<%BANNER%>

The Coverage of Weight and Body Image in Mainstream vs. African- American Magazines

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0044284/00001

Material Information

Title: The Coverage of Weight and Body Image in Mainstream vs. African- American Magazines
Physical Description: 1 online resource (134 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Lester, Armenthis Y
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2012

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: black -- body -- image -- magazines -- obesity -- weight -- white -- women
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: A large body of research has been dedicated to the content in women’s magazines and their effect on readers. Studies have found mass media messages about women and their bodies damaging to the psyche of many women, especially young women. These toxic messages have the potential to lead to negative internalized feelings and negative behaviors. However, similar studies have demonstrated that African-American women are not affected the same by the content in women’s magazines. Although they were exposed to similar media messages about women and their bodies, body image issues and self-destructive behaviors less affected African American women. According to research, African- American women and white women perceive weight and body image differently. This study’s goal was to determine if this culturally specific difference translated in to how weight and body image was covered in African-American and mainstream magazines. A content analysis was conducted of articles about weight and body image in two African-American women’s magazine and two mainstream women’s magazines. A sample of issues between 2008 and 2009 yielded 141 articles. The articles were analyzed to determine the how weight and body image were framed, the type of images used, the primary source of information, and the credentials of the authors. In addition, the articles were analyzed to determine if the coverage of weight and body image is different in mainstream vs. African-American magazines. Findings revealed the messages in women’s magazines improved. The messages about weight and body images were based on sound medical advice and the messages were framed to promote health, not beauty. In addition, the coverage of weight and body image was similar in mainstream vs. African-American magazines; however, the type of images used differed. African-American women’s magazines featured body types and sizes that reflected the majority of the female population. Unfortunately, the findings also revealed the lack qualified writers to pen articles about health related issues.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Armenthis Y Lester.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local: Adviser: Treise, Deborah M.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2012
System ID: UFE0044284:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0044284/00001

Material Information

Title: The Coverage of Weight and Body Image in Mainstream vs. African- American Magazines
Physical Description: 1 online resource (134 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Lester, Armenthis Y
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2012

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: black -- body -- image -- magazines -- obesity -- weight -- white -- women
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: A large body of research has been dedicated to the content in women’s magazines and their effect on readers. Studies have found mass media messages about women and their bodies damaging to the psyche of many women, especially young women. These toxic messages have the potential to lead to negative internalized feelings and negative behaviors. However, similar studies have demonstrated that African-American women are not affected the same by the content in women’s magazines. Although they were exposed to similar media messages about women and their bodies, body image issues and self-destructive behaviors less affected African American women. According to research, African- American women and white women perceive weight and body image differently. This study’s goal was to determine if this culturally specific difference translated in to how weight and body image was covered in African-American and mainstream magazines. A content analysis was conducted of articles about weight and body image in two African-American women’s magazine and two mainstream women’s magazines. A sample of issues between 2008 and 2009 yielded 141 articles. The articles were analyzed to determine the how weight and body image were framed, the type of images used, the primary source of information, and the credentials of the authors. In addition, the articles were analyzed to determine if the coverage of weight and body image is different in mainstream vs. African-American magazines. Findings revealed the messages in women’s magazines improved. The messages about weight and body images were based on sound medical advice and the messages were framed to promote health, not beauty. In addition, the coverage of weight and body image was similar in mainstream vs. African-American magazines; however, the type of images used differed. African-American women’s magazines featured body types and sizes that reflected the majority of the female population. Unfortunately, the findings also revealed the lack qualified writers to pen articles about health related issues.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Armenthis Y Lester.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local: Adviser: Treise, Deborah M.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2012
System ID: UFE0044284:00001


This item has the following downloads:


Full Text

PAGE 1

1 THE COVERAGE OF WEIG HT AND BODY IMAGE IN MAINSTREAM AND AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMENS MAG AZINES: IS IT ALL JU ST BLACK AND WHITE? By ARMENTHIS Y. LESTER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRA DUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMM UNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 201 2

PAGE 2

2 201 2 A r menthis Y. Lester

PAGE 3

3 T o God, f or the great things He has done

PAGE 4

4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would first like to acknowl edge God for giving me the strength and grace to complete this task. Additionally, I would like to thank my Chair, Dr. Debbie Treise for believing in me, even when I doubted myself. Her support and guidance was invaluable throughout this process. I woul d like to extend my appreciation to my committee members Dr. Johanna Cleary and Dr. Kim WalshChilders for their insight and wisdom. I would also like to thank my natural family, my church family, and collogues from the Malcom Randal VA Medical Center for their thoughts, prayers and well wishes. Special thanks go out to the lovely ladies in JOU office for always having a warm smile, answers to my questions and chocolate. And, finally, I would like the honor the Late Linda S. Hallam for assisting me with my coding. Although you are no longer present, your scholarly contributions to this field will continue to speak for you.

PAGE 5

5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ 8 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... 9 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 12 CHAPTER 1 IN TRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 14 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................................... 17 Obesity in America .................................................................................................. 17 Obesity among African Americans ......................................................................... 19 Obesity among African American Women ............................................................... 20 The Role of Body Image in Weight Loss ................................................................. 20 Weight Loss and Health Behavior Related Theories .............................................. 21 Health Literacy ........................................................................................................ 22 Social Learning The ory ........................................................................................... 25 Health Belief Model ................................................................................................. 27 Magazines as a Source for Health Information ....................................................... 28 Weight and Body Image Coverage in Womens Magazines ................................... 29 Weight and body image coverage in African American Magazines ......................... 30 F raming Theory ...................................................................................................... 31 Culture and Health Communications ...................................................................... 35 Research Questions ............................................................................................... 37 3 M ETHODOLOGY ................................................................................................... 38 Design ..................................................................................................................... 38 Sampling ................................................................................................................. 38 Magazine Selection ................................................................................................ 39 Time Frame Rationale ............................................................................................ 40 Article selection ....................................................................................................... 42 Coding Procedure ................................................................................................... 43 Reliability ................................................................................................................ 45 Statistical Analysis .................................................................................................. 45 4 RESULTS ............................................................................................................... 47 Types of Articles ..................................................................................................... 47 Graphics ................................................................................................................. 48

PAGE 6

6 Race and Photos .................................................................................................... 48 Age ......................................................................................................................... 49 RQ1 ........................................................................................................................ 49 Conflicting Messages ....................................................................................... 51 Polarized Frames ............................................................................................. 52 Photographs ..................................................................................................... 53 Body Type ........................................................................................................ 54 Body Size ......................................................................................................... 55 Clothing Attire ................................................................................................... 56 RQ2 ........................................................................................................................ 56 Images Seen in Articles .................................................................................... 57 2008 vs. 2009 ................................................................................................... 58 RQ3 ........................................................................................................................ 59 Direct and Indirect Sources .............................................................................. 59 RQ4 ........................................................................................................................ 60 The Writers Voice ............................................................................................ 60 RQ5 ........................................................................................................................ 62 Frames in Mainstream vs. African AmericanMagazines .................................. 62 Neutral Image Oriented vs. Body Image Oriented Photos ........................... 63 Photographs used in Mainstream vs. African AmericanMagazines .................. 64 Body Types in Mainstream vs. African AmericanMagazines ............................ 64 Body Sizes in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines ............................. 65 Attire in Mainstream vs. African AmericanMagazines ...................................... 65 Voices in Mainstream vs. African Ame rican Magazines .................................... 65 5 D ISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...................................................................... 103 Goals of the Study ................................................................................................ 103 Frames Used in Womens Magazines .................................................................. 104 Neutral Image Oriented vs. Body Image Oriented Photos ............................... 105 Body Types ........................................................................................................... 108 Body Sizes ............................................................................................................ 108 Photographs used in Women's Magazines ........................................................... 109 Credentials of Authors .......................................................................................... 110 The Writer's Voice ................................................................................................. 112 Implications and Recommendations ..................................................................... 113 Limitations ............................................................................................................. 116 Future Research ................................................................................................... 117 Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 118 APPENDIX A CODI NG SHEET .................................................................................................. 122 B CODING GUIDELINES ......................................................................................... 1 25 LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 129

PAGE 7

7 BIOGRAP HICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................... 134

PAGE 8

8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Test Results For Holstis Coefficient of Reliability ............................................... 46 4 1 Womens magazine and frames. ........................................................................ 90 4 2 Womens magazine articles and types of photos used. ...................................... 92 4 3 Womens magazi ne covers and types of photos used. ....................................... 93

PAGE 9

9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4 1 Percentages of articles in womens magazines during August 2008July 2009. .................................................................................................................. 67 4 2 Types of articles found in womens magazines. ................................................. 68 4 3 Graphics used in African American vs. mainstream magazines. ......................... 68 4 4 Percentage of photos by race in womens magazines. ....................................... 69 4 5 Percentage of photos by race in E ssence magazine. ......................................... 69 4 6 Percentage of photos by race in H eart & Soul magazine. .................................. 70 4 7 Percentage of photo by race in S hape magazine. .............................................. 70 4 8 Percentage of photo by race in Glamour magazine. ........................................... 71 4 9 Age of women in womens magazines. .............................................................. 71 4 10 Fra mes in womens magazines. ......................................................................... 72 4 11 Improved health/well being vs. improved attractiveness/improved appearance frames. ............................................................................................ 73 4 12 Frame s found in Essence magazine. ................................................................. 74 4 13 Frames found in Glamour magazine. ................................................................. 74 4 14 Frames found in Heart & Soul magazine. ........................................................... 75 4 15 Frames found in Shape magazine. ..................................................................... 75 4 16 Photos used in womens magazines. ................................................................. 76 4 17 Body types in womens magazines. .................................................................... 76 4 18 Body types presented in womens fashion magazines. ...................................... 77 4 19 Body types presente d in womens health magazines. ........................................ 77 4 20 Body sizes in womens magazines. .................................................................... 78 4 21 Body sizes in fashion magazines vs. health magazines. .................................... 79 4 22 Attire worn in womens magazines. .................................................................... 80

PAGE 10

10 4 23 Images on magazine covers. .............................................................................. 80 4 24 Neutral image vs. body image oriented photos in womens magazine articles. .. 81 4 25 Percentages of neutral vs. body image oriented photos in womens magazine articles. ............................................................................................................... 82 4 26 Photos seen in womens magazines in 2008 vs. 2009. ...................................... 83 4 27 Percentages of writers credentials. .................................................................... 84 4 28 Writers credentials in womens magazines. ....................................................... 85 4 29 Sources of indirect quotes in womens magazines. ............................................ 86 4 30 Sources of direct quotes in womens magazines. ............................................... 87 4 31 Voice types in womens magazines. ................................................................... 88 4 32 Voice types in each magazine. ........................................................................... 89 4 33 Percentages of main frames in main stream vs. African American magazines. .. 90 4 34 Neutral image oriented vs body image oriented photos in mainstream magazines articles. ............................................................................................. 91 4 35 Neutral image oriented vs. body image oriented photos in African American magazine articles. ............................................................................... 92 4 36 Photos used in mainstream magazines. ............................................................. 93 4 37 Photos used in African American magazines. ..................................................... 94 4 38 Body types in mainstream magazines. ............................................................... 95 4 39 Body types in African American magazines. ....................................................... 96 4 40 Body sizes in mainstream magazi nes. ............................................................... 97 4 41 Body sizes in African American magazines. ........................................................ 98 4 42 Womens attire in mainstream magazines. ......................................................... 99 4 43 Womens attire in African American magazines. ............................................... 100 4 44 Voices in mainstream magazines. .................................................................... 101 4 45 Voices in African Americanmagazines. ............................................................ 102

PAGE 11

11 5 1 Lizzie Miller in Glamour magazine ( www.news.com ). ........................................ 120 5 2 V Magazine curve issue featuring plus sized models ( Solve Sundsbo/V magazine) ......................................................................................................... 120 5 3 V Magazine curve issue featuring plus sized models side by side (Solve Sundsbo/V magazine). ..................................................................................... 121

PAGE 12

12 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication THE COVERAGE OF WEIG HT AND BODY IMAGE IN MAINSTREAM AND AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMENS MAG AZINE S: IS IT ALL JUST BL ACK AND WHITE? By Armenthis Y. Lester May 2012 Chair: Debbie Tresie Major: Mass Communication A large body of research has been dedicated to the content in womens magazines and their effect on readers. Studies have found mass m edia messages about women and their bodies damaging to the psyche of many women, especially young women. These toxic messages have the potential to lead to negative internalized feelings and negative behaviors. However, similar studies have demonstrated that African American women are not affected the same by the content in w omens magazines. Although they were exposed to similar media messages about women and their bodies, body image issues and self destructive behaviors less affected African American women. According to research, African American women and white women perceive weight and body image differently. This studys goal was to determine if this culturally specific difference translated in to how weight and body image was covered in AfricanAmerican and mainstream magazines.

PAGE 13

13 A content analysis was conducted of articles about weight and body image in two African American womens magazine and two mainstream womens magazines. A sample of issues between 2008 and 2009 yielded 141 articles. Th e articles were analyzed to determine the how weight and body image were framed, the type of images used, the primary source of information, and the credentials of the authors. In addition, the articles were analyzed to determine if the coverage of weight and body image is different in mainstream vs. AfricanAmerican magazines. Findings revealed the messages in womens magazines improved. The messages about weight and body images were based on sound medical advice and the messages were framed to promote health, not beauty. In addition, the coverage of weight and body image was similar in mainstream vs. African American magazines; however, the type of images used differed. AfricanAmerican womens magazines featured body types and sizes that reflected the majority of the female population. Unfortunately, the findings also revealed the lack qualified writers to pen articles about health related issues.

PAGE 14

14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The issue of weight is not foreign discourse among American women. This once p rivate discussion has expanded into a public debate. TV commercials, television shows, radio voiceovers, and magazines all cover the topic. In lieu of the growing matter of obesity in the United States along with the pending changes to our health care sy stem, it is less likely that this conversation will cease anytime soon. When it comes to the issue of weight, the consensus is widespreadmost women are unhappy with their weight. According to a 2009 Associated Press iVillage poll of 1,000 women, h alf of them reported dissatisfaction with their weight even when some of their weights were considered healthy ( www.msnbc.msn.com). The issue of weight is universal among American women; however, their attitudes toward weight differ. This variance in at titudes about weight partially forms the concept of body image, and within America, the concept of body image differs among races. A 2006 study in The Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology revealed that although both white and black women wanted to lose weight, white women had a higher rate of body dissatisfaction (Roberts, A., Cash, T., Feingold, A., & Johnson, B., 2006, p. 1124). This study also discussed the connection between a positive body image and the perceived approval from the opposite sex. In this study, Roberts et al. (2006) stated, White women believe (even to an inaccurate degree) that White men idealize and seek thin partners. Black women, on the other hand, accurately believe that Black men are attracted to heavier and shapelier women (Roberts, et al., 2006, p. 1126). One arena where the discussion of weight and body image is carried out is womens magazines. According to Magazine Publishers of Americas (M.P.A.) 2008 -

PAGE 15

15 2009 handbook, 85% of adult Americans read magazines ( www.magazine.org). Thus, despite the rise of Internet use, Americans still use magazines as a source for information. In addition, according to the Simmons Multi Media Engagement Study (2007) cited by the M.P.A. magazines score significantly higher th an other media channels, such as TV and the Internet in several engagement dominions including a measurement entitled trustworthy (www.magazine.org). Considering white women and African American women have different ideologies on weight and body image, i t is possible that the dialogue between the two groups would differ as well. In addition, because this dialogue is carried out through womens magazines, this study first seeks to determine what messages are given to women about weight and body image via mainstream and African American magazines. Second, through the use of content and framing analysis, this study seeks to determine how weight and body image are framed in mainstream magazines and African American magazines. Third, this research seeks to analyze the photos and illustrations that are used in the coverage of weight and body image in womens magazines. Fourth, this study seeks to determine the main source for information on weight and body image in mainstream and African American magazines. F inally, this research seeks to determine if there is a difference in the manner weight and body image are covered in mainstream versus African American magazines. By unveiling current messages concerning weight and body image in womens magazines and anal yzing the manner in which these messages are relayed, this researcher seeks to propose possible solutions to improve the coverage of weight and body image in both mainstream and African American womens magazines.

PAGE 16

16 Because magazines are widely used as a source for trusted information, including health information, the results of this study could greatly contribute to future researchers' understanding of the relationship between health messages and health behaviors. Despite the abundance of health informati on available in magazines, the truth remains that America is in bad shape. According to the 20052006 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), 34% of Americans (over 72 million) aged 20 and over were obese. Of this total, 35.3% of them were women (http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/07newsreleases/obesity.htm). Unfortunately, according to the same study, AfricanAmerican women fared worse with 53.4% of them being obese (www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/hus08.pdf). If it is determined that there is in fact a difference in the coverage of weight and body image in African American and mainstream magazines, this paper could assist future research in its attempt to develop group specific health education. As a result, health practitioners could dimi nish the health chiasm that separates the two groups

PAGE 17

17 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Obesity in America One might say that the overall prosperity of a nation rests largely on the health of that nation. America, on many accounts is considered a prosperous nation when examining its much scientific, social, economic and political advancement However, Americas prosperous image could be threatened by the declining health of its people. Unlike some other less fortunate countries where the overall health of i ts people is adversely affected by poor drinking water, lack of affordable health care and delayed medical advancements ( www.who.int ), Americas decline in health is primarily a result of poor health behaviors and practices. According to the Center for Di sease Control and Prevention (CDC) the number one cause of death in America among men and women is heart disease (w ww.cdc.gov ). This statistic is unfortunate considering heart disease is highly preventable. The CDC also notes obesity as the leading behavioral risk factor for heart disease (www.cdc.g ov ). Given that the leading cause of death in America is preventable, it is possible that poor health behavior is at the root of Americas declining health. As mentioned, more than onethird of the United States population is obese. According to the CDC obesity is defined as any person having a body mass index (BMI) of 30 or higher (www. cdc.gov ). The BMI is a measurement of height and weight that correlates with the amount of fat a particular body. Obesity has been associated with premature death and is connected to several chronic diseases including, cardiovascular disease, type 2 diabetes, and certain types of cancer (www.cdc.gov).

PAGE 18

18 To exacerbate this problem, the health of adolescents and young ad ults is declining as well. According to the 20032006 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), 17.6% of 1219 year olds are obese (www.cdc.gov ) Just as a family heirloom is passed down from a father to his son, many young Americans ha ve inherited the poor health behaviors and practices of their predecessors. Some obese children are affected by chronic illnesses usually found in late adulthood ( www .cdc.gov). If the current trend continues, American children are at risk of having a sho rter life expectancy than their parents. The annual cost of obesity is hefty. Healthcare costs for obese Americans accounted for 9.1% of total annual U.S. medical expenditures in 1998 and may have been as high as $78.5 billion ($92.6 billion in 2002 dol lars) (Finkelstein, E., Fiebelkorn, I., & Wang, G., 2003, p. 219). The exorbitant cost of healthcare for obese patients is in part a result of obesitys link to several chronic diseases. These chronic diseases haunt most patients for a lifetime, resulti ng in constant healthcare costs. In addition, obese Americans accrue morbidity costs, which are defined as lost income related to decreased productivity, restricted activity, sick days, and absenteeism (Wolf, A.M. & Colditz, G.A., 1998). Outside of mone y, obese Americans pay in other ways for their condition. In a society preoccupied with thinness, obese individuals face isolation, ridicule and discrimination as a result of their size. W. Charissee Goodman, author of The Invisible Woman, stated, It really doesnt count if youre smart, kind, funny, sweet, generous, or caring, because if you also happen to be heavy, you may find yourself on the receiving end of more credulity than you ever knew existed. Obese persons are viewed as

PAGE 19

19 unattractive, lazy, unintelligent, and lacking self control (Crocker, J., Cornwell, B., & Major, B., 1993, p. 60). It is believed by many, including their doctors, that obese persons' present condition is a result of their own poor choices (Price, J.H., et al. 1987, p215) In all, obese individuals experience a decreased quality of life in comparison to those of normal weight. Obesity among African American s According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services in comparison to any other group in the U.S., Afric an American women have the highest rates of being overweight and obese (www.womenshealth.gov). As a result, African American s lead in statistics related to heart disease, stroke and diabetes. There are several contributing factors that crown African Ame rican s with the dubious honor of leading in such negative health statistics. Two factors contributing to obesity among African American s are increased caloric intake and increased inactivity. Both can be modified by behavior with education, guidance and motivation. However, low socioeconomic status and decreased access to healthcare, are two contributing factors that are extremely complex and require a systematic/governmental approach to change. There is a correlation between low socioeconomic status a nd obesity. Nonobese Americans typically come from a higher economic status, are well educated, and have access to health and dietary information. Obese Americans are typically from a lower economic level and do not have access to important health inform ation (Maine, 2000, pp. 3334). Also, in urban cities traditionally populated by African American s, there is decreased access to affordable, fresh foods. According to the 2004 Southeastern Pennsylvania Household Health Survey, 71,000 adults reported that it is a challenge to buy fresh fruits and vegetables in their neighborhood (www.thefoodtrust.org). The same survey

PAGE 20

20 revealed that, Black adults (31%) are more likely to report having fair or poor quality groceries in their neighborhoods compared to Lat ino (24%), Asian (15%), and White (11%) adults (www.thefoodtrust.org). This survey reveals factors contributing to obesity in many urban, African American neighborhoods. Obesity among African American Women A possible contributing factor for obesity am ong African American women is decreased perceived risk. Because African American women traditionally have a positive body image, regardless of their BMI score, they may not see the need to make the necessary lifestyle changes required to lose weight. In a 1993 study, Kumanyika, S., Wilson, J., and Guildford Davenport, M., surveyed 500 AfricanAmerican women about their body perceptions and attitudes. Forty percent (40%) of the women who fell into the overweight category, based on their BMI, rated their figure attractive and very attractive even though they were fully aware that they fell into the overweight category (Kumanyika, S., et al. 1993). As a result, self esteem is preserved, but good health is jeopardized. Without perceived risk, even w hen faced with factual data, the motivation needed to make positive health changes is absent. The Role of Body Image in Weight Loss Body image is an internal, subjective perception of how we appear to ourselves and others. Self perception is a mixture of internal and external messages. Loved ones, culture, magazines, friends, belief systems, television, and internal voices, all contribute to the formulation of individual body image. Several studies have demonstrated that body image is culturally bas ed. Generally, African American women report higher levels of self esteem and a more positive body image than white women (Roberts, A., Cash, T., Fe ingold, A., & Johnson, B., 2006) Although white women

PAGE 21

21 reported a higher frequency of negative self perception, at times, these feelings motivated them to change what they didnt like about themselves (Roberts, A. et al. 2006). Individual self perception and body image can influence health behavior and health choices. For example, if you perceive you are g aining weight and this bothers you, you begin to make appropriate diet and health choices that you believe will stop and reverse the weight gain. However, using self perception and body image as a motivating factor for health behavior and health choices c an be a doubleedged sword. Generally, white women have a higher level of body dissatisfaction than African American women. Furthermore, it is well documented in research the adverse effects a negative body image has on a womans mental and physical heal th. Psychological disorders like bulimia, anorexia, and compulsive overeating can result in lasting physical injuries, including death (www.cdc.gov). However, current research suggests that a positive body image among African American women may be their Achilles heel in the battle against obesity. In a 2003 study, both African American women and white women were rated on their perceived health versus actual physiological data. The results of this study found that although African American women weighed more, consumed more fat in their diets, and were less active than their white counterparts, they perceived themselves just as healthy (Duncan, G.E., et al. 2003 ) This study suggests that this misperception of health might prevent African American women from making positive health changes. If there is no perceived risk, what kind of motivation is present to foster change? Weight Loss and Health Behavior Related Theories The goal of this researcher is to provide insight on health messages in womens magaz ines and provide suggestions that will help make health communications more

PAGE 22

22 effective. The ultimate goal of this researcher is to improve health outcomes through effective health communication. However, a health campaign message can be perfect in its con tent and delivery; but, if the audience lacks a sense of perceived risk, then all efforts to communicate the need for change are futile. In addition, the opportunity for positive health behavior change is lost. As journalist and health professionals alig n their efforts to produce effective health campaigns, it is necessary to discuss several health behavior theories in conjunction with traditional communications theories. Three theories are prevalent in the recent body of research with regard to issues relating to health behaviors and health outcomes : Health Literacy, Social Learning Theory and The Health Belief Model. At times, these theories are used in tandem to analyze, illustrate and discuss health behavior. All three have aided health providers as well as media experts in understanding the positive correlation between effective health communication and positive health behaviors. Health Literacy Health literacy is defined as the relationship between a patients literacy level and his or her abi lity to follow through with the prescribed intervention (Nutbeam, 2000). It is one thing for a person to be able to read and comprehend information (literacy), but health literacy is multi dimensional and includes the person possessing the knowledge, skil ls, motivation, and ability to comply with medical advice. Due to our societys heavy media use, health consumers have various outlets from which health information is given. Long gone are those rows and rows of brochures hanging in the doctors office. Today, people received their health information from health providers, billboards, television and radio commercials, the internet and magazines. Unfortunately, many of those received messages are misunderstood.

PAGE 23

23 Poor health literacy is a under recognized problem in the health care arena. Many health providers are not aware of the level of miscommunication between them and their patients, and many patients hide their misunderstandings due to feelings of shame. In a 2000 paper, Parker describes the expansive implications of poor health literacy, Unfortunately, for those with limited health literacy, as health care is becoming increasingly complex and health information is becoming more diffuse in the public domain, there is more reliance on written mater ials to educate and inform people about their health. This means that Americans need both functional and health literacy to make use of health information Adequate health literacy is essential for primary prevention and health promotion. Many public healt h messages and education materials about recommended disease prevention and screening are inaccessible to those with low literacy. For example, those with low literacy may not read and understand messages about the value of mammography or flu shots that may be found in magazines, on billboards or on clinic posters. (Parker, R., 2000) Thus, someone with poor health literacy may not understand the connection between a low carbohydrate diet and weight loss. According to Parker (2000), a patients health lit eracy level can be accessed via a few tests, and compensatory techniques can be taught to improve overall health literacy (Parker, 2000, pp. 280281). It is important for health providers to assess a patients level of literacy so that both the provider and the patient can facilitate an environment for effective health communication.

PAGE 24

24 Patients with poor health literacy not only misunderstand health messages, but also, they are less likely to carry out the appropriate health behaviors. This process of a p atient not understanding a health message and failing to take the necessary actions provides insight on why patients given the same health message or information, respond differently. Ultimately, poor health literacy affects the quality of a persons heal th. Parker (2000), explains why individuals with poor health literacy have compromised health, Health providers often give too much background information, rather than simple, essential information that helps the patient solve their problems. This inadequate communication may result in misinformation, misunderstandings and mistakes. Patients with poor health literacy report taking medications at the wrong dosage or frequency, and may not be aware of important treatment side effects or the need for follow u p testing (Parker, 2000) Poor health literacy has cultural implications. In their 2002 study, Scott, Gazmararian, Williams, and Baker, assed the health literacy of nearly 3,000 people treated in a managed care organization. Their findings revealed that of the 1,877 person who were rated adequate in functional health literacy, only 6.9% of those individuals were black ( Scott, et al 2002). According to Scott, et al 20002, blacks also made up a significant portion of individuals who scored inadequat e in their functional health literacy The study went on to demonstrate that those individuals who demonstrated inadequate functional health literacy, were less likely to comply with preventative health measures like taking the flu shot or getting necessary health

PAGE 25

25 screenings including pap smears or mammograms ( Scott, et al. 2002). This study provides some insight on why health disparities exist among certain ethnic groups. This paper seeks to analyze the health messages and information given in wom ens magazines. However, if the reader cannot understand the messages given, then the findings of this paper will be irrelevant. Health literacy is the key to increased positive health behaviors and health outcomes. Healthcare consumers cannot accuratel y act upon information they do not understand. Social Learning Theory Understanding health information and messages is paramount if behavior modification is desired. Social Learning Theory (SLT) helps explain the mechanisms and thought processes behind such behavior. SLT also provides insight on how and why media messages affect people in a certain way. Previous research has demonstrated the impact media have on women, especially young girls. As the current research analyzes messages about weight and body image in womens magazine, an understanding of SLT might assist in demonstrating how certain health messages could influence health behavior. The basis of SLT is the belief that people learn behavior by watching others and duplicating the observed behavior. Albert Bandura, the theorys originator stated, Fortunately, most human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others, one forms an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information serves as a guide for action (Bandura, 1977). In this equation of learning, there is a set model and vicarious learning (Bandura 2001). Because not all learning is first hand, observers can learn behaviors through anothers

PAGE 26

26 experience (vicarious learning). Given the outcome of the observed behavior, an individual will determine whether to replicate or model the observed behavior. Through messages observed in magazines, readers vicariously learn the behaviors of others, such as celebrities and models featured in stories. As the messages increase in frequency, the targeted model for behavior becomes increasingly persuasive. This mechanism is called the social prompting power of modeling (Bandura, 2001) Magazines and other forms of media gain i nfluence in our society as a potent forum for vicarious learning. The increased frequency and prevalence of certain models and behaviors increases the potency of the resulting modeled behavior. For example, if a celebrity is praised for her thin figure in several magazine issues, television and radio commercials and this celebrity is a spokesperson for Jenny Craig, then the incentives or motivations needed to replicate thinness is present. According to a 1988 article, Social Learning Theory stat es that behavior is based on expectancies and incentives (Rosenstock, Strecher, & Becker, 1988). If a particular outcome is expected and there is an incentive provided when that expectation is fulfilled, then there is a behavioral outcome. For example, i f an individual expects to lose weight by following the weight loss advice of a celebrity and the incentive is an attractive figure, and if the incentive is significant to that person, then he or she will carry out the behavior. Knowing how to follow the celebritys advice is not enough, but expectancies and incentives must be high in order for there to be a behavioral outcome. In tailoring their messages, health care professionals and journalist alike need to become familiar with what expectations and i ncentives move certain audiences to action. Many cogs support the wheel of modeled behavior. Understanding the

PAGE 27

27 mechanism of SLT aids health and media researchers in developing messages that facilitate positive health outcomes and eliminate those that yiel d negative health outcomes. Health Belief Model The Health Belief Model (HBM) is a theory that has two components: perceived risk (motivation) and perceived ability to prevent the risk from occurring (self efficacy) (Rosenstock, et al. 1988). (HBM) is similar to SLT in that there are certain expectancies and certain incentives for behavior. For example, with obesity prevention, a woman must perceive that she is at risk for negative health consequences as a result of being obese (motivation), and she mus t feel confident that she is able to prevent those negative health consequences from occurring by losing weight (self efficacy). If either component: motivation or self efficacy is missing, then there is a decreased chance of a positive change in health b ehavior. Thus, in order for health communication to be successful, todays health practitioners and journalists who report on health news and issues should be aware of what motivates a particular audience and what increases their confidence. By insuring that all of the components of Social Learning Theory and the Health Belief Model are in place, health care providers and health journalist can increase the incidence of positive health outcomes. In their 2007 study, Gary et al., surveyed and observed a g roup of African American s who were receiving counseling for diabetes management. Of the men and women studied, 63% of the women had a family history of diabetes. The study revealed that the participants who had a family history of diabetes were aware of the risks related to the disease and they were more likely to comply with their diet than were the other participants in the group were (p. 908). The researchers concluded that the behavior of

PAGE 28

28 those participants who demonstrated positive health behavior was best explained by the HBM pp. 910911). Because of their family history of diabetes, these participants understood their perceived risk. To them, maintaining their diet was less of a risk than developing complications from diabetes. They were also confident that by maintaining their diet, they could prevent the negative health effects associated with diabetes. The successful health outcomes from this study further illustrates the effectiveness of the HBM. Motivation and confidence outweighed the groups limitations. In this study, positive health behaviors were evident in a group of people who primarily had a high school degree or less and poor health literacy. These findings are different from previous research, which demonstrated negative health behaviors among individuals with poor health literacy. In order to change the health behaviors of a particular group, health care providers should discover what messages are best tailored for a this population and through what medium or alternate tr ansmission route should this message be transmitted. Knowing the right answers to these questions will hopefully increase health literacy among African American women and, in turn, prevent the negative health trends that are visible in this population. Magazines as a Source for Health Information Even with other media options available, people still read magazines. According to the Magazine Handbook 2010/11 produced by the Magazine Publishers of America 93% of all adults and 96% of adults und er the age of 35 read magazines (www.magazine.org). Also, this same repot states, Magazines provide superior reach compared to TV programs for major target audiences, including adults 18 49, women 18 49, African Americans 18 49 and teens 12 17, when Carats cros smedia research

PAGE 29

29 compared the top 25 prime time TV programs and top 25 magazines p.10). In addition to entertainment, readers use magazines as a reliable source for health information. According to a 2010 Mediavest Print/Digital Study, magazines out ra nked the Internet as a weekly source for healthcare information ( www.magazine.org ). Previous research also supports the idea that women frequently use magazines as their source for health information. In their 1995 study, Garton, M., Reid, D., Rennie, E., found that 66.5% of women who knew about osteoporosis and 76% of women who knew about hormone replacement therapy had obtained this information from magazines). When used effectively, magazines can serve as an eff ective tool to empower readers with knowledge; however, when used ineffectively, magazines can destroy its readers with misinformation and misperceptions. Weight and Body Image Coverage in Womens Magazines For some time magazines have been at the center of many debates concerning their negative effects on the self esteem and mental health of many women and young girls. Mental disorders relating to weight and body image include anorexia nervosa (obsession with weight loss, excessive dieting), bulimia (binge eating followed by purging via self induced vomiting, use of laxatives, diuretics, or excessive exercise) and body dysmorphic disorder (the intense obsession with personal body image and appearance, imagined ugliness) (HesseBiber, S., Leavy, P., Quin n, C., & Zoino, J., 2006, p. 209). In addition to the mental toll eating disorders take, many women die as a result of these eating disorders. In their 1994 study on eating disorders and media effects, Stice and Staw stated that in addition to the societ al and cultural voices that influence body image, mass media may be the strongest communicator of negative body image messages Maine, 2000, explains her dislike of magazines,

PAGE 30

30 Today, from the racks of almost every grocery store, magazine covers taunt wi th misleading claims, such as Lose Ten Pounds in Ten Days, Look Great Naked: Build A Ready to beBare Body, Burn Fat, Tighten Your Butt Fast, and From Fat to Firm: Get Real Results in 10 Minutes A Day. In page after page of thin figures, they teas e us with recipes for happiness and success, urging us to buy products and change our bodies to meet this months beauty standard. Magazines imply that we are not acceptable as we are; and each month, millions of Americans buy them, looking for transformation Even magazines dedicated to health feature cover stories reading, Change Your Shape: Whatever Works, Look Younger in 5 Minutes, and The Best Way to Lose Weight, (Maine, 2000, p. 95). Instead of offering health information to improve the inner workings of women's bodies, these health magazines often offered aesthetic tips to improve the outward appearance. In their 1999 study, (Moyer, C.A., Vishnu, L.O., & Sonnad, S.S.), demonstrated such findings. Of the womens magazines reviewed, Less t han a fifth of the magazine articles dealt with healthrelated topics. Of those, a third dealt with diet, with the majority emphasizing weight loss rather than eating for optimal health, p. 137). This study further concluded that the topics discussed in womens magazines do not correlate with leading health concerns and health risks. The researchers determined that this type of information does not best facilitate health risk reduction and may lead women to focus on the wrong aspects of their health and health care, Moyer et al. 1999) Weight and body image coverage in African American Magazines Research that focuses on the coverage of weight and body image in African American magazines is scant. However, African American magazines and their content are no strangers to controversy. In their 1996 study, (Pratt, C.A. & Pratt, C.B.,)

PAGE 31

31 concluded that African American magazines had a greater number of advertisement promoting risky health behaviors than their white counterparts. These advertisements promoted alcohol consumption and high caloric/high fat foods. Another study completed in 2001, determined that African American magazines had four times fewer advertisements for pharmaceutical drugs than white magazines (Omonuwa, 2001). This lack of health infor mation could further widen gaps in health literacy and prevention. Research demonstrates that white magazines and AfricanAmerican magazines differ slightly in fitness and nutrition information. A 2007 study demonstrated that the information in the magazines were similar; however, how they were discussed differed (Hall, M., Folta, S.C., Goldberg, J. P., 2007) This study further concludes that in order to be effective, health messages should be tailored for specific populations (p. 39). For example, some groups may respond better to a message framed as a weight loss diet versus a healthy diet. Framing Theory Because the coverage of weight and body image in womens magazines is such a complex issue, it is important for both journalism and healthcar e researchers who are concerned about this topic to get a clear understanding about the different ways this issue may be presented or framed in the media. Framing is a term used by many disciplines. Entman (1993) sought to tie together various disciplin es understanding of the concept in one, broad, definition: To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, m oral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation for the item described (p. 52)

PAGE 32

32 Framing's historical use in communications began in analyzing how political news stories were presented by the media (Goffman 1974 ). However, current research has acknowledged framing analysis as an essential part of developing effective health communications. Rothman, et al. (1999), stated that framing analysis provides a theoretically based guide for the development of effective health messages (p. 13). For the purposes of this study, the term framing refers to the way weight and body image are presented in womens magazine. In her book Making News, Tuchman (1978) described how news is framed and constructed by the media. She described factors that contribute to the medias construction of news, including a focus on certain organizations, sources that are used or not used in a story exchanges among coworkers at media organizations, and more. Ultimately, Tuchman argued, these and other factors lead journalists to describe an event or issue in a certain way, or frame: But, like any frame that delineates a world, the news frame may be considered problematic. The view through a window depends upon whether the window is large or small, has many panes or few, whether the glass is opaque or clear, whether the window faces a street or a backyard ( Tuchman, 1978) Thus, by merely collecting information (regardless of source) and processing that information into a story (giving an overall interpretation to isolated facts), it is impossible for a journalist to remain 100% objective and not insert a measure of unintended bias because framing is a byproduct of the news process. However, the plot thickens when considering todays news model. This model contains shorten time fr ames, mega news

PAGE 33

33 organizations, sources that supply the news media with information and no guarantee that the players involved have altruistic motives. While Tuchman focused mainly on the medias influence on framing, Entman (1993) felt there were other players involved. Entman noted that frames have at least four locations in the communication process: the communicator, the text, the receiver, and the culture (1993, p. 52). In order to bring clarity to framing theory and shed light on its possible e ffects, Entman believed that all incidences of framing in the communication process should be understood and assessed. Framing allows a researcher to examine the latent messages in a text and extract patterns of words, phrases, and pictures to determine p ossible meanings. This type of research gives insight into specific interaction between the writer, the message, the reader and the readers environment. As discussed earlier, African American s and Caucasian women have different ideas and opinions concer ning weight and body image. By examining the communicator or source, and the text or message of the two different types of magazines (mainstream and African American), a different type of interaction between writer and reader may emerge, resulting in div ergent frames used toward weight and body image. The communicator consciously or subconsciously decides what to present based on preexisting frames called schemata (Entman, R.M., 1993). Schemata or schema is defined as, a mental codification of experience that includes a particular organized way of perceiving cognitively and responding to a complex situation or set of stimuli (www.merriam webster.com). Ultimately, schemata or preexisting frames guide the communicators belief system. By s imply thinking and analyzing data for a

PAGE 34

34 story, a frame is produced. This inseparable connection between the communicator and frames has prompted this researcher to code the writers credentials. Since schemata are based on pass experiences, a writers credentials (professional/personal background) may influence framing. The text or message contains frames that emerge as a result of the skillful use of key words or culturally salient phrases, the omittance of key words and phrases, the selection of sources, the use of quotes, sentence structure and stereotyped images (Entman, R.M., 1993). Additional textual frames would include loaded terms or images that evoke a visceral response. In the incidence of radio broadcasts, frames can emerge as a result of the sounds edited or left in the story. These sounds could be ambient noise heard in the background of an interview, bombs exploding during war coverage or music used in the storys introduction and/or exit. To capture textual frames, this paper will code selected articles for textual framing techniques, including images. The receiver processes the message based on its own preexisting frames or schemata. The receivers processing and further interpretation of the message may or may not be influenced by the frames presented by the communicator or text (Entman, R.M., 1993 ) Entman clearly distinguishes the receiver as an active participant in the communication process, not one who is passive and under the complete control of the frames presented by the co mmunicator and text ; but, a worthy opponent who is able to interrupt the communication process and block any messages that does not coincide with their belief system. This phenomenon has great health communication implications. Since a message can be blocked, effective communicators must be

PAGE 35

35 concerned with their side of the communication process as well as knowledgeable of the belief systems held by their intended audience. However, this study is solely an analysis of what messages are currently present i n womens magazines and does not address the readers perception of these messages The last location where frames exist in the communication process is the culture. According to Entman, c ulture is defined as the empirically demonstrable set of common frames exhibited in the discourse and thinking of most people in a social grouping, (1993, p. 53). Cultural frames are powerful because they are compounded over time and they are frequently reinforced by other members in the same group. Depending on wh ether a receiver is closely connected to a societal group and its belief system, cultural frames can help or hinder communication. In their 1992 study on body image perceptions and self esteem among white and African American women, Rucker III, C., & Cash T., found that although both groups were exposed to negative media messages regarding their bodies, African American women expressed a positive body image and reported high self esteem more frequently than white women. The results of this study indicat ed that regardless of the frames presented in the messages, powerful cultural frames ultimately guided the receivers belief systems. Culture and Health Communications It should be noted that culture grouping is not solely restricted to ethnicity, race, sex, etc. However, the term represents any group in society that shares similar beliefs (based on myths and/or facts) and similar behavioral practices. For example, skateboarders have their own culture which shares the belief that wearing helmets while skateboarding is not cool. Unfortunately, this belief system leads to the collective practice of skateboarding without a helmet. The health implication of this behavior is

PAGE 36

36 that approximately 1.6 3.8 million traumatic brain injuries (TBIs) occur in the U.S. while participating in sport/ recreational activities each year (Langlois, J., 2006). Without an effective health campaign, this trend will continue. In the current research, African American and white women represent separate cultural groups. In addition, women magazine readers represent a unique cultural group because within this collection of diverse individuals lies a culturally shared belief system and culturally shared behavior practices. Health professionals as well as journalist have lear ned the importance of relaying culturally sensitive messages. As health disparities increase among cultural groups, the outcome of effective, culturally tailored messages and campaigns can facilitate positive health behaviors and ultimately save lives. In 2004, Kreuter and McClure examined the role of culture in health communications and offered recommendations to increase its effectiveness. Their research was based on William McGuires (1989) communication/persuasion model and discussed only three of the five variables: so urce, message and channel The researchers went on to explain that to increase communication effectiveness, first, a source must display expert ise and trustworthiness It should be noted that a receivers belief system or schema, determines which sources are deemed trustworthy or not. For example, health professionals are more likely to trust the health advice given from another health professional; however, a teenager or young adult may trust the health advice given by a celebrity solely because the receiver holds that individual in high esteem. Second, to increase the effectiveness of the message, four approaches should be applied: peripheral (packaging the message); evidential (supplying facts that directly impact that specific cult ure); linguistic

PAGE 37

37 (relaying the message in a cultures dominant or native language) and sociocultural (presenting the message in the context of s ocial/cultural characteristics) Finally, to foster effective health communications, the channel or means a mes sage is delivered should be considered. It should be determined whether a group has access to the channel from which the message is sent As researchers become increasingly proficient in understanding what makes health communications more effective, the impact will hopefully turn around several cultural groups negative health trends, especially that of African American women. This papers goal is to contribute to the body of research that will ultimately guide media and health practitioners in producing effective health communications. Thus, this researcher seeks to answer the following questions: Research Questions Question 1: How is the issue of body image and weight framed in articles found in womens magazines? Question 2: What types of image s depicting body image and weight are used in womens magazines? Question 3: Who are the primary sources for information in the articles on weight and body image in womens magazines? Question 4: What are the credentials of the authors of the artic les on weight and body image in women's magazines? Question 5: Is the coverage of weight and body image different in mainstream and African American magazines?

PAGE 38

38 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Design In order to best answer the research questions, this study required a quantitative method of analysis. The first aspect of this study was to simply report what messages and images are being presented on weight and body image in womens magazines and who is relaying these messages. The second aspect of thi s study was to determine how the messages about weight and body image were relayed or framed in womens magazines, and to determine if there was a difference in the presentation of these messages in mainstream versus African American magazines. In order to accomplish these tasks, a quantitative content analysis was needed. Quantitative content analysis is defined as, "any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics of messages" (Holsti, O.R., (1969), p. 14). This definition of content analysis is not limited to textual data alone, but can also include illustrations, video footage, and audio. Through this method of analysis no weight or significance is placed on a particular category. The res earcher simply records and categorizes what is seen in the sample. In this current research, categories quantitatively coded include: writers credentials, type of article, main topic of each article, frames presented, types of graphics, body type, attire, race, age, body size, classification of photographs used within the articles and on each cover and key words mentioned. Sampling Print magazines were chosen as the research medium due to their enduring popularity, despite the emergence of other forms of media. As mentioned, the MPAs

PAGE 39

39 research determined that people still considered magazines a trustworthy source for information and women look to magazines as a trusted source for information. Because this study coded pictures and illustrations in addit ion to text, it was necessary for the researcher to use the physical magazine. Online search engines only displayed the text of the articles, omitting essential coding data; and the titles needed for this unique sample were not available online. In addit ion, due to budget restrictions and remodeling, several universities and public libraries stopped cataloguing back issues of magazines in their reference section. Therefore, the majority of the issues used were purchased online and some were donated. Since this study examined the coverage of weight and body image, it was necessary for the sample to include popular womens fashion magazines as well as womens health magazines for mainstream and African American women. Magazine Selection One mainstream fashion and one health magazine, as well as one African American fashion and one health magazine were selected based on their circulation and the average age of their readers. In 2009 numbers demonstrated that the average age of magazine readers was increas ing (www.marketingcharts.com). Researchers have credited this trend to the increasing popularity of online versions for popular magazines. This researcher desired to sample magazines that targeted the general population, thus magazines whose average read ers were noticeably older or younger were eliminated from the sample group. For example, Cosmopolitan magazine ranked the highest among women readers, but the age of its readers, which was very young, targeted one far end of the age spectrum (1824 year olds). Cosmopolitan's inappropriateness for this study was further solidified by research presented in 2009 by

PAGE 40

40 Mediamark Research and Intelligence which stated, Cosmopolitan magazine had experienced a decline in the age of its readers (www.marketingchart s.com). Women's Health was the most popular women's health magazine; however, 66% of its readers were over 35 years old and the average reader was 45.7 years old. Thus, Cosmopolitan and Women's Health readers do not represent the general population of w omen readers and were both eliminated from the sample. S hape magazine and Glamour magazine were chosen because they met the criteria for popularity and the average age of their readers best represented the general population. Readership values were determined based on the information provided in each magazines media kit as well as information provided by the Magazine Publication Association (MPA) The selected magazines for fashion were Glamour Magazine (mainstream) and Essence Magazine ( African Ameri can ) The selected magazines for health were Shape Magazine (mainstream) and Heart and Soul ( African American ). Among African American magazines, there are two pillars among readers' choice for beauty and fashion: Ebony Magazine and Essence Magazine. A lthough Ebony is the oldest, most circulated and successful black magazine (www.ebonyjet.com), Essence magazine was the better choice. The majority of Essence readers were 1834 years of age (www1.essence.com). Heart and Soul was selected for the Africa n American sample for women's health magazines by default because it is the only widely distributed health magazine marketed toward African American women. Time Frame Rationale The timeframe coded was August 2008 to July 2009. During this time frame, in the health arena, obesity had become a major health concern for all Americans, especially children. Government agencies as well as private insurance companies in

PAGE 41

41 collaboration with high risk ethnic groups, initiated media health campaigns to target obesit y. Thus being conscious about personal weight was a part of a universal consciousness. Also, in the early part of 2008, the controversy over airbrushing models and celebrities to make them look thinner was mounting in the U.S. as well as the U.K. The is sue was covered heavily in the media and both countries were debating whether to formulate a ban on the editorial practice. In an online article written on April 2, 2008 in Jezebel the author discussed the British Periodical Publishers Association's des ire to discuss the future banning of airbrushing. Such action was taken when a Model Health Inquiry from the previous year made accusations that editors who practiced airbrushing were behaving irresponsibly and promoting a "size zero" culture. May 1, 200 8, a Newsweek.com article written by Jessica Bennett highlighted the mental and physical health dangers of airbrushing and its possible long term effects on readers. She concluded in this article that constant exposure to airbrushed photos of celebrities and models made beauty unattainable to magazine readers. During this time, there were many photos of celebrities and models that were exposed as altered and many mental health and women's advocates yelled, "foul." In May 2008, the outgoing president of t he American Society of Magazine Editors (ASME) and editor in chief of Glamour Magazine, Cindi Leive, responded to this uproar by stating, Brides are airbrushing the red out of their eyes and getting rid of blemishes in their own wedding photos these days so the technology's here to stay. But the bottom line is that readers should not be misled (newsweek.com). In the midst of the airbrushing debate the ASME met for its annual conference in June 2008. During this conference, a new president was induc ted and airbrushing

PAGE 42

42 was discussed. Unfortunately, the meeting adjourned with no final verdict on airbrushing or guidelines by which editors could abide. Nevertheless, reeling from the momentum of their recent gathering, the potential for change among magazine editors was present. This study seeks to discover if the messages and images about weight and body image evolved in a years time as a result of an open and critical discussion about the medias skewed portrayal of womens bodies. To prop erly select a sample of magazines several things were taken into consideration. The production cycle of most magazines is 12 months ( www.atom publishing .co.uk ) Each magazine was issued monthly except for Heart and Soul, which released only six issues in the year. At the time of the ASME conference in early May 2008, the June/July issue of Heart and Soul was already on the newsstand. Therefore, the first issue was the August /September issue of Heart and Soul and the August issue of the other titles From the yielded sample, each issue of every magazine was coded. To analyze one year, the timeframe coded was August 2008July 2009. Article selection Each magazine issue was physically viewed pageby page. Any article, regardless of size that menti oned key words or phrases such as, "weight loss," "diet," "nutrition and weight loss," "lose 10 pounds," "get killer abs," and any other synonyms, euphemisms, and colloquialisms were all included in the sample size. Subsequently, the sample size of artic les was 141.

PAGE 43

43 Coding Procedure A code sheet and detailed guidelines were formed to record and categorize each article. The coding instrument required notation of basic information about the articles, including: writers credentials, type of article, key subjects like: weight, diet, fashion, health risk, etc. and themes. Also, direct and indirect quotes were recorded as well as frames and framing techniques to note any patterns. Next, pictures and illustrations were categorized in addition to the people and things featured in them. All of this information was placed into a Microsoft Excel document to maintain and organize the data. Many of the categories were self explanatory; however, certain category terms were specifically named based on previous research to eliminate subjectivity. Body Type was described as thin/linear build, muscular/athletic build and heavy/stocky build. These terms were based on the historic body classification: Ectomorph= thin/linear build, Mesomorph=muscular/athletic build and Endomorph= heavy/stocky build (www.epigee.org ) Race and age were categorized by the same standards used by the U.S. Census However, since race is difficult to determine solely by sight, the option of "unknown" was added to the coding book for researchers to use. Young adult represented ages 1834; Middleaged represented ages 3554 and Senior represented ages 55older (www.census.gov). Body size terms were based on the BMI research. In some of the articles, an individuals height and weight or BMI were revealed in the article. However, when the individuals stats were not available, the coders made a visual judgment on the body size. Current research confirms the effects negative images have on young girls and women. Therefore, this studys g oal was to see what images were presented on the

PAGE 44

44 cover and in the articles of the magazines chosen. In their 1992 study Meyers, P., and Biocca, F., discussed the negative effects of advertisements and body distortion among young girls. In their study, they categorized media images as body image oriented and body image neutral. The image was considered "body image oriented" if the image was centered on the ideal, thin female body and that body was used as a visual message. In some cases, a certain par t of the body was the focus. (For example, an article featuring new abdominal exercises included a picture of a thin young model wearing a cut off shirt.) An image was considered "neutral image oriented" if it did not focus on the body type and size of a woman. (For example, an article on nutrition featured a woman doctor wearing a lab coat.) The image may contain an attractive woman, but her attractiveness was not the primary focus of the message. Two researchers with similar research backgrounds and tr aining in content analysis coded the sample of articles. Prior to coding, the coding guidelines were discussed and both researchers were trained in the specific definitions for each category. Also, both researchers practiced identifying coded material in the magazines to test compliance with the code book guidelines. The primary researcher coded 100% (141) of the articles and the second researcher, who was also trained in framing analysis, coded 10% (14) of the articles to establish inter coder reliabili ty. A pre test was completed, and it was discovered that assessing body size without having height and weight was a challenge. Although body size has a set definition, visual, comparative norms and cultural norms determine individual interpretation of bod y size. As a result precise and detailed descriptions of body types were added to the codebook with

PAGE 45

45 examples provided. The researchers also participated in discussions before and after every two articles to maximize the validity of the codebook and guid elines. Reliability Following the final coding process, the primary researcher calculated the inter coder reliability of this current research. To accomplish this task, Holsti's (1969) coefficient of reliability was used. According to Neuendorf (2002), a coefficient of .90 is desired; however, a reliability coefficient value of .75 to .80 is acceptable. Each closeended question in the coding book was rated. The openended questions were not rated due to the variance in responses. Table 31 lists the reliability scores in detail: Statistical Analysis Chisquare tests were used to compare data sets between mainstream and African American magazines. SPSS software was used to calculate a Pearsons Chi square and determine if statistically significant di fferences were evident. The results of these tests will be discussed in detail in the next chapter.

PAGE 46

46 Table 31. Test Results For Holstis Coefficient of Reliability Overall score .837 Individual categories: Writer's Credentials .714 Type of article .786 Is the article part of a series .786 Subjects mentioned .714 Main benefit of advice presented .786 Graphics 1.000 Photographs 1.000 Body Type .786 Attire 1.000 Race .857 Age .929 Body size 1.000 Classification of co ver (Body Image vs. Neutral Image) .857 Classification of article (Body Image vs. Neutral Image) .786

PAGE 47

47 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS The final sample coded consisted of 141 articles taken from 48 different magazine issues. Each magazine title, Essence Glamour Heart & Soul and Shape, had six issues represented in the sample. The primary coder read cover to cover every article of each magazine issue to determine an article's appropriateness for this study. Only articles that discussed the following terms were selected for this current research: "weight," body image," 'diet/nutrition," "exercise," "health/health risks" and fashion. Of the 141 articles sampled, 55% (n=78) were from Shape, 23% (n=33) were from Heart & Soul, 11% (n=15) were from Glamour and 11% (n=15) were from Essence ( Figure 4 1) For each article, the coders were tasked with coding the writers credentials, the type of article, the articles topics, framing techniques, main themes, sources of direct and indirect quotes, and pictures presented in terms of the subjects weight, age, race, body type, body size and attire. In addition, each photo featured in the articles, as well as the cover of each issue, was classified in terms of it being a Body Image Oriented Photo vs. Neutral Image Oriented Photo. Types of Articles Of the 141 articles coded, 64% (n=94) were feature articles and 24% (n=35) were Q and A format/Advice columns. News mentions represented 6% (n=9) of the articles and were comprised of articles that briefly discussed research regarding ones health and nutrition. Columns represented 4% (n=5) of the sample, and 2% (n=3) were editorials. The researchers also coded for letters to the editor, however, the sample did not yield any such articles ( Figure 4 2). In addition to being the most prevalent type of

PAGE 48

48 article in the sample, feature articles were also the leading type of article used for both mainstream and AfricanAmerican magazines. Graphics F or this study, the term graphic represented any cartoon illustration of people and things, or any photo of inanimate objects like exercise equipment or food. Of the images coded, the most represented type of graphic image used in womens magazines was exercise equipment (n=22). Next was graphic images of people (n=14). The two least frequent graphics were images of food (n=8) and images of health icons (n=6). When comparing mainstream vs. African American magazines, there was a noticeable difference in the frequency and type of graphics used. For example, the leading type of graphi c used in mainstream magazines was exercise equipment (n=17) and the least used graphic was health icons (n=2). Among the AfricanAmerican magazines, the leading type of graphic used was people (n=8) and the least graphic used was food (n=3) (Figure 4 3). Race and Photos The race of each person photographed in an article was coded. Among the 133 photographs coded, the racial breakdown in womens magazines is as follows: white (n=59, 44%), African American (n=53, 40%), Hispanic (n=4, 3%) and Asian (n=2, 2%). When it was determined by the coders that a photos race could not be determined or the photo contained one or more persons of various races, the photos race was coded as unknown. Among the photos coded, 11% of them (n=14) were marked as unknown ( Figure 4 4). The dynamics of race representation differed among each individual magazine. Some trends and dynamics were expected due to a particular magazines target

PAGE 49

49 audience. For example, the homogeneity of race representation was evident in Essence an d Heart & Soul Magazine. Of the photos coded in Essence (n=15), 93% (n=14) were African American and 7% (n=1) were Hispanic. There was no representation of white or Asian photos in these magazines ( Figure 4 5). Similarly, though not as invariable, the r acial breakdown in the photos coded in Heart & Soul (n=31) was 90% (n=28) African American 7% (n=2) unknown, and 3% (n=1) white. There were no Asian or Hispanic photos represented in this magazine ( Figure 4 6). Among mainstream magazines, there was some variety in regards to the representation of race in photos. In Shape the breakdown of photos coded (n=73) were 75% (n=55) white, 12% (n=9) African American 8% (n=6) unknown, 3% (n=1) Asian and 2% (n=1) Hispanic ( Figure 4 7). Glamour demonstrated the gr eatest level of diversity in regards to race representation. In all, 14 photos coded, 43% (n=6) were coded as unknown, 22% (n=3) were coded as white, 14% (n=2) as African American 14% (n=2) as Hispanic and 7% (n=1) as Asian ( Figure 4 8). Age Of the 13 7 articles coded for age, across the board, young adults were heavily represented in mainstream and African American magazines. Young adult women were portrayed 67% (n=92) of the time, followed by middleaged women 27% (n=37 )of the time. Seniors were portrayed in womens magazines only 2% (n=2) of the time. In some instances due to the nature of the photo or the coders inability to determine age, 4% (n=6) of the photos were coded as unknown ( Figure 4 9). Of the four magazines sampled, Heart & Soul was the only magazine to portray seniors. RQ1 How is the issue of body image and weight framed in womens magazines?

PAGE 50

50 Among the articles sampled, two major frames were present regarding the topic of weight and body image in womens magazines: Improved Health/ Well being and Improved Attractiveness/Appearance. Of the articles coded, the improved health/well being frame was present in 54% (n=78) of the articles and the improved attractiveness/appearance frame was apparent in 46% (n=67) of the articles coded ( Figure 4 10). For example, the articles that featured the frame improved health/well being highlighted quick and easy nutrition tips to prevent heart disease. In its April 2009 issue, Shape featured guilt free hors doeuvres." The tagline stated, You dont need to pass up party food. Another example of an article featuring the health/well being frame included an article that provided research backed facts about obesitys impact on fertility. In its October/November 2008 issue, Heart & Soul featured a diabetes management article entitled, Meeting the Challenges of Diabetes. This article quoted the American Diabetes Association and provided tips for living with the disease. In contrast, the articles that featured the improved attractiveness/appeara nce frame gave exercise tips for getting your body bikini ready. In its December 2008 issue, Glamour told its readers, Get to Your Great Sex Weight. This article warned readers, Losing or gaining pounds could make a major difference in bed. Some a rticles featured a meal plan that would help flatten the reader's stomach. In its December/January 2008 issue, Heart & Soul featured an article that informed its readers about three ways to improve their rear view. The article was entitled Bottoms Up a nd it featured a large photo of a womens partially revealed, ample backside. In order to obtain a more detailed analysis, each magazine title was analyzed separately for frame prevalence. The results yielded that 53% (n=8) of the articles in

PAGE 51

51 Essence fe atured the improved health/well being frame and 47% (n=7) of the articles featured the improved attractiveness/approved appearance frame ( Figure s 4 11and 4 12). Among the Glamour articles, 60% (n=9) of the articles were framed as improved attractiveness/ appearance and 40% (n=6) of the articles were framed as improved health/well being ( Figures 4 11 and 413). Among the Heart & Soul articles, 56% (n=19) were framed as improved health/well being and 44% (n=15) were framed as improved attractiveness/appearanc e ( Figures 4 11 and 4 14). Similarly, in Shape, 56% (n=45) of the articles were framed as improved health/well being and 44% (n=36) of the articles were framed as improved attractiveness/appearance ( Figures 4 11 and 4 15). In summary, regardless of whether an article originated from a fashion magazine or a health magazine, the majority of the articles featured in Essence, Heart & Soul and Shape were framed as improved health/well being. However, out of all of the Glamour articles sampled, the majority of the articles were framed as improved attractiveness/appearance. There were some variances noted regarding the types of frames used in mainstream vs. African American magazines; however, these differences will be discussed in detail later on in this chapter. Conflicting Messages Conflicting messages about health vs. attractiveness were present in the magazine issues coded. Although, the majority of its articles (n=45) featured messages about health and well being, it was noted that all six Shape issues pr esented multiple conflicting messages within the same issue. Within one issue, readers were presented with both the improved health/well being frame as well as the improved attractiveness/appearance frame. For example, in their June 2009 issue, one artic le is titled, Kick off the Pounds. The article featured a kickboxing exercise routine and it

PAGE 52

52 promised to make you slim, sexy, and strong in just 30 minutes. The hook line from the cover states, Take Your Belly from Fat to Flat in Just Minutes. In contrast, a health/well being framed article entitled, I Finally Made Time for Me, was a readers account of how she was successful in losing 70 pounds through diet and exercise. Within the same issue, readers were encouraged to, Get Summer Sexy by June 30th. This article was part of a summer series entitled Bikini Body Countdown. Juxtaposed to this message was an article whose hook stated, Taking shortcuts in the kitchen doesnt mean shortchanging your health This article touted the nutriti onal benefits of eating tomatoes. In Shape, the articles themes vacillate from health/well being to attractiveness/appearance at least six times per issue. Polarized Frames It is possible to polarize improved health/well being and improved attractiveness/appearance frames and label them as good vs. bad. However, there were instances within the sample where articles that were framed as improved attractiveness/appearance covered the issue of weight and body image in a nonobjectifying manner. For example, in its February 2009 issue, Glamour ran a how to article that illustrated how one can dress for their body type. The article featured models of various sizes including pear shapes, big busts, petites and plus sizes. In addition, the art icle featured samples of clothing that would best suit each individual body type. Another example is Essences reoccurring article, Perfect Fit. In its December 2008 issue, this article featured holiday party clothing for women sizes 1418+. The artic le encouraged readers to Turn heads this holiday season in short glam dresses.

PAGE 53

53 Although these examples are framed improved attractiveness /appearance, they have potential to influence well being by making the readers feel good about their weight and body image. However, if poorly done, and article intended to support positive weight and body image falls flat when the models chosen are not appropriate. For example, in its April 2009 issue, Glamour tells the reader to accentuate an hourglass figure and celebrate your curves by wearing different styles of skirts. However, all of the models present in the article are tall and thin. Photographs In terms of textual frames, photographs play a key role in how the subject of weight and body image are cov ered in womens magazines. Photographs were coded for body type, body size and clothing attire. In addition, the subject of each photograph was coded to determine whether it was a celebrity, model or featured person from the article. Photographs (n=127) were coded for three subject types: featured person, model and celebrity ( Figure 4 16). Out of this sample, 44% (n=56) were photographs of individuals featured in the article. For example, Shape had a reoccurring feature entitled, Success Stories, whic h featured a real womans, first hand account on how she achieved weight loss success. In each issue, a before and after photo of the person being featured was placed in the article. The next subject type coded was pictures of models, which are commonly used in womens magazines. These types of photographs comprised of 40% (n=51) of the photographs coded. For example, Glamour has a health and beauty section in every issue, and the subject pictured is always a model. In its October 2008 issue, a health article titled, Why Your Weight Isnt Such a Big Deal, featured a normal sized model eating a candy bar. Finally,

PAGE 54

54 pictures of celebrities were coded and they represented 16% (n=20) of the sample. Every magazine within the sampled featured pictures of celebrities; however, Shape used its celebrity photos as a training tool for exercise techniques. For example, in its June 2009 issue, Indy car driver, Danica Patrick shared her Swimsuit Shapeup workout in a how to format. This article contained photos (n=12) of Danica Patrick demonstrating the proper form and technique for each exercise. Body Type Body type is a measurement of the human shape. This measurement takes into account a bodys composition. The guidelines used for coding the body types were gleaned from W.H. Sheldons classification system (1970). The three main categories include Ectomorph, which represents a thin and linear build, Mesomorph, which represents a muscular/athletic build and Endomorph, which represents a heav y/stocky build. According to Sheldon, a few people are a combination of two categories. Images that fell in this category were coded as combination. For photographs where there was a tight shot and the subjects body was not visible, these photos were coded as unknown. In total, 133 pictures of different body types were coded. Muscular/athletic body types represented 36% (n=48) of the images coded and combination body types represented 30% (n=48) of images. Thin/linear body types represented 17% (n=23) of images portrayed in womens magazines, while heavy/stocky body images represented only 9% (n=12). Of the sample, 8% (n=10) were coded as unknown ( Figure 4 17). The kind of body types photographed in womens fashion magazines vs. womens health magazines varied. Among the photographs coded in womens fashion magazines, 57% (n=16) were pictures of combination body types, 21% (n=6) were pictures of heavy/stocky body types, 14% (n=4) were muscular body types, 4% (n=1)

PAGE 55

55 were thin body types and 4% (n=1) were unknown ( Figure 4 18). Among the photographs coded in womens health magazines, 42% (n=44) represented muscular body types, 23% (n=24) represented combination body types, 21% (n=22) were thin body types, 9% (n=9) were unknown body types and 6% (n=6) were heavy/ stocky body types ( Figure 4 19). Differences between the body types seen in mainstream vs. African American magazines were noted and will be discussed later in this chapter. Body Size In addition to body type, the body sizes of images pres ented in womens magazines were analyzed. Body size is a measurement of the human body that is directly correlated with weight. To code body size, guidelines used for weight assessment by the (CDC) were used. Body size was coded using the following four categories: underweight, normal, overweight and obese. Of the images coded (n=121), a normal body size was presented most frequently (n=100). Presented less frequently were overweight (n=17) and underweight (n=4). There were no images of obese women portrayed in this sample of womens magazines ( Figure 4 20). When comparing womens fashion magazines and womens health magazines, the results were similar. Among the images seen in womens fashion magazines, a normal body size was most prevalent (n=11). Overweight body sizes were seen less frequently (n=9), and the least frequent body size seen was the underweight body size (n=1) ( Figure 4 21). Among womens health magazines, the largest number of body types seen were normal body sizes (n=89), followed by overweight body sizes (n=8). Underweight body sizes (n=3) were seen the least in womens health magazines ( Figure 4 21). Neither womens health nor womens fashion magazines contained obese body sizes.

PAGE 56

56 Interestingly, in regard to body size represent ation in this sample, womens health magazines presented more underweight body sizes than womens fashion magazines ( Figure 4 21). Also, overweight body sizes were seen more often in womens fashion magazines than womens health magazines ( Figure 4 21). Although these nuances are visible, they are not statistically significant. There were differences noted between body sizes seen in mainstream vs. African American magazines; however, these differences will be discussed later in this chapter. Clothing Att ire The clothing worn by the subjects in each photo were coded using the following categories: swimsuit, workout, business, casual, formal and other. Of the images coded (n=131), the most frequent type of clothing worn was workout attire (n=58). For the category of workout attire, 79% (n=46) of those images came from Shape magazine. Next in frequency were images featuring casual attire (n=22), followed by swimsuit attire (n=12), formal attire (n=8) and business attire (n=7). Images coded other (n=24) re presented photos of nude women or images where more than one style of clothing was presented in one photo ( Figure 4 22). RQ2 What types of images depicting body image and weight are used in womens magazines? Images used on the cover of each magazine (n=24) and images used in the articles (n=134) were categorized as body image oriented and body image neutral. Meyers and Biocca (1992) coined these terms. An image is considered "body image oriented" if the image is centered on the ideal, thin femal e body and that body is used as a visual message. An image is considered "neutral image oriented" if the image

PAGE 57

57 used does not focus on the body type and size of a woman. In regard to the images on the cover of womens magazines, every issue of Essence fea tured neutral image oriented photos. These photos featured male and female celebrities, fully dressed in designer clothing. Its December 2008 and June 2009 covers featured separate closeups of Jada Pickett Smith and Jennifer Hudson. These shots highl ighted the subjects face and their bodies were barely seen. In contrast, every cover of Shape featured body image oriented photos. All six celebrities featured have their midsection exposed. With the exception of Venus Williams, featured on its August 2008 cover, the other celebrities were wearing bikini tops. The majority of Heart & Soul covers featured neutral image oriented photos (n=5). Glamours cover featured both body image oriented (n=2) and neutral image oriented (n=4) photos ( Figure 4 23). Images Seen in Articles Across the board, the majority of the articles inside womens magazines featured body image oriented photographs (n=86) ( Figure 4 24). Unlike the previous analysis of photos from the covers, each magazine title scored similarly concerning the proportion of body image oriented photos vs. neutral image oriented photos present in the articles ( Figure 4 24 and Figure 4 25). Glamour had the highest percentage of body image oriented photos 69% (n=9) F ollowed by Esse nce 67% (n=5), then Shape, 64% (n=27) and Heart & Soul 62.5% n=20. Heart & Soul had the highest percentage of Neutral image oriented photographs 37.5% (n=12) F ollowed by Shape 36% (n=27), then Essence 33% (n= 5) and Glamour 31% (n=4) ( Figure 4 24 a nd Figure 4 25). A typical example of a body image oriented photo was seen in Glamour s August 2008 issue. In its reoccurring section, Body by Glamour the article discussed The

PAGE 58

58 Six Ways to Flatten Your Belly. It featured a model, with flat abs, w earing a bathing suit, working out on an exercise ball. The image is body image oriented because the womans body was used to convey the message, Follow this advice and get similar results. Although not overtly objectifying, many of the articles in Heart & Soul and Shape featured before and after pictures. The nature of the comparison caused the persons body to be the focus of the article. Such pictures were coded as body image oriented. An example of a neutral image oriented photo was seen in the June/July 2009 issue of Heart & Soul. This article featured a lacrosse player who shared her workout routine. One picture seen in the article showed her playing lacrosse in her uniform. Another photo was a head shot of the woman featured. Thes e photos were coded neutral image oriented because her body, what size it was, or what it looked like was not the focus of the article. In fact, one photo was just a picture of her face. Another example of a neutral oriented image was found in the Oc tober 2008 issue of Essence. The article was entitled, The Plus Size Sisters Guide to Good Health and it listed health aliments associated with being obese and overweight. The photo in the article featured the legs and feet of a woman preparing to ste p on a scale. This article was coded as a neutral image oriented because although the article explicitly discusses weight, the subjects body size is left a mystery. 2008 vs. 2009 When the types of photos seen in womens magazines in 2008 were compared to the types of images seen in 2009, the results were interesting. By July of 2009, the percentage of body image oriented photos had decreased from 68% (n=52) to 59%

PAGE 59

59 (n=34). In addition, the number of neutral image oriented photos seen in womens magazines had increased from 32% (n=24) to 41% (n=24) ( Figure 4 26). RQ3 What are the credentials of the authors of the articles on weight and body image in women's magazines? Every communication process begins with the communicator. In order to obtain i nsight on the message, it must be determined who is the originator of the message. A writers background and experiences influence the manner in which any topic is covered, including weight and body image; thus, the writers credentials were coded ( Figu re 4 27). Writers coded were placed in the following categories: general staff writer (45% n=66), freelancer (21% n=30), medical/health writer (14% n=20), average Joe (5% n=8), medical/public health expert (4% n=6), celebrity writer (1% n=2) and f itness expert (1% n=1). If the articles writer lacked credentials or the writers credentials did not fall in the previously mentioned groups, then the writers were coded as other (9% n=13). Some examples of writers who fell in the other category included contributing editors, fashion editors, editor in chief and special projects editors. Heart & Soul and Shape were the only titles that used medical/health writers and medical/public health experts to write their articles. Also, the only article wr itten by a fitness expert appeared in Glamour ( Figure 4 28). Direct and Indirect Sources The articles were coded for sources of direct and indirect quotes using the following categories: celebrity, medical expert, fitness expert, researcher/research stud y, real women and other. Among sources of indirect quotes in womens magazines, the top three categories were researcher/research study (n=27), fitness expert (n=8)

PAGE 60

60 and medical expert (n=7) ( Figure 4 29). Among individual titles, Heart & Soul and Shape h ad the most diverse grouping of indirectly quoted sources. The top three categories of direct quotes used in womens magazines were fitness expert (n=37), real women (n=36) and medical expert (n=29) ( Figure 4 30). However, each individual magazine title v aried in the hierarchy of which categories were directly quoted. In Essence the top category for direct quotes was medical expert (n=7). In Glamour there was a threeway tie among medical expert, celebrity and fitness expert (n=3). Real women were the top group directly quoted in Shape (n=20). Finally, the category most directly quoted in Heat & Soul was fitness expert (n=12). RQ4 Who are the primary sources for information on weight and body image in w omens magazines? The Writers Voice The sample articles in this study were primarily feature articles written in a conversational tone. These articles were designed to provide the reader with information, evoke emotion, and solicit a response. While analyzing the articles, a pattern of storytelling was identified as a means to relay various messages about weight and body image. In addition, a type of tone or voice, set by each writer surfaced. Each voice is a source for information. The final analysis yielded four major tones or voices: celebri ty voice (n=21), practical voice (n=59), real woman voice (n=37) and expert voice (n=39) ( Figure 4 31). For example, in Shape a young woman disclosed to the readers how she struggled for years with her weight and self esteem, had an Ahha mome nt, became a marathon runner and gave the readers steps on how they could do it too. The tone of

PAGE 61

61 this article is the real womens voice because the story is told by a layman who had struggles like many other readers, and overcame them. An example of the celebrity voice was visible in Heart & Soul One article featured well known, R and B artist, Angie Stone who shared with readers her past battle with Type II Diabetes. In the article, she gave nutritional, spiritual and emotional advice on what one must do to stay healthy. According to framing theory, the importance of the message and the effectiveness of its delivery are associated with Angie Stones celebrity status. Because she is a popular musician in the African American community, just as r eaders are open and receptive to her music, they are open and receptive to her healthcare message. The fact that Angie Stone has no medical or nutritional training may have little impact on the weight of her words. The other group of articles in this sam ple was how to articles. They provided the reader with simple, systematic instructions on how to perform an action or behavior. For example, Essence had a reoccurring article that taught its readers how to appropriately dress for their body type. This type of article demonstrated the practical voice. In each article, easy to follow steps were given and examples were provided. In its April 2009 issue, readers are schooled, A flirty tulip hemline is ideal for shapely hips, and a picture of a model standing arms akimbo, demonstrates why. Articles that portray the expert voice contain an instructional tone and are full of direct and/or indirect quotes from experts in a particular field. In an article entitled, Heartache, Heart & Soul readers are warned about the subtle symptoms of heart attacks in women. Indirectly quoted were statistics from the American Heart Association and the National Institute for Health. Hard facts are provided in this type of

PAGE 62

62 article and a clear and precise plan of action is given to ward off negative consequences. The frequency of the different types of voices used in womens magazines was coded per magazine title. When compared, the prominent voice in all of the magazines, except for one was the practical voice. The p ractical voice or tone was most present in Essence (n=10), Glamour (n=6) and Shape (n=30) ( Figure 4 32). However, the prevailing tone used in Heart & Soul was the expert voice (n=17) ( Figure 4 32). The least common tone used in every magazine title, except for one was the celebrity voice. This tone was least used in Essence (n=1), Heart & Soul (n=6) and Shape (n=11) ( Figure 4 32). In Glamour magazine, the real woman voice was used the least (n=2). RQ5 Is the coverage of weight and body image different in mainstream and African American magazines? Frames in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines When comparing mainstream magazines vs. African American magazines, and the prevalence of the two major frames, for both groupings, the majority of the arti cles were framed as improved health/well being. Among mainstream magazines, 53% (n= 51) of the articles were framed as improved health/well being, while 47% (n=45) were framed as improved attractiveness/appearance ( Figure 4 33). In comparison, 55% ( n=27) of African American Magazines were framed as improved health/ well being and 45% (n=22) of the articles were framed as improved attractiveness ( Figure 4 33). When compared to mainstream magazines, African American magazines have a greater percentage (2%) of improved health/well being framed articles. A Chi Square analysis was conducted to see if a significant difference in the use of frames in

PAGE 63

63 mainstream vs. African American magazines was evident ( Table 4 1). Via Chisquare analysis, if was de termined there was no significant difference ( .821). Neutral Image Oriented vs. Body Image Oriented Photos In terms of neutral and body image oriented photos from the magazine articles, mainstream and African American magazines presented the same percentage wise. For both types of magazines, 64% of the photos found in the articles of women magazines were body image oriented and 36% of the photos were neutral image oriented. Specifically, for mainstream magazines 64% (n=56) were body image oriented and 36% (n=31) were neutral image oriented ( Figure 4 34). In the African American magazines 64% (n=30) were body image oriented photos and 36% (n=17) were neutral image oriented photos ( Figure 4 35). A Chi Square analysis was conduct ed to see if a significant difference existed in the use of neutral image oriented photos vs. body image oriented photos in mainstream and African American magazines ( Table 4 2). Pearsons Chi square analysis determined there was no significant differenc e ( = For t he types of photos used on mainstream and African American magazine covers, 92% (n=11) of covers from the African American magazines featured neutral image oriented photos and only 8% (n=1) of the magazine covers featured body image oriented photos. In contrast, only 33% (n= 4) of the mainstream magazines covers portrayed neutral image oriented photos while 67% (n=8) of the mainstream magazine covers featured body image oriented photos ( Table 4 3). A Chi Square analysis could not be performed to determine statistical significance between the types of photos used

PAGE 64

64 in mainstream and AfricanAmerican magazine covers because the data set did not meet all of the assumptions of a chi square test. One assumption of a chi square test is that all frequencies are greater than five (Field 2005). Unfortunately, this particular data set contained frequencies less than five ( Figure 4 3). Photographs used in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines Photographs were coded for three su bject types: featured person, model and celebrity. When the categories were compared between mainstream vs. African American magazines, it was noted that the person featured in a story was the most common type of picture used in mainstream magazines ( n=39, 47% ) (Figure 4 36). In contrast, among African American magazines, pictures of models (n=19, 43% ) were most frequently used ( Figure 4 37). Between both magazines genres, pictures of celebrities were the least frequent type of photo used in womens magazines. In mainstream magazines, this picture was used 14% of the time (n=12); and in African American magazines, this type of picture was used 18% of the time (n=8) ( Figure 4 36 and Figure 4 37). Body Types in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines Between the two genres of magazines, the muscular/athletic body type was mostly seen. In mainstream magazines, this body type was seen 31% of the time (n=27) and in African American magazines, this body type was seen 45% of the time (n=21) ( Figure 4 38 an d Figure 4 39). However, an interesting finding was noted when the presence of thin/linear and heavy/stocky body types were compared between the two types of magazines. In mainstream magazines, the thin/linear body type was represented 25% of the time (n=21). In contrast, this body type was only represented 4% of the time (n=2) in African American magazines. Conversely, the heavy/ stocky

PAGE 65

65 body type was seen 17% of the time (n=8) in African American magazines, but was only seen 5% of the time (n=4) in mai nstream magazines. Body Sizes in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines Among mainstream magazines, normal body sizes were seen 86% of the time (n=69), underweight 5% of the time (n=4) and overweight 9% of the time (n=7) ( Figure 4 40). Among African American magazines, normal body sizes were seen 76% of the time (n=31) and overweight body sizes were seen 24% of the time (n=10) ( Figure 4 41). There was no representation of underweight body sizes in African American magazines. Also, there were no imag es of obese women portrayed in this sample of womens magazines. Attire in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines The top three categories of clothing worn by the subjects in mainstream magazines were workout ( 54% n=46), casual (15% n=13) and other (13%, n=11) ( Figure 4 42). Similar, yet more balanced results were found in African American magazines, other (29% n=13), workout (27% n=12) and casual (20% n=9) ( Figure 4 43). The other category represented pictures of naked people and group shot where more than one type of clothing was being presented. In terms of workout clothing, the choices worn were different in mainstream vs. African American magazines. In African American magazines, the workout uniform varied from a jogging suit to a sport bra and shorts. In mainstream magazines, the makeup of the workout outfit is consistently a sports bra only and shorts. Voices in Mainstream vs. African American Magazines The top three voices emerging in mainstream magazines are practical (38%) (n=36), real woman (27%)(n=25) and expert (20%)(n=19) ( Figure 4 44). The top voices

PAGE 66

66 in African American magazines are practical (37%) (n=23), expert (32%) (n=20) and real woman (20%) (n=12) ( Figure 4 45). Both types of magazines had the voice of the celebrity represented least. This comparison did not yield significant differences.

PAGE 67

67 Figure 4 1. Percentages of articles in womens magazines during August 2008July 2009. Essence Magazine 11% Glamour Magazine 11% Heart and Soul Magazine 23% Shape Magazine 55% Percentages of Articles in Women's Magazines Essence Magazine Glamour Magazine Heart and Soul Magazine Shape Magazine

PAGE 68

68 Figure 42. Types of articles found in womens magazines. Figure 43. Graphics u sed in African American vs. mainstream magazines. 64% 24% 6% 4% 2% Types of Articles Found in Women's Magazines Feature Articles Q & A Format/Advice News Mentions Columns Editorial 8 6 3 5 5 17 4 2 African American Magazines Mainstream MagazinesGraphics Used in African American Magazines vs. Mainstream Magazines Person/People Food Exercise Equipment Health Icons

PAGE 69

69 Figure 44. Percentage of photos by race in womens magazines. Figure 45. Percentage of photos by race in E ssence magazine. White 44% African American 40% Hispanic 3% Asian 2% Other/Unknown 11% Race of Photos Used in Women's Magazines 93% 7% Race of Photos in Essence Magazine White African American Hispanic Asian Other/Unknown

PAGE 70

70 Figure 46. Percentage of photos by race in H eart & S oul magazine. Figure 47. Percentage of photo by race in S hape magazine. 3% 90% 7% Race of Photos in Heart & Soul Magazine White African American Hispanic Asian Unknown White 75% African American 12% Hispanic 2% Asian 3% Unknown 8% Race of Photos in Shape Magazine

PAGE 71

71 Figure 48. Percentage of photo by race in Glamour magazine. Figure 49. Age of women in womens magazines. White 22% African American 14% Hispanic 14% Asian 7% Unknown 43% Race of Photos in Glamour Magazine Young Adult 67% Middle Aged 27% Senior 2% Unknown 4% Age of Women in Women's Magazines

PAGE 72

72 Figure 410. Frames in womens magazines. 54% 46% Main Frames of Advice Given in Women's Magazines Improved Health/Well-being Improved Appearance/Attractiveness

PAGE 73

73 Figure 411. Improved health/w ellbeing vs. improved attractiveness/improved appearance frames. Essence Magazine Glamour Magazine Heart & Soul Magazine Shape Magazine Improved Health/Well-being Frame 8 6 19 45 Improved Attractiveness/ Improved Appearance Frame 7 9 15 36 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50Major Frames in Articles Improved Health/Well being vs. Improved Attractiveness/Improved Appearance Frames

PAGE 74

74 Figure 412. Frames found in Essence magazine. Figure 413. Frames found in Glamour magazine. 53% 47% Frames Found in Essence Magazine Improved Health/Well-being Improved Attractiveness/Improved Appearance 40% 60% Frames Found in Glamour Magazine Improved Health/Well-being Improved Attractiveness/Improved Appearance

PAGE 75

75 Figure 414. Frames found in Heart & Soul magazine. Figure 415. Frames found in S hape magazine. 56% 44% Frames Found in Heart & Soul Magazine Improved Health/Well-being Improved Attractiveness/Improved Appearance 56% 44% Frames Found in Shape Magazine Improved Health/Well-being Improved Attractiveness/Improved Appearance

PAGE 76

76 Figure 416. Photos used in womens magazines. Figure 417. Body types in womens magazines. 16% 40% 44% Photos Used in Women's Magazines Celebrity Model Person Featured 17% 36% 9% 30% 8% Body Types Presented in Women's Magazines Thin Muscular Heavy/Stocky Combo Unknown

PAGE 77

77 Figure 418. Body types presented in womens fashion magazines. Figure 419. Body types presented in womens health magazines. 4% 14% 21% 57% 4% Body Types Presented in Women's Fashion Magazines Thin Muscular Heavy/Stocky Combo Unknown 21% 42% 6% 23% 9% Body Types Presented in Women's Health Magazines Thin Muscular Heavy/Stocky Combo Unknown

PAGE 78

78 Figur e 420. Body sizes in womens magazines. Underweight Normal Overweight Obese Body Size 4 100 17 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 120# of photos Body Sizes Presented in Women's Magazines

PAGE 79

79 Figure 421. Body sizes in fashion magazines vs. health magazines. Underweight Normal Overweight Obese Fashion Magazines 1 11 9 0 Health Magazines 3 89 8 0 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100# of Body Sizes Body Sizes in Fashion Magazines vs. Health Magazines

PAGE 80

80 Figure 422. Attire worn in womens magazines. Figure 423. Images on magazine covers. Swimsuit Attire Workout Attire Business Attire Casual Attire Formal Attire Other Photos in Women's Magazines 12 58 7 22 8 24 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70Number of Images Shown Attire Worn by Women in Women's Magazines Essence Magazine Glamour Magazine Heart and Soul Magazine Shape Magazine Body Image Oriented (Cover) 0 2 1 6 Neutral Image Oriented (Cover) 6 4 5 0 0 2 1 6 6 4 5 0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7Number of Photos Types of Images Seen on The Cover of Women's Magazines

PAGE 81

81 Figure 424. Neutral image vs. body imag e oriented photos in womens magazine articles. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Essence Magazine Glamour Magazine Heart & Soul Magazine Shape Magazine Neutral Image Oriented Photos 5 4 12 27 Body Image Oriented Photos 10 9 20 47# of Magazine Articles Neutral Image Oriented Photos vs Body Image Oriented Photos in Women's Magazine Articles

PAGE 82

82 Figure 425. Percentages of neutral vs. body image oriented photos in womens magazine articles. 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Essence Magazine Glamour Magazine Heart & Soul Magazine Shape Magazine Neutral Image Oriented Photos 33.0% 31.0% 37.5% 36.0% Body Image Oriented Photos 67.0% 69.0% 62.5% 64.0%Percentages of Neutral Image Oriented Photos vs Body Image Oriented Photos in Women's Magazine Articles

PAGE 83

83 Figure 426. Photos seen in womens magazines in 2008 vs. 2009. 52 34 24 24 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 2008 2009Comparison of Images Seen in Women's Magazines Between 2008 and 2009 Body Image Oriented Photos/Images Neutral Image Oriented Photos/Images

PAGE 84

84 Figure 427. Percentages of writ ers credentials. 4% 1% 14% 1% 5% 45% 21% 9% Percentage of Writers' Credentials in Women's Magazines Medical/Public Health Expert Fitness Expert Medical Writer/Health Writer Celebrity Writer "Average Joe" General Staff Writer Freelancer Other

PAGE 85

85 Figure 428. Writers credentials in womens magazines. Essence Glamour Heart and Soul Shape Medical/Public Health Expert 0 0 1 3 Fitness Expert 0 1 0 0 Medical Writer/Health Writer 0 0 4 16 Celebrity Writer 0 0 0 2 "Average Joe" 0 0 3 5 General Staff Writer 6 10 13 37 Freelancer 8 3 12 7 Other 3 1 1 8 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40Number of Articles Writers' Credentials

PAGE 86

86 Figure 429. Sources of indirect quotes in womens magazines. Essence Glamour Heart and Soul Shape Celebrity 0 0 0 0 Medical Expert 1 0 5 1 Fitness Expert 0 0 3 5 Researcher/ Research Study 0 3 6 18 Real Women 0 0 0 0 Other 0 0 1 1 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20Number of Indirect Quotes Sources of Indirect Quotes in Women's Magazines

PAGE 87

87 Figure 430. Sources of direct quotes in womens magazines. Essence Glamour Heart and Soul Shape Celebrity 0 3 5 6 Medical Expert 7 3 11 8 Fitness Expert 4 3 12 18 Researcher/ Research Study 0 1 3 13 Real Women 6 2 8 20 Other 1 0 1 2 0 5 10 15 20 25Number of Direct Quotes Sources of Direct Quotes in Women's Magazines

PAGE 88

88 Figure 431. Voice types in womens magazines 21 59 37 39 Voice Types in Women's Magazines Celebrity Voice Practical Voice Real Woman Voice Expert Voice

PAGE 89

89 Figure 432. Voice types in each magazine. Essence Glamour Heart & Soul Shape Celebrity Voice 1 3 6 11 Practical Voice 10 6 13 30 Real Woman Voice 5 2 7 23 Expert Voice 3 5 17 14 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35# of instances Voice Types in each Magazine

PAGE 90

90 Figure 433. Percentages of main frames in main stream vs. African American magazines. Table 41. Womens magazine and frames. Health/ Wellness Frame Beauty/Attractiveness Frame Total African Am erican 27 22 49 Mainstream 51 45 96 Total 78 67 145 55.00% 53.00% 45.00% 47.00% African-American Magazines Mainstream MagazinesPercentage of Main Frames in Mainstream vs. African American Women's Magazines Improved Health/Well-being Improved Appearance/Attractiveness

PAGE 91

91 Figure 434. Neutral image oriented vs. body image oriented photos in mainstream magazines articles. Neutral Image Oriented Photo 36% Body Image Oriented Photo 64% Percentage of Neutral Image Oriented Photos vs. Body Image Oriented Photos in Mainstream Magazine Articles

PAGE 92

92 Figure 435. Neutral image oriented vs. body image oriented photos in African American magazi ne articles. Table 42. Womens magazine articles and types of photos used. Neutral image oriented photo Body image oriented photo Total African American 17 30 47 Mainstream 31 56 87 Total 48 86 134 Neutral Image Oriented Photo 36% Body Image Oriented Photo 64% Percentage of Neutral Image Oriented Photos vs. Body Image Oriented Photos in African American Magazine Articles

PAGE 93

93 Table 43. Womens magazine covers and types of photos used. Neutral image oriented photo Body image oriented photo Total African American 11 1 12 Mainstream 4 8 12 Total 15 9 24 Figure 436. Photos used in mainstream magazines. 14% 39% 47% Photos Used in Mainstream Women's Magazines Celebrity Model Person Featured

PAGE 94

94 Figure 437. Photos used in African American magazines. 18% 43% 39% Photos Used in African American Women's Magazines Celebrity Model Person Featured

PAGE 95

95 Fig ure 438. Body types in mainstream magazines. 25% 31% 5% 30% 9% Body Types Presented in Mainstream Magazines Thin Muscular Heavy/Stocky Combo Unknown

PAGE 96

96 Figure 439. Body types in African American magazines. 4% 45% 17% 30% 4% Body Types Presented in AfricanAmerican Magazines Thin Muscular Heavy/Stocky Combo Unknown

PAGE 97

97 Figure 440. Body sizes in mainstream magazines. Underweight 5% Normal 86% Overweight 9% Obese 0% Body Sizes Protrayed in Mainstream Magazines

PAGE 98

98 Figure 441. Body sizes in African American magazines. Underweight 0% Normal 76% Overweight 24% Obese 0% Body Sizes Protrayed in African American Magazines

PAGE 99

99 Figure 442. Womens attire in m ainstream magazines. Swimsuit Attire 9% Workout Attire 54% Business Attire 6% Casual Attire 15% Formal Attire 3% Other 13% Women's Attire Shown in Mainstream Magazines

PAGE 100

100 Figure 443. Womens attire in African American magazines. Swimsuit Attire 9% Workout Attire 27% Business Attire 4% Casual Attire 20% Formal Attire 11% Other 29% Women's Attire Shown in African American Magazines

PAGE 101

101 Figure 444. Voices in mainstream magazines. 15% 38% 27% 20% Percentages of Different "Voices" Found in Mainstream Magazines Celebrity Voice Practical Voice Real Woman Voice Expert Voice

PAGE 102

102 Figure 445. Voices in African American magazines. 11% 37% 20% 32% Percentages of Voices found in AfricanAmerican Magazines Celebrity Voice Practical Voice Real Woman Expert Voice

PAGE 103

103 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCL USION Goals of the Study The goal of this study was to determine the manner in which weight and body image are covered in womens magazines, and from there determine if weight and body image are covered differently in mainstream vs. African American magazines. Previous literature has deter mined that weight and body image are both topics frequently covered in womens magazines. In addition, previous literature has determined that the manner in which weight and body image is perceived and emotionally processed is culturally specific to white and AfricanAmerican women. To accomplish the goals of this study, four womens magazines were analyzed. One set of fashion and health womens magazines came from the mainstream sector ( Glamour and Shape ) and one set of fashion and health womens magazi nes came from the African American sector ( Essence and Heart & Soul ). This study examined the types of photos used, the writers credentials, the frames used when advice was given, clothing, age, race and origin of information cited. The results of this study revealed that, in general, the coverage of weight and body image in mainstream and African American womens magazines was similar. However, there were a few distinct differences that could have social, theoretical and practical implications in the f uture. In addition, this study and others like it can possibly aid transdisciplinary efforts among journalists and health professionals to decrease healthcare disparities among minorities; and in turn, potentially improve healthcare outcomes.

PAGE 104

104 Frames U sed in Womens Magazines Two major frames were present in this analysis of weight and body image in womens magazines. When these topics were discussed, the information was framed as either Improved Health/Well being or Improved Attractiveness/Appearance. Of the articles coded, the improved health/well being frame was present in 54% (n=78) of the articles and the improved attractiveness/appearance frame was apparent in 46% (n=67) of the articles coded. These findings are different from a previous st udy conducted on health messages in womens magazines. Moyer, C.A., Vishnu, L.O., & Sonnad, S.S., (1999) discovered, Less than a fifth of the magazine articles dealt with healthrelated topics. Of those, a third dealt with diet, with the majority of the articles emphasizing weight loss rather than eating for optimal health, (p. 137). This study further concluded that the topics discussed in womens magazines did not correlate with leading health concerns and health risks. The researchers determined that this type of information did not best facilitate health risk reduction and may lead women to focus on the wrong aspects of their health and healthcare (Moyer, et al. 1999). The current study found that a variety of health related topics were covered i n this sample womens magazines. In addition, many of the topics discussed were significant health concerns for women, including heart disease, obesity, diabetes and pregnancy. This positive change in the coverage of weight and body image in womens mag azine may signify a positive change in health outcomes for women who look to magazines as a reliable source of information. When compared to mainstream magazines, African American magazines contained 2% more improved health/well being framed articles. A Chi Square analysis

PAGE 105

105 was conducted to see if a significant difference in the use of frames in mainstream vs. African American magazines was evident. However, the sample size was too small to determine a significant difference. Although the pool is s mall, previous studies that compared African American magazines with mainstream magazines found a lack of healthy messages in African American magazines. However, the present study revealed a change in that pattern. Although by a slight margin, the proportion of messages framed as improved health/ well being was greater in African American magazines than mainstream magazines. Neutral Image Oriented vs. Body Image Oriented Photos In terms of neutral and body image oriented photos from the magazine art icles, mainstream and African American magazines yielded the same percentages. For both types of magazines, 64% of the photos found in the articles of women magazines were body image oriented, and 36% of the photos were neutral image oriented. These findi ngs agreed with previous studies that warned about the negative images presented in womens magazines and that they were likely unhealthy to the self esteem of readers. In their 1996 study, Tiggeman and Pickering stated: Only the very thinnest 5 10% of all American women can actually acquire and easily maintain the supermodel's salient and most desired feature: her fat free body. The remaining 90 95% of American women have fallen prey to the message that they are abnormal: that they improve their lives and selves only if they diet, exercise, and lose weight (Williamson 1998, p. 65). Previous research has not only warned against the dangers in the type of pictures used in women's magazines, it has also warned against the possible consequences of

PAGE 106

106 frequent exposure. As with most poisons, continual exposure to a noxious stimulus will result in a more potent and lasting effect. These statements are the premise of Gerbner's cultivation theory (1986). Consistent exposure to super thin bodies breeds feelings o f decreased self worth. One study examined the medias effect on body image and eating disorders in women. The study found that women who are exposed to super thin images also have feelings of body dissatisfaction (Thompson and Heinberg, 1999). These fe elings damage the effectiveness of health education and coaching via the Health Belief Model. When negative internalized feelings exist, motivation and self efficacy diminishes. Also, as a result of negative internalized feelings, the potential for posit ive health behaviors decreases significantly. According to another study, women who are exposed to such images are more likely to engage in a variety of self destructive behaviors, which include eating disorders, binge drinking, substance abuse and unprotected sex (Cohen 2006). Interestingly, the current study revealed an improvement in the words used to cover weight and body image in women's magazines; however, the pictures used in the discussion of weight and body image in women's magazines still mim ics the objectifying and emotionally degrading images exposed in past studies. However, all hope is not lost. Thompson and Heinberg felt that media had the same potential to help as it did to harm (1999). Ultimately, it is up to journalist and health pr ofessionals to govern what images are projected. Photos used on mainstream and African American magazine covers were distinctly different. For example, 67% (n=8) of the mainstream magazine covers featured body image oriented photos while only 8% (n=1) o f the African American

PAGE 107

107 magazine covers featured body image oriented photos. The majority of the photos on the cover of mainstream magazines featured celebrities with their midsections exposed. Some of these photos featured celebrities in provocative pos es. In contrast, the majority of the photos on the cover of AfricanAmerican magazines featured headshots, where the body of the celebrity was not visible. If the cover did reveal the entire body of the celebrity, the person was fully dressed, standing in a confident pose. The differences in the presentation of images on the cover of womens magazines coincide with each individual groups value system. Among mainstream magazines, it appeared that the female body was the product being marketed. Thus, the majority of the covers highlighted and exposed different aspects of the female body. In contrast, among the AfricanAmerican covers, it appeared personality and attitudes were the products being marketed. Thus, these covers featured the persons fac e or personality expressed in a pose. Previous research has demonstrated that white women value a thin frame above all other characteristics, while AfricanAmerican women, who do value a nice physique, place greater value on personality traits (Roberts, e t al. 2006). When the frequency of body imaged oriented photos vs. neutral image oriented photos seen in 2008 were compared to 2009, the findings revealed that within that one year, the number of body image oriented photos in women's magazines had decli ned and the number of neutral image oriented photos had increased. This finding further demonstrates that the type of photos used to discuss the issue of weight and body image in womens magazines maybe improving. Further research is needed to determine why this improvement is occurring. Despite the visual shift in photo usage

PAGE 108

108 from 2008 to 2009, the majority of the images seen in womens magazines from this sample were body image oriented photographs. Thus, there is still room for improvement. Body Types Between the two genres of magazines, the muscular/athletic body type was seen most often. In mainstream magazines, the thin/linear body type was represented 25% of the time. In contrast, this body type was only represented 4% of the time in A frican American magazines. Conversely, the heavy/ stocky body type was seen 17% of the time in African American magazines, but was only seen 5% of the time in mainstream magazines. The body types used in the different magazines are consistent with the b ody types valued by each respected magazine's readership. However, body types are not exclusive to one particular culture or race. Just as there are overweight white women who read womens magazines, there are underweight African American women who read womens magazine. Thus, one must ponder the possible implications of a reader not feeling well represented and isolated from the images seen in womens magazines. Does an overweight white woman buy in to the health advice offered to her, although no one in the magazine looks like her? Do feelings of isolation and internalized negativity cause her to reject the health advice given to her? Does the reader feel any health efforts would be futile since she never did look like the other women in the magazine? Future qualitative studies are required to investigate these questions. Body Sizes Among both types of womens magazines, normal body sizes were seen the majority of the time. There was no representation of underweight body sizes in African -

PAGE 109

109 American magazines and there was a small representation (9%) of overweight women portrayed in this sample of mainstream womens magazines. Interestingly, in this magazine sample, when fashion and health magazines were compared, overweight body sizes were seen more often in fashion magazines (29%) than in health magazines (8%). The majority of these images came from Essence magazine. These findings demonstrated how African American fashion magazines are leading the pack in presenting a variety of body sizes in a positive and purposeful light. Every month, Essence showed women of all sizes that they can look beautiful. This was accomplished by the series, Dress for Your Body. Each issue featured practical steps and images that helped guide plus sized women in finding a look most suitable for a larger body size. Glamour made attempts to feature fashion advice for women of different body sizes. Unfortunately, in one article entitled, A Skirt for Every Body, all of the models featured were thin and did not represent a cross section of the female population. Thus, in order to stop the vicious cycle of exposure to negative images, feelings of worthlessness, followed by negative actions, all womens magazines editors must evaluate what they are writing about and how the image connected to it enhances or contradicts their desired message. Photographs used in Women's Magazines Photographs were coded for three subject types: featured person, model and celebrity. In women's magazines, the photo type most frequently used was of the women featured in the article. This type of photo was used 44% (n=56) of the time. The photo type used the least in women's magazines was of celebrities. These findings demonstrated an improvement from results found in previous studies. Stice and Staw (1999) stated that mass media may be the strongest communicator of negative body

PAGE 110

110 image messages (p. 289). However, from this sample of women's magazines, the majority of the photos presented were of "everyday" women who were featured in the articles as a result of weight loss success. Many of these pictures were amateur shots submitted by the featured person, which is in stark contrast to professional, airbrushed photos of celebrities. Credentials of Authors A writers background and exper iences likely influence the manner in which any topic is covered. Within women's magazines, the articles that discuss weight and body image were primarily written by general staff writers (n=66) (45%). Thus, general writers with no apparent expertise in health or fitness sciences created and relayed health and fitness messages to the masses. Interestingly, medical/health writers only authored (14%) (n=20) of the articles, while medical/public health experts on authored (4%) (n=6) of the articles in women's magazines. Heart & Soul and Shape were the only titles that used medical/health writers and medical/public health experts to write their articles. In addition, out of the entire sample only one article was written by a fitness expert. It appeared in Glamour. The concern over who is dispensing health information in mass media is growing. In a 2009 Newsweek article, "Live Your Best Life Ever," Weston Kosova blasted Oprah Winfrey for using her show and monthly magazine as a platform for faulty healt h advice (newsweek.com). He harshly criticized several celebrities and renowned health professionals for disseminating incorrect and potentially dangerous health information. With each case, he demeaned their credentials and debased their ideas. For example, although Jenny McCarthy is an autism activist who is against childhood vaccinations, Kosova highlighted that Ms. McCarthy was a Playboy model and actress. This tactic

PAGE 111

111 of character assassination continued when Kosova discussed Dartmoutheducated obgyn, Dr. Christiane Northrup and her beliefs concerning the HPV vaccination. In addition to mocking her professional opinion, he attacked her spiritual beliefs. In the article, Kosova included direct quotes from professionals who shared his opinion and he cited several research studies to back his point. Ironically, while Kosova was ripping the qualifications of established journalist and health professionals, and beseeching the reader to question everything they read and hear, he himself lacked certain qualifications. Interestingly, Weston Kosova did not have a degree in journalism, nor did he have a health science background. He graduated from the University of Wisconsin with a B.A. in political science (thedailybeast.com). Undoubtedly, Mr. Kosova i s intelligent and gifted, and the health advice of any celebrity or professional should be tested. However, one could question the manner in which his article was framed. Did Kosova have the skill and knowledge to determine which frames were most appropr iate for this topic? Kosova cited several articles, but did he have the skill and knowledge to question the methodology of these studies and verify their validity? Did he have the skill and knowledge to research the funding sources of the studies he choose in order to detect conflict of interest? Further research is needed to determine the answers to these questions, and they are questions worth asking. According to Entman (1993), the writer consciously or subconsciously decides what to present based on preexisting frames called schemata. However, if the writer is discussing a topic that is foreign to him, then the schemata (frame) is distorted according to Entman. These preexisting frames guide the writer's belief system and

PAGE 112

112 ultimately what they write. Unfortunately, i f a message is warped from its origin, it is likely to be ineffective and ultimately harmful, especially if the information presented is incorrect. In the case of Weston Kosova, regardless if the information he disperse is corre ct or not, savvy readers may question his credibility and the trustworthiness of his articles. The Writer's Voice While analyzing the articles in women's magazines, a pattern of storytelling was identified as a means to relay various messages about weight and body image. In each story, a type of tone or voice, surfaced and each voice was a source for information. The final analysis revealed that the practical voice was represented most often (n=59). Articles that had a practical voice provided advic e that was concrete, simple to follow, suitable to everyday living and malleable to realistic expectations. Another major tone or voice seen was the expert voice. These articles were written from a professional's point of view and they featured resear ched based information (n=39). Articles that featured the real woman voice were articles written from a layman's point of view and they featured personal stories of health/weight loss success (n=37). Finally, articles that featured the celebrity voice were articles written from a famous person's point of view and they featured "trade secrets" for maintaining a superb appearance, while being under the public's scrutiny (n=21). These finding were different from previous studies that blasted women's m agazines for their negative effects on women's self esteem and their lack of meaningful health information (Moyer, C.A., Vishnu, L.O., & Sonnad, S.S., 2001). This 2001 study determined that the health information in women's magazines was not based on cred ible sources, nor did it address the legitimate health concerns of the majority of women. In contrast, this present study observed an increase in articles

PAGE 113

113 that directly and indirectly cited scholarly studies and national health organizations. Also, a decreased occurrence of celebrity based quick fixes for health and beauty was noted. Instead, the articles featured real women offering practical advice about health and techniques for reaching attainable goals. The basis of Social Learning Theory (SLT) is the belief that people learn behavior by watching others and duplicating the observed behavior (Bandura, 1977). According to SLT, the use of real women who were successful in positively affecting their overall health and/or appearance may increase the effectiveness of a health message. For example, as women read an article about a successful mother of three who worked full time, and yet was able to lose 50 pounds, those readers may be inspired to do the same. The readers relate to the featured womans weight loss struggles, and her success has the potential to motivate the readers to make the same positive behavior choices. This phenomenon is called vicarious learning (Bandura 2001). Since magazines continue to be a source for health information amo ng women, the increase in quality and frequency of science based advice, may eventually help lead to improved health outcomes among women. Thus, it is imperative that journalists and health professionals alike continue to analyze the types of messages that are present in women's magazines to ensure that a positive trend for change continues. Implications and Recommendations The findings from this study reveal a lack of trained health and fitness writers for women's magazines. This lack of skilled writ ers for women's magazines may negatively impact readers' health literacy, which is defined as the relationship between a patients literacy level and his or her ability to follow through with the prescribed intervention (Nutbeam, 2000). If a reader is suc cessfully following through with health behaviors

PAGE 114

114 based on incorrect information, then positive health outcomes are less apparent in society. An example of the potential harmful effects of misinformation was seen in the 1988 issue of Cosmopolitan. In an article titled, Reassuring News about AIDS," Dr. Robert Gould, a psychiatrist, not a medical doctor, claimed that heterosexual women did not need to worry about contracting HIV if they were having vaginal sex with a man (apps.nlm.nih.gov). By today's knowledge, this information is ludicrous. However, there is no way of knowing how many women were infected with HIV as a result of following this poor advice. Journalists and health professionals must be wary of cultivating celebrity endorsements. It is c ommon practice among journalist and healthcare providers to highlight a celebrity or public figure who is personally affected by sickness and disease. This practice is effective in bringing awareness to a disease or sickness which, depending on the popular ity of the celerity or public figure, will eventually spawn public discussion, facilitate activism, initiate possible research and potentially alter policy. Nevertheless, journalists and health professionals alike must uphold moral, ethical and profession al standards that foster media integrity. Journalist and health professionals must be prepared to challenge questionable information and have access to current and accurate data. This study determined that there were more realistic body sizes; types and images used in African American women's magazines than there were in mainstream women's magazines. Previous studies have linked the viewing of unattainable bodies with the development of negative self body image, which results in low self esteem (Ruc ker III, C., & Cash, T., 1992). Although positive images are propagated throughout

PAGE 115

115 African American magazines, and black women are culturally known to have positive body images and high self esteem these feelings of self acceptance my undergird efforts to be healthy. The results of a 2003 study revealed that although African American women weighed more, consumed more fat in their diets, and were less active than their white counterparts, they perceived themselv es just as healthy (Duncan, et al ). Trad itionally, African American women possess a self image suit of armor that has shielded them from the detriments of medias harmful portrayal of women. However, this hardiness may be the link to determining why, on a whole, AfricanAmerican women fail to i nitiate and maintain good health behaviors. This question was proposed in a 1998 study on body image and obesity risk among AfricanAmerican women. This study proposed, How women see their bodies (perceptual body image) and feel about their bodies (atti tudinal body image) in the cortex of their cultural values may influence what they do with their bodies, (Flynn, K.J., & Fitzgibbon, M., 1998). Thus, for AfricanAmerican women, it is culturally acceptable to be larger sized. Conversely, it is culturall y unacceptable to be too thin. Although thinness is valued among white women, among AfricanAmerican women, it is a sign of sickness and poverty (Flynn & Fitzgibbon, 1998, p.13). The cultural values about weight and body image are powerful because they are compounded over time and they are frequently reinforced by other members in the same group. Depending on whether a receiver is closely connected to a societal group and its belief system, cultural frames can help or hinder communication. Therefore, in order to crack the code concerning AfricanAmerican women and health behaviors, journalists and health providers must not

PAGE 116

116 exclude the significance of deeprooted cultural beliefs. Also, journalists and health providers must acknowledge the significance o f the communicator of a message. Previous studies have revealed that the best person to deliver an effective message regarding behavior change is someone from the same cultural group. These implications could affect the manner in which health providers coach their patients into making positive health behavior changes (i.e., lose weight). The Health Belief Model is one of the most prevalent theories used in the healthcare arena to encourage change. It is composed of two forces: motivation and self effic acy. However, if an African American woman is not motivated to lose weight because she perceives herself as attractive, and this perception is reinforced by the media she consumes, she is less likely to carry out a prescribed behavior change. In addition, an outsiders attempt to request such a change may be perceived as a threat. For some African American women, a white doctors suggestion to lose weight may be inaccurately acknowledged as a racist attempt to impose the white standard of beauty on the r eceiver. The receivers pride in her culture and her deep rooted value system about her body causes her to dismiss the providers statements as invalid to her particular health condition. Unless these dynamics are addressed, AfricanAmerican women will co ntinue to demonstrate a lack of positive health behaviors. Limitations As with all studies, this work has limitations. The first limitation noted in this study was that there was only one health magazine marketed to African American women nationally. Wit h only one such magazine, the equal cross comparison to mainstream magazines was limited. Another limitation noted in this study was the oneyear time frame used. A longer observation of the magazines would have yielded a larger sample

PAGE 117

117 size and perhaps a significant difference in the coded data. Another limitation noted was the possible difficulty of this study being reproduced in the future. This study required the use of each tangible magazine because the pictures in each article and the pictures on each cover were analyzed. In times past, researchers could obtain hard copy, past issues from a university's library or a public library; however, because of budget restraints and limited space, many libraries disposed of past issues or recycled them. In addition, many libraries stop subscribing to less popular magazines. Thus, it was difficult for this researcher to obtain the magazines needed for this study. Some magazines were given by solicitation, but the majority was purchased from the Internet v ia eBay All of the Heat & Soul issues were purchased from the publisher directly. It could be inferred that anyone attempting to reproduce this research in the future would have an even more difficult time locating the magazines needed for this study. Future R esearch This study was a content analysis of the messages present in women's magazines; however, future research is needed to determine how these messages affect health outcomes. Thus, focus groups are needed to determine how certain messages make women feel and behave. In their study on self image and eating disorders (Roberts, A., et al. 2006) researchers used survey methods to determine how certain mass media images made women feel about their bodies and their corresponding health behaviors. Future research is needed to determine if, in fact, negative self image is a motivator for weight loss and positive self image is a deterrent for weight loss. Previous studies suggest this correlation. In a 2006 study, it was suggested that although white women reported a higher frequency of negative self perception, at times, these feelings

PAGE 118

118 motivated them to change what they didnt like about themselves (Roberts, A., et.al, 2006). Because there continues to be a gap between the health behaviors and health outcomes of white and African American women, further research is needed to determine if deep cultural belief systems can be changed and if so, how. In their 1992 study, Rucker III, C., & Cash, T., found that although both groups were exposed to n egative media messages regarding their bodies, African American women expressed a positive self body image and reported high self esteem more frequently than white women. The results of his study indicated powerful cultural frames ultimately guided the r eceivers belief systems regardless of the images to which they were exposed. Conclusion In general, the manner in which weight and body image are discussed in mainstream and African American magazines is similar. In addition, these messages have demo nstrated an improvement from previous studies. This trend has translated to practical use. For example, in 2009, Glamour featured a photo of a plus sized model, Lizzie Miller, in the nude in the September issue ( Figure 5 1). In January of 2010, V Magazi ne released its "Size Issue," which featured several pictures of plus sized models in haute couture ( Figure 5 2 & Figure 53). The controversy surrounding the use of photoshopped images in women's magazines was previously discussed, and the debate of this hot topic at the ASME conference in May of 2009 initiated the timeline of this study. However, in July of 2011, Britain's Advertising Standards Authority began to take action against the use of photoshopped images in their magazines. As a result, L'Or eal's advertisements

PAGE 119

119 featuring Julia Roberts and Christy Turlington were banned. Jo Swinson, a member of Parliament who first alerted the officials of this advertisement stated, There's a big picture here which is half of young women between 16 and 21 s ay they would consider cosmetic surgery and we've seen eating disorders more than double in the last 15 years. There's a problem out there with body image and confidence. The way excessive retouching has become pervasive in our society is contributing to that problem. (2011) Currently, the coverage of weight and body image in women's magazines is, for the most part, health oriented. The advice given is practical and from an "average Joe" point of view. However, the images used to discuss weight and body image are different in mainstream vs. African American magazines. For the most part, the images in African American magazines depict female body sizes and types that are realistic. Also, African American magazine covers portray neutral image oriented photos, while in contrast; mainstream magazine covers portray body image oriented photos. Nevertheless, African American women still lead with negative health outcomes and the quality of their lives is decreasing. To preserve the well being of a group of people and ultimately our country, future research is needed to determine that balance among media content, culturally tailored messages and accurate health education. The solution to this problem will have to be transdisciplinary, requiring input from heal th professionals, journalists, psychologists and behavior specialists.

PAGE 120

120 Figure 51. Lizzie Miller in Glamour magazine ( www.news.com ). Figure 52. V Magazine curve issue featuring plus sized models ( Solve Sunds bo/V magazine)

PAGE 121

121 Figure 53. V Magazine curve issue featuring plus sized models side by side ( Solve Sundsbo/V magazine).

PAGE 122

122 APPENDIX A CODING SHEET 1. Item ID #________ 1a. Coders initials 2. Name of magazine 2a. Glamour Magazine 2b. Essence Magazine 2c. Shape Magazine 2d. Heart and Soul Magazine 3. Publication date Month____ Year____ 4. Writers credentials __ Medical/public health expert __ Fitness Expert __ Medical writer/health writer __ Celebrity writer __ Average Joe" __ General staff writer __ Freelancer __Other 5. Type of article: __ Feature article __ Q and A format/advice column __ News mentions __ Columns __ Editorial __ Letter to editor __ Other 6. Is this article part of a series? 6a. Yes 6b. No

PAGE 123

123 7. Main topic of article 8. Secondary topic of article 9. Were the following subjects mentioned? __ Weight __ Body image __ Diet/Nutrition __ Exercise __ Health/health risks __ Fashion 10. How is the advice presented framed? __ Improved Health/Well being __ Improved Appearance/Attractiveness 11. Sources of direct quotes and their credentials 12. Sources of indirect quotes or paraphrases and their credentials 13. Graphics __ Person/People __ Food __ Exercise equipment __ Health Icons (i.e., heart monitor, medical chart, pill bottle, etc .) 14. Photograph( s) __ Celebrity __Model

PAGE 124

124 __Person/Persons featured in story 15. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Body Type __ Thin/Linear Build __ Muscular/Athletic Build __ Heavy/Stocky Build __ Combination __ Unknown 16. Photograph(s)/ Illustration(s): Attire __ Swimsuit __ Work out/Exercise Attire __ Business Attire __ Casual Attire __ Formal Attire __ Other 17. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Race __White __ African American __ Hispanic __ Asian __ Unknown 18. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Age __ Young adult __ Middleaged __ Senior Unknown 19. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Body Size __ Underweight __ Normal __ Overweight __ Obese 20. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Classification (Cover) __ Body Image Oriented __ Neutral Image Oriented 21. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Classification (Arti cle) __ Body Image Oriented __ Neutral Image Oriented 22. Other things to note?

PAGE 125

125 APPENDEX B CODING GUIDELINES Coding Guidelines 1. Item ID # copy from story in upper right corner a. Coders initials 2. Magazine nameWrite the name of magazine in which the art icle appears. 2a. GL = Glamour Magazine 2b. ES = Essence Magazine 2c. SH = Shape Magazine 2d. HS = Heart and Soul Magazine 3. Month and year of publicationList the month and year. 4. Writers credentials who wrote the story? Was it a staff writer, a celebrity, a freelancer? 5. Type of articlewas this a feature article, a letter to the editor, or a column? 6. Part of a series Is it part of a series that appears in two or more consecutive months? Articles that are part of a series will usually have a notation indicating what number in the series it is and sometimes how often the series runs. 7. Main topic of articleThe main topic is the primary issue or event that has the focus in the article. Write the main topic here. 8. Secondary topic of articleIdentify other key topics in the article. 9. Were the following subjects mentionedCheck all subject listed that apply 10. How is the advice presented framed? (health vs. appearance) Is the goal of the article for the woman to gain health or is the goal of the ar ticle for the woman to increase physical attraction? 11. List sources directly cited in the article and their credentials Was it an expert, opinion poll, etc 12. List sources indirectly quoted or paraphrased and their credentials Was it a layman, a cel ebrity, or the editor, etc

PAGE 126

126 13. Graphics describe the image used. Is it food, people, a place 14. Photograph(s) is the picture a celebrity, a model, or a featured person 15. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Body Typedescribe the body type of the images used. Bo dy Type is described as "thin/linear build," "muscular/athletic build" and "heavy/stocky build." These terms are based on the historic body classification: Ectomorph= "thin/linear build" Mesomorph="muscular/athletic build" Endomorph= "heavy/stocky bui ld" The ECTOMORPH Definitive "Hard Gainer" Delicate Built Body Flat Chest Fragile Lean Lightly Muscled Small Shouldered Takes Longer to Gain Muscle Thin The MESOMORPH Athletic Hard Body Hourglass Shaped (Female) Rectangular Shaped (Male) Mature Muscle Mass Muscular Body Excellent Posture Gains Muscle Easily Gains Fat More Easily Than Ectomorphs Thick Skin The ENDOMORPH Soft Body Underdeveloped Muscles Round Physique Weight Loss is Difficult Gains Muscle Easily Like the Mesomorph. (Sheldon, W., 1970) Combinations of Body Types Few individuals fall purely into one of the three main body type categories. Frequently, individuals are a hybrid of the three. Some are "ecto mesomorphs," or "endo mesomorphs," where primarily, their body type characteristics are mesomoph, but they also have traits of the ectomorph body type (such as small joints or a trim waist), or traits of the endomorph body type (such as a tendency to gain fat easily) (Sheldon, W., 1970).

PAGE 127

127 16. Photograph(s)/ Illustration(s): Attire describe what the image is wearing 17. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Racedescribe the image's race. Race for this study falls into four categories: white, AfricanAmerican, Hispanic, Asian and unknown. Below are pictures that depict each r ace: White African American Hispanic Asian 18. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Agedescribe the image's age. Young Adult =1834; Middle Aged= 3554; Senior=55 and up. These ranges are based on the CDC's categorization of age. Age is difficult to determine visually, however, look for "tell tell" signs of each category. Some examples include: Someone in the "Young Adult" category would be characterized by firm skin and a clear, smooth complexion; Someone in the "Middle Ag ed" range may have the early signs of graying hair and present with fine lines on their face; Someone in the "Senior" category would be characterized as having substantial wrinkles on face and progressed graying of their hair. 19. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Body Size describe the image's body size. Look to see if the person appears underweight, normal, overweight or obese. For examples, see image below: Underweight Normal Overweight Obese

PAGE 128

128 20. Photograph(s)/Illustration( s): Classification (Cover) the image is considered "body image oriented" if the image is centered on the ideal, thin female body and that body is used as a visual message. In some cases, certain part of the image's body is the focus. (For example, a health/fitness magazine cover includes a picture of a thin young model wearing a cut off shirt.) An image is considered "neutral image oriented" if the image used does not focus on the body type and size of a woman. (For example, a health/fitness magazine cover features an attractive woman doctor wearing a lab coat.) The image may contain an attractive woman, but her attractiveness is not the primary focus of the message. 21. Photograph(s)/Illustration(s): Classification (Article) the image is considered "b ody image oriented" if the image is centered on the ideal, thin female body and that body is used as a visual message. In some cases, certain part of the image's body is the focus. (For example, an article featuring new abdominal exercises includes a pic ture of a thin young model wearing a cut off shirt.) An image is considered "neutral image oriented" if the image used does not focus on the body type and size of a woman. (For example, an article on nutrition features a woman doctor wearing a lab coat.) The image may contain an attractive woman, but her attractiveness/body is not the primary focus of the message. 22. Make mention of anything of significance. Add here any additional information you would like to note concerning your findings.

PAGE 129

129 LIST OF REFE RENCES ABCnews.com. Retrieved September 2, 2009 from http://abcnews.go.com/Entertainment/BeautySecrets/Story?id=8463526&page=1 ABCnews.com. Retreived December 12, 2009 from http://abcnews.go.com/GMA/story?id=8324832&page=1 Atompublishing. Com. Retrieved June 2009 from http://www.atompublishing.co. uk/who.html Atompublishing.com. Retrieved June 2009 from www.atompublishing.co.uk/faqs.html Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.; United States: Prentice Hall. Ba ndura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory of mass communication. Media Psychology, 3 (3), 265 299. Cash, Thomas F. & Labarge, Andrew W. (1996). Development of the A ppearance Schemas Inventory: A New Cognitive Body Image Assessment. Cognitive Therapy and Research 20 (1), 3750. Census.gov. Retieved January 2011 from www.census.gov Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b). Overweight Prevalence Retrieved December 11, 2007 from http://www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/dnpa/obesity/childhood/prevalence.htm Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b). National Center for Health Statistics: Death Leading Causes. R etrieved June 18, 2008 from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/fastats/lcod.htm Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b). Heart Disease Risk Factors: Retrieved June 18, 2008 from http://www.cdc.gov/heartdisease/risk_factors.htm Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b.). National Center for Health Statistics: New CDC Study Finds No Increase in Obesity Among Adults; But Levels Still High. Re trieved October 6, 2008 from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/07newsreleases/obesity.htm Center for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b.). Overweight and Obesity: Definitions for Adults Retrieved February 4, 2010 from http://www.cdc.gov/obesity/defining.html

PAGE 130

130 Center for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b.). Overweight and Obesity: African AmericanObesity Statistics Re trieved December 11, 2009 from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/hus08.pdf Center for Disease Control and Prevention, (n.d.b.). Family health: College health and safety: Eating disorders and diet c hanges Retrieved February 5, 2010 from http://www.cdc.gov/family/college/#eatingdisorders Crocker, J., Cornwell, B., & Major, B., The stigma of overweight: affective consequences of a ttributional ambiguity. J Person Social Psychol ogy, 64 (1993), p. 60 Dailymail.com. Retrieved June 17, 2009 from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article 1204002/Banairbrushing magazines posters ruins teenself esteem say Liberal Democrats.html Duncan G. E., Anton, S. D. Newton, R. L., & Perri M. G. (2003). Comparison of perceived health to physiologic al measures of health in Black and White women. Preventive Medicine: An International Journal Devoted to Practice & Theory 36, 624 628. Ebonyjet.com Retrieved in June 19, 2010 from http ://www.ebonyjet.com/downloads/JPCMediaKit2010.pdf Entman, R., (1993) Framing: toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Northwestern University, p. 51. Epigee.org Retrieved January 2011 from http://www.epigee.org/fitness/body_shape.html Esse nc e Magazine. Retrieved on June 19, 2010 from http://www1.essence.com/mediakit/ Finkelstein, E., Fiebelkorn, I., & Wang, G., (2003). National Medical Spending Attributable To Overweight And Obesity: How Much, And Wh os Paying [Electronic version] Health Affairs, [02782715]: 219226. Flynn, Kristin J. & Fitzgibbon, Marian. (1998). Body Images and Obesity Risk Among Black Females: A Review of the Literat ure. Annals of Behavior Medicine, 20(1), 1324. Foliomag.com. Retrieved June 2009 from http://www.foliomag.com/2008/asmesnew prez web our present Food tust. Retrieved December 2010 from http://www.thefoodtrust.org/pdf/Food%20Geography%20Final.pdf

PAGE 131

131 Garton M., Reid, D., & Rennie, E., (1995). The climacteric, osteoporosis and hormone replacement: Views of women aged 45 49. Maturitas (21) pp. 715. Hall, M., Falota, S. C., & Goldberg, J. P., (2007). Fitness and n utrition m essages in m agazines for African American s: a comparative content a nalysis Nutrition Today (42), 1, pp.37 40. Hesse Biber, S., Leavy, P., Quinn, C. E., & Zoino, J. The mass marketing of disordered eating and Eating Disorders: The social psychology of women, thinness and culture. Boston College Sociology Department, 140 Commonwealth Avenue, Chestnut Hill, MA 02467, United States Women's Studies International Forum 29 (2006) 208 224. Holsti, O.R. (1969). Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities Reading, MA: AddisonWesley. Huffingtonpost.com. Retreived October 15, 2011 from www.huffingtonpost.com/.../julia roberts loreal adban_n_910587.htm Garrison, D. R., & Anderson, T., (2003) E l earning in the 21st century: a f ramework for research and p ractice. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Goodman W. C. (1995). The Invisible Woman. Carlsbad: Gurze Books. Irving L M. Mirror images: Effects of the standard of beauty on women's self and body esteem. J ournal of Social Clinical Psychology 1990; 9:230. Jossip.com. Retreived August 24, 2009 from http://www.jossip.com/2008/04/15/photoshopping unseemly doublechins andunderarm flab willremainanamericantradition/ K reuter M. W., & McClure, S. M., (2004). The role of health in health communication. Annual Review of Public Health. Volume 25, Page 439455, Apr 2004 Kumanyika, S., Wilson, J. F., Guilford Davenport, M., (1993). Weight related attitudes and behaviors of black women. Journal of the American Dietetic Association Volume 93, Issue 4, April 1993, Pages 416422. Langlois, J., et al. (2006). The epidem iology and impact of traumatic brain injury: a brief overview. Journal of Head Trauma Rehabilitation. 21(5), 375378. Magazine Publishers of America. (2008a). AfricanAmerican/Black Market Profile. Retrieved July 17, 2009, from http://www.magazine.org/advertising/categories/African_American_Black_Profile.a spx

PAGE 132

132 Magazine Publishers of America. (2008b). The magazine handbook. 810 Seventh Avenue, 24th Floor, New York, NY 100195818: Magazine Publishers of America,Inc. Maine, M., (2000). Body Wars: Making peace with womens bodies. Carlsbad, CA: Gurze Books Marketingcharts.com. Retrieved June 19, 2010 from http://www.marketingcharts.com/print/averageage of magazinereaders rises 9238/ Mediamark Research & Intelligence, LLC. (2009). Pocketpiece Data Report. Retrieved June 16, 2009, from http://www.mriplus.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/site/index.aspx Mediapost.com. Retrieved June 19, 2010 from http://www.mediapost.com /publications/?fa=Articles.showArticle&art_aid=106724 MSNBC.com Retreived June 14, 2009 from http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30687221 News.com. Retrieved September 2, 2009 from http://www.news.com.au/features/glamour magazineshows unairbrushedphotoof plus size lizzie miller/story e6frfl491225769320953 Newswe ek.com. Retrieved June 2009 from http://www.newsweek.com/id/135166/page/1 Newsweek.com. Retrieved July 8, 2010 from http://www.newsweek.com/id/135166/page/2 Nutbeam,D., (2006). Health Literacy as a public health goal: a challenge for contemporary health education and communications strategies in the 21sft century [Electronic version]. Health Promotion International, 15(3), 259. Omonuwa, S C. Health disparity in black women: lack of pharmaceutical advertising in black vs. white oriented magazines. Journal of the National Medical Association. 2001; 93. Pratt, C. A., & Pratt, C. B. (1996). Nutrition advertisements in consumer magazines: Health i mplications for African American s. Journal of Black Studies, 26(4), 504 523. Price, J. H., Desmond, S. M., Krol, R. A., Snyder, F. F., & OConnell, J. K. Family practice physicians beliefs, attitudes, and practices regarding obesity. American Journal of Preventative Medicine: 3 (1987), p. 215. Roberts, A ., Cash, T. F., Feingold, A. & Johnson, B. T. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology Vol 74(6), Dec 2006, 11211131.

PAGE 133

133 Rosenstock, I. M., Strecher, V.J., & Becker, M.H., (1988). Social Learning theory and the health belief model [Electronic version]. Health Education and Behavior, 15 (2): pp. 17583. Shoemaker, P. & Reese, S. (1996). Mediating the message: theories of influences on mass mediacontent White Plains, NY: Longman. Stice, E & Shaw, H E., (1994). Adverse effects of the media portrayed thinideal on women and linkages to bulimic symptomatology. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, Sonnad, S.S., Moyer, C.A. & Vishnu, L.; Association for Health Services Research. Meeting University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 48109 0331, USA. Abstract Book, 1999; 16: 403. Thedailybeat.com. Retreived October 19, 2011 from http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2009/05/29/liveyour best life ever.print.html U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, (n.d.b.). Minority Womens Health: African Americans: Health Topics: Overweight and Obesity Retrieved December 11, 2009 from http://www.womenshealth.gov/minority/africanamerican/obesity.cfm Websters Online Dictionary, Retrieved August 6, 2010 from http://www.merriam webster.com/dictionary/schemata, Wolf AM, Colditz GA. Current estimates of the economic cost of obesity in the United States. Obesity Research.1998;6(2):97 106. World Health Organization Global Health Atlas. Retrieved June 2010 from http://apps.who.int/globalatlas/

PAGE 134

134 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Armenthis Y. Lester earned a Bachelor of Science d egree in o ccupational t herapy from the University of Florida (2000) in Gainesville, FL. In the spring of 2007, s he joined the University of Floridas graduate school program in the College of Journalism and Communications. While there, she worked full time as Transition Patient Advocate for combat veterans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan at the Veter ans Administration Hospital in Gainesville, FL, practiced Occupational Therapy in the local community and served as an adjunct l ecturer in the College of Occupational Therapy. Her research interests include framing, health communications and public healt h disparities