfortable because of the tradition of placage, it is probable that they drew or painted for enjoyment or as a demonstration of their ladylike accomplishments. 2 This acceptance of Creoles of color was not limit ed to artists and artisans, although that will be the focus of this study. Free people of color prospered in many trades, businesses and professions. Historian Joseph Tregle has noted that the gens de couleur libres of New Orleans "enjoyed a status... prob ably unequaled in any other part 2 Patricia Brady, "A Mixed Palette: Free Artists of Color of Antebellum New Orleans," The I nternational Review of African American Art 12, no. 3 (1995): 5.
17 of the South." 3 Only ten percent of the free black population of New Orleans was classified as common laborers in 1860. 4 A listing of occupations, included in the census of 1850, shows that among the cities of America, New Orleans had the highest percentage of free men of color employed as artisans, entrepreneurs and professionals. Of t he 15th largest cities in the United States, New Orleans contained more than a quarter of all free men of color employed as scientists, clerk s, managers and artisans. 5 Within ten years of the 1850 census, half of the ten wealthiest free men of color in the South were residents of New Orleans. 6 The sizable and prosperous percentage of free blacks in New Orleans allowed this middle caste to play an important role in the social and economic hierarchy of the city. 7 In Antebellum New Orleans it was not race, but class, that determined social status. Privileged social status, combined with an artistic sophistication brought about through European trai ning, enabled artists of color to prosper. The unique situation that developed in New Orleans was created by a combination of legal, social and cultural circumstances. I will first discuss the legal ramifications. 3 Joseph Tregle, "Early New Orleans Society: A Reappraisal," Journal of Southern History, 18 (1952) 34. 4 Laura Foner, "The Free People of Color in Louisiana and St. Domingue: A Comparative Po rtrait of Two Three Caste Slave Societies," Journal of Social History, Vol.3, No.4 (Summer, 1970) 407. 5 Leonard Curry, The Free Black in Urban America, 1800 1850: The Shadow of a Dream (Chicago, University of Chicago,1981), 29,22 26, 260 61. 6 Loren Schwe ninger, "Antebellum Free Persons of Colour in Postbellum Louisiana," Louisiana History 30 (1989): 351. 7 Justin A. Nystrom, New Orleans After the Civil War (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 19.
18 Louisiana was a French colony in 1724 whe n the governor Jean Baptiste Le French colonies, all people of color were affected. No matter how great the restrictions that of people of African descent in the Anglo governed colonies. Free p eople of color in Louisiana were afforded many rights: they w ere allowed to conduct business, to make contracts, to own property, and even to testify against whites in court. 8 In the second half of the eighteenth century, insurrections by enslaved peoples in the Caribbean brought about a number of changes. After the 1791 slave revolts in Saint Domingue and the consequent influx of free people of color to New Orleans, fear of similar uprisings resulted in additional laws restricting the rights of people of color. In addition to the fear of uprisings among slaves, whit es feared that white rule would be toppled by the presence of so many mixed blood free men. One such law, passed in 1830, which required free persons of color to register by name with a judge of their parish, was contrived to help determine which people co uld be legally labeled as black. 9 The 1850 census additionally required people to be registered according to the headings "Black" or "Mulatto." According to the 1850 census, 1 architect, 1 lithographer, 8 Steven J. Ochs, A Black Patriot and a White Priest (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 2000) 9 Violet Harrington Bryan, "Marcus Christian's Treatment of Les Gens De Couleur Libre" in Creole ed. Sybil Kein (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 2000), 53 54.
19 5 musicians and 30 painters of black or mulatto bloo d resided in New Orleans. O f the painters, o nly 4 or the 30 total were listed as "black," while 26 were listed as "mulatto." 10 The genes de couleur libres are specifically named in the Code Noir, and this legal document effectively demonstrates the establis hment of a tripartite caste system in people of color led to significant social consequences, the most notable being a tripartite caste system. Multiracial, three caste soc ial systems are found in most of the slave societies of the New World. 11 The United States incorporated a distinctive two level caste system based on black and white. The most notable exception (besides New Orleans) to this rigid system in the United States was developed in Charleston, South Carolina. 12 To a far lesser extent, the cities of Mobile and Pensacola briefly had free people of mixed racial heritage who attempted to model their place in society according to the three caste system model. 13 This tripar tite caste system in Louisiana, and especially in New Orleans, draws distinctive lines between whites (with a preference in colonial times to those of recent French or Spanish descent), free mixed blood people of color and enslaved people of African descen t. It was not race, however, but class that determined social status. Thus, the three caste system had significant effect on how patrons responded to the arts created by people of African descent. Artwork produced by black enslaved people, 10 Stati stical View of the United States. A Compendium of the Seventh Census (1850) 80,81.These laws, and the records provided because of them, are a valuable aid in the research of free artisans of color. 11 Arnold Hirsch and Joseph Logsdon, Creole New Orleans: Ra ce and Americanization (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 992),189. 12 Hirsch,191. 13 Ira Berlin, Slaves Without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South (New York, Vintage Books,1974) 278.
20 given their plac e in the caste system, would have been considered less sophisticated than that produced by gens de couleur libres. The Code Noir granted many more rights to free people of color than to enslaved people but also reflected concern about relationships, both m arital and extra marital, between whites and blacks. Whites were forbidden to marry blacks, and freeborn blacks were forbidden to live with slaves. 14 The status of children of forbidden unions was also an issue addressed by the Code Noir. If a child were bo rn of an enslaved mother and a free father, the child would be a slave unless the father married the mother. However, the children of a free woman of color would be declared free, no matter the class or race of the father. The many legal restrictions regar ding marriage, combined with the reality that men in colonial Louisiana greatly outnumbered women, led to the social system of placage. Placage was an arranged union between a mixed blood woman and a white gentleman, which was negotiated by the mother of t he young woman. The negotiations were sometimes quite specific and stipulated the extent to which the man would provide for the woman and her offspring. In exchange, the young woman would commit herself to the gentleman until he married, although sometimes unions continued until death. 15 A wealthy man, when he chose to marry, had the option of leaving his placage partner and allowing her to pursue another liaison, or he could choose to have two families, one 14 Donald Edward Everett, "Free Persons of Color in New Orleans" (Ph.D. dissertation, Tulane University, 1952), 13. 15 Monique Guillory, "Some Enchanted Evening on the Auction Block; The Cultural Legacy of the New Orleans Quadroon Balls" (PhD dissertation, New York University, 1999), ix.
21 with a white wife and one with a wife of mixed an cestry. By 1788, about 1,500 gens de couleur libres and black women were so supported by white men. 16 Placage contracts often specified that the children of these unions would assume the surnames of the father and that the children would be provided for. T he fact that the man legally acknowledged the children gave such offspring legal protection. Such legal protection provided a distinctively rare advantage unheard of in other areas of the antebellum South. Although some men abandoned their placage partners and families, others specified in their wills that these children should be their heirs. If the man died before legally providing for his second family in his will, the placage family nevertheless could expect, in court, to receive up to one third of his estate. The provisions made for a placage family could be quite lavish and specific, including a house, allowance, linens and servants. Notorious generosity of provision for his placage family was considered a status symbol for a wealthy man. 17 It was not u nusual for the fathers in placage unions to be involved in the education and upbringing of their children. Although Louisiana French based laws protected the children of these unions more than laws in Anglo settled areas of the Atlantic seaboard did laws were eventually passed to hinder the success of such children by making it difficult for them to obtain an education in the United States Few, if any, schools were available to teach mixed race children. It became common practice for wealthy gens de coul eur libres families or for wealthy white fathers of placage children to send their 16 Monique Guillor y, "Under One Roof: The Sins and Sanctity of the New Orleans Quadroon Balls" in Race Consciousness ed. Judith Jackson Fossett and Jeffrey A. Tucker, (New York University Press, 1997) 86. 17 Joan M. Martin, "Placage and the Louisiana Gens De Couleur Libre in Creole, ed. Sybil Kein (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000) 65.
22 children, especially the boys, to Paris for their educations. 18 While girls were often expected to continue the tradition of their mothers in finding supportive men through t he placage system, boys were more privileged. Not only were the boys educated in France, but upon their return to New Orleans, they continued to profit from the influence and wealth of their fathers. Upon their return from France, the fathers usually gave these cherished sons of placage unions a plot of land to develop, and many were thus able to create a comfortable income for their futures. 19 In 1832, however, American laws were passed to override the French laws and to restrict the amounts placage childre n could inherit from their fathers. 20 The legal restrictions placed upon the education of Creoles of Color were created in an attempt to control the race over time. Wealthy Louisiana fathers remedied this restriction with the solution of a French education. The oppressive intentions of the law had thus backfired, the result being that a number of people of color were well schooled in various disciplines. These European educations took different directions, but because they were educations tailored to produce sophisticated young gentlemen, they often concentrated on the arts. Cultural circumstances also played a role in the number of black artisans in Louisiana. Louisiana, and New Orleans in particular, was a Francophile society. The term Creole can have many meanings. It can refer to people of "white" Spanish or French descent as well as to racially mixed people of the same descent. Both white 18 Shirley Elizabeth Thompson "The Passing of a People: Creoles of Color in Mid Nineteenth Century New Orleans" (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2001) 81. 19 Monique Guillory, "Some Enchanted Evening on the Auction Block: The Cultural Legacy of the New Orleans Quadroon Balls," 75. 20 Martin, 68.
23 Creoles and Creoles of color identified strongly with the French language, French customs and French cuisine. The Creo les of Louisiana wanted to disassociate themselves from the Anglo "American" peoples moving to Louisiana after the Louisiana Purchase and to remain a "French" culture. Creoles, no matter what their racial mix, were strongly united in their disregard for "A merican" or "Anglo" culture. The Creoles immersed themselves in French culture, speaking the language, enjoying imported French wines, reading French literature, wearing French fashions and purchasing French furniture. Craftspeople able to replicate Frenc h styles enjoyed thriving businesses. In the period after American statehood some Creoles refused to sell land to Americans and the common New Orleans term "neutral ground," which today refers to a median between roads, originally was the name for the div iding line between Creole and "American" "faubourgs" or neighborhoods. To this very day people of different cultural heritage pronounce the very name of the city New Orleans differently, and a strong Gallic cultural imprint remains intact. In the American period, French immigrants were highly regarded and helped serve the purpose of allowing the Creole to continue to belong to a larger Francophile world. European immigrants were less racist than Americans, and many black artists were employed or apprentice d to Italian, French and German Jewish artists who had come to New Orleans. European immigrant artists also taught their trade and were happy to give lessons to people of mixed color. European artists and gens de couleur libre enjoyed considerable interac tions and collaborations as partners, students and teachers. 21 Such interaction helped create the distinctly European style of art created 21 Brady, "Free Artists of Color of Antebellum New Orleans," The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 32, no.1 (19 91) 6.
24 by the successful Creoles of color of the antebellum period, this led to a thriving artistic community. An appreciati on of the arts further united the Francophile culture of New Orleans. Visual art, music, theater, and literature written in French or created by French speaking people were considered to be vastly superior to that of Americans by all Creoles. The accompli shments of all Creoles, or any Francophile people in general, no matter their racial makeup, were relished as evidence of the superior cultural abilities of the French. Religion was yet another important factor that spurred unification of Creole peoples. R eligion not only unified the Creoles, but also contributed to their separation from "Anglo" culture. The Creoles, both white and Creoles of color were predominantly of the Catholic faith. "American" or "Anglo" culture was associated with Protestant religio ns. Thus Catholicism served as a unifying factor in Creole culture. Frequent migration between Paris and New Orleans, well documented by ship's registers and legal transactions, was commonplace. Although it is impossible to determine how many gens de coul eur libre were educated in France, what is known is that many of the best known professionals and artists did travel to France for their artistic training. In fact, some successful men of color made second homes in Europe, almost certainly because of the l ess oppressive racial attitudes. 22 Strong ties between Paris and New Orleans continued after the American Civil War. A good example of both the connections between the two cities as well as the connections between white Creoles and Creoles of color can be evidenced in the 1872 22 Shirley Elizabeth Thompson, 82.
25 visit of Edgar Degas to New Orleans. Degas traveled to New Orleans to visit relatives, the Musson family. Degas' mother was born in New Orleans and many of her relations had remained there. At the time of Degas' visit, the Musson fam ily resided on Esplanade Avenue, in the French Creole section of New Orleans. Degas' grandmother's surname was Rillieux, a Creole name that is also prominent among the New Orleans Creoles of Color. Vincent Rillieux, the great uncle of Edgar Degas, was in a placage relationship resulting in a quadroon (or one quarter black) son, Norbert Rilleux. Norbert Rilleux, the first cousin of Degas' mother, was born in 1806. Norbert was sent to France at an early age where he showed an aptitude for engineering. He beca me an instructor at the Ecole Centrale in Paris by the age of twenty four. One year later Norbert Rillieux made an engineering discovery pertaining to sugar engineering comparable in impact to Eli Whitney's cotton gin 's impact on the textile industry The invention transformed the process of refining sugar and helped to create the sugar boom in Louisiana. 23 The unique cultural circumstances of the gens de couleur libre in the Francophile society of antebellum Louisiana greatly contributed to the acceptance and success of Norbert Rilleux. Those same circumstances, legal, social and especially cultural, contributed to the acceptance and success of many black artists and artisans in antebellum Louisiana. Comments A unique set of circumstances, legal, social and especially cultural, contributed to the acceptance and success of many black artists and artisans in antebellum Louisiana. 23 Christopher Benfey, Degas in New Orleans: Encounters in the Creole World of Kate Chopin and George Washington Cable (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1997) 124,125,126.
26 Laws such as the Code Noir had created a three caste social system that allowed the gens de couleur libre many privileges not grante d to enslaved people of African descent. Over time, as racist attitudes invaded Louisiana, additional legal restrictions were placed upon the gens de couleur libre including educational restrictions designed to control them over time. Wealthy fathers of g ens de couleur libre children remedied this restriction with the solution of a French education. The intentions of the law had thus backfired, the result being that a number of people of color received sophisticated European training in the arts. It was cl ass, not race, that determined social status in New Orleans, and for the Creoles a person's social class was determined by their culture. Francophile culture served as a unifying factor, melding together all peoples joined in their mutual disregard for "An glo" culture. Sophisticated gens de couleur libre artists, au courant and knowledgeable of the newest trends from Paris, provided additional proof of the superior cultural abilities of the French motherland.
27 CHAPTER 3 TWO DIMENSIONAL ARTS: PA INTIN G, PRINTMAKING AND P HOTOGRAPHY In this chapter I will discuss the artists Louis Pepite, Julien Hudson, Jules Lion and Louis Lucien Pessou. These two dimensional artists worked in a variety of media, as opposed to the three dimensional artists covered in t his research, who all worked in stone. Because of the variety of media used by these artists I have devoted an entire chapter to them. Louis Pepite and Julien Hudson were both painters. Louis Pepite worked as a scenery painter for the New Orleans theaters that played such an important role in French Creole society. It is not surprising that no examples of Pepite's work survive, theater scenery being characteristically fleeting and impermanent. Julien Hudson was a portrait painter and enough examples of his work survive to bear testament to the technical evolution of Hudson's artistic abilities. I will discuss the events that created the impetus for Hudson's technical refinement as well as the European teachers that provided his training. Both Jules Lion and Louis Lucien Pessou devoted their art to more technically modern media methods. Pessou was an accomplished lithographer who implemented innovative new techniques in color lithography. Jules Lion was a versatile artist who also used lithography as his prima ry medium and was particularly gifted in portraiture. Lion, however, also played an important role in the history of photography, being the first photographer to bring daguerreotype to New Orleans. Lion's lithographic work shows evidence of the use of phot ography as a tool toward obtaining a naturalistic style. The fact that Lion also worked in additional media is evidenced by the existence of a
28 pastel portrait attributed to him and a document to the St. Louis Cathedral in which he requests permission to de corate the church ceiling, pendentives and altar. All of these artists provide good examples of the advantages possessed by the gens de couleur libre These four artists will be introduced sequentially according to the period that they were actively worki ng in New Orleans. Louis Pepite The New Orleans city directory of 1826 lists the first incidence of a "free colored male" listed as an artist. This painter was Louis Pepite, who was born after 1805 and lived in the French Quarter. 1 Pepite was an apprentic e and student of Jean Baptiste Fogliardi, an Italian scenery painter and the owner of the Louisiana Drawing Academy. In colonial and antebellum New Orleans great effort was put into the establishment of a reputation of sophistication comparable to that of Europe. Rivalries developed between theaters over the opulence of the interiors. The Orleans Theater lauded itself in newspaper advertisements as comparable to a European opera house and bestowed praise on its new scenery. The depiction of strange and exot ic locations through elaborate sets was an important factor in the overall appeal of the show. The decor and sets were on equal footing with those in the fin est French opera theaters providing an additional draw for enticing patrons. In 1824 Fogliardi wa s employed to redecorate and embellish t he Orleans Theater. The Courier a local New Orleans newspaper, enticed the patrons with descriptions of 1 New Orleans City Directory (herea fter cited as NOCD) 1827, 1832, 1834 35; U.S. Census, Louisiana (1830), roll 45.
29 Fogliardi's gold ornamental arabesques and beautiful paintings of birds. 2 The following year, on the occasion of a visit from General Lafayette, Fogliardi completed paintings on the triumphant arch in the town square, or Place d'Armes The triumphant arch completed by Fogliardi (and perhaps Pepite) for the visit of General Lafayette is depicted in an illustration, which shows it to be grandiose and stylized, much like an example of theater scenery itself. The sixty foot temporary arch was const ructed of faux painted canvas over wood and was painted to resemble Italian marble embellished with patriotic banners -a g randiose theatrical prop outside of the theater. 3 It is believed that Pepite assisted his teacher in these jobs but evidence for this is slim since Pepite was merely an apprentice and would not have been mentioned In 1826, Fogliardi left New Orleans, and Pepite helped fill the void he left by working as a scenery painter at the Orleans Theater. A commission for the scenery for the vaudeville show La Villageois e Somnambule, ou Les Deux Fiances is recorded in 1828. 4 Pepite continued to work painting for th e theater until 1834 after which he is mentioned no more. 5 In a city frequented by outbreaks of pestilent diseases, the disappearance of a young man from the historical record is not unusual. None of Pepite's known work exists today. 2 New Orleans Courier, Apr.18, 1828; John A Mahle II, Rosanne McCaffrey, Patricia Brady Schmit, eds.; Encyclopaedia of New Orleans Artists, 1718 1918 (New Orleans: Historic Ne w Orleans Collection, 1987) s.v. "Fogliardi, Jean Baptiste." 3 Brady, Patricia. 2011. "Lafayette in Louisiana." KnowLA Encyclopedia of Louisiana accessed January 27, 2012, http:// www.knowla.org. 4 Louisiana Courier, March 14, April 18, 1828. 5 Louisiana Courier, March 14,April 18, 1828; NOCD 1832, 1834 1835; Henry A Kmen, Music in New Orleans: The Formative Years, 1791 1841 (Baton Rouge, 1966,) pp.119 120; "Develle, Louis Dominique Grandjean," in Encyclopaedia
30 Julien Hudson The por trait painter Juli e professional Afro American painter in the South" by Regina Perry in a catalogue for the 1976 Metropolitan Museum of Art show Selections of Nineteenth Century Afro American Art. (fig. 1) 6 Howev er, evidence shows Hudson was actually the second documented artist of African heritage in the United States, after Joshua Johnson (c.1763 c.1824) a mixed race painter hailing from Baltimore. (fig.2) 7 Hudson is especially fascinating because his scant an d elusive, but interesting history helps us to understand the connections between the art of Europe and the new country of America, as well as the complicated ties between black and white Francophile cultures. Of all the free black artists that I will disc uss, Julien Hudson is the one man whose mother as far as we know, fits the romanticized stereotype of a elegant quadroon. The fascination with this social phenomenon, romanticized in pop novels and film, has dominated much of the research dedicated to the free people of color, sometimes to the detriment of other research. 8 Hudson was the son of a free quadroon woman of New Orleans, Suzanne Desiree Marcos, and a white merchant and ironmonger from London named John Thomas Hudson. 9 Julien Hudson's father was absent for the majority of his life, and his 6 Regina Perry, Selections of Nineteenth Ce ntury Afro American Art Catalogue (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1976) 7 Patricia Brady, "Julien Hudson, The Life of a Creole Artist" from In Search of Julien Hudson (New Orleans: The Historic New Orleans Collection, 2010 ) 1. National Gallery of Art, accessed April 22, 2012, http://www.nga.gov 8 Some examples of the popular romanticized depictions of placage are: The Feast of All Saints, novel and miniseries by Anne Rice and Frankly, My Dear a romance novel by Sandra Hill. 9 Baptisms of Negros 1811 1815, Archives of the Archdiocese of New Orleans.
31 mother had relationships with many white men while Hudson was alive. Hudson's mother and grandmother were both financially savvy (as demonstrated by numerous business transaction records) and literate matria rchs who provided strong financial and educational support for their family. The importance of education and the literacy of the Hudson siblings are evidenced by legal documents such as the succession papers of Hudson's grandmother Francoise Leclerc that feature elegant penmanship. 10 Hudson was born in New Orleans in 1811 and died in 1844 at the young age of 33. 11 Hudson began his studies in portraiture with the miniaturist Antonio Meucci, an Italian who was in New Orleans in 1826. Meucci was an itinerant ar tist who also supplemented his income with scenery painting and art restoration. Meucci was prolific, and quite a few miniatures painted by him on ivory survive. (figs. 3,4,5,6 &7) His style shows a talent in rendering a facial likeness, which unfortunatel y combines with an ineffective handling of anatomy and proportion. Hudson's work shows remarkable similarities. ( fig s .3 15 & 19 ) Meucci's instruction of Hudson could only have continued until 1827, when Meucci moved to Havana. 12 Meucci's body of work serve s as an indicator of his previous successful interactions with people of color. While in New York, he painted three exquisitely detailed miniature portraits in watercolor on ivory for the Toussaint family, free people of color originally from St. Domingue. (figs. 4,5 & 6) 13 This evidence 10 Contract of Indenture between Erasme Legoaster and Julien Hudson, 22 November 1824, Records of the Mayor's Office, vol. 4:93.City Archives of the New Orleans Public Library. 11 P.M. Bertin, The Gen eral Index of all Successions, Opened in the Parish of Orleans, From the Year 1805, to the Year 1846 (New Orleans: Yeomans & Finch, 1849), 110. 12 Brady, "A Mixed Palette," 7. 13 Wendy J. Shadwell and Robert Strunsky, Catalogue of American Portraits in The N ew York Historical Society (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 1974), 2: 804 5.
32 demonstrates the cordial interaction between European immigrants and the gens de couleur libre. Miniature portrait painting was a European tradition that had become very popular in America. The tiny likenesses were usually in an oval format and mounted into a gold frame. Often they were incorporated into jewelry such as brooches, lockets or bracelets. The creation of a miniature requires a delicate touch and tedious attention to minute detail. A signed work by Meucci from ar ound 1830, a portrait of Pascuala Concepcion Muoz Castrillon, (fig. 7) is similar to a Portrait Miniature of a Creole Lady, (fig.8) recently attributed to Hudson. Both portraits present their female subjects seated in three quarters views with hands folded in the lap Each is wrapped in a shawl and placed next to a window outside of which is a landscape that includes a body of water. 14 The similarities between the signed Meucci miniature and the Portrait Miniature of a Creole Lady attributed to Hudson dem onstrate the stylistic influence of the teacher upon the pupil. Perhaps more interesting are the strong similarities in facial features between the attributed Portrait Miniature of a Creole Lady the attributed Portrait of a Creole Gentleman (fig. 9 ) and th e signed Portrait of a Man, Called a Self Portrait dated 1839. (fig.1) 15 All three of these portraits feature subjects with ling thin noses and full lips. By June of 1831, advertisements appear that document the beginning of Hudson's professional career a s a miniaturist. Advertisements from the from the June 6,1831 14 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson" from In Search of Julien Hudson (New Orleans: The Historic New Orleans Collection, 2010), 29. 15 In Search of Julien Hudson: Free Artist of Color in Pre Civil War New Orleans: display information Exhibit of the Historic New Orleans Collection, 2011.
33 edition of the New Orleans Bee as well as the Dec. 3, 1831 edition of the Louisiana Courier offer Hudson's services while noting that he had recently returned from Paris. 16 to Paris was preceded by the death of his grandmother in 1829. His grandmother, Francoise Leclerc, was the family matriarch and a successful Creole mulatto landlady, property owner and businesswoman. 17 Her bequests to the family are probably what allowed Hu dson to make his first sojourn to Paris, as this trip was immediately after her death and evidenced by her will. 18 Hudson returned to New Orleans in the spring of 1831 after which the advertisements began announcing his studio opening and noting his newly a cquired Parisian refinement with the announcement "rcemment de retour de Paris." 19 These advertisements offer Hudson's services as a miniature painter. The fact that Paris is mentioned serves to emphasize the importance placed by Louisianans on the Paris c onnection. Educational opportunities for persons of color were extremely limited in New Orleans, which led families who were able to send their young men abroad for a more extensive, broader education. However, education was not the only Parisian draw. In the book Our People and Our History, (fig.10) Rudolph Lucien Desdunnes describes the journey to Paris as a rite of passage for the Creole gentleman, its completion considered a badge of sophistication in the Creole community. 20 16 New Orleans Bee June 6, 1831, Louisiana Courier 3 December 1831, 3,c. 4. 17 Vieux Carre Survey, Square 68, Historic New Orleans Collection. 18 Louisiana Division, City Archives of the New Orleans Public Library. 19 Louisiana Courier 3 December 1831, 3,c. 4. 20 Rudolphe Lucien Desdunnes, Our People and Our History: Fifty Creole Portraits. (Baton Rouge: L.S.U. Pres s, 1973) 13.
34 During his short career, Huds on also supplemented his income by teaching at least one known student. This student has had a significant impact upon research into Julien Hudson. On March 4, 1901, this pupil, the French born American painter George David Coulon, at the age of seventy ni ne, wrote a short autobiographical manuscript. 21 One of the first written accounts of artists who visited or lived in New Orleans, t he in 1840, that Hudson was instructed by Abel de Pujol in Paris in 1837, and that Hudson died in New Orleans in 1844. 22 The importance of Parisian sophistication would continue to grow to New with a bustling port and an influx of people and wealth. These wealthy arrivals and upwardly mobile fortune seekers did not wa nt to dwell in a backwater dive but wanted to own and display the luxuries of Europe that they associated with success. Wealth and sophistication meant the possibility of clients, but these new sophisticated clients wanted sophisticated art. Grand homes should be filled with fashionable furniture and sculpture and of course regal portraits were tangible evidence of importance and greatness. On January 18, 1 832, a ship arrived from Le Havre, France that carried a passenger who would radically change the expectations of art patrons in Louisiana. The passenger, Jean Joseph Vaudechamp, was a classically trained portraitist whose ambitious endeavors raised the b ar for the technical ability expected for a successful 21 Judith Hopkins Bonner, "George David Coulon: A Nineteenth Century French Louisiana Painter" Southern Quarterly vol. XX, no.2, (Winter 1982): 42. 22 George D. Coulon Manscript, scrapbook 100, Louisiana State Museum.
35 portraitist. (figs.11,12 & 13) 23 Vaudechamp's large impressive canvases are executed in a extremely realistic manner by a confident and accomplished hand. Nave, or technically unsophisticated painting no matter how charming, was no longer acceptable to these patrons after seeing the work of Vaudechamp Technical accomplishment and a believable degree of realism were desired. Successful artists were now expected to use varied poses and more natural pos tures. Patrons also began to demand larger canvases that would show more detail and include settings a nd elements designed to demonstrate further the wealth and position of the subject. As a result, a miniaturist such as Hudson would have found the demand for his art reduced, and he would have seen that he needed to be able to work in a larger, more ambitious style on canvas. Between his first arrival in 1832 and his last departure in 1839 Vaudechamp found great success during his winter seasons in New Orle ans. 24 Vaudecha mp consequently urged his classmates of the Parisian studio of Anne Louis Girodet Trioson to voyage to Louisiana and take advantage of the eager, wealthy, art loving patrons waiting there. This resulted in an influx of classically trained tal ent, including Francois Fleischbein, Aimable Desire Lansot and Jacques Amans. 25 The European artistic tradition birthed out of Neoclassicism was now the ideal. 26 23 William Keyse Rudolph, V audechamp in New Orleans. (New Orleans: The Historic New Orleans Collection, 2007) 36, 103. 24 William Keyse Rudolph, Vaudechamp in New Orleans 87. 25 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson" 37 38. 26 William Keyse Rudolph, Vaudechamp in New Orl eans, 44, 64.
36 The expectations of New Orleanians in regard to art were irrevocably changed due to the arrival of Vaudechamp. The largest numbers of Louisiana antebellum portraits were created in the period from 1830s and 1840 s. All this portrait work was on a larger scale than previous portraiture of the region. The number of classically trained portrait painters increased because the pre 1830 s artist s who wanted success realized that t he y must, out of necessity, change from miniaturist s to easel painter s Hudson was likely impressed by the change in the art derived and produced in his home city. However, he must have felt discouraged at his prospects in the face of such impressive competition. Perhaps it was in an attempt to make the necessary transformation that Hudson chose Francois Fleischbein as his next teacher. Fleischbein was a German who had trained in Pa ris with Girodet and came to New Orleans in 1833. 27 Fleischbein, upon his arrival chose to emphasize his French connections by changing his name from the original German (Franz) to French (Francois,) thereby taking advantage of the allegiance to Francophile culture that was so effective in the success of artists. 28 Although classically trained, Fleischbein was, out of the group of artists trained by Girodet, the closest in style to the naivet' evident in the early work of Hudson. His work shows a lack of pro ficiency in anatomy that makes him most successful with bust length portraits. Fleischbein's 1837 painting Portrait of Betsy also demonstrates the fact that Fleischbein had positive interactions with both black and white sitters. (fig.14) 27 George D. Coulon Manscript, scrapbook 100, Louisiana State Museum. 28 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson" 37.
37 As with the earli er comparisons between the work of Meucci and Hudson, striking portrait of his wife, Marie Louise Ttu (fig. 1 5 ) and the signed Hudson painting Portrait of a Young Girl wit h a Rose (fig.1 6 ) provide a prime comparison Each portrait has a comparable landscape background featuring a soft horizon with trees and a body of water. The pose of the subject is also similar with one bent and one straight arm. rait Creole Boy with a Moth (fig. 1 7 ) also demonstrates obvious similarities in pose and background to the Fleischbein, with a softened verdant horizon line just below the subject's shoulders and one arm in a bent position. 29 Hudson's determination to rise to the classical expectations of the wealthy new art patrons of antebellum Louisiana must have driven him to acquire even more sophisticated training. Hudson returned to Paris to study with Alexandre Denis Abel de Pujol in 1837. 30 Pujol was a painter of hi storical and religious subjects who had once been a student of Neoclassical painting icon Jacques Louis David. ( fig.1 8 ) 31 Pujol's large, realistic canvases rival those of Vaudechamp. Hudson's choice of Pujol seems to have been a sensible way to complete wi th the rival artists such as Vaudechamp as well as a way to acquire the additional cach of Parisian study. Ship records placed Hudson back in New Orleans in August 16, 1837. 32 His return may have been connected to the Panic of 1837, a four year depression that affected 29 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson" 42. 30 Coulon Masuscript. 31 Helen O. Borowitz, "The Man Who Wrote to David," The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Vol.67, No. (Oct.,1980): pp.256 274, accessed January 28,2012. http://www.jstor.org. 32 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson" 50.
38 New Orleans especially badly. 33 It was during this period that Hudson took on Coulon as a pupil, which corresponds to the Coulon manuscript notation noting the study with Alexandre Denis Abel de Pujol. 34 A Coulon portrait from 1842, titled Boy With a Rose (fig. 1 9 ) shows a striking resemblance between his work and that of his teacher, Hudson. Boy With a Rose is similar in pose to Hudson's Young Girl with a Rose (fig.1 6 ) and Creole Boy With a Moth featuring the subject from the hip up and one be nt arm. (fig.1 7 ) The bleak economy that existed and persisted because of the Panic of 1837 may 1837 and many months thereafter. Two 1839 paintings exist, both of which are in the collection of the Louisiana State Museum. The painting that most shows the results of his Parisian training is the portrait of Jean Michel Fortier III, signed by Hudson and dated 1839. (fig.20 ) Fortier was the son of the colonel who, in the Battle of New Orleans commanded the black troops. 35 The Fortier painting shows stylistic connections to the classical portraiture of Vaudechamp and his compatriots. The subject is finely detailed and portrayed in a realistic manner on a large canvas The Fortier portrait (measuring 30" x 35") is the largest of all of Hudson's works. The initial reaction upon seeing this portrait is that is was not by the hand of Julien Hudson. Not only is the portrait large, but also the recurrent landscape background is gone, rep laced by solid black. Fortier's figure is more finely detailed and crisp than figures in previous work by Hudson. Unfortunately, 33 Brady "In Search of Julien Hudson," 13. 34 Coul on Manuscript. 35 Patricia Brady, "Black Artists in Antebellum New Orleans," Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 32, no.1 (1991) 7 9.
39 the only reminiscence of Hudson's earlier work is an indication that this is the work of an artist with an incomplete knowledge of anatomy. An awkward handling of the proportions of a hand is the only evidence of an artist who paints with a more nave style. This struggle with the challeng es of anatomy is consistent in all of Hudson's known work. The other signed 1839 painting is titled Portrait of a Man, Called a Self Portrait. (fig.1) In this painting we see the development of a personal style, the combination of the influence of miniature painting and the misty background influenced by Fleischbein, combined with the realistic m odeling of the subject resulting from academic European training. Regenia Perry's description of this painting for her catalogue for Selections of Nineteenth Century Afro American Art identifies the painting as a self portrait as well as the earliest known self portrait of an Afro American artist. 36 Although the signed and dated portrait is authenticated as a Hudson, proof that the painting is a self portrait is tenuous at best, mostly due to assumptions and repeated lore. At this point the historical record of Julien Hudson becomes even more obscure. Coulon writes that Hudson died in 1844, 37 but Hudon's death is not recorded with a death certificate or obituary. Historian Patrica Brady has speculated that Hudson took his own life, a grievous sin in Catholic N ew Orleans. The fact that some deaths, such as suicides and homicides, were not listed in regular the death register of New Orleans supports Brady's claim, as does an entry in Nos Hommes et Notre Histoire about a 36 Regenia Perry, Selections of Afro American Art ; catalogue. 37 Coulon Manuscript.
40 painter of color (believed to be Hudson) wh o died between 1840 and 1850 after 38 of his short career make no reference to his race. Only legal documents such a s Baptismal records attest to this fact. 39 the 1976 Metropolitan Museum of Art exhibition Selections of Nineteenth Century Afro American Art, provides no clear proof that the person portrayed was a person o f color. style and shows a young blue eyed man with a long aquiline nose whose racial heritage is unclear. If Hudsons's mother was a quadroon, Hudson would have been an octoroon and his dominant features could have been black or white. No matter what the racial heritage of the subject might be, there is no documentation whatsoever that the painting is a self portrait, which makes the physical characteristics of the sitte r irrelevant to the racial background of the painter. It is possible that Hudson passed as white and because he lived in the cosmopolitan environment of French New Orleans he saw no need to assert his racial heritage. It is also possible to interpret th is lack of racial description as a sign that race was not an especially important issue at the time. It is interesting to note that many of the European artists that Hudson associated with made their living s as itinerant artists, traveling to other parts o f the South. Would such a situation, one that involved traveling outside of South Louisiana, have been dangerous for a Creole of color such as 38 Desd unnes, 71. 39 Baptisms of Negros, 1811 1815, Archives of the Archdiocese of New Orleans.
41 Hudson? Clearly, it would have been a difficult thing to do, with the Creole artist clearly marked by his French language as well as his race. artist of color. Five signed and dated portraits along with three unsigned portraits that are attributed to Hudson exist. Of these works, five are definitely portrayals of people of color. 40 This pl portraits of people of color that were also created by a person of color. One of the artists in this group, Joshua Johnson, takes on a particularly important relevance as the first documented black American painter. Julien Hudson is now recognized as the second documented black American painter. 41 Much evidence provided by the racial characteristics of the sitters reinforces the theory that Hudson was working in an atmosphere conducive to success for people of color and proved mutually satisfactory for both black and white patrons and artists. The portrait of Je an Michel Fortier by Hudson was a posthumous portrait, commissioned by acknowledged children with a free woman of color. 42 h the Metoyer family of Melrose plantation. The Metoyers are one of the most fascinating families of color in Louisiana, with a legend of a freed woman of color steadily buying her children out of slavery while 40 Portrait of a Black Man 1835, Creole Boy with a Moth 1835, Portrait Miniature of a Creole Lady, 1837 39, Portrait of a Woman Thought to be Marie Agnes Poissot Metoye r ca.1830's, and Portrait of a Young Gentleman after 1830. 41 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson" 80. 42 Brady, "Mixed Palette," 8.
42 creating a powerful plantation dynasty. A 192 5 scrapbook includes photographs of Boy with a Moth" (fig.1 7 ) incorporates a style e asi ly associated with Hudson. A misty soft landscape provides a background behind a young boy posed with one bent and one straight arm. The portrait is not full length, but ends at the hip, with the boy's left hand cropped out of the picture. The other pa inting, called "portrait of a Woman," and believed to be of Marie Agnes Poissot Metoyer is badly damaged and unsigned. The scrapbook photograph that includes the painting shows it before this damage occurred. In the scrapbook photograph the paintings are the same size and are framed identically. All of these connections seem to indicate a connection between the two paintings, Julien Hudson and the Metoyer family. Some of the Metoyer family l ived in New Orleans in the 1830 s where they may have met Hudson. 43 (fig.21 ) is Man of Color a Hudson work more recent ly discovered 44 This fascinating painting portrays a dark skinned man exotically turbaned in red and yellow, wearing a formal coat, waistcoat and cravat. William Keye Rudolph speculates that this portrait is also affiliated with Melrose Plantation and that Hudson was employed by one of the wealthiest black famil ies in the country. This connection continues to build upon the unique importance 43 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson," 82 87. 44 In Search of Julien Hudson: Free Artist of Color in Pre Civil War New Orleans: display information Exhibit of the Historic New Orleans Collection, 2011.
43 of Julien Hudson within the history of art as a very early artist of color who also created portraits of people of color. 45 oth white and black clients, which indicates an acceptance of and appreciation for artists of color. It must be noted, however, that white artists made portraits of people of color as well. 46 This free interaction between artists and clients is evidence of an acceptance of people of mixed racial backgrounds. An important factor in this social situation was the primary importance of French influences above all other factors. The milieu of Louisiana, and New Orleans in particular was filled with persons from diverse racial backgrounds, including white European artists. The predominant cultural attitude was Gallic and laissez faire. Hudson is certainly an example of a man of color being accepted and appreciated as an artist, but perhaps it is also an example of a Francophile allegiance being more important than race. Jules Lion Without doubt, one of the most prolific and successful of the free artists of color was Jules Lion. Lion's career is testament to the degree of success that was possible for a free artist of color in New Orleans. The existing authenticated works of Lion consist of many exquisite lithographs and one pastel portrait on canvas. The lithographic portraits are considered to be some of the most intriguing to have been created in nineteenth centu ry America. 47 These beautifully detailed and realistic portraits give us a 45 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson," 87. 46 William Keyse Rudolph, "Searching for Julien Hudson," 80. 47 Charles East, "Jules Lion's New Orleans," The Georgia Review, Winter (1986): 913.
44 vivid illustration of the personalities of the people portrayed as well as the nature of antebellum life. In addition to his skills as a lithographer, Lion is also an extremely impor tant character in the history of photography. Not only was Lion one of the first daguerreotypists in America, he was the first to bring the process to New Orleans. According to the manuscript of George Coulon, Lion brought the first daguerreotype camera to New Orleans from Paris in 1839. 48 Lion was born in Paris but little is known of his parentage The date s of his birth conflict in various sources but his obituary notice of January 10, 1866, listing his age as fifty six, would make his birth year 1809 or 1810. 49 Lion must have obtained his artistic training as a lithographer in Paris, where many established firms such as Lasteyrie and Engelmann were known for their high quality work. 50 Between 1831 and 1836, the young Lion exhibited his work in the Paris Sa lon and the journal a highly regarded publication that provided review on artists, exhibitions and styles. 51 48 Coulon Manuscript. 49 The New Orleans Bee, 10 January, 1866. 50 Fritz Eichenberg, The Art of the Print: Masterpieces, History, Techniques (New York: H.N. Abrams, 1976), 372 76 430 32. 51 John A. Mahe and Rosanne McCaffrey, ed., Encyclopaedia of New Orleans Artists 1718 1918 (New Orleans: The Historic New Orleans Collection, 1987), 238.
45 Lion arrived in the boomtown of New Orleans in 1836 or 1837. 52 Following the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, the city had become a thriving melting pot of people, many of whom were seeking their fortune s The predominantly Francophile culture made it a popular destination for f renchmen, and it may have been particularly attractive for a free man of color for the opportunities the bustling city afforded. The printing process of lithography was incorporated earlier in New Or leans than in other cit y in the United States. 53 By 1837, the French/English newspaper (The New Orleans Bee) had opened a lithographic printing shop within its offices. The Bee lauded the superior advantages of the new technology of lithography ov er engraving due to the lithographs ability to produce large editions incorp orating minute detail. In April 1837, the Bee announced the availability of Jules Lion and J.B. Pointel shed 54 While in Paris, Lion had contributed to a large body of portraits included in Biographie des hommes du jour published by Henri Krabe. This publication presented biographies of celebrated individuals of the day accompanied by their lithogra phic portraits. The portraits were printed on separate sheets of paper and placed within the volume with a notation of the book title on the corner. 55 The collectable book was 52 Charles East, "Jules Lion," 913. 53 Pricilla Lawrence, "A New Plane Pre Civil War Lithography in New Orleans." I n Printmaking in New Orleans ed. Jessie J Poesch (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2006) 133. 54 The New Orleans Bee 5 April, 1837. 55 Patricia Brady, "Jules Lion, F.M.C.: Lithographer Extraordinaire." In Printmaking in New Orleans ed. Jessie J Poesch (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2006) 162.
46 doubly useful because the portraits could be removed and framed or otherwise dis played. delicately rendered portraits from Biographie des hommes du jour inscribed as a portrait of W. de Potter. 56 This earlier Parisian portrait demonstrates Lion's abilities and the lucrative possibilities of quality lithographic publication. Two suppositions spring to mind : f him to launch his own version of this concept in America; s econdly, th at Lion, as a well trained and gifted lithographer, may have been actively recruited by The Bee for its new lithographic business. The Bee having been founded in 1827 by a refugee from St. Domingue, was the newspaper that naturally supported the free peo ple of color. 57 At this time, New Orleans and even though the Bee office was located in the Creole sector of the city many of the prospective customers of the lithographic shop would have been Americans, due to the lar ge influx of Americans involved in business venture s in the late 1830 s. Did the proprietor of the Bee consider the reaction of these Americans when hiring Lion? In the cultural climate of antebellum New Orleans, the hiring of a free man of color as an arti st may not have been a significant issue. Lion was talented, skilled and above all French. Although city directories listed Lion as a free man of color, 58 the press, delighted with his talent, avoided the mention of this fact and 56 Biographie des hommes du jour (Paris: Henri Krabe, 1835 47): The Historic New Orleans Collection. Acc.no. 1970, 11.82. 57 William J. Nelson, "The Free Negro in the Ante Bellum New Orleans Press" (PhD diss., Duke University,1977). 58 N.O.C.D., 1837 1866.
47 instead chose to emphasize that Lion was a Frenchman. For example, the New Orleans Daily Picayune in an article about the L'Abeille Lion is a young French gentleman, after saying which we need not add that he is pleasing, courteous, and polite 59 Lion was extremely prolific, creating in 1837 many (nearly forty still in existence) portraits for the L'Abeille studio. Sometime during the year of 1837 his portraits no tured out as an independent artist at this time. s portraits from 1837 to the spring of 1839 mostly of powerful men such as Andrew Jackson, are signed and dated; sometimes also including the place the portrait was drawn. 60 Lion's portrait of Charles G ayarr demonstrates the enormous amount of detail Lion was able to convey in his portraiture, along with the photographic quality of naturalism depicted. (fig. 2 2 ) In 1839, Lion returned to France to visit his brother and business partner, the dentist, Ach ille Lion. (fig.23 ) 61 While in Paris, Lion made a wonderful discovery. On August 21, 1839, a fellow lithographer named Louis Jacques Daguerre released a pam phlet explaining the new invention of the Daguerreotype process of photography. Margaret Denton Smit h, in Photography in New Orleans, raises the possibility that Achille Lion, as a dentist, may have helped his brother with the chemical problems Lion may have had to overcome to master the new art of photography. 62 59 New Orleans Daily Picayune 20 March, 1840. 60 Brady, "Jules Lion, F.M.C.: Lithographer Extraordinaire." 165. 61 Brady, "A Mixed Palette" 9. 62 Margaret Denton Smith, Photography in New Orleans, Th e Early Years, 1840 1865 (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 4.
48 A little over a month later, Lion was alr eady back in Louisiana, practicing his new miracle of technology creating photographic images of the landmarks of New Orleans. In the September 27, 1839 edition of The Bee Lion announces his return to the city. 63 George Coulon noted in his manuscript tha Daguerreotype Instrument here, it required then half an hour in the sun to take a 64 Before long Lion began an advertising campaign to generate interest in the new medium, lauding the realism and wonder of the Daguerreotype. On March 15, 1840, he showed the first public photographic exhibition in New Orleans in the St. Charles Museum. 65 The advertisement in the Bee the previous day reads: Daguerreotype. Mr. J. Lion, Painter and Lithographer, Royal Street. No.10 To comply with the wishes of his friends and acquaintances, has the honor to announce to the public, that on Sunday next, 15 th March, at 11 opposite the St. Charles hotel, a pub lic exhibition, in which shall be seen the likeness of the most remarkable monuments and landscapes existing in New Orleans, viz: the Cathedral, Exchange, St. Charles hotel, Royal Street, Town house, etc., all made by means of the Daguerreotype. Mr. J. Ly on [sic] will, during the exhibition, make a drawing, which shall be put up at lottery. There shall be as many chances as persons present. The price of the lottery tickets is $1. Said tickets delivered at the entrance. 66 The event proved a great success fo r Lion. The public was amazed at the detail of the photographs. The photograph seemed no less than miraculous to them; re creating reality with more minute detail and clarity than ever thought possible. The Creoles especially delighted in the fact that the daguerreotype was a French invention and, of 63 The New Orleans Bee, 27 September, 1839. 64 The Coulon Manuscript. 65 Deborah Willis, Reflections in Black: A History of Black Photographers 1840 to Present (New York : W.W. Norton & Company, 2000), introduction. 66 The New Orleans Bee 14 March, 1840.
49 course, that Lion himself was a Frenchman. 67 Within a month, Lion had given four presentations and two more exhibitions, one at a Creole festival that included dinner, dancing and fireworks, 68 and another intende d for ladies, that was held at the Orleans Ballroom. 69 no evidence indicates when he began to make portraits. Early methods required a subject to sit still for up to half an h our while the chemically treated photographic plate reacted to the available light. This great length of time required for exposure made portraits a special challenge, and Lion, as the perfectionist he shows himself to be in his lithography, would not have produced inferior quality photographic work. By 1842 he ventured into portraiture as technical advances made exposure time other epidemics of the day. 70 He was one of the first to experiment with hand coloring daguerreotypes and in fact, claimed to be the only studio in New Orleans offering colored portraits. 71 No known Lion daguerreotypes exist today but a portrait of a young girl of color from 1845 1850 is attributed to him. (fig.24 ) The Daguerreotype of a Young Woman shows a solemn young woman of color in the fashionable dress and hairstyle of a young lady of the 1840's. The 67 Denton Smith, Photography in New Orleans, 3. 68 Denton Smith, Photography in New Orleans, 19. 69 The New Orleans Bee 28 March, 1840. 70 The New Orleans Bee 13 Dec ember, 1843. 71 The New Orleans Bee 24 November, 1843.
50 Sixth plate daguerreotype is believed to be a memb er of the Lion family, although no definite evidence exists to prove this to be true. 72 Within a few years, New Orleans, like many other American cities, was inundated with inexpensive photographic studios, many of them providing poor quality products. Thi s invasion of cheap knock off photographs took a heavy toll on the business of artistic photographers like Lion. In 1844 and beyond Lion Studios advertisements no longer mention daguerreotypes, only painting and lithography. 73 Although Lion may not have be en selling daguerreotypes professionally evidence suggests 1850, because it is not authenticated, does not supply proof of Lion's continued involvement with photog raphy. Lion's lithographs, however, have an intricate photographic detail that strongly suggests the use of photography as a tool. Cathdral de la Nouvelle Orleans, (fig.25 ) dated 1842, is a good example of the use of photography, or at least its influence, in his work. The lithograph shows the cathedral from the side with the street fronting the building, Royal Street, depicted in extreme depth. His exacting optically correct perspective and minute detail can be described as nineteenth century photo realism. That the fine detail witnessed in early daguerreotypes carried over into Lions' lithographic creations was apparent to others. In fact, a lithographic portrait of General Taylor was noted in The Bee on April 7, 1848 to have the fide lity of a Daguerreotype. 74 72 Denton Smith, Photography in New Orleans, 48. 73 Le Courier de la Louisianne, 5 March, 28 October, 1844. 74 Denton Smith, Photography in New Orleans, 49.
51 A double pastel portrait drawing from this time period is surrounded by more mystery than any other work attributed to Jules Lion. This pastel on canvas was featured on the cover of the catalogue of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Century Afro American Art." The double portrait is of two men: an older white gentleman and a young light skinned black man, both very well dressed and embracing each other in a most tender, affectionate manner (fig.26 ) According to Regina Perry, who wrote the catalogue, the rare double portrait portrays Ashur Moses Nathan, a prosperous Jewish merchant of South Louisiana, and his mulatto son, Achille Lion. Records show that Nathan indeed left his fortune to his son 75 This portrait, as powerful and lovely as it is, is problematic for many reasons. It is attributed to Jules Lion, b ut the signature in box letters is unlike the flowing calligraphic script of the Lion lithographs. Understanda bly, pastel is a different medium than lithograph y capable of much less in the way of detail. A s such, it would require a different signature method. However, the subjects are posed straightforward in the manner that Lion freque ntly used in his lithographic portraits, but the fact that there are no other known incidences of Lion using pastel creates questions of authenticity. Still, there is evidence that Lion must have worked in various media. In a letter addressed to the churc hwardens and building committee of the Cathedral of St. Louis, Lion requests the commission for permission to decorate the ceiling, pendentives and 75 Perry, Selections of Nineteenth Century A fro American Art, catalogue.
52 altar. Lion's enthusiasm and assurance indicate a confidence in his painting ability as a compliment to his lithographic and photographic accomplishments. 76 Regina Perry, in the Metropolitan show catalogue, raises the argument that the wife of Jules Lion, before their marriage, had been in a placage union with Ashur Moses Nathan and so Achil l e Lion is the steps on of Jules Lion and the natural son of Ashur Nathan. Art historian Judith Wilson supports this theory and suggests that Jules Lion, with this portrait, is documenting Achilles' paternity while making a statement about his own personal mixed race heritage. 77 The speculation by Perry that the young man is the stepson of Jules Lion is clearly and easily proven incorrect by checking historical records of births, baptisms, deaths and marriages. 78 Ashur Nathan and Achi l le Lion, however, are well documented indivi duals in Louisiana history. The portrait may very well be of Ashur Nathan and Achil l e Lion but the provenance of this pastel portrait is uncertain and speculative, making its authenticity impossible to prove. 79 Unfortunately, speculative information, such a s the romantic genealogical lineage of Achil l e Lion, especially when it is found in a catalogue for an exhibition at one of the most respected museums in this country, tends to be accepted as factual. The information has been repeated and used, as a refere nce, in subsequent articles. The romantic lure attached to this enchanting 76 Samuel Wilson, Jr., trans., Collection of St. Louis Cathedral Papers, 1808 1854. The Historic New Orleans Collection. 77 Theresa Leininger Miller, New Negro Artists in Paris (New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press,2001) 3. 78 Brady, "Jules Lion, F.M.C.: Lithographer Extraordinaire." 170. 79 George E. Jordan, "Mystery Surrounds Louisiana Painting in Met Exhibit," The Times Picayune, July 25, 1976. Section two Page 2.
53 depiction of two men has proven difficult to resist. A loving father supporting his child against the odds and conventions of the time is a wonderful image to see. Lion returned to his earlier venture of lithographic portraits of individuals after 1844, but he changed the emphasis to celebrities in 1848. (fig.27 ) His original intent had been to produce a book that would include many of his earlier portraits, titled Notabilities de l a Louisiane, but the popularity of lithographic renderings of notable leaders had waned. In the true pop culture manner, pictures of well known characters were the rage. The Van Buren image lacks the naturalism of some of Lion's earlier portraits, perhaps due to the fact that Lion was constructing his lithograph working from the renderings of other artists. In 1848, Lion sold portraits of presidential candidates, such as Martin van Buren and Zachary Taylor as well as war heroes. 80 These business ventures p robably were not very successful because in 1848 Lion began a teaching career, first by opening an art school with Dominique Canova, an Italian artist specializing i n miniatures, followed by a stint teaching drawing at the esteemed Louisiana College. Once again his race seems to have had no detrimental effect upon his new teaching career. 81 Through it all, Lion never relinquished his dream of publishing a volume of lithographic portraits; in fact he expanded his original idea to a book of biographical essays similar to the Biographie des hommes du jour that he worked on as a young man in Paris. He wanted to include biographies and portraits of great men important to the history of Louisiana. Ironically, he received support from the Daily Delta an 80 Brady, "Jules Lion, F.M.C.: Lithographer Extraordinaire." 171. 81 Brady, "Mixed Palette," 10.
54 extremely r acist newspaper active in the pre Civil War fervor. Unfortunately, Lion's book, like many dreams, never materialized, probably due to the war. 82 Jules Lion's most frequently noted contribution to the history of art and particularly the history of black art ists is t he introduction of the new medium of photography to New Orleans. To Lion himself, however, photography was secondary in importance to his primary career as a lithographer and painter. His venture into photography was merely a financial undertaking that later became a useful tool towards creating naturalistic lithographic portrai ts It is ironic that the invention was the very thing that endangered his craft and his livelihood. 83 Lion's greatest artistic achievement exists, but is less well known. Th is achievement is the body of lithographic portraits, highly photographic in nature that Lion produced of important figures from Louisiana history. A bound body of more than 150 of these wonderful portraits was acquired in 1970 by the Historic New Orleans Collection, which also owns additional unbound Lion lithographic portraits. These lithographs effectively portray the personality and individualism of the sitter. Jules Lion has given us, through these remaining prints, a window through which we can visua lize the character of the individuals and of the era. His work is a testament to the high degree of achievement and dedication accomplished by a talented, ambitious free man of color in the antebellum period in Louisiana. 84 82 East, "Jules Lion," 918. 83 East, "Jules Lion," 917. 84 East, "Jules Lion," 919.
55 Louis Lucien Pessou The lithograp her Lois Lucien Pessou was born in New Orleans in 1825. 85 parents were part of the migration of free people of color to New Orleans following the Haitian Revolution of 1791 the migration had d oubled the population of the city's free people of color. 86 and his father Joseph Alphonse Pessou of Saint Domingue, were married in St. Louis Cathedral. 87 Maria died when Pessou was 17, but his father c ontinued to live with his son until Joseph's death. 88 The degree of support Joseph gave to his son in his chosen career of art is not known. The influx of blacks -and especially the increase of free people of color -led to uneasiness among whites due t o the fear of a revolt similar to that which occured in Haiti. New restrictions and controls were imposed upon free people of color, and the ir freedom began to be restricted. 89 Restrictions varied from the closing of schools of free people of color to the d isbanding of literary, charitable, sc ientific or religious societies to the prohibition of any assembly of people of color. 90 How ironic that a free man of color, regardless of the additional prejudices placed upon him by the circumstances of his birth, cou ld accomplish all that Pessou did. Pessou is noted as the first New Orleania n 85 The New Orleans Bee, (obituary p1,c2) 9 December, 1886. 86 Paul La Chance, "The 1809 Immigration of Saint Domingue Regugees" in The Roa d to Louisiana, ed.Carl A. Brasseaux and Glenn R. Conrad. (Lafayette, The Center for Louisiana Studies, 1992.) 248. 87 Marriages of Negros and Mulattoes 1777 1830. Archives of The Archdiocese of New Orleans. 88 Brady, "Mixed Palette," 54. 89 Laura Foner, 421 423. 90 Foner, 428.
56 of African descent to be actively involved in the printmaking industry of that city, 91 as well as the first native born lithographer in the crescent city. 92 is the only reference to be found regarding his race. 93 Can the lack of documentation of Pessou's African heritage be seen as evidence that his success was related to the fact that he was assumed to be white? Is it possible that as far as business relationships Pessou chose simply not to publicize his racial heritage? Pessou lived in the Faubourg Marigny, a Creole neighborhood 94 and attended a church popular with free people of color, St. Augustine Catholic Church, so he certainly was not hiding his racial heritage. 95 For such a prosperous businessman and, later, public servant, it is unusual to find so little information about his private life. This curious situation leads one to infer a custom of business people of color while living their private lives amongst their own people. It also leads to speculation about the ability of individuals to be exempt from racial bias toward an individual who possesses something that they cons ider to be of value. It is unknown where Pessou received his lithographic training, and there are no records to show that he received his artistic education in France. Pessou probably served as an apprentice and later as an assistant to a master lithograph er. He is first 91 Florence Jumonville, "The Art Preservative of All Arts; Early Printing in New Orleans" in Printmaking in New Orleans ed. Jessie J Poesch (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2006) 85. 92 Pricilla Lawrence, "A New Plane Pre Civi l War Lithography in New Orleans," in Printmaking in New Orleans ,133. 93 New Orleans Death Certificate (1885,) XC, 486. 94 United States Census, Free inhabitants in the fourth ward in the City of New Orleans, June 7, 1860. 95 Arthe Anthony, "The Negro Commu nity in New Orleans 1880 1920: An Oral History,") PhD. Dissertation, University of California, Irvine, 1978) 85 87.
57 listed as a lithographer in the 1853 city directory. 96 As mentioned previously, the printing process of lithography was incorporated earlier in New Orleans than in other cit y in the United States. 97 Thus, it is logical to conclude that he rec eived his training in printmaking before 1853. In New Orleans, Germans dominated the lithographic industry, thus it comes as no surprise that Pessou started a printing company with a young German immigrant, Benedict Simon in 1854. 98 This partnership, whose offices were located in the central business area at 116 Exchange Alley, resulted in the most professional art firm in the city. 99 Pessou and Simon were innovators in their field, becoming pioneers in color lithography. 100 By 1855, this new printing firm, c alled Pessou and Simon, created a large monochrome map of their city. 101 ed important buildings in New Orleans 102 Pessou and Simon published a print in the same year of their extremely detailed, delicately colored interp retation of the renovation of Jackson Square, which had been under construction for many years. (fig.28 ) 103 The perfectly symmetrical composition of the square uses deep perspective and minute detail, showing the architecture of the cathedral, Cabildo and P resbytere buildings as 96 N.O.C.D., 1853. 97 Lawrence, 133. 98 N.O.C.D., 1855. 99 New Orleans Merchants Diary & Guide 1857 58. 69. 100 Brady, "Black Artists in Ante bellum New Orleans," 26. 101 Kellye M. Rosenheim, "Local Color: Chromolithography in New Orleans" in Printmaking in New Orleans 85. 102 Florence Jumonville, 85. 103 The Daily True Delta, 7 February, 1855. Page 1, col.2.
58 well as the flanking Pontalba residences. The landscaping of the square, including the equestrian monument of Andrew Jackson is carefully detailed, as well as the cotton bales awaiting shipment at the riverbank. The busting activity of pedestrians, horses and carriages complete the spectacle. The firm established by Pessou and Simon played an important role in the lithographic industry for the next twelve years, producing book illustrations, maps, plans, and city views that combined a esthetics with precision. (fig.29 ) 104 The maps are particularly beautiful, delicately colored as well as accurate as described in the Daily Crescent 105 Ironically, the Daily Crescent was the most fan atically anti negro newspaper in New Orleans at the time when they gave this enthusiastic description of Pessou's work. 106 This is one of the many coincidences that lead to the conclusion that Pessou passed for white. The United States Census of 1860 can pe rhaps answer the question as to how Pessou and Simon became pioneers of new techniques in color lithography. This census lists two young lithographers, August Bercoli and Henri Flicon both from Baden, Germany living in the Simon home. Lithography had bee n invented in Germany and technical innovations in the industry often arrived from Germany. 107 The visitors may have brought the newest technology with them to Louisiana and shared it with Simon and Pessou. 104 Brady, "Mixed Palette," 54. 105 The Daily Crescent 17 October, 1861. Page 2, col.1. 106 Nelson, 63. 107 United States Census1860: Free Inhabitants in the Fourth Ward in the City of New Orleans, June 7, 1860.
59 As the Civil War approached the firm acquired mo re work, including a commission from the Confederate States of America for a reproduction of the Confederate Ordinance of Secession, the sale of which was announced by the newspaper The Daily Crescent on February 26, 1861. Work for the Confederacy continue d, including currency and views of the Confederate Camps Moore (fig. 30 ) and Walker. 108 The lithograph of Camp Moore, like the Jackson Square view, uses pleasing symmetry to create a pleasing composition while at the same time imparting a great deal of infor mation. The camp, located a piney wood, is an exciting scene of teeming activity. Visitors chat with soldiers while horsemen train between neatly organized tents. The fact that a free man of color produced this body of work for the Confederacy inspires man y questions. W cause ? W ere the Confederates aware that Pessou was a man of color? The Southern economy was decimated by the Civil War. After the war, a series of agricultural fairs hosted by the Mechanics' and Agricultural Fair Association were held to stimulate the economy and to help restore agricultural endeavors. Such agricultural fairs required the services of printmakers to publicize the event s and also provided an opportunity for pri nters, including lithographers, to exhibit their work. S uccessful businessm e n such as Pessou and Simon could have capitalized upon these opportunities. 109 business partner Simon and became involved in the politics of reconstruction. 110 In 108 The Daily Crescent 26 February, 1861. Page 4, col.1. June 3, 1861,page 6,col. 1. 109 Jessie J. Poesch, introduction: Printmaking in New Orleans 85. 110 Kellye M. Rosenheim, 178.
60 1868, Pessou was appointed by the Reconstruction government to the position of births and deaths, quite unexpected for a man who had no previous experience as a bureaucrat or a politician. 111 H is support of the Republican governor, Henry Warmoth, was probably responsible for the appointment. 112 At the end of his term, the New Orleans Republican enthusiastically lauded his accomplishments. 113 Pessou continued his Republican Reconstruction political c areer with a position as the ward superintendent of streets. After the Civil War, Pessou changed his allegiances. Whereas before the war French cultural allegiances had been more important to him than his racial heritage, after the war his political invol vements demonstrate the important role race had taken in his life. Pessou finally returned to his art near the end of his life, creating lithographs in his home after Reconstruction. 114 He died on December 18, 1886. 115 Comments All of these gens de couleur l ibre two dimensional artists benefitted from their uncommon social situations. Creoles of color had the freedom to train in the arts as well as having access to European philosophies and ideals in art. European artists and the gens de couleur libre enjoyed considerable collaborations as partners, students and teachers. The knowledge of European immigrants, typically less racist than Americans, was advantageous to both Louis Pepite and Louis Lucien Pessou. Louis Pepite 111 Edwin L. Jewell, Jewell's Crescent City Illustrated (New Orleans: Edwin Jewell, 1873) xiii. 112 Nystrom, 69. 113 The New Orleans Republican 12 March, 1872. 114 N.O.C.D., 1873 1875, 1879. 115 New Orleans Death Certificate (1886,) XC, 486.
61 benefitted from his apprenticship to It alian scenery painter Jean Baptiste Fogliardi. Louis Lucien Pessou, although not educated in France, did still, as a French speaking free man of color in New Orleans, have many European influences. He developed strong connections with European artists like his German bu siness partner, Benedict Simon. Pessou also interacted with lithographers such as August Bercoli and Henri Flicon from Baden, Germany, the source of innovative new lithographic techniques. Julien Hudson apprenticed with Italian artist Antonio Meucci, as well as the German born and Paris trained artist Francois Fleischbein. Hudson trained in Paris twice, the last time with neoclassicist painter Alexandre Denis Abel de Pujol, in order to stay in touch with current Parisian trends. Jules Lion wa s born, trained and exhibited in Paris and returned to France periodically to visit his family and to remain au courant. It was on one such visit to his brother in 1839, that Lion was exposed to the new process of the daguerreotype, which he brought back t o Louisiana the same year. European sensibilities and Francophile culture served as a unifying factor among artists, patrons and collaborators, with the success of each individual serving as evidence of the superior cultural accomplishments of the entire group.
62 CHAPTER 4 THREE DIMENSIONAL ART: SCU LPTURE AND TOMB DESI GN New Orleans is known for its many above ground tombs, with cemeteries arranged in a facsimile of a city, complete with streets, alleys and neighborhoods. The tombs are a visual sy mbol to many of the exotic European nature of the city, but they are actually practical in purpose. The high water table combined with the shortage of dry land in the city proper made above ground tomb burials a necessity. Tombs were also used as indicato rs of social status, symbol s of prestige for the oldest and wealthiest families. Large tombs with many interments signified a family well established in the community. Many families with European backgrounds, now finding themselves living in a new country, longed for monuments similar to what they were accustomed to in order to establish themselves solidly in their new home. Tombs also demonstrate cultural heritage. Inscriptions were carved into French Creole tombs in French, with much Gothic inspiration. C emeteries, like neighborhoods, tend to be segregated by heritage, and most definitely by religion. As the port became more important and the city prospered, the tomb became more impressive. Funerary arts take on a great importance in New Orleans, especiall y because of the high mortality rates brought about by epidemic s of yellow fever and cholera. The cities of the dead created an industry that provided a livelihood for many stonecutters and a steady income for those who aspired to the title of sculptor. Th ese aspiring sculptors, or "marbriers," worked as marble cutters for tombs. Their connections with the funerary arts industry provided such sculptors many advantages. Among these were the opportunity for training and practical experience, the availability of the proper tools, and a supply of a variety of imported stone close at hand. Another
63 important factor was the positive and open interaction between the free men of color and Europeans, especially European artists. In the Antebellum period the tomb indu stry was dominated by European stonecutters, especially those trained in Italy and France. Once again, the Francophile cultural allegiance was a factor in the opportunities available for free Creoles of color in the arts. Several of the successful sculptor s of color enjoyed the financial benefits provided by their association with a respected family well established in the community. 1 In this chapter I will explore the work of Florville Foy, Eugene Warburg and his brother Daniel Warburg. Florville Foy Florv ille Foy was a marbrier," or marble sculptor of color who achieved remarkable success for his stonework. His death notice states that he died on March 16, 1903, aged 83 years, which would place his birth year as 1820. 2 free woman of co lor named Azelie Aubrey. His father, Rene Prosper Foy, was a popular and flamboyant Frenchman who had come to New Orleans via Saint Domingue. Foy's, parents, although forbidden by miscegenation laws to marry, had a life long relationship that produced seve 1854. In various years, Rene is listed in city records as a marble cutter, sculptor, gilder, engraver or art and architecture teacher. 3 In addition to these many occupations, Rene 1 Patricia Brady, "Free Men of Color as Tomb Builders in the Nineteenth Century," in Cross Crozier and Crucible a Volume Celebrating the Bicentennial of a Catholic Diocese in Lo uisiana, ed. Glen R. Conrad (New Orleans: The Archdiocese of New Orleans, 1974), 479. 2 The Daily Picyune 17 March, 1903. Page 6, col.5. 3 John A. Mahe, 143.
64 Prosp er Foy owned a working plantation in St. James Parish and wrote historical articles for local newspapers. 4 The elder Foy was a Napoleonic war veter an who also served so bravely in the Battle of New Orleans that he was presented a dagger by Andrew Jackson, which remains in the Louisiana State museum today. 5 Clearly, Rene Foy was an accomplished man. Th e children of Rene Foy and Azeli e Aubrey were all well educated and Florville, the eldest son, was sent to France to study following the tradition for placage unions. 6 White fathers who were barred by law from getting a quality education for their sons in Louisiana did something better: they sent their son's abroad for the official French badge of sophistication described by Desdunes. 7 When Florville returned t o New Orleans in 1836, he apprenticed with his father, a highly skilled marble cutter that the son would soon surpass. Ambition, combined with talent, enabled Florville Foy to remain at the top of his trade for over fifty years. After two years working und er his his time at his plantation while financing the workshop of his eighteen year old son in 1838. 8 4 Charles Testut, Portrait Litteraires de la Nouvelle Orleans par Charles Testut, translated by Oliver Blanchard 1939, (The Historic New Orleans Collection.) 5 Robert Glenk, Louisiana State Museum Handbook of Information Concerning its Historic Buildings and the Treasures they Contain. (New Orleans, Louisiana State Museum, 1934.) 6 Ben Earl Looney "Historical Sketch of Art on Louisiana," The Louisiana Historical Quarterly Vol. 18, no2. April (1935): 7. 7 Desdunnes, 13. 8 Patricia Brady, "Florville Foy, F.M.C. Master Marble Cutter and Tomb Builder," The Southern Quarterly; A Journal of the Arts in the South, Vol. 21 #2 (1993) 12.
65 The French architect Jacques Nicolas Bussiere de Pouilly, arriv ed in New Orleans in 1833. A student of the Ecole des Beaux Arts, de Pouilly brought the grand monumental idealism of neoclassicism to Louisiana. In addition to his classical architecture, such as the St. Louis Hotel, he applied his idealism to monumental tomb design inspired by the famous Parisian cemetery, Pre Lachaise. Pre Lachaise is a cemetery laid out with avenues like a city, and although a large number of the tomb designs are inspired by neoclassicism, many tombs strive to portray the individualit y of the deceased through personalized design. Florville Foy, who may also have been inspired by P re Lachaise while he was in France, executed many of de Pouilly's designs. 9 The French were uncontested in nineteenth century Europe in their artistic supre macy. The influence of the cole des Beaux Arts was especially strong in architecture. By being cole des Beaux Arts trained, de Pouilly came to New Orleans with a respected pedigree, one that allowed his French clients to revel in their cultured origins t hrough his sophisticated neoclassical designs. De Pouilly and Foy also shared strong Francophile cultural bonds. The mutually respectful working relationship between 10 In addition to his executio n of the designs of others, such as those of de Pouilly, Foy also created his own designs and built tombs on speculation. 11 De Pouilly must have influenced the more ambitious tombs that Foy began to design on his own, as 9 Looney, 7. 10 Mary Louise Christovich, ed. New Orleans Architecture, Volume III, The Cemeteries (Gretna: Pelican Publishing Co., 1989) 135 6. 11 The Louisiana Courier 6 September, 1851, Page 2, col.5.
66 evidenced by his growing confidence and mastery of his craft. The fact that de Pouilly 12 Funerary stonework did not only entail tomb enclosures and thei r decorative relief carving, but also required three dimensional sculpture as well. The Louisiana State museum contains an early Florville Foy marble sculpture entitled Child With a Drum from the demolished Girod Street Cemetery. (fig.3 1 ) 13 This sculpture portrays a young boy reclining upon a drum and holding a drumstick. The child is reclining, with one arm propped upon a drum and a drumstick in the other hand. The child has finely detailed ringlets and in one hand holds the drums strap, which is carved as a rippling ribbon that drapes across his thighs. The sculpture is damaged, with the area below the shin missing, probably due to it being forcibly broken off of the tomb, but still beautifully executed. Since the depiction of a child with a drum is not as sociated with conventional funerary symbolism, it must have been associated with the memory of a specific child. The tomb building business con tinued to flourish, and in 1848 Foy bought property near the two St. Louis cemeteries, flanking the church of St. Anthony, which served as a mortuary chapel. Within eight years, he bought an adjacent lot and the next year more property on Rampart Street. 14 Intricately detailed advertisements for Florville Foy Marble Cutter and Sculptor" laud the sculptors abilities. One advertise ment describes the variety of carving skills possessed by Foy and empha s iz es the fact that Foy is capable of producing works "of all descriptions, executed and made to order," while 12 Brady, "Florv ille Foy, F.M.C.," 12. 13 Louisiana State Museum Listings. 14 Brady, "Florville Foy, F.M.C." 13.
67 showing illustrations of some of the possible monuments, grav estones and benches. (fig. 3 2 ) As his business grew he needed more area for the storage of large pieces of marble. The growth continued and by 1882 his business is listed in a directory as -Marble Works, Nos. 83,84,85 and 87 Rampart Street 15 This location was particularly advantageous because in addition to its proximity to the cemeteries, it was close to the business district, the streetcar lines and a canal by which Foy's imported marble was delivered. The same trade directory stated th at transactions reached $20,000. 16 The Foy Marble Works, which employed eight full time 17 Intricately d etailed advertisements for Florville Foy Marble Works continued thr oughout the 1850 s. (fig.3 2 ) 18 Foy lived very comfortably in the upper floors of his three story business buildings and he was known to have a least two slaves living at his residence. H e lived with a white woman named Louisa Whittaker from 1850 on, 19 eventually marrying her in 1885. 20 The date of this marriage would correspond to the Reconstruction laws that 15 John Land, Pen Illustrations of New Orleans, Trade, Commerce and Manufacturers 1881 82. 16 The 2010 equivalent of this amount is $446.079 according to The Inflation Calculator accessed 4/23/12, www.westegg.vom/inflation. 17 John Land, Pen Illustrations of New Orleans, Trade, Commerce and Manufacturers 1881 82. 18 N.O.C.D., 1852, 1858 59. 19 United States Census, Louisiana, 1850. 20 Register of Marriages Ne w Orleans Health Department, 1885 1886.
68 would allow people of different races to marry. The inventories contained in the w ills of Florville and Louisa Foy demonstrate the prosperity they enjoyed. 21 Foy's abilities are especially apparent in many of the more elaborate tombs in St. Louis Cemetery II. 22 III, Od d Fellows Rest, La fayette I and II, as well as in Cypress Grove and Greenwood, all located in New Orleans. Examples of his work can also be found outside the city, in Biloxi, Mississippi, and Pensacola, Florida, among other places, which testifies to the f ame and reach of his establishment. 23 A plethora of Foy's work is found throughout the cemeteries of New Orleans. Elegant and often austere works in marble, they have a distinctive European feel, probably due to the influence of de Pouilly and the Pre La chaise. Gothic style, complete with delicate tracery relief featuring pointed arches and quartafoils, is a frequent motif (figs. 3 3 & 3 4 ,) as are classically pedimented temples of the neoclassical style (fig.3 5 ) adorned with finely carved symbolic subjects from the large visual vocabulary used for funerary monuments. (figs. 3 7 & 39 ) Foy usually signed his work with only his first name, Florville. Occasionally this signature varies to the name of his business, Florville Foy. (figs.3 6 & 3 8 ) This discrepancy ma y indicate works that were created by other artisans at the atelier or that some tombs were a group effort by Foy and his employees 24 21 Brady, "Florville Foy, F.M.C." 13. 22 Samuel Wilson and Leonard V. Huber, The St. Louis Cemeteries of New Orleans (New Orleans: St. Louis Cathedral, 1963,) 24. 23 Encyclopaedia, 142. 24 Brady, "Florville Foy, F.M. C." 14.
69 evolution beyond the dramatic changes that occurred after his encounter with J.N.B. de Pouilly. Dates of burials on individual tombs may have been changed, especially in the members over time. These changes make it difficult to document the actual dates that many tombs were constructed. 25 In tomb design, the wishes of the client are the deciding factor in the architectural style. This also makes it difficult to discern the preferred styles of Foy as an artis work is distinctive however, as it is often characterized by fine relief carving, including the aforementioned Gothic tracery (figs.3 3 & 34 ,) as well as rib and flambeau moldings. The flambeau motif was frequently found in New Orleans nineteenth c entury cemeteries. (fig. 3 9 ) When the flambeau was inverted it was symbolic of the ending of a life. 26 A good deal of his finest relief carving features recurring symbolic flower designs. (fig.3 7 ) A broken flower connotes a life ended, a daisy symbolizes inn ocence, such as would be used on the grave of a child, while the pansy stood for remembrance. 27 As with many other artists of the gens de couleur libre associates were Europeans. The Italian sculptor, Achille Perelli, was close t o Foy and was said to have sculpted a bust of Foy that he treasured all his life. The present location of the bust is unknown. 28 Other close friends included the painter Paul Poincy, 25 Brady, "Florville Foy, F.M.C." 14. 26 Christovich, 129. 27 Christovich, 135. 28 Mary Gehman, "Visible Means of Support," in Creole: The History and Legacy of Louisiana's Free People of Color ed. Sybil Kein (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State Univers ity Press,2000), 221.
70 who, like Foy, studied in Paris Another was the poet Camille Thierry, a m ulatto poet who contributed many works to literary reviews as well as to Les Cenelles the first book of poetry published in America by people of color. 29 Once again, European connections, in particular French connections, are most important to the identit y of gens de couleur libre and perhaps one of the reasons that a free man of color such as Foy would continue to succeed in a growing environment of racism preceding and following the Civil War. Florville Foy, through ambition, perseverance, and talent ha d managed to remain one of the most esteemed tomb builders in the South for nearly seventy years. Through shrewd business management, he kept his reputation and business intact even through the changes in the monument industry brought by post Civil War cap italism and the emergence of steam powered equipment. That a man of color could hold strong against the onslaught of large monument companies by the quality of his artistry is an impressive feat. When Foy became too old to work, one of his former slaves, Jules, adopted the name Jules Foy and continued to run the business. Jules had lived with Foy, who had instructed Jules in marble cutting, since Jules' childhood. In 1903, Florville Foy died in his home, a widower with no surviving children. His servant, J ules, whom Foy provided for in his will, tended him. 30 Foy is buried in the St. Louis Cemetery III, ironically, in a simple tomb. 31 Much of 29 Brady, "Florville Foy, F.M.C." 16. 30 The New Orleans Picayune obituary, 17 March, 1903. 31 Survey of Historical New Orleans Cemeteries, The Historic New Orleans Collection.
71 their craftsmanship and des ign, his tombs actually symbolize a greater accomplishment than most viewers can imagine. Although the unifying factor of French cultural allegiance helped Foy in his success, the fa ct that he was providing a well respected skill and quality results was al so an important factor. Foy was a good businessman but it was the social system that he was a product of that provided him with the opportunity to become established in business. His French connections also provided lucrative professional collaborations, such as his partnerships with de Pouilly. The Warburg Brothers (Eugene and Daniel) The lives and artistic accomplishments of the Warburg brothers, Eugene and Daniel, are particularly interesting for several reasons. Both brothers began their careers in th e 1850 s, a time of unrest and change in New Orleans, especially for people brought with them a hate based preoccupation with race. The Warburg brothers each reacted to th is prejudice in different ways. The eldest brother, Eugene, had aspirations to break completely away fro m the funerary industry and to specialize in fine arts sculpture. Frustrated with the increased hosti lity directed against him because of his race, Euge ne chose to leave Louisiana to live in Europe. 32 Daniel, the younger brother, was also a talented sculptor as well as a businessman. Remaining in New Orleans, Daniel owned a large, independent monument company for over three decades and continued a successf ul independent career until his death. Daniel Warburg overcame ma ny of the obstacles of race from which his brother had fled 32 Desdunnes, 70.
72 The Warburg brothers had the advantage of strong and stable family support. Their father was Daniel Samuel Warburg, a German immig rant from a notable old Jewish family who came to New Orleans in 1821 as a commission merchant, buying or selling products for clients. The elder Warburg was highly successful, wealthy, eccentric, and well educated. In t he 1830 s, his wealth increased great ly through land speculation. Even after losses incurred at the end of that decade, he was able to support his family comfortably. 33 The elder Warburg was an important man who was trusted with many civic positions, but who also surrounded himself with forei gners, who like himself, were more racially tolerant, politically radical, and better educated than most Louisiana natives. Upon his arrival from Hamburg in 1821, Warburg obtained a Cuban mulatto slave named Marie Rose Blondeau with whom he had five childr en. After the birth of the eldest son, Eugene, in 1825, all of the remaining children were born free, indicating that Warburg had emancipated Marie Rose. Eugene himself was legally emancipated at the age of four. 34 Although Warburg and Marie R ose were not a llowed to marry legally in her business transactions, Marie Rose referred to herself as Warburg. She died in 1837, and her tomb is inscribed as Marie Rose Warburg alias Blondeau. In 1830, well before Marie Rose's death, the elder Warburg and his friend an d lawyer, Pierre Soul had each posted a $500 bond with a declaration to have Eugene educated and provided 33 Brady, "Free Men of Color as Tomb Bu ilders," 480. 34 Charles Edwards O'Neill, "Fine Arts and literature; Nineteenth Century Louisiana Black Artists and Authors," in Louisiana's Black Heritage ( New Orleans: Louisiana State Museum, 1979) 74.
73 for. 35 Pierre Soul was a Frenchman a nd associate of Alexandre Dumas. Soul had, upon his arrival in New Orleans in1825, married into a distinguished a nd cultured Creole family. In addition to having a dedicated father, Eugene Warburg was blessed with an enlightened and dedicated godfather Pierre Soul, who was to nurture his career his entire life. Few details are known of the early education of the Wa rburg children, but usage of French grammar of a well educated man Meanwhile, that he had an acumen in business and mathematics. 36 In 1841, the French sculptor, Phil ippe Garbeille, arrived in New Orleans. Garbeille, who had studied with Bertel Thorvaldsen, was a prestigious sculptor who worked in the city until he was asked to go to Havana in 1848 to complete a sculpture of the Queen of s the portrait bust, particularly those of famous or esteemed persons, suc h as Zachary Taylor whom he depicted in plaster in 1850. 37 Our People and Our History Desdunes lauds Garbeille as student. 38 Another factor, in addition to generosity and bravery, may be indicated by the fact Eu gene's godfather, who probably was instrumental in the arrangement to take Eugene 35 Brady, "Free Men of Color as Tomb Builders," 4 81. 36 Charles Janin, New Orleans Notarial Archives, February 9, 1830. 37 O'Neill, 74. Smithsonian Institution, accessed 4/23/12, http://collections.si.edu 38 Desdunnes, 69.
74 as a student 39 During this time Garbeille executed commissions for the St. Louis Vir 40 It is likely that Eugene, as Garbeille's apprentice; assisted with these attributed by Desdunes to Warburg. 41 ana, Eugene Warburg began working as a marble cutter and by 1850 had opened an atelier with his younger brother, Daniel. The location on St. Louis Street was close to the St. Louis Cemetery in an area crowded with funerary arts studios. As Eugene and Danie l both still lived with their father, it is probable that t he elder Warburg was financially involved in the establishment of his sons' business. 42 In this studio, with the help of his apprentice and bother, Daniel, Eugene carved the funerary pieces typical of a New Orleans stonecutter, while working independently on the more ambitious undertakings of an independent sculptor. In 1849 Warburg created an important sculpture entitled Ganymede Offering a Cup of Nectar to Jupiter. An announcement in The New Orlean s Bee noted that the establishment on Canal Street. A raffle was to be held, with the winner taking home the sculpture, valued at $500. The newspaper review describes the scu lpture positively ; 39 Brady, "Mixed Palette," 13. 40 Brady, "Free Men of Color as Tomb Builders," 482. 41 Desdunnes, 69. 42 N.O.C.D., 1850 1853.
75 43 Unfortunately, no detailed description or illustration of the sculpture remains, and its location, if indeed the sculpture still exists, is unknown. Although Desdunes claims that the old cemeteries are filled with masterpieces from Eugene Warburg's hands, there are few authenticated examples, and De s dunes is probably referring to the work of Daniel. Desdu n es describes a partic ularly delicate undertaking, two angels, each holding a chalice, carved from a solid block of marble. 44 As to Desdunes 's claims that St. Louis Cathedral is filled with the works of Eugene Warburg, Eugene submitted a detailed proposal for the marble flooring installed in the 1851 reconstruction. Although no documentation exists that Eugene received the commission, the resemblance between the drawing submitted by Warburg and the existing central aisle of black and white marble make it likely that it is indeed his work. 45 46 In 1936, Frederic Fairchild Sherman noted in "Art In America" that these sculptures were completed before Warbu rg left America and may still remain in New Orleans. 47 An additional contract 43 The New Orleans Bee 13 December, 1850, Page 1, col.1. 44 Desdunnes, 69. 45 Brady, "Black Artist s in Antebellum New Orleans," 21. Eugene Warburg to Messiers les Membres du Comite' de Construction de' Engli se St. Louis, February 12, 1851. 46 James A. Porter, Ten Afro American Artists of the Nineteenth Century catalogue (Washington: Howard University, 1967) 15. 47 James A. Porter, "Versatile Interests of the Early Negro Artist; A Neglected Chapter of America n Art History," Art In America and Elsewhere, Volume 24 (1936): 21.
76 indicates that Warburg was engaged to complete a work for the Hotel Grunewald Herman. 48 The location of these works, including their existence, is now unknown. 49 These and other wor ks are reputed to have incited the jealousy and racial hostility that encouraged Warburg to leave New Orleans for Europe. Canvassers for the city dissatisfaction with New Orleans. Eug ene departed in 1852, leaving the St. Louis atelier to his younger brother and pupil, Daniel. 50 to creative opportunity was financed by the sale of slaves. 51 The sale of the s laves, inherited from his mother Marie Rose, was legally complicated, requiring a lawsuit between Eugene and his father as well as a family meeting in the presence of a notary. At the end of November 1852, Eugene Warburg set out for Paris, in search of cul ture, opportunity and equality, following the tradition provided by previous Louisiana free men of color. 52 For four years, Eugene Warburg refined his art and studied in Paris. He attended classes at the cole Nationale des Beux Arts under the tutelage of F rancois Jouffroy. Four of his sculptures from this period were accepted into the Salon de Paris in 1855. Two of these works were in plaster: Un jeune pcheur jouant avec un crabe (A Young Fisherman Playing with a Crab) and Un portrait. The other two were m arble 48 Roulhac Toledano and Mary Louise Christovich, New Orleans Architecture, Volume VI: Faubourg Treme' and the Bayou Road (Gretna: Pelican Publishing Co.,1980)107. 49 Perry, catalogue. 50 N.O .C.D., 1854. 51 Patricia Brady, "The Warburg Brothers: Sculptors," The Historic New Orleans Collection Newsletter, 7, no.3 (1989) 8. 52 O'Neill, 75.
77 portrait busts, one simply titled Un portrait and the other Portrait de S.E. le minister des tats Unis a Paris sometimes called Portrait of John Young Mason (fig. 40 ) 53 This last carving, Portrait of John Young Mason was to become Warburg's only k nown surviving work, which is now located in Virginia. (fig.39) Pierre Soul the old s Minister to Spain. Soul was in Paris in the fall of 1853 and 1854, and provided a valuable introductory letter for Eugene. The letter, probably aided by the influence of Soul led to an introduction to J ohn Young Mason. Mason and Soul worked on the Ostend Manifesto (a document rationalizing the purchase of Cuba) in 1854, and were in close cont act. 54 The close connection between Mason and Soul almost certainly led to the commission of the bust. By 1855, the bust of Mason, then the United States Minister to France, was completed. The marble bust, decidedly Neoclassical in style, portrays Mason in a naturalistic yet idealized manner reminiscent of a Roman senator. The sculpture is currently in the collection of the Virginia Historical Society and is Eugene 55 Completing the bust of such an important individual as Mason had a great impact on Warburg's status and success as a sculptor. Warburg had accomplished what he h ad hoped for by going to Europe -he had begun to acquire a European reputation as a 53 Theresa Leininger Miller, 4 5. 54 Brady, "Black Artist in Antebellum New Orleans," 23. 55 Alexander W. We ddell, Portraiture in the Virginia Historical Society (Richmond: Virginia Historical Society, 1945),174.
78 respected artist, the equivalent of w hat his fellow Creole, Victor Sejour, had accomplished as a playwright. 56 Warburg traveled to London in 1856, where he met the Duchess of Southerland, who headed a humanitarian abolitionist society. The Duchess commissioned Warburg to create bas relief sce 57 Warburg worked on the reliefs for a year. During this time as the Duchess' protge, he work, the location of the bas relief sculptures, if they still exist, is unknown. No known illustrations or written descriptions of the sculptures remain. 58 Now equipped with letters of reference from both the Duchess of Sutherland, Harriet Beecher Stowe as well as Pierre Soul Warbu rg traveled to Florence, the city that he intended to make his home. When he arrived in Florence in the fall of 1857 he was an important enough artist for his presence to be noted by an Italian corresponden t to a Northern U.S. paper. This short notice was then picked up by the New Orleans papers The Daily Picayune and The Daily Crescent. Racial relations had worsened in New Orleans during the five years Eugene had been in Europe, and the Daily Crescent was the most notoriously racist of publications. 59 The P icayune simply noted that a 60 The Daily Crescent reacted quite differe ntly, 56 Porter, "Versatile Interests of the Early Negro Artist,"21. 57 Perry, catalogue. 58 O'Neill, 76. 59 Brady, "Black Artist in Antebellum New Orleans," 23. 60 The New Orleans Daily Picayune, 26 December, 1857, Page 1, col.5.
79 -We find the following in a Northern paper, but know nothing in included one from Pierre Soul and concluding sarcastic upon his good fortune in being 61 Within a short time, Warburg had left Florence for Rome. Florence had become known for its expatriate American colony of sculptors and so would have appeared to be a good location for Warburg. Although the re ason for Warburg's decision to leave Florence quickly is unclear, Dusdunes has claimed additional racist experiences to be the cause. 62 When he arrived in Rome, Warburg settled near the Spanish Steps with his wife, Louise Ernestine Warburg, whom he had married during his European travels. 63 At that time, more th an thirty American expatriate artists were working in Rome and he would h ave had an established, comfortable community in which to reside The majority of as a stone cutter Warburg must hav e been a strong addition to their group. 64 James Porter has recorded that Eugene Warburg represented Louisiana at the Paris Exposition of 1867 with work from this period. 65 The contentment that Des d unes claimed that Warburg was to finally have found was not to last, however, as Warburg died within two years of settling in Rome, on January 12, 1859, at the age of thirty three. His funeral mass was celebrated 61 The New Orleans Daily Crescent, 26 December, 1857, Page 4, col.1. 62 Dusdunes p 69 63 Brady, "The Warburg Brothers: Sculptors," 9. 64 O'Neill, 76. 65 Porter, "Ten African Americ an Artists," 15.
80 in the church of Santa Maria del Popolo, and he was buried in the cemetery of Campo Verano of St. Lawre nce. 66 The New Orleans Bee American artists to cast a brilliant light for their country." 67 Without the structure pro vided by his French cultural connections, it is extremely unlikely that Eugene Warburg could have reached such promise. The history and accomplishments of Daniel Warburg are especially interesting when contrasted with those of his older brother, Eugene. Wh ile Eugene rebelled against the prejudice that was increasingly apparent in America, Daniel strove to overcome it. While Euge ne aspired to be a sculptor who gained acclaim in Europe as well as in America, Daniel led a long, productive, and respected career in the more traditional New Orleans occupation of a funerary arts sculptor. Stone cutting was a traditionally acceptable craft for a gens de couleur libre and exceptional artistic skills led to many business opportunities. A talented stonecutter had the opportunity to cross over into the realm of fine arts sculptor, while providing a regular income on less ambitious and challenging commissions in the funerary arts. When Eugene Warburg left New Orleans for Paris in 1852, his seventeen year old, younger bro ther, Daniel, remained in charge of the St. Louis street workshop. 68 Although it is sometimes noted that Daniel also received training from Philippe 66 O'Neill, 77. Rome: Tabularium Vacariatus Urbis, Parrocchia di S. Maria del Popolo, Registro di Morti No. 17, 1855 1875, p.33. 67 The New Orleans Bee 9 March, 1859, Page 1, col.1. 68 N.O.C.D., 1854.
81 Garbeille, most of his training came from his talented elder brother. 69 The skills that he acquired provided him with a long and successful career; it was one that survived the dismal fate of many free artists of color throughout the reconstruction period and beyond. A good example of the type of steady stone work that was commissioned of Daniel were the simple marble tablets mounted on the wall vaults of the St. Louis cemeteries. Austere, but well made, these tablets were sometimes embellished with wreaths, crosses or ornamental borders. Simple oven vault or mausoleum e nclosure tablets signed by Warburg can be f ound throughout New Orleans cemeteries, dating from 1852 to 1889. 70 Daniel Warburg's versatility was an important factor in the longevity of his career. Many researchers have noted that Daniel worked as an engraver as well as a stonecutter, although no know n examples of his engravings exist. 71 He also was versatile in his ability to carve both marble (the more common medium in his earlier career,) and granite, a harder material to cut. As newer cemeteries were built, such as the Metairie Cemetery, granite bec ame the more popular stone. This versatility increased Warburg's value in his field. 72 Whereas he may have lacked the confidence and ambition that led his brother Eugene to attain acclaim abroad, Daniel possessed a steadfast dedication to his family. 69 Gehman, 221. 70 Brady, "Free Men o f Color as Tomb Builders," 486 87. 71 O'Neill, 78. Frederic Fairchild Sherman, "Art in America" 21. Alexander Wilbourne Weddell, "Portraiture in the Virginia Historical Society," 174. 72 Brady, "Free Men of Color," 487.
82 Danie l married, produced several children, and cared for his aging f ather, the elder Daniel Warburg, until his father's death in 1860. 73 The fact that the family kept a live in Irish maidservant implies a comfortable, middle class lifestyle. 74 In Our People and Our History, Desdunes had claimed that the cemeteries of New Orleans were filled with the works of Eugene Warburg. However, many of these Warburg examples are probably the work of Eugene's younger brother, Daniel. An additional complication is created by t he fact that Daniel Warburg had a son, also a stonecutter, named Joseph Daniel Warburg Jr. 75 The youngest Joseph Daniel Warburg, died in 1921 in Biloxi, Mississippi, where he had resided and worked for four years, making the identification of possible Warb urg work more complex. 76 For close to two decades, Daniel Warburg was able to retain his own independent studio, transcending the changes in status brought on by Reconstruction. No longer did free people of color enjoy the benefits of the old caste system t hat put them above other people of color in station. The many opportunities previously provided to the gens de couleur libre due to their European connections had disintegrated, and resentment, from both white and black, towards their past position may hav e increased their predicament. 77 In 1871, Warburg was forced to give up his business and to work for a larger monument company. Post Civil War capitalism was flourishing, and large monument companies could afford new steam powered equipment as well as larg e 73 Brady, "The Warburg Brothers, Scu lptors," 9. 74 United States Census, Louisiana, (1850) roll 235, (1860) roll, 418. 75 Brady, "Free Men of Color," 486. 76 The Times Picayune 6 August, 1921, Page 2, col.8. 77 Theresa Leininger Miller, 5.
83 quantities of varied stone. A large number of employees with varied specialties provided fast and efficient services. One advantage that Warburg had was his ability to cut granite, which had become the fashionable medium for tombs. Warburg worked for man y companies in his later years, including that of Florville Foy, who was struggling with the same type s of financial problems. 78 Until his death in 1911, Daniel Warburg continued to carve stone and garner respect for his work. His beautifully cut and well finished carvings are still admired today. A lovely example, the Holcombe Aiken column, remains in the Metairie Cemetery. (fig. 4 1 ) Simple and austere, the tall, unfluted column is entwined with a morning glory vine, a recurring motif of Warburg, symbolic of the Resurrection. The entwining blossoms also symbolize the bonds of love, but for the critical viewer the carvings clearly demonstrate the skill of the sculptor. (figs. 4 2 & 4 3 ) The capital of the column is crested with a cross of faith and an anchor of hope, complete with a delicately carved linked chain. The column has many historical associations, mostly related to war memorials and soldiers. 79 The design was an appropriate choice for Aiken, a man who died in Italy in 1904 on an American battleship. T he Holcombe Aiken memorial is the best known example of Daniel Warburg's outstanding abilities. 80 Understated and skillfully conceived, the monument reflects the character of the quiet and accomplished artist who created it. The Lob family tomb, located in Metairie Cemetery also exhibits the morning glory motif. (fig.4 4 ) Name plaques on family tombs usually had the first interment dates carved 78 Brady, "Free Men of Color," 487. 79 Mary Louise C hristovich, 92 93. 80 Brady, "Black Artists in Antebellum New Orleans," 24.
84 by the tomb's creator, who then left spaces for the notations regarding future internments. The name plaque is carv ed to resemble a delicately carved scroll unrolling at the base. The background employs a rusticated granite effect with visible chisel marks. (fig. 4 5 ) The McLean monument, also located in Metairie cemetery, shows a distinctive contrast between the smooth, polished marble of the name plaque and morning glory vine and the rusticated background. (figs. 4 6 & 4 7 ) Both monuments incorporate asymmetrical decorative design in the intricately carved floral vines. Warburg's work has the quality of the original, comb ining unique design with skillful craftsmanship. Daniel Warburg himself is buried in a simple marble wall vault in St. Louis Cemetery II. 81 Comments The three dimensional gens de couleur libre artists that I have included in this study all benefitted from their privileged place within the three caste social system and the prominent French culture of New Orleans. Florville Foy had many advantages: a French education, an apprenticeship with a highly skilled marble cutter and the strong social and financial st ructure provided by an affluent family. Foy was greatly influenced by his collaborations with French architect Jacques Nicolas Bussiere de Pouilly It was the tri caste social system, combined with the unifying influence of French culture that made such mu tually beneficial collaborations possible. The relative advantages enjoyed by the gens de couleur libre were not enough for the ambitious Eugene Warburg, who aspired to achieve more acclaim than what he could ever receive in New Orleans. The hostile reacti on of the New Orleans press to his success in Europe served as proof that 81 Brady, "Free Men of Color," 487.
85 Eugene was correct. The advantages of his social position enabled him to thrive in Europe though the financial means at his disposal and the important political and social connection s of family friends. These advantages led to his being accepted into the cole des Beaux Arts, as well as important commissions with prominent patrons. Daniel Warburg's career also provides an example of how the circumstances leading to the three caste soc ial system creat ed a unique opportunity for a sculptor to thrive. Daniel's career however, continued after the system disappeared. Upon the demise of that three caste social system, the former opportunities provided by it had changed, leaving an accomplish ed artist such as Daniel Warburg, to rely upon the strength of his abilities alone.
86 CHAPTER 5 CREATIVE ENDEAVORS: LITERATURE AND MUSIC The visual arts were not the only avenue for aesthetic exploration by free people of color in New Orleans. A number of i ndividuals are recognized for their accomplishments and contributions in the fields of literature and music. The dissatisfaction expressed by Eugene Warburg with the situation in Louisiana the new era of American control and the growing racial intolerance he experienced is also expressed in the works of writers such as Camille Thierry, Pierre Dalcour, B. Valcour and Victor Sjour. In general, the Gens de Couleur Libre who settled abroad, especially to Paris, achieved the greatest success. The greater opport unities available to them in France, paired with less racial discrimination, help to explain the se accomplishments. Perhaps, however, other important factors towards achieving success have been overshadowed by the race of these artists. A person who is so driven by his creative calling that he willingly leaves his home and family in order to pursue th at calling is far more likely to succeed. In this chapter I will introduce the literature of B. Valcour and Victor Sjour as well as the musical accomplishmen ts of Edmond Dd, Lucien and Sidney Lambert and Victor Eugene Macarty. The Written Word Literature, in particular, is rich with the contributions of the Gens de Couleur Libre. Edward Larocque Tinker's Les crits de langue francaise en Louisiane (a compil ation of French language authors of nineteenth century Louisiana) lists twenty seven such writers. 1 In the early 1840 s a small group of intellectuals, both white and black, began meeting to share their appreciation of the French written word. The unifying factor 1 O'Neill, 63.
87 among members of this group was a French classical education. Poetry and prose that closely followed the French model were recited in the salons of New Orleans. In 1843 members of this group founded a literary journal, L'Album Litteraire des Jeunes Gens, Amateurs de Litterature, in which to publish their own work 2 By 1845, this blossoming of the written and spoken word led to an enormous accomplishment. Les Cenelles (The Mayhaws ) a volume of poetry completely written by seventeen free men of color was published that year. (fig. 48) Les Cenelles is notable as the first anthology of poetry by Americans of color. A respected teacher, Armand Lanusse, was the editor of the collection as well as a major contributor. Other prominent contributors includ e Camille Thierry and Pierre D alcour. One particular contributor to Les Cenelles who later received the most wide spread acclaim was Victor S jour. 3 Thierry, D alcour, and S jour all left New Orleans and returned to France, where they had previously been educated. Thierry, whose family owned a liquor business in New Orleans, had been published in Louisiana newspapers, but yearned for the freedom France could provide. 4 D alcour was said to have found the racism he encountered in America unbearable. S jour's disdain for America was so strong that he 2 Alfred J. Guillaume, Jr. "Love, Death, and Faith in the New Orleans Poets of Color," Southern Quarterly Volume XX, No. 2, Win ter 1982, 127. 3 Porter, 9. 4 Fabre, Michel, From Harlem to Paris: Black American Writers in France, 1840 1980 (Champ ai g n: University of Illinois Press, 1991), 13,14.
88 briefly returned to Louisiana married a New Orleans octoroon, and then move d his new wife and parents to Paris as well. 5 Les Cenelles imitated the work of French Romantic poets in content, form and style. In par ticular, Les Cenelles shared similarities with Beranger, Lamartine and Hugo. 6 The poems could just as easily have been written about places in France as in Louisiana, with Lanusse making reference to the New Orleans system of placage. Otherwise, little re ference is made to New Orleans with the majority of the poems rather focusing on the beauty of the Creole women. The fact that Lanusse chose the S jour poem "Le Retour de Napoleon," about the internment of Napoleon in Les Invalides for this American public ation helps to define the Francophile theme of the volume. 7 B. Valcour Perhaps the contributions of the poet B. Valcour best explain the precarious social position of the well educated and creative Gens de Couleur Libre in New Orleans. In Les Cenelles we f ind a Valcour poem entitled "The Louisiana Laborer," patterned after the romantic style of the popular French poet Beranger. Valcour eloquently describes the experience of being stifled and unappreciated in the land he considered to be his home. 8 After pro claiming his identification with the common people, a sentiment popular in the literary circles of France at the time, Valcour then expresses his identification with 5 Norman R. Shapiro, trans. And M. Lynn Weiss, Creole Echoes: The Francophone Poetry of Nineteenth Century Louisiana (Champaign: University of Illinois, 2004), 29. Fabre, 16. 6 Guillaume, 127. 7 O'Neill, 66. 8 Fabre, From Harlem to Paris 12.
89 Creole culture and Louisiana. 9 A clear dual identification is heard through the lines, a love for a homeland in which the writer's place is precarious and uncertain. Puis ils m'ont dit: vous devez vous render la France, voir son peuple, enseigner vour m me leurs chansons. Pour all ger les souffrances de ses fr res Ne jamais a t on besoin de chercher instruction, Mal compris fils de la Nouvelle Orl ans, Malgr ses nombreux dfauts que j'aime la toujours. Fidle mes terre je veux rester. Then they said to me: you must go to France, To see her people, teach yourself their songs. To lighten the sufferings of one's brothers Never does one need to seek instruction, Misunderstood sons of New Orleans, Despite her many faults I love her still. Faithful to my land I want to remain. 10 Victor S jour Victor S jour, the most importa nt French language pl aywright ever to emerge from Louisiana, recalled his experiences of mixed racial heritage in his work. (fig. 49) Sjour was born in New Orleans to Heloise Phillippe Ferrand, a Mulatto woman from New Orleans, and Juan Francisco Victor Sjour a free man of c olor from St. Domingue. 11 His novelette, Le Multre ( The Mulatto ) is a tragedy involving a slave who murders his master, later realiz ing he was his father. Le Multre is the first published short story by an author of African ancestry born in the United Sta tes. 12 9 Caryn Cosse Bell, Revolution, Romanticism, and the Afro Creole Protest Tradition in Louisiana ( Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1997), 122. 10 Regine Latortue, Les Cenelles: A Collection of Poems of Creole Writers of the Early Nineteenth Century (Boston: G.K. Hll, 1979) xiii, 11. 11 Werner Sollers, neither black nor white yet both: Them atic Explorations of Interracial Literature (Cambridge: First Harvard University Press, 1997) 164. 12 Sollers,164.
90 S jour became a well known poet and playwright in France, a contemporary and associate of Victor Hugo and Alexandre Dumas p re. 13 Dumas, being the grandson of a French nobleman and a Haitian slave, provided a role model of a talented man of color who had experienced censorship and prejudice in his rise to fame. (fig. 50) Having overcome these obsta cles Dumas naturally identified with the same challenges that S jour now faced. 14 S jour benefitted greatly from this support, as well as from his associat ion with Dumas. Sjour's play Le fils de la nuit which opened in Paris in 1856, was dedicated to Alexandre Dumas thereby making the connection (and mutual support) between the two publicly known. 15 (fig. 51) Some of Sjour's most famous plays are Les Noce s Vnitienne, ( The Outlaw of the Adriatic ) 1855, and La Tireuse de Cartes, (The Card Shark ) 1859. Twenty one of his plays were performed in Paris between 1844 and 1870. 16 S jour's twenty five year playwriting career was exceptional, enjoying long runs and full houses as well as critical and popular success. He died in 1874 and is buried in Pre Lachaise cemetery. 17 Music The city of New Orleans is closely associated with music, but what springs to mind for the most part are the Nineteenth and Twentieth centu ry styles of ragtime and jazz. That people of color made the majority of contributions to those musical styles is common knowledge. However, the contributions of Creoles to the classical music of the 13 Sollers, 164. 14 New York Public Library, Inmotion, accessed April 29, 2012, http://www.inmotionaame.org. 15 Michel Fabre, "New Orleans Cre ole Expatriates in France," in Creole 186. 16 O'Neill, 70. 17 Fabre, New Orleans Creole Expatriates in France, 187.
91 nineteenth century are less well known. As with the writ ers of the Gens de Couleur Libre the individuals who went abroad achieved greater success than those who remained in New Orleans. Edmond D d Edmond D d was a New Orleans born violin prodigy. (fig.52 ) He was born in 18 29 of parents who had arrived in 18 09 from the West Indies, specifically St. Domingue by way of Cuba. 18 Whereas many mixed blood Creoles could easily pass as white, D d was a dark man with distinctly African features. 19 Thus it cannot be assumed that his success was due to his ability to "pa ss" as white. His father, Bazile D d was the chef de musique of a local military unit and also his son's first teacher. It was soon apparent that young Edmond was a very special violin pupil indeed. Both black and white teachers provided Edmond advanced instruction. Ludovico Gabici and Constantin Debergue were his early violin teachers. Gabici was the Italian born orchestra leader of the St. Charles Theater and Debergue was the free man of color who was the conductor of the local Philharmonic Society. 20 The Philharmonic Society conducted by Edmond's teacher Debergue is of particular interest because it was founded and staffed by Creoles of color, but included white musicians as well. These musicians were united by their education s and European cultural in fluences. Active in the late antebellum period, this large (one hundred musicians), nontheatrical orchestra help ed define the degree of influence of Creoles of color upon the culture of antebellum New Orleans. Another conductor of this orchestra, a free ma n of color 18 Robert MacDonald, "Nineteenth Century Black Artists and Authors," Louisiana's Black Heritage, 79. 19 Fabre, New Orleans Creole Expatri ates in France, 189. 20 Lester Sullivan, "Composers of Color of 19th Century New Orleans," in Creole, 75.
92 named Charles Richard Lambert, instructed D d in harmony and counterpoint, along with a white Frenchman named Eugene Prevost. Prevost worked as a conductor at the New Orleans French Opera and the Theatre d'Orleans, and was a winner of the 1831 Prix de Rome. 21 The D d family must have had a simple and unassuming lifestyle. T he father was a military band director and the son, Edmond, when not taking music lessons was a cigar maker. With such well educated and respected advisors to influence him it is no wonder that Bazille D d was persuaded to send his son Edmond abroad to reach his musical potential. Deteriorating race relations in New Orleans may also have played a role in sending Edmond to Mexico in 1848. Forced by illness to return home t hree years later, Edmond published Mon pauvre Coeur the first piece of sheet music to be published in New Orleans by a man of color. 22 By 1857, Edmond saved enough money to book his passage to Europe by working as a cigar maker, a job many local mus icians used to pay the bills His triumphs began almost immediately. According to Desdunes, D d was admitted to the Paris Conservatoire through the intervention of new friends in Paris. 23 These "friends" have been identified as his teachers Jean Delphin Alard and Jacques Francois Fromental Halevy, both Conservatoire members. 24 By 1859, D d moved to Bordeaux where an 21 Sullivan, 75. 22 Fabre, Orleans Creole Expatriates in France, 76 23 Desdunes, 85. 24 Sullivan, 76.
93 expatriate community of Louisiana Gens de Couleur Libre had settled. 25 In 1864 he married Sylvie Anne Leflat, a Caucasian Frenchwoman. 26 A long, product ive career followed as the conductor of the Grand Theatre of Bordeaux, violinist and director at Rouen, and traveling stints to Algiers, Marseilles, and Paris. 27 His ventures into the popular caf concert genre resulted in jobs as a theater orchestra conduc tor for both the Alcazar and the Folies Bordelaises. 28 Apart from a n American concert tour during the winter of 1893 94 that included a return appearance in New Orleans, Edmond spent the last years of his life in France. Edmond D d died in Paris in 1901. 29 His prolific compositions include over two hundred and fifty songs and dances, ballets, ballets divertissements, overtures, operettas, comic operas and a cantata. 30 His talent and many accomplishments aside, the ease with which D d integrated himself into French life serves as another example of how the Francophile culture of New Orleans forged a camaraderie in France that overcame racial bias. The Lambert brothers The Lambert brothers, Lucien and Sidney, were Louisiana Creoles who also enjoyed thriving m usical careers abroad. Their father was Richard Lambert, previously 25 MacDonald, 79. 26 Fabre, New Orleans Expatri ates in France 191. 27 Sullivan,76. 28 MacDonald, 80. 29 Fabre, New Orleans Expatriates in France 194. 30 Sullivan, 77.
94 mentioned as one of Edmond Dede's early teachers in New Orleans, and a conductor of the multi racial Philharmonic Society 31 Lucien, the older brother was the most prolific of the two wi th at least forty published compositions listed by the Bibliothque collection in Paris. He is documented to have moved to Franc e by 1854, when his presence is noted in the magazine L'Illustration. At that time, he would have been in his mid twenties. Alth ough Edmonde Dede was the better known musician, Lucien Lambert's compositions had a better rate of publication in Paris. Lucien's career as a composer and music teacher flourished not only in France but also in Brazil. 32 Sidney Lambert, the younger brot her, although less productive and innovative than Lucien, also enjoyed a prosperous career in both Paris and Portugal Sidney Lambert served as the pianist for the royal court of Portugal and was decorated by the Portuguese king himself. 33 Victor Eugene Mac arty Victor Eugene Macarty was another musician of color who traveled to Paris to further his education. Victor Eugene enjoyed the advantages of wealth and a good education. He was the son of Eulalie de Mandeville, a successful and wealthy octoroon woman w ho was the daughter of Count Pierre Philippe Mandeville de Marigny and Eugne Macarty, a professional broker and businessman. 34 Another advantage provided to Victor Eugene was a stable family unit. Macarty's parents had a long lasting 31 Leininger Miller, 3. 32 Sullivan, 80 82, Desdunnes, Nos homes, 114. 33 Sullivan, 83. 34 Fabre, From Harlem to Paris 1 7.
95 relationship and were officially married in St. Augustine Catholic Church in 1845, regardless of the fact that mixed race marriages were then illegal. 35 He was admitted to the Imperial Conservatoire around 1840 through the intervention of Pierre Soule, the former New Orleans ci tizen and the United States ambassador to Spain. (This was not the only time Soule was to use his influences to improve the prospects of a Louisiana artist of color, he was later a vital force in the success of sculptor Eugene Warburg, discussed previously .) After his studies in composition, voice and harmony in Paris, Macarty returned to his home in New Orleans. There he demonstrated his versatility by embarking on a brief career as an actor, appearing in the plays Anthony and La Tour de Nesle by Alexandre Dumas pere 36 His scant publications of sheet music following his return (only two self published compositions) may serve as evidence of the few opportunities available for musician s and composer s of color in New Orleans, if not all of America, in contrast to the opportunities that existed abroad. 37 Macarty became a businessman, and following Reconstruction worked towards fighting discrimination in theatres in New Orleans. 38 Comments Francophile culture was the most important factor in the achievements of the gens de couleur libre in literature and in classical music. In the early 1840s a group of New Orleans writers, both black and white, began meeting to share an appreciation of the French written word, united by their French classical education. Works from the 35 Morrow Lo ng, Carolyn, Eulalie Mandeville in Know LA, Encyclopedia of Louisiana accessed April 28, 2012. http://www.kowla.org. 36 Fabre, From Harlem to Paris, 17. 37 Sullivan, 84, Desdunnes, Nos homes 115. 38 Fabre, From Harlem to Paris 17.
96 resulting literary journal L'Album Litteraire des Jeunes Gens, Amateurs de Litterature and the all gens de couleur libre publication Les Cenelles both closely followed French literary models. The accomplishments of the musicians I have included were, once again were greatly aided by the strength of Francophile cultural alliances as well as from the favors of family friends with important social connections. As with the European accomplishments of Eugene Warbug, the musicians (such as Edmond Dd and t he Lambert brothers) who remained in France achieved greater success than those who returned to New Orleans, once again demonstrating the tendency to joyfully celebrate the accomplishments of a Frenchman rather than resent the accomplishments of a person o f color. These talented gens de couleur libre had to choose between allegiance to Louisiana, the land of their birth, or the possibility of acceptance, critical acclaim and financial success in France.
97 CHAPTER 6 ARCHITECTURE AND THE DECORATIVE ARTS Anteb ellum artisans in America were fulfilling the demand for quality goods. Louisiana in particular, as a major port city, attracted entrepreneurs from Europe and the northeast United States. These entrepreneurs were either sophisticated and affluent or aspire d to be so. Clients wished to hire artists with good taste in order to produce possessions that would demonstrate not only their wealth but also their refinement and good taste Furniture, in particular, was considered a notable indicator of social status, prosperity and refinement As the port and surrounding city became more important, economic growth and its associated wealth increased the demand for fine furniture and decoration. 1 The extent of the role that black artisans played in the production of decorative arts in America is extremely difficult to gauge. Some examples of Louisiana architecture have traditionally been attributed to people of African descent, such as the "African House" (1735) found on Melrose Plantation in Natchitoches (fig.53) an d the Ursuline Convent in New Orleans. Lack of documentation regarding these claims of the designers and builders responsible has led to speculation. Some architects, such as Joseph Abeilard, who was responsible for the design of riverfront buildings in th e French Market, were not given credit for their accomplishments. 2 Research of furniture design and craftsmanship has been more fruitful. Although the majority of existing furniture is unsigned, research of the last three decades has begun to shed light u pon a number of documented artisans in the antebellum period. The 1 Margo Preston Moscou, "The Rise of a Lost Generation," The Historic New Orleans Collection Quarterly Volume XXVI, Number 2 (Spring 2009): 5, accessed August 18, 2011, www.hnoc.org. 2 Mary Gehman, in Creole 220.
98 creations of free men of color, especially those who owned furniture workshops or whose work was esteemed, were far more likely to have been signed or documented than the work of slaves. Ar chitecture Economic growth created a demand for skilled architects. The antebellum period is considered to be a golden age for architecture in New Orleans. Joseph Abeilard, a free man of color is noted as a valuable contributor to this pre eminence, engag ed in both architectural design and building for over forty years. 3 Desdunes lists the March Baz a ar and the Sugar Sheds on the Mississippi riverfront as some of Abeilard's accomplishments. The March Baz a ar (or Bazaar Market) was designed by Abeilard and built by Wells and Company in 1870. The building was distinctively different from the other market buildings, being 180 by 88 feet of ironwork topped by decorative ventilation cupolas. A hurricane damaged the building so badly in 1915 it had to be demolis hed. 4 Desdunes praises the versatility and skills possessed by Abeilard, claiming that "he could create a plan as though he were an educated architect, select the correct materials as though he were a stonecutter, and draw up an agreement as though he tru ly were a contractor. Next, he could execute these plans with the professional skill of a master builder." Desdunes also comments on the abuse Abeilard received from white builders who exploited him for his talents while taking credit for his works. 5 Abeil ard seems to have been well respected in his field, regardless of Desdunes' claims of others 3 Robert C. Reinders, End of an Era: New Orleans, 1850 1860 (Gre tna: Pelican Publishing, 1998) 201 202. 4 John Magill, French Market (Preservation in Print,) 1991, accessed April 28, 2012, http://www.frenchmarket. org/history 5 Desdunes, 71 72.
99 taking credit for his work. 6 Joseph Abeilard's brother Jules is also mentioned by Desdunes as a talented artist that assisted him in his designs and their executio n. Dendunes notes that Jules left New Orleans for Panama and died there. Desdunes does not note the date of his death. 7 Ironworking One traditional craft among the Creoles of color was ironworking. 8 Like the many sculptors who paid the bills with utilitar ian tomb building when not undertaking more ambitious sculptural commissions, iron workers could work on carriages, cookware or horseshoes when not undertaking the beautiful decorative ironwork New Orleans architecture is famous for. (Fig. 54) The balconi es of many buildings feature complex and ornate examples of the ironworkers craft. The cemeteries also provided an opportunity for ironworkers to demonstrate their abilities. The St. Louis Cemetery No. II contains particularly fine examples of both cast an d wrought iron work. 9 Imaginative and intricate, this work could include gates, fences, plot borders and delicate wrought iron memorial wreaths. In a cast iron creation the metal is cast in a mold that was formed around an original woodcarving. This type o f ironwork is mass produced in a foundry and leaves little opportunity for a skilled ironworker to express his creative abilities. Wrought iron, however allows a skilled metal worker to create a unique creation while exhibiting the degree of skill he posse ssed in his craft. Some of the oldest and finest examples of New 6 Mary Gehman, in Creole 220. 7 Desdunes, 72. 8 Mary Gehman, in Creole 22 0. 9 Wilson,34.
100 Orleans wrought iron balcony work are found on the Cabildo (on Jackson Square) and the Bosque House (617 Chartres St.,) both forged in the 1790's. The intricacy of the work emulates the Roco co style, further evidence that the residents of the colony tried to imitate the styles then popular in France. 10 In the book by Marcus Christian, Negro Ironworkers in Louisiana, 1718 1900, the contributions of these artisans, both free and slave, are chron icled. Christian notes the high degree of skill possessed by the West Africans that made up much of the slave population of Louisiana, as well as the influence of this knowledge upon the wrought and cast iron trade of New Orleans. 11 Furniture In furniture m aking, as in painting, the model New Orleans emulate d was that created in Europe the more contemporary and current the style, the better. Southern Louisiana was an especially good location for furniture maker s Property taxes on residences were calculated according to the number of closets, which made armoires even more desirable. Homes, especially those on plantations, featured large rooms with soaring ceilings. Townhouses also featured very high ceilings in order to circulate air and dispel heat. Rooms b uilt on a large scale require large furniture and artisans, many of them people of color, possessed the necessary skills to provide such furniture. 12 As with the black Creole painters and sculptors, the many privileges of the three caste system, coupled wi th a strong Francophile identification, gave these black 10 Raised to the Trade: Creole Building Arts of New Orleans The New Orleans Museum of Art, educational manual. Accessed 4/29/12, http://www.noma.org/educationl guides. 11 Marcus Christian, Negro Ironworkers of Lou i siana: 1718 1900 (Gretna: Pelican Publishing, 2002), 7. 12 Sharon Patton, "Antebellum Louisiana Artisans; The Black Furniture Makers," The International Review of African American Art, Vol. 12, Number 3 (1995): 15.
101 craftsmen a greater opportunity to learn and develop fine decorative skills. Many Creoles may have apprenticed under Europeans, as they had in the fine arts. 13 Their race was not a handicap when it ca me to those wishing to commission their services. Most furniture was unsigned, but the City Directory and the laws that required people of color to list their race along with their profession provide evidence of the plethora of black furniture makers. 14 C elestin Glapion is one such documented Creole furniture maker. A signed armoire attributed to him is constructed out of American black walnut and cypress, native woods that help to verify that the armoire was created locally. (fig. 55) Cypress was plentifu l in Louisiana and had the added advantage of being water and rot resistant. When cypress was used it was often "faux grained" in order to resemble another, more exotic wood. Nails were not used and the furniture pieces were joined with wooden joints. The delicate rococo and Louis XV characteristics date this Celestin Glapion armoire around 1810 1815. The "feet" found on the delicate legs are called pieds de biche and are meant to resemble cloven animal hoofs. Many listings referring to an entire family o f black furniture makers named Glapion can be found in the New Orleans City Directories for 1838, 1846, 1851 and 1852. 15 Most artisans in New Orleans learned their trade s under a program of apprenticeship with a master craftsman. One of the best known Creo le furniture makers ( meneusiers, or cabinet makers) in south Louisiana was Dutreuil Barjon, who operated 13 Indenture contracts provide documentation of the common custom o f apprenticeship, The Louisiana Division, City Archives of the New Orleans Public Library. 14 N.O.C.D. 15 Sharon Patton, 20.
102 from 1822 1843. Barjon apprenticed under another black cabinet maker, Jean Rousseu, who is recorded to have taken on thirty apprentices of color over f ifteen years. Barjon in turn, sponsored nine apprentices over a period of seven years. Although most apprentices of color worked for master craftsmen of color, it was not always the case, and races often interact ed freely throughout the furniture trade. 16 P rior to 1803, the majority of the furniture produced in Louisiana followed West Indies styles. After the Louisiana Purchase more Anglo American influences are apparent. What is referred to as "Louisiana Style" is a blending of Caribbean, European and Anglo styles. Above all, French styles prevailed. Advertisements complete with illustrations of furniture, show that Dut r euil Barjon followed the neoclassical design fashionable on the Continent. This mahogany armoire from 1840 is in the neoclassical, or empir e style. ( figs. 56 & 57) It is fashioned with a mahogany veneer over local yellow pine. Mahogany was imported from the West Indies. Large, imposing but restrained mahogany furniture was extremely fashionable in New Orleans from 1815 1848. Records also ind icate that the Barjon family, like the Glapion family, passed the tradition of furniture making from one generation to the next. 17 Records also record business alliances between white Europeans and gens de couleur libre such as that between Christophe Voigt a German furniture maker, and Dutreuil Barjon. 18 Little is known of the personal lives of these almost anonymous artisans, but what information exists shows fairly large numbers of them working in the antebellum period. 16 Margo Preston Moscou, 6, accessed August 18, 2011, www.hnoc.org. 17 Sharon Patton, 20,21. 18 Margo Preston Moscou, 6, accessed April 29,2012, www.hnoc.org.
103 I t should be noted that the total number of antebellum furniture makers, both white and black, increased due to the economic expansion that was taking place in New Orleans during at this time Starting in the 1850s, the number of Gens de Couleur Libre furniture makers beg an to decline. Th is decline in south Louisiana paralleled a similar decline of skilled black craftsmen in other parts of the South. The flood of mass produced furniture was a factor, but certainly not the main cause. 19 Th is diminishing number of Gens de Couleur Libre furnit ure makers was caused by increased hostility against free blacks, the passage of laws specifically designed to restrict the ir social privileges, and competition from an increasing immigration of whites. 20 Comments Gens de Couleur Libre architects, furnitur e makers and ironworkers possessed a valuable skill greatly in demand. Many Creole artisans apprenticed under Europeans Gens de Couleur Libre interacted freely with European artisans who were willing to engage them as apprentices to their trade. As with t he Creole artists of color the many privileges of the three caste system coupled with a strong Francophile identification gave these black craftsmen a greater opportunity to learn fine decorative skills. The privileged social position of the g ens de Coule ur Libre helped them to obtain wealthy patrons but it was the high level of their skill s that had a far greater impact on their success In the mid nineteenth century, the numbers of G ens de C ouleur Libre furniture makers started to decline, a consequence of increased antagonism against free blacks. 19 Margo Preston Moscou, 6, accessed April 29,2012, www.hnoc.org. 20 Sharon Patton, 59.
104 CHAPTER 7 THE INCREASE OF RACI AL TENSION AND THE C IVIL WAR With the increased influx of Americans into the city, hostilities towards free people of color increased. Until the late 1830 s, the large numbers of f ree people of color had made them a majority whose rights were largel y uncontested, especially because of their financial importance in the community. 1 In the 1840s and 1850 s, New Orleans was inundated with unskilled Irish and German immigrants. This immig ration changed the Creole majority, while at the same time it fanned the flames of resentment that these whites harbored against the skilled black Creoles who had until then monopolized the market of skilled trades. 2 The black Creoles experienced particula rly strong mistreatment as racial resentment increased. Because they comprised the largest, wealthiest and most articulate free black community in the South, the Creoles of color posed a powerful threat to the incoming Irish, Germans and Americans 3 Their perceived power was partly brought about because of the superior education of members of the elite free persons of color, along with the cultural sophistication and European connections they had forged Such a large number of free people of color led to in cr eased uneasiness among whites because of the fear of revolt in addition to the disruption of the status quo between white and black. Many of these people were descendants of the influx of free people of color that arrived from Saint Domingue after the 17 92 slave revolts and this association fueled the fear of an uprising. Legal discrimination increased, with new 1 Hirsh, 152. 2 Foner,427. 3 Bell, 2.
105 restrictions consistently placed upon free people of color, including the disbanding of any black Creole societies, closure of free black schools and eventually any assembly of people of color. 4 Manumission (the right of a slave owner to free a slave) was completely outlawed 1857. Many free people of color who could afford to do so left Louisiana for France or Haiti, where their rights as free men were uncontested and their Francophile culture was revered. 5 Desdunes writes extensively about the indignities placed upon free people of color and subsequent voluntary exiles. 6 The 1852 exodus of sculptor Eugene Warburg to Paris is one such example. 7 By the time Louisiana had seceded from the union in January of 1861 racial tensions ran high in New Orleans. The city teetered economically as well. Trade dwindled, imports declined, inflation rose and banks refused to loan money. On May 26,1861, the Confede rate States of America were informed that the port of New Orleans was blockaded from the sea. The trade that provided the life blood of the city was terminated. Federal troops captured New Orleans on April 25, 1862. 8 The three tiered caste system was now facing the threat of a quick decline. The free black Creole in New Orleans was now confronted with life in a society that was not receptive to his existence. 9 4 Foner, 427. 5 Nystrom,19. 6 Desdunes, Nos hommes, 109 112. 7 N.O.C.D., 1854, O'Neil, 75. 8 Reinders, 243, 245. 9 Nystrom, 65.
106 The Union occupation of New Orleans established leaders such a s Major General Benjamin Butler wh o was insensitive to, and perhaps even unaware of the unique position Creoles of color had until then held in New Orleans society. This was not surprising since the three caste social phenomenon was rare in the United States, with the exception of that in Charleston, South Carolina. 10 Not only had the Creoles of color been toppled from their privileged, if tenuous position but they now had to face the challenge of re defining their very identi ty The Creoles had always linked their identity to their cultur al, rather than biological identi fication Now they were occupied by an entity that did not acknowledge their French cultural heritage and which only recognized the biological fact that the Creoles, like the slaves the Union hoped to emancipate, had Africa n blood in their veins. The looming reality of emancipation of slaves if the war was lost by the Confederacy made the situation even more complex. Non Creole free blacks, as well as slaves were often deeply resentful of free Creoles of color. These divers e groups of blacks were deeply divided: by culture, class, occupations, education and even language. Rather than recognize their shared racial interests, they saw their differences as insurmountable obstacles. In March 1907 the Creole New Orleans historian Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes published a pamphlet entitled A Few Words to Dr. DuBois "With Malice toward None." Dr. W.E.B. DuBois was a northern black academic who had made erroneous and in Desdunes judgement, general statement s about Negros with disregard to history, 10 Hirsh, 191.
107 culture and education. 11 Desdunes addresse d the quest for identity and the philosophical differences between these men of color, d ivided by so many factors brought about by the circumstances of their birth, "One aspires to equality, the other to identity, one hope, and the other doubts." 12 Th e lack of identity in a rapidly changing political situation, combined with a determination to maintain a semblance of the old tradition led to seemingly contradi ctory allegiances among Creoles of color. Not only were there differences in idealism among the Creole s themselves, but evidence also shows that the Creoles swore allegiance to either side according to what they considered to be most advantageous at the time. 13 At the start of the Civil War, many of the elite free people of color sympathized with the Confederate cause. Many black Creoles were slaveholders, so it is natural that they would want to protect their economic interests. In rural areas outside of New Orleans, free black slaveholder s organized militias to subdue slave uprisings. 14 With this approach, by enforcing the control over enslaved blacks, some of the free people of color endeavored to keep their place s in the system intact. Some scholars, notably historian Donald E. Everett, believe that this response was inspired by a hope that the Union military would establish Creoles of color as a political ruling class over the emancipated blacks. This argument is supported by the opportunistic nature of the 11 Desdunnes, Nos homes, xvii xix. 12 Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes, a Few Words to Dr. DuBois: "With Malice Toward None" (New Orleans,1907), 13. 13 Bell, 2 6. 14 John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans: 1860 1880 (Chicago: Universi ty of Chicago Press, 1973), 33.
108 support of the Creoles, who changed their allegiance from the Confederate to the Union cause. 15 Another point of view differing from Everett's is provided by Desdunes, who lauds the idealism of the free Creoles of color as idealistic patriots both before and during the reconstruction period. 16 Both arguments are challenged by the opinions of David Rankin. Rankin continues the stereotype of the elitist, Catholic, French speaking and literate Creole of color, but he argues that these men were not trying to dominate whites in Louisiana. He states that it was their idealistic struggle for human rights that made it necessary for them to switch allegiance, aligning it with former slaves when their support was needed for the advancement of the cause. 17 A romanticized revolutionary fervor among the Creoles wa s fueled by the ideals of the French and Haitian Revolutions. This ideali z ed political radicalism by Afro Creole peoples is demonstrated in writings found in L'Union a French language newspaper that began its publication in 1862. L'Union expressed a radic al repub lican vision of equality among the diverse racial and cultural groups in Louisiana. 18 Now politics t ook on a dominant role for the free man of color in the Civil War and in the reconstruction period. Divided by their differences an d motivated by t heir own agenda elitist black creoles and emancipated slaves were united in their new mutual interests and concerns. 19 As the most literate members of the black community, often having already 15 Everett, 64. 16 Desdunes, Nos hommes, 121 123. 17 Bell, 5 6. 18 Bell, 8. 19 Hirsh, 190.
109 established mutually respectable relationships through business with whites, the Creoles of color where the natural choice for representatives of the black community. Racial tensions increased in the period preceding the civil War. The large number of free people of color living in New Orleans created uneasiness among whites because of the fear of revolts by enslaved peoples encouraged by free people of color. Hostilities toward free people of color increased dramatically, with discriminations being legally implemented through increasingly harsh restrictions. The three caste social system began its swift demise, leaving the gens de couleur libre at a loss as to their place in a new world. The Creoles had always linked their identity to their culture rather than race. By 1861 they were occupied by an entity that did not even acknowledge their French cultural heritage and which only recognized the biological fact that they like the slaves to be emancipated, were people of African descent Toppled from their always nebulous position, the gens de couleur libre faced the cha llenge of re defining their place in a new world.
110 CHAPTER 8 RECONSTRUCTION: IMPA CT ON ARTISTS OF COL OR IN POST CIVIL WAR NEW ORLEANS The New Identity of Creole Artists of Color: the Effect of the Upheaval of the Three Caste System The many changes political, social and philosophical from 1862 onward quickly and effectively disrupted the privileged and unique position of Creole free artists of color in New Orleans. Some changes were due to the loss of the Creole's former cultural status; however, some changes, such as th at made by printmaker Lois Lucien Pessou, were the result of his personal choice to follow a different path, namely, the art of the politics of Reconstruction. Whatever the reason, listings of artists of color all but disappear dur ing the Reconstruction period. I will now follow the antebellum artists I have previously discussed that survived into the reconstruction period, charting their course s through the momentous changes they experienced after the Civil War. Jules Lion died in 1866, not very long after the end of the war. His hope for the publication of a book of lithographic portraits including the great men of Louisiana never materialized, a casualty of war. 1 The three artists that I have included who were still working in New Orleans after the war are lithographer Lois Lucien Pessou, who died in 1886, and tomb sculptors Florville Foy and Daniel Warburg, who died, respectively, in 1903 and 1911. Lois Lucien Pessou envisioned a greater purpose for himself after the Civil Wa r. The politics of Reconstruction had created a need for literate, well educated people of color to power the machine of the Reconstruction era Republican vision of Louisiana. 1 East, "Jules Lion," 918.
111 Pessou left his position as senior partner in the Pessou and Simon printing com pany at the end of the war. The split from his business partner, Benedict Simon, was brought about because of Pessou's intentions to become actively involved in reconstruction politics. 2 Pessou's support of the Republican governor, Henry Warmoth, was prob ably responsible for his appointment to the "Position of births and deaths" in 1868, although he seems to have had no previous political or bureaucratic experience. 3 A positive article in the New Orleans Republican praising his professional handling of thi s position followed the completion of his term. Another political appointment as "Ward Superintendent of Streets" quickly followed for Pessou However, after the elections of 1868, when the French speaking communities supported ex slaveholders for politica l office, alliances between elite black Creoles and the Republicans collapsed, causing the Creoles to lose yet another esteemed position of power. 4 Pessou did finally return to lithography late in life, although examples of his later work are not to be fou nd. The New Orleans City Directory of 1879 lists his occupation as "artist," and his place of business as his home. 5 His choice to leave his art temporarily was not something forced upon him, but was rather a conscious choice related to his search for iden tity in the new post Civil War world that he inhabited. He died on December 18, 1886. 6 2 Kellye M. Rosenheim, 178. 3 Nystrom, 69. Jewell's Crescent City Illustrated, xiii. 4 Bell, 5. 5 N.O.C.D., 187 3 1875, 1879. 6 New Orleans Death Certificate (1886,) XC, 486.
112 Sculptors Florville Foy and Daniel Warburg both continued their work into the early twentieth century. These men and the probability for success differed from that of th e other artists because they were craftsmen who possessed a valuable skill much esteemed in New Orleans. In post Civil War New Orleans, the cities of the dead became even more grand and opulent. Affluent families, many more of them now Americans, demonstra ted their prosperity and importance in society with ostentatious tombs. The necessity of aboveground burials turned into an inspiration for creative artistic expression through the funerary arts. As the city grew, established cemeteries became crowded, and so the need for new cemeteries grew. New Orleans cemeteries serve as physical, comprehensive examples of its cultural and social history. "American" New Oreanians, many of them Irish, Italian and German immigrants, desired cemeter ies patterned after tho se found in the n orth e astern United States, with the green space of a garden. 7 The monument industry flourished, with the opening of Cypress Grove in 1840 and Greenwood Cemetery in 1852. These cemeteries were upstaged in 1872 with the establishment of Meta irie Cemetery, a grandiose undertaking incorporating 150 acres. Eighty acres of the cemetery were situated upon the site of the circular track of the former Metairie Race Track, a popular track for the indulgence of the Creole passion of horse racing. Meta irie Cemetery exemplifies the fanciful and extravagant grandeur of the post Civil War funerary arts, in which some of the tombs border on ostentatious displays of wealth. 8 7 Robert Florence, New Orleans Cemeteries, Life in the Cities of the Dead (New Orleans: Batture Press, Inc., 1997), 164 165. 8 Florence, 127, 137,163.
113 The success of sculptors Florville Foy and Daniel Warburg was apparently not affect ed by their race, but it was eventually thwarted by the advent of thriving capitalism in the monument industry. Because large companies could offer lower prices, they put smaller ateliers out of business. The advent of steam operated machinery meant that w ork could be accomplished more quickly and the ability to import large quantities of stone meant lower prices. 9 Independent firms, such as those of Foy and Warburg now had to struggle to compete. In addition with the arrival of large corporate firms came generic, formulaic tomb design, with cookie cutter results that were apparently satisfactory to many. However, o ne advantage that Foy and Warburg had was the fact that they remained artists T he enduring quality of their fine designs and the execution of t heir carving make this very apparent. Florville Foy's business continued to succeed following the Civil War, even being listed prominently in a 1884 85 World's Fair publication. 10 Foy owned a good deal of property, much of which he collected rent. This inco me must have been helpful in the support of his marble yard. Foy managed, against the odds of the large and aggressively competitive companies, to keep his sculpture company open until his death. Legal records testify to twenty years of Foy's financial fin esse in mortgaging and transferring property in order to keep his business afloat through troubled times. 11 These ploys were successful: in 1882, Foy still employed eight sculptors and a full time 9 Brady, Florville Foy, F.M.C., 17, Free M en of Color as Tomb Builders, 487. 10 Brady, Florville Foy, F.M.C ., 17. 11 Brady, Florville Foy, F.M.C ., 17.
114 manager, showing a record of $20,000 in transactions. 12 The Pen Illustrations of New Orleans, Trade, Commerce and Manufactures list describes Foy's marble works as one of the oldest and most reliable establishments in the South. Document ation of other artists of color are difficult to find in the Reconstruction era of New Orleans, because of the insurmountable obstacles they faced. Florvile Foy managed to overcome these obstacles through the quality of his work and his financial acumen. In a time when many Creoles of color failed in their endeavors for identity Foy thrived due to the demand for his particular skill and his reputation for quality work. Daniel Warburg also managed to continue working into the twentieth century, dying in 1911. Warburg managed to keep his artistic reputation intact, even as his business deteriorated. When large monument companies became impossible to compete with, many independent ateliers were forced to close, and in 1871 Daniel Warburg's own workshop succumbed. Warburg was in the employ of Florville Foy for one year and thereafter he moved from one monument company to another, as is documented by his signed tombs located throughout the cemeteries of New Orleans. 13 One advantage that Warburg had over other sculptors was that he was proficient in carving both marble and granite and grani te had become the more fashionable material entering into the twentieth century. Many of Warburg's later works in Metairie Cemetery were executed in granite and were completed while Warburg was in the employ of Albert Weiblen, who owned a large monument co mpany. 14 The quality and unique 12 John Land, Pen Illustrations of New Orleans, Trade, Commerce and Manufacturers 1881 82. (This amount would be worth $446,000 in 2010 according to The Inflation Calculator @ www.westegg.com) 13 Survey of Historic New Orleans Cemeteries. 14 Brady, Free Men of Color as Tomb Builders, 487.
115 design of these granite tombs testify both to the skill of the sculptor as well as the to the existence of customer s who preferred the exceptional creation of an artist to the uninspired conventional work typical of the large company. Warburg continued sculpting until shortly before his death, receiving acclaim for the quality of his work. The industrial boom in post Civil War New Orleans may have destroyed Warburg's own business, but race was not a factor Warburg, like Foy, managed to continue to support his family with his craft until his death. The Slow Revival of Artists of Color in New Orleans Records of new artists of color in New Orleans after the Civil War dwindle to almost nothing. Jewell's Crescent City Illustrated o f 1873, in its "General Strangers' Guide," has no listings of artists at all, and only one commercial lithographer is included 15 The Encyclopaedia of New Orleans Artists 1718 1918 lists a very few, but any existing record of their work or descriptive docu mentation of their work is scant. Most information is compiled by a comparison of census records, which list race, with the New Orleans city directory, which lists occupation. The majority of these people are listed as sculptors. Jacob Questy was active in 1880, listed in the directory as a "sculptor" and "marble cutter," which could signify that he did tomb cutting work as well as fine arts sculptures. 16 Henry J. Elliot was listed in the directory as a "sculptor" in 15 Jewell's Crescent City, Illustrated. 16 Encyclopaedia, 316. NOCD 1871 1875 77,1880 83; U.S. Census (1870), roll 521
116 1879. 17 Also, in 1879, a listing is found for Moses Dunbar, "wood carver," suggesting an artist, but not one necessarily working in funerary arts or tomb construction. 18 A small flurry of artistic activity occurred in 1869, as is indicated by with an article about a work by Jean Baptiste Godfroi. Godfroi is officially listed as a painter, but the article describes a work of art that is far different from a typical two dimensional work. Godfroi's work is first described in the New Orleans Republican (sometimes listed by the title The Black Republica n), a publication that would have been receptive to a black artist. 19 The subject is of the invasion of the Union fleet into New Orleans, a subject that also would have been popular with the Republican party of the reconstruction period. The short article r eads: We witnessed last month at the home of a humble colored man living in the Second District of this city, Jean Baptiste Godfroi by name, the most surprising piece of art and which ever came to our notice. The work consists of a painting as perf ect almost as a photographic view representing the sugar mart on the levee at the first time of the passing of the fleet, under Admiral Farregut, in front of the city. The whole scene is made singularly life like by means of machinery, moving not only the ships in the water but many of the figures in the vast crowd assembled upon the levee who are seen hard at work removing and destroying the sugar. We understand the work is soon to be placed on exhibition, and we shall take the occasion to allude to it aga in in detail .. 20 In November of the same year, an announcement that describes the same painting is published in the New Orleans Bee perhaps on the occasion of the promised exhibition, although no venue is listed in the announcement The article titled "Automatic Panorama of the Capture of New Orleans," hails the piece as being true to 17 Encyclopaedia, 126. NOCD 1866,1868,1870 80, 1882 86. 18 Encyclopaedia, 119. NOCD 1867,1871 74, 1876 79. 19 "Library of Congress," accessed February 4, 2012. http://www.loc.gov/index.html. 20 New Orleans Republican, July 7, 1869.p.3, col.2.
117 reality, depicting the movements of artillery, vessels and men, "about one hundred and fifty figures which seem to stand out in relief on a vast canvas, which is brilliantly lighted." 21 After these two newspaper notices, no further documentation is found of the work or whereabouts of Jean Baptiste Godfroi. The fact that Godfroi is no longer listed in the census or New Orleans City Directory after 1869, combined with a lack of a death certificate suggests that Godfroi left the city. In his brief time in New Orleans, Jean Baptiste Godfroi received acclaim for his painting, but the work itself is described more as a fantastic "automated" attraction than as a serious wo rk of fine art. By 1872, the black painter Edward P. Cleary is documented to be working in the city. Much more documentation exists, Cleary being listed in the N.O.C.D. for twenty nine years, from 1872 1901. In the directories, Cleary is usually classified as a painter, but sometimes is defined as: portrait painter, still life painter, sign and ornamental painter and an artist specializing in "japanning" and "ornamentation of objects." Cleary is documented as working at multiple business locations for diffe rent employers and was obviously an accomplished and multi talented artist. 22 Most significantly, Edward Cleary exhibited his work to the public. He participated in the "Colored People's Exhibit" of the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition of 1884 85. Although no catalogue including names and titles was printed for the inauguration, Cleary's paintings are specifically noted in the 1885 Daily Picayune article "Public Inauguration of the C olored People's Exhibit." The article notes that "E.P. 21 The New Orl eans Bee, November 30, 1869, p.1, col. 2. 22 Encyclopaedia, 80, NOCD 1872 1901, U.S. Census (1900), roll 575.
118 Cleary, of New Orleans, sends several good paintings, including a fruit and flower scene, an oil painting portrait of Louis Dubois, and a portrait of President Arthur." 23 Another publication from the fair titled Practical Common Sense Guide Book through the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition at New Orleans, while not lauding Cleary's work specifically, notes that the work of the artists of Louisiana are "quite remarkable," and worthy of special attention. 24 The Daily Picayune states their opi nion that the exhibits of colored people of the Southern States were superior to those from the North, and points out that people of both races viewed the works. 25 While it is true that the "Colored People's Exhibit" at the Cotton Exhibition gave blacks, including black artists, an opportunity to showcase their skills, the overall attitude of the press was extremely condescending to people of color. The Cotton Exhibition claimed that a separate department for blacks was designed in order to "give the color ed people an opportunity to show what progress they are making in the arts and sciences." 26 However, e very accolade was combined with condescending commentary noting great surprise that people of color were even capable of creating such a "creditable presen tation" and reporting with astonishment the "amazing evidence" of the progress of blacks. 27 23 The Daily Picayune, February 24, 1885, p.3, col. 1 3. 24 Lane S. Hart, Practical Common Sense Guide Book through the World's Industrial & Cotton E xhibition at New Orleans (Harrisburg: Lane Hart,1885), 44. 25 The Daily Picayune, February 24, 1885, p.3, col. 1 3. 26 Herbert S. Fairall, U.S. Commissioner for Iowa, The World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition: New Orleans, 1884 85 (Iowa City, 1 885) 379. 27 Lane S. Hart, Practical Common Sense Guide Book through the World's Industrial & Cotton Exhibition at New Orleans (Harrisburg: Lane Hart,1885), 44.
119 The Daily Picayune was especially offensive in its coverage, delivering an insult with every compliment. The newspaper reported that the work of the colored people in many instances vied with the work of whites, while noting poetically how the colored race had progressed from a "little toddling dependant child" to the present time when people of color realized that they "might help themselves to talents, arts, indust ries and professions, that were before totally new to them." 28 The Colored People's Exhibit featured a marble sculpture by Edmonia Lewis titled "Hiawatha's Wooing." (fig. 58 ) This sculpture, also called "The Old Arrow Maker and His Daughter," was inspired by Longfellow's poem, The Song of Hiawatha. The sculpture features two full figures of Native Americans on a single base, with realistic native clothing and facial features. At this time, in 1884, Edmonia Lewis was probably the most distinguished black woma n alive, and her sculpture played an important role in establishing the prestige of the exhibit. Ironically however, Lewis had left America, choosing to live in Europe to practice her art, settling in Rome in 1866, just as Daniel Warburg had previously don e. 29 While the Picayune grudgingly describe d the sculpture, which was located in the center of the pavilion, as "graceful" and acknowledge d Lewis' talent, it chose to focus attention on the photograph of Lewis next to the sculpture. The photograph was descr ibed in the article as "an odd, not satisfactory Roman photograph of the sculptress," while Lewis herself was described as "small, slight, bright coffee colored and most amiable in her manner, devoted to her art, and yet without being what 28 The Daily Picayune, February 24, 1885, p.3, col. 1 3. 29 Stephen May, "The Object at Hand," Sm ithsonian Magazine, September, 1996, accessed February 5, 2012, http://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts culture.
120 one would call a cultivated woman." 30 As was the habit of the time, Lewis was slighted as a person and her art was given only begrudging praise. The "Colored People's Exhibit" of the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition of 1884 85 represented a turning poin t for recognition of the accomplishments of people of color. Reviews of the publications regarding the event, however, are astonishing in the degree of prejudice demonstrated. Any advancement of people of color in the arts (as well as other endeavors) was hard won, with praise grudgingly given, to say the least. Obviously, a dramatic change had taken place since the days in which the New Orleans newspapers waxed eloquent over the accomplishments of free people of color. Comments The demise of the three cast e social system of the gens de couleur libres forced free people of color to re identify themselves and their place in a society that no longer acknowledged their existence. Of the artists addressed in this study who outlived the reconstruction period, tho se to survive were the ones that provided a valued and needed skill, namely the funerary sculptors. The revival of artists of color after the Civil War was slow and nearly non existent. The World's Industrial and Cotton Exposition 's "Colored People's Exhib it" provided the first strong evidence of change, but the journalistic coverage was discouraging. Whereas the gens de couleur libres had faced by this time a kind of reverse prejudice, a resentment of their privileged" position in society and anger direct ed at their pretentious attitudes about the vastly superior cultural abilities of the French, the post Civil War N egro now faced a smirking, 30 The Daily Picayune February 24, 1885, p.3, col. 1 3.
121 condescending prejudice that marveled at any accomplishment made by people of African descent as "amazing evidence" of their evolution. Any previous unification of people of mixed racial heritage through identification with French cultural heritage had been lost in the continued influx of other, non French European immigrants and pro American sentiment. Conclusion The tri caste social system and predominant Francophile culture of antebellum New Orleans provided a fertile ground for the development of the accomplishments of gens de couleur libres artists. The cultural and political changes leading up to, and then halted by the Civil War shattered the privileged position of Creoles of color, virtually obliterating their identity within New Orleans society. During the antebellum period, Creoles of color, by their devotion to superior French culture and worldly e ducation, had compelled respect. T ragically, after the war, they were included by default in the invisible, powerless cultural class of the newly emancipated slave. All of the artists covered in this research benefitted from the consequences of the tripartite caste system and allegiance to Gallic culture either from a French education, from apprenticeships and business interactions with European immigrant artists (Italian, French and German Jewish,) from strong Francophile alliances that led to commissions, and from a foundation of a well established and sometimes wealthy family that allowed them to follow a career in the arts. The few documen ted artists who kept their positions as respected artists intact after the Civil War were those such as tomb sculptors and li thographers who possessed skills that were in demand The eventual decline in their success was due to factors
122 other than their racial heritag e, such as career choices brought about by racially motivat ed political changes or the influx of large corporation s into the funerary industry. For a short period of time a unique set of circumstances provided a perfect environment for the cultivation of these artists among the gens de couleur libres in a country where most people of African ancestry faced a hostile e nvironment. A unique flowering of creativity occurred, inspiring admiration for artists of color not to be found again in America until the Harlem Renaissance.
123 APPENDIX: FIGURES Figure A 1. Portrait of a Man, Called a Self Portrait by Julien Hudson : 1839, oil on canvas Courtesy of the Collections of Louisiana State Museum 07526B
124 Figure A 2. Portrait of a Man (Abner Coker) by Joshua Johnson ca. 1805 1810, oil on canvas Courtesy of Bowdoin College Museum of Art, Brunswick, Maine Accessed 2/11/ 12, http:// www.bowdoin.edu/art museum Figure A 3. Dona Maria Theresa Piconelle By Antonio Meucci Ca.1818, watercolor on ivory Courtesy of the Collections of Louisiana State Museum, 08943.30
125 A B C Figure A 4. Three figures By Antonio Meucci Ca. 1825, watercolor on ivory ,A) Piere Toussaint B) Juliette Noel Toussaint C) Euphemia Toussaint Courtesy of the Collection of the New York Historical Society, 1920.4,1920.5, 1920.6 Accessed 2/17/12, http://americangallery.wordpress.com
126 Figure A 5 Pascuala Concepcin Muoz Castrilln By Antonio Meucci, ca.1830, watercolor on ivory Courtesy of Neal Auction Company Figure A 6 Portrait Miniature of a Creole Lady Attributed to Julien Hudson Ca. 1837 39, oil on panel Courtesy of the collection o f Laura Schwartz and Arthur Jussel; From In Search of Julien Hudson, ed. Erin Greenwald, New Orleans: The Historic New Orleans Collection, 2010, p.26, Fig.8.
127 Figure A 7 Portrait of a Creole Gentleman Attributed to Julien Hudson ca. 1835 1837, oil on canvas, Courtesy of the Dallas Museum of Art, 2006.55, gift of Curtis E. Ransom Figure A 8 Nos Hommes et Notre Histoire By Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes, Montreal; Arbour & Dupont, 1911 Accessed 2/12/12, http://www.lib.lsu.edu
128 Figure A 9 Willia m Charles Cole Claiborne II By Jean Joseph Vaudechamp 183 1 oil on canvas Accessed 2/12/12, http://louisdl.louislibraries.org
129 Figure A 10 Madame Clara Durel Forstal and Eugne Forstall By Jean Joseph Vaudechamp 183 6 oil on canvas Accessed 2/12/12, http://louisdl.louislibraries.org
130 Figure A 1 1 Edmond Jean Forstal and Desire Forstall By Jean Joseph Vaudechamp 183 6 oil on canvas Accessed 2/12/12, http://louisdl.louislibraries.org
131 Figure A 1 2 Portrait of Betsy by Franois (Franz) Fleischbein 1837, oil on canvas, courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, 1985.212. Accessed 2/11/12 http://www.worcesterart.org/ Exhibitions
13 2 Figure A 1 3 Portrait of Marie Louis Tetu, Madame Francois Fleischbein by Franois (Franz) Fleischbein ca.1833 1836, oil on canvas, courtesy of the Dallas Museum of Art, American Painting Fund, and the Patsy Lu cy Griffith Collection, gift of Patsy Lacy Griffith, 2007.24.1
133 Figure A 14. Portrait of a Young Girl With a Rose by Julien Hudson 1834, oil on canvas Courtesy of the Zigler Museum Accessed 2/11/12 http://www.worcesterart.org/ Exhibitions
134 Figure A 1 5 Creole Boy With A Moth by Julien Hudson 1835, oil on canvas, courtesy of a private collection; photo courtesy of Fodera Fine Art Conservation, Ltd. Accessed 2/11/12 http://www.worcesterart.org/ Exhibitions
135 Figure A 1 6 Nicholas Legrand and h is Grandson by Alexandre Denis Abel de Pujol, 1815, oil on canvas, courtesy of the High Museum of Art, 1990.2.
136 Figure A 1 7 Boy With a Rose By George David Coulon, 1842, oil on canvas, courtesy of the Collections of the Louisiana State Museum, 04 931
137 Figure A 18. Jean Michel Fortier III by Julien Hudson 1839, oil on canvas c ourtesy of the Collections of Louisiana State Museum 11321
138 Figure A 19 Portrait of a Free Man of Color By Julien Hudson, 1835, oil on canvas, courtesy of a private collection; photo courtesy of Fodera Fine Art Conservation, Ltd. Accessed 2/11/12 http://www.worcesterart.org/ Exhibitions
139 Figure A 2 0 Charles Gayarr By Jules Lion, Date unidentified, lithograph, courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, Ac cessed 2/12/12, http://knowla.org/image
140 Figure A 2 1 Achille Lion By Jules Lion, between 1837 and 1847, lithograph, courtesy of the Worcester Art Museum, accessed 2/12/12, http://www.worcesterart.org
141 Figure A 2 2 Daguerreotype of a Young Woman Attributed to Jules Lion, 1840's, daguerreotype, accessed 2/12/12, https://www.courses.psu.edu Figure A 2 3 The Cathedral of New Orleans By Jules Lion, 1842, lithograph, courtesy of the Worcester Art Museum
142 Figure A 2 4 Ashur Moses Nathan and Son (Achille) By Jules Lion, 1845, pastel, portrait owned by Ann & Jack Brittain and children, accessed 2/12/12, https://www.courses.psu.edu
143 Figure A 2 5 Martin Van Buren By Jules Lion, between 1837 and 1866, lithograph, courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, accessed 2/12/12, http://knowla.org/image
144 Figure A 2 6 View of Jackson Square, New Orleans from Riverside By Louis Pessou and Simon Benedict, 1855, chromolithograph, Courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, accesse d 2/12/12, http://www.knowla.org/image Figure A 2 7 Plan of the City of New Orleans By Louis Pessou and Simon Benedict, 1860, lithograph, courtesy of Louisiana State Museum Map Database, 1976.093.001, accessed 2/17/12, http://www.crt.state.la.us/mus eum
145 Figure A 28 Camp Moore By By Louis Pessou and Simon Benedict, 1861, lithograph, courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, accessed 2/12/12, http://www.knowla.org/image
146 Figure A 29. Child With a Drum By Florville Foy 1838, marble c ou rtesy of the Collections of Louisiana State Museum 00216
147 Figure A 30. Advertisement for Florville Foy, Sculptor Creator unknown 1800's, advertisement from Gardners's New Orleans Dictionary c ourtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection a ccessed 2/ 12/12, http://www.knowla.org
148 Figure A 3 1 Famille Abat Tomb By Florville Foy, 1851, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
149 Figure A 3 2 Famille Dejan Tomb By Florville Foy, 1888, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). Photogr aph courtesy of Walter Coker
150 Figure A 3 3 Adam Tomb By Florville Foy, 1866, marble (St. Louis I Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
151 Figure A 3 4 Abat Tomb, Detail By Florville Foy, 1851, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). Photograph courtes y of Walter Coker Figure A 3 5 Fernandez Tomb, Detail By Florville Foy, Date unknown, marble (St. Louis II Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
152 Figure A 3 6 Adam Tomb, Detail By Florville Foy, 1866, marble (St. Louis I Cemetery). Photog raph courtesy of Walter Coker Figure A 3 7 Pons Tomb, Flambeau Detail By Florville Foy, Date unknown, marble (St. Louis I Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
153 Figure A 38 John Young Mason By Eugene Warburg, Ca. 1850 55, marble, Court esy of the Virginia Historical Society, 1927.21. Accessed 2/18/12, http://www.vahistorical.org
154 Figure A 39 Holcombe Aiken Column By Daniel Warburg, 1904, marble (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
155 Figure A 4 0 Holcombe Aiken C olumn, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1904, marble (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker Figure A 4 1 Holcombe Aiken Column, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1904, marble (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
156 Figure A 4 2 Lob Family Monument By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
157 Figure A 4 3 Lob Family Monument, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
158 Figu re A 4 4 McLean Monument By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
159 Figure A 4 5 McLean Monument, Detail By Daniel Warburg, 1905, granite (Metairie Cemetery). Photograph courtesy of Walter Coker
160 Fig ure A 4 6 Les Cenelles, Choix de Posies indigenes (title page) 1845. Courtesy of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Manuscripts, Archives and Rare Book Divisi on, The New York Public Library. ID# 1169589. Accessed 4/20/12 http://www.inmo tionaame.org
161 Figure A 4 7 Victor Sjour. From Diogene March 8, 1857. Courtesy of the Bibliothque nationale de France and the Schomburg Center. ID# 1169760, Accessed 4/20/12 http://www.inmotionaame.org Figure A 48 Alexandre Dumas c ourtesy of t he Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Manuscripts, Archives and Rare Book Divisi on, The New York Public Library. ID# 1165406, a ccessed 4/20/12 http://www.inmotionaame.org
162 Figure A 49 Le Fils de las Nuit (cover page) by Victor Sjour 1 856 Courtesy of the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Manuscripts, Archives and Rare Book Division, The New York Public Library ID# 1169760 a ccessed 4/20/12 http://www.inmotionaame.org Figure A 5 0 Photograph of Edmond Dd c ourtesy o f the Amistad Res earch Center,Tulane Univ.and the Schomburg Center. ID # 1165409 a ccessed 4/20/12 http://www.inmotionaame.org
163 Figure A 5 1 African House Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, La. Courtesy of "The Story of the Melrose Plantation" Access ed 4/29/12, http://www.canerivercolony.com/history Figure A 5 2 Beauregard House, Fence Detail, French Quarter, Historic American Builders Survey c ourtesy of the New Orleans Museum of Art accessed 4/29/12, http://www.noma.org.education guides/ CreoleB uildArt.pdf
164 Figure A 53. Celestin Glapion, Creole style armoire courtesy of the Historic New Orleans Collection, accessed 4/29/12, http://www.nola.com
165 Figure A 54. Dutreuil Barjon mahogany armoire, exterior courtesy of Neal Auction House. accessed 4/29/12, http://www.frenchcreoles.com Figure A 55. Dutreuil Barjon mahogany armoire interior, courtesy of Neal Auction House. accessed 4/29/12, http://www.frenchcreoles.com
166 Figure A 5 6 The Wooing of Hiawatha By Edmonia Lewis 1872, marble c ou rtesy of SCAD Museum of Art Accessed 2/12/12, http://www.scadmoa.org
167 LIST OF REFERENCES Anthony, Arthe. "The Negro Community in New Orleans 1880 1920: An Oral History," (Ph.D. Diss.) Irvine: University of California, 1978. Bell, Caryn Cosse'. Revoluti on, Romanticism, and the Afro Creole Protest Tradition in Louisiana, 1718 1868. Baton Rouge : Louisiana State University Press, 1997. Benfey, Christopher. Degas in New Orleans: Encounters in the Creole World of Kate Chopin and George Washington Cable Berke ley: University of California Press, 1997. Berlin, Ira. Slaves Without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South New York: Pantheon Books, 1976. Bertin, P.M. The General Index of All Successions Opened in the Parish of Orleans, From the Year 1805 to the Year 1846 New Orleans: Yeomans and Finch, 1849. Blassingame, John W., Black New Orleans, 1860 1880 Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973. Bonner, Judith Hopkins. "George David Coulon: A Nineteenth Century French Louisiana Painter." Southern Qua rterly: A Journal of the Arts in the South XX, No.2, no. Winter (1982): 41 61. Borowitz, Helen O. "The Man Who Wrote to David," The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art Vol.67, Oct. (1980): pp.254 274. Brady, Patricia. "Free Artists of Color of Antebe llum New Orleans," The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association 32, no.1 (1991): 6. Brady, Patricia. "Free Men of Color as Tomb Builders in the Nineteenth Century." In Cross Crozier and Crucible New Orleans: The Archdiocese of New Orleans, 1974. 47 8 488. Brady, Patricia. "The Warburg Brothers: Sculptors." The Historic New Orleans Collection Newsletter 7, no. 3 (1989): 8 9. Brady, Patricia. "Black Artists in Antebellum New Orleans." Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Associati on 32, no. 1 (1991): 7 28. Brady, Patricia. "Florville Foy, F.M.C. Master Marble Cutter and Tomb Builder." The Southern Quarterly: A Journal of the Arts in the South 21, no. 2 (1993): 9 20. Brady, Patricia. "A Mixed Palette: Free Artists of Color in Antebe llum New Orleans." The International Review of African American art 12, no. 3 (1995): 5 57.
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169 Florence, Robert. New Orleans Cemeteries, Life in the Cities of the Dead. New Orleans: Batture Pres s, Inc., 1997. Foner, Laura. "The Free People of Color in Louisiana and St. Domingue: A Comparative Portrait of Two Three Caste Slave Societies." Journal of Social History 3, no. 4 (1970): 406 430. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3786302 (accessed September 1 9, 2010). Glenk, Robert. Louisiana State Museum Handbook of Information Concerning it's Historic Buildings and the Treasures they Contain New Orleans: New Orleans State Museum, 1934. Greenwald, ed., Erin, Patricia Brady, and William Keyse Rudolph. In Sear ch of Julien Hudson: Free Artists of Color in Pre Civil War New Orleans New Orleans: The Historic New Orleans Collection, 2010. Guillaume, Alfred J. "Love, Death and Faith in the New Orleans Poets of Color." Southern Quarterly XX, no.2, no. Winter (1982): 127. Guillory, Monique. "Under One Roof: The Sins and Sanctity of the New Orleans Quadroon Balls." In Race Consciousness New York: N.Y.U. Press, 1997. 86. Guillory, Monique. Some Enchanted Evening on the Auction Block; The Cultural Legacy of the New Orle ans Quadroon Balls (Ph.D. dissertation) New York: New York University, 1999. Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Africans in Colonial Louisiana Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1992. Hart, Lane S., Practical Common Sense Guide Book through th e World's Industrial & Cotton Exhibition at New Orleans (Harrisburg: Hart, 1885) Hirsch, Arnold R., and Joseph Logsdon. Creole New Orleans: Race and Americanization Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992. Jewell, Edwin L. Jewell's Crescent Ci ty Illustrated New Orleans: Edwin L. Jewell, 1873. Reprinted: The Michigan Historical Reprint Series, University of Michigan University Library. Jordan, George E. "Mystery Surrounds Louisiana Painting in Met Exhibition." The Times Picayune (New Orleans) July 25, 1976, sec. 2. Kline, Sybil, ed. Creole: The History and Legacy of Louisiana's Free People of Color Baton Rouge: L.S.U. Press, 2000. Krabe, Henri. Biographie des hommes du jour 1835 47 Paris: Historic New Orleans Collection, Acc.no. 1970,11.82, 1 970.
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173 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Kar en Burt Coker attended Louisiana State University where she received a BFA in printmaking in 1979. She continued her studies at the University of Florida where she received a BFA in photography and a Master of Arts in Art Education in 1990. Since that time she has taught both secondary and post secondary classes in both public and private schools in Florida.