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1 CHRISTIANIZING CHRISTENDOM: ODO OF CHERITON By SEAN C. HILL A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF A RTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012
2 2012 Sean Hill
3 To Megan
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I give foremost thanks to my wife, Megan, for suffering my late nights of work and academic absent mindedness. Her devotion and emotional support are the principal reason for this project's completion. Though he does not yet know it, my son, Samuel, has brought a happiness I am unable to express and modeled perseverance through the joys of hair dryers and the sorrows of table corners. I will always be grateful to my mother for investing so much of her time in my upbringing and being an exemplary influence as parent, teacher, counselor, and friend. I am only one among many people whom my father's fine academic work has encour aged and inspired. His professional example, however, is simply a shadow of the devotion he has given as a father, providing a model I can only hope to emulate. My wife's parents, Paul and Barbara, deserve thanks for their genuine interest in my work and unabashed support of their son in law, despite his academic lifestyle. Any description I can give of the value that interactions with my advisors had for this project will be entirely insufficient. Nevertheless, e xceptional thanks are due to Dr. Nina Cap uto, whose invaluable advice and firm guidance made the infamous process of completing a thesis into an immensely beneficial experience. The direction of this work would certainly have been lost without her erudite instruction. I also thank Dr. Andrea St erk and Dr. Howard Louthan for their readily available counsel during both this project and my entire time in graduate school. Dr. Florin Curta deserves my gratitude for our discussions on medieval archeology and for his professional encouragement. I am grateful to Dr. Victoria Pagn for her ability to endow students with tempered self confidence and for helping me gain the knowledge of Latin necessary for this
5 project. My thanks also go to Miller Krause for freely giving his time in helping to decipher obscure, thirteenth century manuscripts. Finally, I owe special thanks to the late Dr. James Paxson whose enthusiasm for helping his students and elucidating the beauty of knowledge was taken from us all too soon. His insistence on the value of his studen ts' scholarship still inspires work that is motivated by confidence from his affirmation and gratitude for his intellectual generosity. This is one such work.
6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 8 2 BACKGROUND AND SETTING ................................ ................................ ............. 14 ................................ ................................ ................ 14 ................................ ................................ ........................... 18 3 REFERENCES TO SPANIS H LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ................................ 23 Linguistic References ................................ ................................ .............................. 23 Spanish Ecclesiastical Custom ................................ ................................ ............... 25 4 ................................ ................ 29 The Arabic Reference ................................ ................................ ............................. 31 ................................ ................................ ............................ 32 Human Fortification and God as a Fortress ................................ ............................ 38 Translation and Linguistic Considerations ................................ .............................. 42 5 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 47 APPENDIX: HISTORIOGRAPHIC SKETCH ................................ ................................ 51 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 62 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 69
7 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts CHRI STIANIZING CHRISTENDOM: ODO OF CHERITON SPANISH SERMONS By Sean C. H ill May 2012 Chair: Nina Caputo Major: History In the thirteenth century, the multicultural context of Castile Leon posed significant challenges to understandings of what it actually meant to be a Christian. Churches were often made out of converted mosques, while Arabic still held considerable linguistic influence. In addition, clerical corruption was widespread enough to elicit dissatisfaction in contemporary documents. These circ umstances were likely disconcerting to Christians who had relocated from southern France or had been repatriated from Visigothic Arian Christianity. The sermons of Odo of Cheriton, a preacher and doctor of theology who taught in the Spanish cities of Pale ncia and Salamanca during the 1220s, show an attempt to address these issues. Though he had a doctorate from the University of Paris, corruption were not loftily detached doctrines pronounced as from a Parisian class room, but were attempts tempered by interactions with local people to address the question of what constituted Christianity in the unique context of thirteenth century Spain
8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In the cities of thirteenth century Castile Leon in centra l Spain mosques often housed Christian sanctuaries and church bells signaling the beginning of mass rang from m inarets whence muezzins once called 1 As a consequence Christian Gothic architecture was sometimes absent in major cities conquered by the Rec onquista for well over a century. 2 Even t he churches that were not simply converted mosques freq uently imitated Islamic art styles. 3 C haracteristically Islamic architecture, called m udejar after the term for Muslims living under Christian rule appeared in the Chapel of Talavera in Salamanca where services took place underneath a q ubba or Arabic styled dome The m udejar style was also used in Jewish synagogues, creating a space in which Jewish, Muslim, and Christian religious structures had such structu ral similarity as to be ostensibly indistinct 4 1 The primary example of a minaret tu rned into a bell tower in Castile is in Toledo at the church of Santiago del Arrabal. For an introduction to the significance of Mudejar art in Castile Leon and the lternative Medieval Encounters 12 (2006): 329 340. Gualis, 334 discusses several churches, primarily in Toledo, that were once mosques and retained their characteristically Muslim architect ure, such as the churches of San Salvador, San Sebastin, and San Lucas. John Tolan provides a fine background to the angst caused by aural symbols of each religion (the call to prayer and the bell tower) that coexisted in Spanish cities in Sons of Ishmae l: Muslims through European Eyes in the Middle Ages (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008), 147 160. 2 government assumed rule in 1085. See Gual is, 334. 3 This is the case in the interior of the Hospital del Rey built in Burgos by Alfonso VIII for pilgrims traveling to Santiago de Compostela, which had Mudejar capitals and thirteenth century Arabic inscriptions. Albert F. Calvert, Leon, Burgos, a nd Salamanca: A Historical and Descriptive Account (New, York: John Lane Company, 1908), 77. 4 Examples of synagogues converted into churches include the Toledan Synagogue Nuestra Seora del Transito and the Ibn Shoshan synagogue, which became the church of Santa Maria la Blanca in 1405, Islamic Art and Architecture, 650 1250 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2 001), 300. It is noteworthy that Mudejar art likely became a ubiquitous reminder of the Muslim military success that brought it to Spain. Islamic influence might also have reminded Christians of their Visigothic antecedents whose sins were thought by som e to have incurred the Muslim invasion.
9 The liturgies performed in side these buildings also reveal diverse exemplars The Mozarabic rite, a liturgy practiced by Christians who remained in Iberia under Muslim rule, continued in some parts of Iber ia until the sixteenth century. 5 Consequently, p rayers and antiphons surviving from Arian Visigothic Christianity were crystallized f rom before the Muslim conquest and not updated with a Roman liturgy until the t welfth and thirteenth centuries 6 Evidence of r eligious practices that predate even Visigothic Christianity is evident in accounts of so ldiers consulting the flight of birds after hearing mass prior to battle. 7 Such confluen ce of traditions also produced situation s in which Saint Gins de la Jara performed miracles for both Christian s and Muslims, the latter sometimes crossing into Christian Murcia to visit sanctuary. 8 Examples of this include the Prophetic Chronicle which laments how Spain was lost because of the sins of its Christian inhabitants, and the Chronicle of Alfonso III which described Visigothic kings such as Witiza as disgraceful and reprobate, preventing councils from convening and forcing clergy to take wives, Conquerors and Chroniclers of Early Medieval Spain (Liverpool: Liverpool University Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), 5. 5 Lynette Bosch, Art, Liturgy, and Legend in Renaissance Toledo: The Mendoza and the Iglesia Primada (Univ ersity Park, PA: Penn State Press, 2000), 59 60. 6 For a discussion of how texts like the Ceremonial of Cardea eventually replaced Visigothic prayer Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain 186. Roger Collins documents a manuscri pt containing the Mozarabic liturgy whose musical notations were updated to the Roman version Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence: Studie s in Honor of Angus Mackay (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 12 13 Other Visigothic liturgical practices that distinguished Christianity in Spain included burning incense to welcome the king to mass before battle and carrying a cross before the army into battle, a custom Visigoths inherited from Christian Roman Emperors (most famously, Constantine). These practices are described in the Visigothic Liber Ordinum Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain 185 for a more complete discus sion of the changes that took place in liturgical preparations for battle. 7 Poem of the Cid the Cid approaches Burgos: Lesley Bird Simpson, translator, The Poem of the Cid ( Berkeley : University of California Press, 2006), 6. 8 in Medieval Fron tier Societies Robert Bartlett and Angus MacKay, editors, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 221.
10 Quotidian and legal language also evinced the heterogeneous situation where elements of Arabic survived well into t he thirteenth century. 9 In Castile, Alfonso VIII minted coinage in Arabic, communicating his power in local terms and describing the pope as the imam of Christianity. 10 For settlers from France and Northern Spain who came to populate recently Christianize d areas, the landscape language, and culture of the city differed foundationally from the Christendom they knew. 11 This situation continued for several centuries so that the extreme ascetic and heretic Fray Alonso de Mella, 12 fleeing to Granada in the mid fifteenth century, could write to John II informing him of his discovery that the Muslims there were in fact Christians who worshipped the same God. 13 The cultural markers of art and architecture, and even the religious doctrines that defined Christianity in much of Western Europe were replaced by the diver sity of thirteenth century Castile Leon. 9 Romance language in legal records survives from the early thirteenth century with observable Arabic vocabulary influences as noted by Ray Harris Nort Medieval Iberia: Changing Societies and Cultures in Contact and Transition edited by Ivy A. Corfis and Ray Harris Northall (Woodbr idge, Suffolk: Tamesis 2007), 165 174. Secondary literature has perpetuated the idea that Alfonso X made a somewhat rapid transition for legal records from Latin to Romance. However, Harris Northall convincingly challenges this paradigm with a study of e arly to mid thirteenth century legal records that evinces their original composition in a Romance dialect with Arabic influences. Daily language comes from legal documents in the early thirteenth century that were in fact Latinized. However, the section immediately shift to Romance 10 Ettinghausen, et al., 300. 11 For background on repopulation in al Medieval Ibe ria: An Encyclopedia ed. by Michael Gerli (New York: Routledge, 2003), 697 700. 12 Fraticelli movement that th. See Henry Charles Lea A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010 ), 169; Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002), 9 3. 13 MacKay, 222.
11 In this context where different religions might easily have appeared indistinct what constituted Christianity ? The sermons of Odo of Cheriton, a preacher and doctor of theology who taught in Palencia and Salamanca during the 1220s, reflect an attempt to address this question Odo makes several references to Spanish Christianity that may be reiteration s of French stereotypes, but nevertheless reveal an effort t o define the limits of Christianity. As part of this milieu, the integration of Muslim and Christian language and art formed a challenging situation in which Odo perceived the need to distinguish between Christianity and Islam. In the works he wrote whil e in Spain, Odo put Islam inside a Christian framework, making it understandable to a real laity tasked with understanding the palpable military success and pervasive presence of Islam in Castile Leon Heretical movements like Cathar i s m in southern France were definitively condemned as such by the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 14 H owever, Odo was dealing with phenomena he perceived to be just as non Christian that ma squeraded as piety and wisdom. It was thus exceptionally important to define the paramete rs of Christendom in order to establish it with in Arabicized territory. While primary evidence shows that Od o served on the faculty of the u niversities in Palencia and Salamanca, this project is chiefly concerned with his sermons intended for a lay audienc educated doctor of theology, he did not exhort the laity using arguments constructed within the Parisian university mindset. Rather, he used quotidian examples that concerned cont emporary Christians in Castile Leon, referring, for instance, to the 14 Canon 3 condemns heresies of all names. The Fourth Lateran Council mainly reinforced legislation on heresy passed by the Third Lateran Council in 1179.
12 uselessness of learning the Arabic language, and his despair at how many theology students were abandoning their studies for Arabic wisdom. 15 It is helpful to note that the stories and e xamples Odo gives do not necessarily provide a direct guide to everyday life in Palencia and Salamanca. We cannot know whence Odo obtained all of his examples and how accurately they were meant to reflect the conditions of the city. 16 do provide helpful information and convey certain characteristics of his era, it is also necessary to treat his writings and his historical context as having more of a conversational relationship where each influenced the other. The historian studying med ieval sermons and exempla is always at risk of taking the preacher at face value as a chronicler consciously trying to crystallize medieval life rather than as a spiritual shepherd trying to influence and encourage his flock. Odo was writing not simply a report of what he saw, but was attempting to affect his audience through the performance of his sermon in the ritual of the mass. 17 He interacted with contemporary motivations and preconceptions in constructing his 15 A.C. Friend, Life and Unpublished Work of Odo of Cheriton ( Oxf ord, 1936 ), 106. 16 There has been considerable historiographic debate on the nature of written sermons as primary sources and how much they convey about the act of worship or quotidian life in the Middle Ages. On the one hand, they seem to give an untaint ed view into what a preacher actually said and the precise issues he addressed and even local examples he chose to use. One the other hand, sermon manuscripts were usually heavily edited and not produced with the intent of preserving an historical moment, but of being useful to future preachers in as broad a context as possible. See iter alia A. Lecoy de la Marche, La (Paris, 1886) ; L. La Prdication au XIIIe si cle en France et Italie (Aldershot, 1993) The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris before 1300 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985); Beverly Kienzle, editor, The Sermon, Typologie des Sources des Moyen ge Occidental, F ascicules, 81 83, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000) Most recently, Valentina Berardini has given a description of how elements of performance were a means of communicating to the audience thro ugh the sermon, much in the same way as through the theatre: Medieval Sermon Studies 54 (2010), 75 86. 17 Medieval Sermon Studies 54 (2010), 75 Preachers, Sermon and Society, ed. by C. Muessig (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 89 123.
13 sermon and convey ing it to his audience. Our conclusions must account for the presence of rhetoric and realize that the sermon as it survives in written form is not how the laity saw and heard it. Rather, we simply have what Odo edited and preserved as a tool for future clerics a valuable and revealing resource in its own right when approached through these conditions. In any event obtaining a picture of the laity in Castile way Odo perceived his audience and their surroundings and the kinds of definitions and boundaries he thought it necessary to make for Spanish Christianity. Amidst cultural syntheses that blurred religious distinctions Odo attempted to construct sharper borders for Spanish Christianity. He made it his goal to Christianize Christendom through homiletic references to Spanish culture, ecclesiastical customs, Islam, and Arabic in his sermons. His experiences in England and France were necessary components of the definitions he established. Thus, as a first step in this process, it is
14 CHAPTER 2 BACKGROUND AND SETTI NG Odo of Cheriton was born sometime in the 1180s to a wealthy family in Kent. Hi s family took the name of Cheriton from their estate, which had existed since at least from Paris sometime before Cheriton since Pipe Rolls from 1210 indicate that his father, William, paid a hawk for Odo to have custody of the church. 1 Contrary to assumptions in earlier scholars h, Odo was not a monk, but a member of the secular clergy as we can tell from his ownership of land in Kent. 2 Cheriton), Odo had the financial resources to fund an education that cul minated in his becoming a doctor of theolog y sometime before 1219 3 disappears from English records. Enzo Franchini is the only scholar to illuminate this gap in the sources, which stretches over a twelve ye ar period from 1220 to 1232. biographer, A. C. Friend suggests Odo likely spent at least some of these years in 1 Life and U npublished Work of Odo of Cheriton 41. 2 Late nineteenth century scholars such as Leopold Hervieux thought Odo was a Dominican, perhaps because of the time he spent in Toulouse, the city where Dominic founded the order: Lopold Hervieux, tudes de Cherit on et ses Drivs (Firmin Didot and Company, 1896), 587 713. 3 Prvostin of Cremona was likely his instructor at Paris since their dates align and Odo borrows from Prvostin in much of his early work. philosophy, which we will encounter below. Prvostin criticized scholars and the cloistered religious for not contributing to the spiritual and intellectual development of their communities, but instead writing pointless works for fame or monetary profit See Stephen Ferruolo, The Origins of the University: The Schools of Paris and their Critics 1100 1215 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), Unpublished Work of Odo of Cheriton
15 Toulouse since he uses Matthew 24:27 in his sermon for the Invention of the Cross a text only used in the s outh However, Friend remarks in a foo tnote that he has not checked sacramentaries from Spain 4 As Franchini points out, these sacramentaries do indeed contain the verse, leaving open the possibility that Odo was in Spain at this time. 5 Legal documents from cathedral archives in the Castilia n city of Palencia and the name appears in 1222 as a witness on a legal document fro magistri Odonis, canonici palentini 6 He subsequently signed a document in Palencia with the seal of the Bishop of Tello, founder of the Studium Generale there, suggesting Odo had become an influential member of the scholastic and theologi cal community in Iberia. 7 signed in Palencia in 1223. After this year, Odo does not appear in Palencian documents. However, a Salamancan bill of sale on a house that Odo p urchased in 1225 indicates his presence there. In 1229, Odo bought a few more houses (being from a wealthy Norman family). As soon as his father died in 1232, leaving Odo his entire rture from Spain 4 Franchini, 98. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid, 105. 7 According to Julio Gonzalez, foreign preachers gained a high level of social capital. Julio Gonzlez, El Reino de Castilla en la poca de Alfonso VIII 3 vols., ( Madrid : Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1960 ) 633.
16 of Spanish Universities. In 1220, while the young University at Palencia was financiall y struggling, Pope Honorius III ordered that a portion of tithes be used to pay for its should be hired a logician, lawyer, grammarian, and theologian. Since primary theologian hired at Palencia. Since Odo earned his doctorate at the University of Paris, ris in an effort to replicate its emphasis on the liberal arts. The failure to receive papal support sometime before the end of the thirteenth century. 8 Franchini sugges ts that Odo left Palencia in 1225 for the University at Salamanca, which also had an emphasis on the liberal arts as it absorbed many of the students and faculty from Palencia. However, the document that shows Odo moved from Palencia to Salamanca mentions theory. Franchini explains this by noting that this entry in the Archives of the Salamanca Cathedral is the only one for 1222 that uses Arabic instead of Roman numerals, and was most likely ch anged by a later copyist. Additionally, the date format runs year, day, month, while that order is reversed in most other entries. The fact that the copyist wrote the date over a part of the parchment that had been scratched off confirms his theory of a theory is most likely a scribal error. 8 An attempt to revive th e university in 1263 met with failure and was probably the last effort of its kind. See E. Michael Gerli editor, Medieval Iberia: An Encyclopedia (New York: Routledge, 2003) 818.
17 According to legal sources, Odo was a canon in both Palencia and Salamanca; nca archives and refers to Odo simply as canonigo This makes it seem that he undertook a canonship at Salamanca after serving the same office in Palencia. If the Salamancan document was referring to his canonship in Palencia, one would expect it to spec ify that, rather than simply calling him canonigo After returning to England in 1232 to attend to legal matters of inheritance and look after his estate, Odo did not produce any new writings, but most likely edited the sermon collections he had already w ritten. No documents besides tax records suggest any further activity until his death in 1246 7 when his younger brother, Waleran, declared to be his heir. 9 arity with Provenal lyrics. Commonly known as chansons de femme these Sermones de Festis which he composed between 1225 and 1230. His familiarity with verse from southern France during these years may indicate that Odo continued to travel while he was in Iberia, most likely for preaching purposes. At the very least, it suggests Odo was familiar enough with cultural items like popular music that migrated from southern France to manipulate them in his sermons. This is significant for our understanding of the extent to which Odo was able to engage with contemporary culture in his preaching, a topic we will address below. 9 fourteenth century manuscript of an exposition on Canticles from the library of the Cathedral of Burgo de Osma identifies Odo as its author and is the only e xtant copy of this exposition. See Franchini, 64 The specific location of its ascription to Odo is codex 176 fol. 11b. That this work survived in Spain and not in France or England testifies to his extensive work there.
18 It is worth situating work in relation to this context of Dominica n preaching. Odo wrote and delivered his sermons on the cusp of the surge of Franciscan and Dominican preaching that followed the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215. The milieu in hasis on reforming the clergy and distinguishing boundaries between Christians and non Christians. 10 Despite the ban on the creation of new orders enacted at the Fourth Lateran, the Pope officially recognized the Dominicans and Franciscans shortly thereaft wo rk closely resembles that of these preaching orders, since he intended his edited collections for their use. His sermons are full of illustrations and reference s to local happenings. One example where a p riest steps into a fire and remains unburned is not material historians can take at face value, but nevertheless reveals his desire to provide his preaching with an accessible, local flavor that is common in Dominican preaching. In the words of A.C. Frien d, [Odo] was ready to welcome a new order of simple preachers, who would help the poor and despised. In all his writing this is the only note of hope which he expresses, and his sermons rude and simple, abounding in homely illustrations, made ready the wa y for the popular style of preaching 11 10 The Fourth Lateran Council made efforts to weed corruption out of its own ranks. Canon 31 outlawed transferring a canonship to the son of someone who was already a canon. Canon 63 and 64 declare d it simony to charge money for ordaining bishops, abbots, and clerics and receiving nuns into convents. As mentioned above, Canon 3 gave guidelines on dealing with heresy. Canon 68 requ ired Jews and Muslims to wear clothing that distinguished them from Christians and forbade them from appearing in public on the last three days of Holy Week and Easter Sunday. Canons 67 and 69 70 treat Christian relations with Jews. 11 Friend, Odo of Che riton 119.
19 Robin Vose has convincingly dispelled the idea that Dominicans had a conscious may idealize conversion, examples of Dominicans actually preaching to non Christians are rare. Instead, Vose argues that Dominicans concentrated on buttressing Catholic doctrine among the laity and preserving their faith by denouncing heresies. 12 Thus, inste ad of breaking down walls between Christians, Muslims, and Jews, Dominicans were concerned with reinforcing the partitions that gave definition to the uniqueness of Christianity. A principle way of doing this was to incite Christians to crusade against o r repopulate Muslim territory, inspiring a myriad of sermons devoted to anti Islamic rhetoric. These sermons proclaimed the immense riches obtainable from retaking Muslim territory that merely reflected the spiritual blessing of martyrdom and eternal rewa rd in heaven. 13 Indeed, Paschal II and Archbishop Juan of Toledo extended to Spanish soldiers the remission of all sins that Urban II had proclaimed for those crusading in the Holy Land. Theological arguments against Islam and laments over the tragedy of C hristian land being taken by the infidel were characteristic of these sermons, which were quite successful at accomplishing their purpose of mobilizing Christian military forces. The Mendicant preachers, highly noted for their enthusiasm in preaching crusa de, began to be influential on a wide level around the end of the 1220s, shortly after Odo preached and composed his sermons. 14 12 Robin Vose, Dominicans, Muslims, and Jews in the Medieval Crown of Aragon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 54. 13 Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain 270, note 3. 14 See Christoph Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century
20 These contextual elements help considerably in understanding the purpose of references Odo makes to Islam and Spain show different goals that are concerned with engaging Christians intellectually and theologically concerning the nature of their religion. 15 treatments of Islam and clerical corruption were n ot loftily detached doctrines pronounced as from a Parisian classroom, but were tempered by interactions with local people. His comments on corrupt bishops, such as those who neglect their flocks, but are eager to acquire more responsibility when asked to hurry to Toledo, were reactions to conditions he encountered on the ground in Castile Leon. In his complaint about the number of people leaving theological pursuits to study the lex Sarracenorum one may motivated him to craft responses to Islam fitted for his community. These concerns based on local experiences emerge from broader anxieties for the state of Christendom in Iberia. While Mendicants carried out the mission to strengthen Spanish Christendom by motivating the conquest of Muslim territory, Odo did so by buttressing the faith of individuals in his community. mendicant orders as preachers of the cross in a systematic manner could not have been made until the late 1220s, when the two orders had become established throughout the whole of Christendom; in as papal agents until after they had shown themselv es to be faithful followers of the papacy during the 15 These goals were both preventative in keeping Christians from the sway of Islam and reformative by interacting with Visigot hic Christians who had lived in Castile Leon for generations. It is important to consider that the Roman church was tasked not only with taking and populating Muslim territory, but ed ucating the pre Islamic, Arian population. It is not likely that Arian theology was pervasive or perhaps even detectable at this time, but the liturgical traditions that had survived through the Muslim conquest are of interest to us here. Several elements of liturgy and theology had either changed or were inconsonant with Ro man Christianity, such that repatriating old Christians to bring their beliefs in line with those of Rome became a significant task. liturgy from the Mozarabic (Christians living under Muslim rul e) church to the Roman one in Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain 186.
21 analysis in the context in which Odo was writing ear ly thirteenth century Castile Leon. While I have already attempted to set the scene of interacting religions, languages, and cultures in thirteenth century Spain, another pervasive element of this context was the relationship between ecclesiastical and pol itical power. In addition to the Christians who had lived under Muslim rule for several centuries, Christians in Northern Iberia came to Southern Castile Leon as part of consistent repopulation efforts. Medieval Spanish C hristians, a people always liv in g on a frontier, developed a pioneer psychology through the Reconquest and seemed prepared at any time to move from the more peaceful and settled areas of the north in the expectation of find ing a better life in the south. 16 In 1228, John of Abbeville, wh om Pope Gregory IX had sent to Spain as a legate, 17 situation remained that way unti arrived. 18 While it is true that the Castilian diocese abstained from meeting for yearly local councils as required by Lateran IV, extrapolating that Castile was untouched territory for as long as L inehan does is problematic. Franchini notes that his work on university faculty has significant implications on our understanding of the richness of the intellectual climate in Castile and concludes that it is misguided to understand Castile as 16 17 and Synods in Thirteenth Councils and Assemblies: Papers R ead at the Eighth Summer Meeting and the Ninth Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society edited by G. J. Cuming and Derek Baker, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 101 112. 18 Pedro would be the last papal legate sent to Spain for this purpose for the rest of the thirteenth century. See Linehan, 101.
22 free of th e reform propagated at the Fourth Lateran Council. 19 Matthew Bentley also gives a more holistic depiction of Castile after Lateran IV as a region that had to diocesan c ouncils and synods. 20 It is in the context of this need to establish the church value for revealing what Christian leaders saw as the nuclei of the faith. 19 Franchini, 113. 20 Medieval Iberia: An Encyclopedia ed. Michael Gerli, (New York: Routledge, 2003), 463. Bentley argues that, in the foundation of new schools, universities, and religious
23 CHAPTER 4 RE FERENCES TO SPANISH LANGUAGE AND CULTURE will now consider the works he composed in Spain particularly the exempla within the context of their sermons These sermons not only reveal what he want ed to reinforce, but what he thought were nonessential components in the Spanish Christianization effort Odo would have been familiar with enforcing royal and ecclesial legislation since his father was one of three people sent by King John to investigate discord that had caused dam age to church property in Kent 1 In the somewhat similar situation in Spain Odo task lay in reconciling the diversity of Castile Leon with the new supremacy of Christendom there Here, we can see him doing the theological work for his congregation, ne gotiating what was important and what was nonessential for the definition and boundaries of Christianity. Linguistic References Though his ownership of land indicates that he was not a member of a preaching order, Odo nonetheless traveled and preached in Spain and southern France shortly after he gained the degree of doctor. 2 This is evident from the references to Spanish language and culture Sermones in Epistolas (1224), the Sermones de Festis (after 1225), and the Fables (after 1225), which we will ana lyze further below. Considering the fact that Odo talks about his own experience on a pilgrimage and also mentions the Roncesvalles hospital, it is likely that he followed the standard route to Santiago de 1 Friend, 39. 2 We know he was a doct or by 1219 because it was then that he finished his first set of sermons, the Sermones Dominicales, in which he humbly refers to himself
24 Compostela. 3 With this in mind, we might note th at his background was deeply rooted in travel across all of Western Europe The references he makes to Spanish culture, then, were as an outsider who spent enough time in Spain to become familiar with the religious setting there. Odo refers to Spanish cus toms and language mostly in the fables interspersed throughout his sermons, the collection of which was finished after 1225. Several of these references are simply to situations around him that one would expect from someone living in Castile Leon. He men tions the Spanish name f or a certain bird (St. 4 ), the presence of Dominican friars in Spain, 5 a popular Spanish nam e (Poncia 6 ), and a sermon text for the Invention of the Cross only used south of the Loire. 7 The more pertinent of these observatio ns, for our purposes, have to do with the nature of interactions between clergy and laity. For instance, Odo characterizes the Navarrese city of Roncesvalles (a popular stop on the standard pilgrimage route to Santiago de uld have likely known firsthand) as a place whence 8 In the Sermon e s in Epistola s he mentions how some priests neglect their flock while at home, but will eagerly rise to the occasio n when their bishop calls them to 3 Franchini, 96. 4 John C. Jacobs, The Fables of Odo of Cheriton Syracuse (Syracuse University Press, 1985), 68 69. 5 Friend, 66. 6 Odo of Cheriton, Fabulae 16506 fol. 265, Latin Manuscript Collection, National Library of Franc e, Paris. Cited in Friend, 65. 7 Friend, 66. 8 Friend, Analogues 387.
25 9 Again, Odo tells of how a canon resigned from his post, saying that if he had the chance to wish any evil upon his worst enemy, he would wish him to be a canon. In t hese comment s Odo mirr ors the zeal of the Fourth Lateran Council for ridding the ecclesiastical ranks of corruption. 10 Reform was a central pa preaching in Spain. The notion of what was central to conceptions of Christian identity arises again here in that Odo was w illing to call for change not only on the part of clerics, but even on certain theological points as well. Spanish Ecclesiastical Custom One of the more revealing comments about Spanish Christianity comes when Odo 11 In the next sentence, Odo advises bishops not to desire honor through ascendancy, but to e obedience of men with fe 12 As we have seen, clerical c orruption is a and it is no surprise to encounter it here. However this example describes a religious practice between clergy and laity that had significant connotations in Spanish c ulture Here, it is important to keep in mind the public, symbolic nature of the mass ritual. Its enactment was a process that attempted to enforce categories and boundaries. became part of this enactment tha t enforced social demar cations The symbolic 9 Lincoln Cathedral, MS 11, fol. 75. 10 See, for example, canons 31 and 63. 11 in aliquo loco ad presens mine. 12
26 French kinship rituals Importantly for this project, David Hanlon documents how, in western Iberia 13 While a symbolic ceremony between two people in a social relationship of vassal and lord was one thing, im porting t he practice, with all of i ts connotations of servitude, to a religious context likely alarmed Odo. Whether we can truly trace these practices to Muslim influence, Odo perhaps perceived as much in the unfamiliarity it had to him as an English Christian tra ined in Paris. The symbolism of subjection to the bishop was 14 This exempl um that discusses the gravity of a bi shopric. Here, he relates an exemplum wherein the trees elect a king, each type of tree being reluctant to accept the weighty responsibility. I t is finally the dry and unqualified thorn bush that accepts the offer, only to consume the trees that had entr usted themselves to him when he finally burns to ash. practical application of this tale is that ecclesiastical positions, particularly the bishopric, should be considered carefully. In a connected story ( similar to that of the canon of Toro mentio ned above ) Odo relates how a canon of Toledo refused a bishopric when it 13 David Hanlon Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30 (2000), 486. 14 Though it occurs several years later, a fifteenth century public ritual of vassalage in Aragon differentiates between the actions of representatives from the Christian and mudejar communities. While Christians pledged vassalage with the hands and mouth, the mudejar shoulder. The difference between Christian and Muslim rituals in this context may suggest the Islamic origin of kissing the hands a s a sign of servitude in this particular context. In cataloging several of these vassalage rituals, both Jacques Le Goff and Michael Harney believe Muslim influence to be the case. Time, Work, a nd culture in the Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 242; Michael Harney, (West Lafayette, Ind.: Purdue University Press, 1993) 224 228.
27 was offered to him because, if he had counted himself among the bishops, he would have considered hims 15 Perhaps Odo had the custom of kissing the bish 16 In any event, one can see how the office of bishop only in its hierarchical position, but in serving the bishopric and setting an example of humility orthodox doctrine. For example, he dismissed the story of the Sudarium, which Catholic tradition claimed Christ had used to wipe his face during the procession to Calvar y, 17 since the human nature. The historical context indicates that Odo was directly contradicting the command of Pope Innocent III, who carried the Veronica cloth in a p rocession in 1216 and prescribed remembering in a specific prayer. 18 In another instance, Odo departed from Catholic doctrine in declaring that the preaching of the word was more important 15 Hervieux, Les Fabulistes Latins (Firmin Didot and Company, 1896) 176. 16 part of the exempla collection he later revised and compiled for the benefit of preachers. 17 Set uerius credo quod similitudinem [Ihesus] presentis predicta mulier eius figuram in telam fecit depingi. In Sermones de Festis MS Egerton 2890, fol. 196. Translation by A.C. Friend in 82. 18 Friend 82.
28 than the service of mass, which included the performance of the Euc harist. 19 The centrality of the sermon would become controversial during the Reformation for similar sermon above the rest of the mass emphasized its importance as a ritua l that superseded even sacraments. In doing so, his central concern was to show how education was at the center of what constituted Christianity. 20 These religious practices in prioritizing them, Odo intimated the foundational aspects of how Christianity should function. certain relics like the Veronica cloth reveal his efforts to expel corr uption fro m Spanish Christendom. However his work did not stop at internal Christian doctrines. He continued to express these values when he addresse d the topic of Islam. 19 Friend, 73. 20 Odo was doing nothing unexpected in a high valuation of Christian education. At around the same time, Mendicant orders were putting the same emphasis on preaching. Later Span ish Christians would stress the importance of education in preventing the conversion of the laity to Islam. See, for instance, Contempt: The Anti Muslim Polemics Sons of Ishmael: Muslims through European Eyes in the Middle Ages (Gainesville, University Press of Florida, 2008), 133 146.
29 CHAPTER 5 We have seen how Odo was comfortable us ing Spanish cultural and linguistic references to level specific accusations against a clergy that had attained a reputation for immorality However, the clergy were not Odo counter examples against which he define d Christian behavior The militar y engagements of the r econquista such as Navas de Tolosa in 1212 provided the backdrop for t hirteenth century Castile Leon In engaging with his aud ience, Odo consequently fitted b iblical language and imagery to this militaristic context. Of co urse, the object of his interpretations was the standa rd enemy of Christians in Spain: Islam. 1 is evident from the few Christian writings that survive from Islamic Spain. The twelfth century anonymous author of the Tathlth al wahdnyah or Trinitizing the Unity of God shows intimate familiarity with Islamic tradition, particularly the practice of citing a lineage of authorities when quotin g hadith (anecdotal stories used to perpetuate Islamic rules, prophecies, and other religious knowledge). 1 For a standard treatment of how Muslims were viewed in Christian Spain, see John Tolan, Saracens: Islam i n the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002) and John Tolan, Sons of Ishmael: Muslims through European Eyes in the Middle Ages (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008), particularly 133 146 where he discusses th e relationship between Christian theological treatments of Islam and legal and social attitudes toward Muslims. It is helpful to note that the examples upon which I will concentrate describe Spain and Islam without revealing much about them. As Karen Sul livan has noted about other medieval churchmen like Bernard of Clairvaux, his anti heretical works do not tell us much about heresy, but about Bernard himself. tell us much more about Spanish Christendom as it appeared t o a leading scholar and preacher in Castile Leon. (Sullivan, 32) I will be examining these examples not for the light they shed on Spanish Muslims, but on the value and importance Odo saw in buttressing the Christian beliefs of the Spanish lay population. In the same way, I do not seek to address how corrupt the Christian clergy actually was at this point, but how Odo perceived and described its corruption. Though depictions of the clergy that we receive from people like Odo are quite negative, it is impo rtant to incorporate information from sources other than their critics in forming our understanding of them. For an example of how this has been done Reconsidered: Benedictine Monasticism in the Years 1050 1150 Speculum 61 (1986), 269 304.
30 Disciplina Clericalis had become quite p opular by the thirteenth century. 2 The sermon illustrations, influenced by the Arabic literature around which Alfonsi had been raised, promoted some level of familiarity with the Muslim intellectual tradition among preachers. internal demographic control as an 3 This description is evident in Odo eagerness the books of the Saracens, whose souls are buried in Hell, la ymen delight in talking of rumo rs of pretty wom en, of fields and vineyards. The Lord shal l embarrass them before the ang e l 4 Odo denounces t he wisdom of the Saracens in the same sentence as the worldliness of gossip, lust, and ea rthly possessions. 5 Practitioners of both are subject to shame and oc cupy the position of worldliness. On the other hand, Odo encourages theologians and students of theology to persevere through the mundane accusations of clergy and laity who encourage them to take up law in order to make money, or medicine to be able to c are for the body. For Odo, a dichotomy exists between powerless, worldly knowledge and the salvific knowledge of theology. Odo is not unique in this assessment and was by no means the first to give it. 2 Tolan, Petrus Alfonsi 139. 3 Hanlon, 479. For the frontier territory in Iberian Christendom, Hanlon applies colonial theory from Homi Bhabha that understands mu dejars (Muslims living under Christian rule) simultaneously as subjects of colonial othering (to justify conquest) and sameness (to allow surveillance). potentially useful rubric the situation seems to be much simpler in the case of O Rather than Muslims represented worldliness and lack of faith that permeated even their scholasticism and required constant vigilance to avoid. 4 Friend, 87. Taken from the Sermones de Festis in MS Egerton 2890, fol. 232b. Translation by A.C. Friend. 5 not persecuting or inquisitional. He wrote duri
31 What is noteworthy is his description of Islam in b iblical terms that he tailored to the local situation. The Arabic Reference One reference to an Arabic speaker Sermones Epistolas plays a specific r ole in the work of the sermon that reveals much about Christian understandings of the O ther Witho ut referring by name to Arabs or Saraceni Odo describes the reaction of a watchman who sees stones being hurled at his city His only course of action is to warn those around him and cry out for help from the walls : When a storm comes, men seek refuge i n order to be protected from rain and hail. Likewise, when a city or castle is besieged by enemies and the watchman sees rocks coming from a siege machine, alagaritha, agala, alagaritha [ Arabic for help, fortress, help] 6 T ransliterating Arabic into Latin wa s commonplace in polemic al tracts of this period The famous Jewish convert from Islam to Christianity, Petrus Alfonsi did so in the twelfth century as did the Dominican polemicist, Ram n Mart in the thirteenth. Ar abic transliterations are unusual though, in the less scholastic context of a sermon. Furthermore, Christian author s often made their knowledge of Arabic a central buttress for arguments against Islam since it gave them access to the Qur h adith However, Odo uses Arabic here without building a substantial argument around it. Several practical reasons may explain why. It is possible that he did not have the linguistic knowledge to pursue a thorough investigation of Arabic sources While traveli ng and preaching in Toulouse, Odo may 6 Quando tempestas obit homines petunt refugium ut a pluuia et a grandine pertegant. Item quando c ivitas utrius castrum ab hostibus obsidet, et speculatos vide lapidem a machura vementem clamat cavete cavete, alagaritha, agala, alagaritha. Taken from Lincoln Cathedral MS 11, fol. 47 col. 1, translation mine. In preaching to the laity, Odo almost certa inly would have used the vernacular, in this case probably Leonese or Castilian Spanish, while preserving the sermon in Latin for future clerical use. Lincoln Cathedral MS 11 transliterates the phrase as Odo intended future preachers to read it.
32 have learned enough Arabic from southern French language schools like the one in Toulouse to enable short quotations, but little else. 7 H is audience may not have known enough Arabic to understand the reference though perhaps he gave a translation that the manuscript does not record when he was actually preaching the sermon What is theologically weighty references that follow it Since these refer ences had specific significance for his Spanish audience, Odo could briefly use an Arabic phrase that may or may not have been intelligible to his listeners while still communicating a great deal of information. The following sections elucidate the layers would have understood in the Arabic reference. The context of this sermon is particularly revealing of the significance The sermon text is preserved in the Sermones Epist ole s a collection of Sunday sermons intended for preaching to the laity at mass. This particular piece was angels, but have not love, I am a noisy gong or a clanging cymba reference comes eight lines after his quotation of the sermon text, suggesting its place as the the Arabic transliteration suggests that the Arabic language i tself exemplifies the The cultural context of thirteenth century Iberia was certainly ripe for explanations Mark Johnston has written abo ut the importance to 7 See Fr iend, 63
33 high med ieval preachers of using exempla relevant to local circumstances. 8 This is also one reason scholars have been reluctant to draw knowledge of quotidian conditions from exempla ; the comparatively few that deal with daily life are quite localized. While it is not substantial evidence of the ubiquity of Arabic in Palencia or Salamanca it is most likely that Odo intentionally selected this Arabic quote with his audience in mind with the bulk o f In 1210, around the time that Odo was at the University of Paris, 9 the provincial synod of Sens banned the city because of their several con flicts with Christian doctrines ( such as creation, which Aristotle took to be eternal ) 10 In the middle of the thirteenth century while i Aquinas concluded that Christianity could not be proven by reason alone, but r equired faith. 11 One could use rational argument to bolster Christian arguments and undermine the doctrines of other religions, but Christianity was ultimately a religion based on belief This characterization of Christianity as a religion of faith and Is lam as a mundane religion whose wisdom provided no spiritual benefit forms As over indulged 8 Exempla Modern Language Association, Chicago, Illinois, November 13, 1994). 9 See Fri end, 40 become Master by 1210 1211 and Doctor by 1219. 10 H. Denifle and E. Chatelain, eds., Chartularium Univrsitatis Pariensis Volume I, (Paris: Delalaine, 1891), 70. 11 See John Tolan, Saracens (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 242 245 for a discussion of rationality as Christian scholars applied it to Judaism and Islam.
34 in scholastic learning and lacking in faith and charity 12 In th e latter half of the thirteenth century, the C hristian polemicist Pedro Pascual was imprisoned in Muslim Granada whence he wrote an anti Islamic tract that addressed how Muslim philosophy could be so erudite While Muslim in name, Islamic philosophers wer e outcasts of their own religion S ince they knew Mohammad was illiterate, 13 To Odo, books of Muslim wisdom are to be avoided not because he thinks they are heretical among Muslims, but becaus e they are spiritually and intellectually useless As we have already noted, Odo discouraged students of theology from taking up the study of Arabic because of its futility. Muslim scholars were also well known for their expertise in astronomy, which Odo compared to an old woman who by pure chance, sometimes predicts things correctly and sometimes not. When his predictions come true, the astronomer basks in his glory, but when he is wrong he cites a miscalculation. Odo contrasts the whole premise of thi s science with a theological understanding of the not for you to know the times or the seasons, which the Father hath put in his own 14 Odo considers Christians who study Arabic literature and science to be seeking a key to useless knowledge instead of pursuing a faithful understanding of God through 12 This stereotype would later change with writers such as William of Rubruck and Riccoldo de Montecroce who depicted Muslims as unfit for intellectual conversation since rational beings should all be able to recognize the truth of Christianity. See Tolan, Saracens 276 278. 13 Tolan, Sons of Ishmael 145. 14 Friend, 88. Taken from the Sermones Epistoles in Lincoln MS 11, fol. 22 col. 2. Translation by A.C. Friend.
35 study of theology The single place that h e does acknowledge some use in knowing Arabic is to limit its utility to the mundane world. As men who know Arabic sell to the Saracens those who are ignorant of the gone into captivit because they are ignorant. 15 Despite the respectable tradition of Arabic philosophy and its preservation of the foundational Greek philosophers, Arabic is only useful in avoiding being sold into slavery by those who speak it. The dichotomy of the spiritual benefit of theology and the worldly utility of Arabic continues through the Sermones in Epistolas Later in this sermon collection, Odo defends theologians from people who would rather have the financi al advantages of more lawyers or the health benefits of more doctors in their communities. Odo says the theolo gian gains real benefits, while doctors and rich men gain only earthly ones. Even monastic orders were guilty of this simple minded view of mone y, accepting donations from usurers who had extorted it from the poor. 16 To Odo, t hese three desires (wealth, good health, and useless knowledge) were equally destructive to the church The correlation of usury, corruption and the useless wisdom of Islam is clear from another reference Odo makes to Arabic in the sermon fo r the fifth Sunday after Easter. Here, he describes Saraceni as fraudulent usurers who are friends of the devil and afflict the friends of Christ. 17 Friendship with the devil and usu ry were both emblematic of the worldliness Odo attributes to his Arabic speaker in 15 Sermones Epistolas, Lincoln MS 11, fol. 21b. Translation by A. C. Friend, Life and Unpublished Work 88. 16 Friend, 117. 17 Saraceni, usurarii fraudulentes qui sunt amici diabolici, tales magis affligunt quem amici ihesu Lincoln MS 11, fol. 97, translation mine.
36 the earlier exemplum Because Jesus described how the world hated his followers, friendship and hatred were often used as indicators of faithfulness. 18 Thus continues the d istinction between faithful and unfaithful, showing that Muslims embody what the Christian is not. For Odo Arabic not only represents what is harm ful, but also provides a counterexample to the positive trait of love. Soon after his Arabic reference, Odo emphasizes the insufficiency of knowledge without love by inserting an exemplum about three theologians who come to a bishop for his blessing. Even though the third theologian had the most knowledge, the bishop blesses only the first two b ecause of the go od lives they had led This theme continues throughout the sermon with illustrations like the Old Testament story of Balaam who unjustly beat his donkey for running away from the angel of the Lord, showing what can happen even when one has the gift of pr ophecy, but not love. 19 T hese references would most likely have been encouraging to Christians who grasped the high intellectual reputation of the neighboring Arabic community They also strengthen the connection Odo makes between the noisy racket of spee ch that lacks love, described in his text from 1 Corinthians 13, and the Arabic language, quoted a few lines into the sermon 20 The characterization of Muslims as lacking charity is congruent with contemporary issues surrounding the Christian fast of Lent. 18 John 17:14. 19 Lincoln MS, fol. 47. 20 Records survive of Christians who lived in cities with mosques complaining about the noise of the muezzin. One account compares the Muslim call to prayer to the braying of a donkey. See John Tolan, Sons of Ishmael 147 161.
37 For communities containing Christians, Muslims, and Jews, t he season of L ent was an exceptional time 21 The forty day fast culminated in the observance of Holy Week, which included mourning on Good Friday in appropriate garb. If we are to believe the Fou frequently go out on Good Friday wearing exquisite clothing in mockery of Christian mourners. 22 Several other ecclesiastica l laws dating back to the sixth century Synod of Macon joine d Lateran IV in forbidding Muslims and Jews from going out in public on the last three days of Holy Week. 23 The frequency of this law suggests the possibility that everyday events were behind its claims. Whether or not such events actually occurred it i s relevant that the culmination of the church calendar in the weekend of Holy Week required protection for Christians in interfaith communities so that the council enacted legislation designed to keep them from vulnerable situations It is with this in m ind that we should consider the lines after the Arabic reference, which describe how the faithful watchman responds to military danger with the words of Psalm 31:2 Like the Arabic speaker, the w atchman in this counterexample cries out ( clamat ), but it is not to his man made structure; t hrough the words of the Psalm, he entrusts his survival to God rather than the work of his hands. Importantly, Odo also places Psalm 31:2 at the beginning of the sermon just after the main text as an introduction to this section. After 21 Interfaith strife and violence during Lent has a lengthy history and was particularly vehement between Christian and Jewish communities on Good Friday. See David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence (Princeton University Press, 1998), 211 223. 22 Fourth Lateran Council, canon 68. http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/lateran4.asp Accessed on November 23, 20 11. 23 Synod of Macon, canon 14.
38 hearing 1 Corinthians 13 (words without love are like a clanging cymbal) contrasted with the words of the faithful Psalmist, the audience would have seen this dichotomy mirrored in the practical illustration of the two watchmen. structure and context, it becomes clear that Odo intended his Iberian listeners to read the noisy gong as the Arabic language and, consequently, the wisdom literature associated with it. In contrast, Odo says t he watchman who entrusts his safety to God is like a pigeon that finds a hole in a wall where it can hide from its enemies ( inimici ). That the two watchmen are in identical situations and see opposite outcomes relates to a Like knowledge that has no efficacy when it is separated from charity, walls could only go so far in protecting a city on their own. Human Fortification and God as a Fortress As the walls of the faithfu l city in this exemplum illustrate, the idea that defensive structures functioned in unison with faith dates back to the time of the Psalm Odo quotes at the beginning of the sermon. The connection between human fortifications and divine protection likely held particular significance for Christians in thirteenth century Iberia where military engagement with Muslims was frequent The concept behind this connection is most apparent in the shared space of religiously significant buildings and defensive struct ures The phenomenon of c hurches located in or by walls has not been investigated extensively The most comprehensive study for Western Europe mid twentieth centuries on the
39 tomb at Santiago de Compostela. 24 When Viking invasions threatened from the Galician coast and al s and function in the minds of its visitor s as a space set apart. As the most popular pilgrimage site in Western Europe, Santiago de Compostela and the wall surrounding it would have been familiar to most of of the archeological evidence reveals that the wall around St. served not only a military function but also a spiritual one. The eleventh century bishop of Santiago Cresconius, built and dedicated chapels to S aints Benedict and Antonin o that occupied Western gate. 25 Because this wall had relatively thin sections and foundations for a defensive structure Otero concludes a different motive. The altars in t hese tower chapels indicate their efficacy in a religiou s sense for In this way the physical wall provided protection on only one of multiple levels. Occurrences of the association between defensive and religious purposes are not limited to Western Europe. In his Ecclesiastical History t he fifth century church planned the outline of the city wall by walking along it. Incredulous at the magnitude of the demarcation, his attendants asked how long he would keep walking, to which 24 Altaria Sancti B e nedicti et Sancti Antonini fuerant in Turribus meeting of Puertas de Ciudades Tipo Arquitectnico y Forma Artstica, September 25 27, 2003. 25 Ibid, 317 319.
40 26 Philostorgius nvolvement in the 27 Several similar examples survive from the early medieval Balkans of churches built between the main city walls and proteichisma (outer wall). 28 Some of these sites were built without settlements or cem societal functions impractical. 29 Why these churches were built in remote locations remains uncertain, but their defensive characteristics suggest a synthesis of religious and military functions. Their early medieval Eastern European origin suggests the universality of the same concept Otero has documented at Santiago. protection by layering religious space onto defensive structu res. God had exclusive power to sustain walls as at Santiago de Compostela or to level them as in crusader 26 Philostorgius, Church History ii.c.9. Translation by Philip R. Amadon, Philostorgius: Church History (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature 2007), 25. 27 The co mpleted wall stretched from coastline to coastline with occasional fortifying towers. Importantly, on each extremity were the Church of St. Anthony of the Golden Horn at the north and the Church St. Mary of Rhabdos on the south. One of the city gates has century, the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius II built an outside wall or proteichisma The account of the trium phal entry of Basil I describes how this wall ran beside the church of St. Mary Peribleptos (all seeing), one of the most important monastic houses in Constantinople. See Alexander Van Millingen, Byzantine Constantinople: The Walls of the City and Adjoini ng Historical Sites (J. Murray, 1899), 19 20. 28 Van Millingen, 19 20. Additionally, at Berkovina, a sixth century fort in the Balkans, a basilica was built immediately next to the wall, while a second church has its apse incorporated into the northeastern rampart. See Florin Curta, The Making of the Slavs: History and Archeology of the Lower Danube Region (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 161 162. Richard Krautheimer suggests a Justinian influence from churches in Constantinople in Early Chr istian and Byzantine Architecture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 252. 29 Two solitary churches in Bulgaria from this period may be associated with this idea of religious space serving military purposes. At Dzhavar Tepe in Eastern Bulgaria, a cr uciform basilica survives with north and south rooms in the form of large, defensive towers. has four angled towers connected by massive walls. Its latest building phase replaced timber roofing with stur dy barrel vaults and domes. See Curta, 162.
41 rhetoric. When Odo describes the Arabic speaker calling out to a fortress for help, his Spanish audience likely would have read religious connotati ons into the illustration. military triumph over the Almohads (a Muslim dynasty in North Africa) in 1212. Using a military reference to define the Christian relationship wi th God against the faithlessness have understood the protection of their cities and the destruction of Almohad enemies as a tangible sign of the veracity of their relig ion. More pragmatic explanations certainly exist for why r eligious spaces were built into defensive structures. Perhaps churches inhabited walls to facilitate the common practice of hearing mass before a leader left the city for battle. The unsubstantial walls at Santiago de Compostela may have existed to keep at bay the mass of pilgrims that visited every year. These explanations are possible and even likely true, but in no way preclude the more abstract spiritual level of understanding on which Odo com municated with his audience While the concept has not been studied as substantially as it deserves, adding physical nodes of religious significance most likely imbued the fortification with another, probably more important, layer of protection. Understa nding the physical world through spiritual means, as medieval preachers often did in the context of the sermon, concurs with the massive walls as a mere shadow of the divine protection and exemplum survives 30 30 crusade, Peter Desiderius claimed to have received a vision instructing him to have the crusaders march around t he walls of Jerusalem barefoot, mimicking the battle of Jericho See Christopher Tyerman, War (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2006), 156 Additionally, Archbishop Joo of Braga blessed an assault tower before the Christian siege of Lisbon in 11 47. See Meier, Reconquest and Crusade 178 179. These example s reverse he is also able to destroy enemy walls.
42 Translation and Linguistic Considerations The relationship between divine protection and human fortification was probably One of the two manuscripts that preserves this particular sermon Lincoln Cathedral 11 does not give a tra nslation of it and w e cannot know dience would have known enough Arabic to need one 31 However, for the work of the sermon, simply recognizing the language as Arabic was enough fo r the illustration to function Nicole Briou has written about how the French friar, Nicolas de Biard considered it his duty to preach in the Romance language and explain to the laity what was written in Latin 32 ribes how the Court of Paradise contains ( after martyrs, prophets, and others ) the confessors of faith. These confessors entertain God and his court by using the vernacular to elucidate Latin scriptures in his sermon held a sophisti cated meaning for those who understood it, but his listeners did not need to translate the language for the illustration to be effective. In the same way that the he elucida tes Latin scripture, Odo explains the Arabic phrase through the context in which h e places it attitude to Arabic wisdom and its manifestations such as astronomy and philosophy that he viewed as useless. While Latin was not as closely associated with Christianity as Arabic with Islam or Hebrew with Judaism since it was not the original language of Christian scriptures, the identification of Arabic with Islam made it an ideal target of 31 The other manuscript that contains the Arabic reference is in the National Library of Spai n, MS Latin 9. I have not yet been able to look at it, but there is no reason to think it differs from Lincoln 11 and gives a translation. 32 during the Thirteen Die Deutsche Predigt im Mittelalter Proceedings of the Internationales Symposium am Fachbereich Germanistik der Freien Universitt Berlin, (Tbingen: Niemayer, 1991), 268.
43 linguistic polemics against Muslims 33 I exemplum was quite useful in delineating Arabic as the counter example to Latin By manipulating Arabic and taking a linguistic approach to proving the falsehood of Islam, Odo is following a formula set before him by several Christian polem icists such as Ramn Mart John Tolan has documented how Ramn Marti inten ded his biography of Muhammed, De Seta Machometi to be a handbook for Christians on debating Muslims. 34 Marti used Arabic sources to recover the Muslim account of Marti interprets the Muslim sources to pr oduce a Christian reading of the event While a Chri extreme unction, Muhammad died with n, serves as a counterexample to the good Christian death. According to Tolan, replace the body of Christ received in co mmunion, while her touch substitutes the anointing hand of the priest performing last rites. 35 Odo the minds of his listeners by juxtaposing the different responses o f Arabic and Christian watchmen 33 It is true, however, that Iberian Christians saw the preservation future and lamented the advent of Arabic translations of the Bible. For more on this topic, see Kassis, 136 155. 34 prescribes submerging it so that, in case one wing has poison and the other an antidote, both will get mixed into the dish. By scouring Arabic sour ces for these illustrations, Mart can characterize Muslim Tolan, Sons of Ishmael 39 40. 35 Tolan, Sons of Ishmael 40.
44 The correlation between language and religion had strong precedent in Iberia In the early days of the Muslim invasion, rulers used language as a claim to political authority. When first arriving in Iberia, Muslims minted their coins in Latin, realizing it to be the language of legal, religious, and high cultural activity. 36 Hanna Kassis has juxtaposed two coinage inscriptions from the period: the Muslim inscriptions read, not be accepted from him, and in the the Holy Spirit, the One God; whoso believe 37 The linguistic situation soon became lamentable for Christians like Paul Alvar in Muslim Iberia In 854, Alvar bemoaned the supersession of the Latin language in al Andalus by Arabic, which he referred to as the langu age of the Chaldeans. 38 According to Mari Gallego, Classical Arabic had become so closely associated with Islam by the tenth century that Arabic sources saw people who use d a Latin Romance language as Christian s using the same word ( ) to refer to spoke a Romance language. 39 It is this close association between religion and language in Spain that enabled Odo to use language as a religious demarcation. 40 36 Hanna Ka Languages of Power in Islamic Spain 136 155, edited by Ross Brann, (Bethesda, Maryland, CDL Press,1997), 138 139. 37 Ibid, 139. 38 E. P. Colbert, The Martyrs of Crdoba (850 59): A Study of the Sources (Washington: The Catholic University of America, 1962), 301 39 Medieval Encounters 9 (2003): 133. 40 It is noteworthy that Odo does not use Latin as a po actually uses Latin (or a Romance version of it when the sermon was preached) to warn those around
4 5 Odo uses Arabic to identify Islam as a symbol of faithlessness against which he defines true Christian practice. A final the Arabic/Christian dichotomy with the Psalms. By descr ibing the faithful watchman king, David, to current, military circumstances in Spain. Consequently, Odo draws a and political enemies. In the same way that Paul Alvar referred to Arabic as the language of the Chaldeans, Odo Identifying f establishing Christian identity as the new Israel and placing Christianity in the feud between faithful illuminations of t he extremely popular Beatus Manuscript, mentioned above for the great number of manuscripts in which i t survives 41 Its illuminations show Muslim dress and architecture, depiction s of negative stories from Hebrew Scriptures like the whore of Babylon and 42 The tament. the mo re valuable as a way of establishing Christian identity. 41 Languages of Power in Islamic Spain edited by Ross Bran (Bethesda, Marylan d; CDL Press, 1997), 81. 42 Ibid.
46 Odo expounds this connection throughout the rest of the sermon As moralizing In t he sentence after the Arabic quote he describes how the city in which the Arabic s peaker lives is the world, which is besieged and attack ed by the devil 43 The concept of the world ( mundus ) had multiple connotations for Christian exegetes. It was both the physical space that humans inhabited and the spiritual state of wo rldliness and carnality characteristic s that Christians often ascribed to Muslims. 44 In contrast, the Christian city survives by taking refuge in God. description situates Islam within who have been set apart from it 43 Civitas est mundus qui a diabolo per victi obsidetur et impugnatur. Lincoln MS 11 f. 47, translation mine. 44 See Tolan, Sons of Ishmael 35 40 for several examples of polemical characterizations of Muslims as carnal.
47 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION The multicultural context of Castile Leon in the thirteenth century posed significant challenges to understandings of what it actually meant to be a Christian. Whether or not clerical corruption was as widespread as the dissatisfaction from preachers like Odo suggests, audiences would have at least heard about it in his sermons if they did not experience it firsthand in bishops detached from their congregations and clerics extorting money. Even assum ing that such problems were not as serious as they appear in primary evidence, they were likely disconcerting to Christians who had relocated from the north. The confluence of surviving Arian Christian traditions and Islamic art and language likely raise dismay at theologians abandoning their study for Arabic philosophy suggests. If Arabic was used alongside Romance languages and even Christian Latin, were not its traditions just as useful or accurate? Wh ile Islamic cities, architecture, and fortresses demonstrated how Muslims were blessed with military success, what observable with trust in mundane, earthly fortificat ions emphasized their alienation from the divine connection enjoyed by Christians. The derogatory attitude he displays when referring to Saraceni later in this sermon collection applies to Arabic speakers and unbelievers more generally. By using context to identify the Arabic language with Islam, Odo made a sophisticated and subtle reference that encouraged his Christian audience by showing Muslims to be the same faithless opponents from which God had delivered his people for centuries. The military sens e of this illustration carried significant weight for Iberian
48 treatment of clerical corruption and Islam offers a sense of how medieval preachers tried to reinforce Chr istian doctrine and tailor their illustrations to fit local needs. In Christianity in a fashion that was accessible for local and future audiences. The same religious bou ndaries that the Fourth Lateran Council reinforced through requirements such as discriminatory dress for Muslims and Jews are detectable goals in the fulfillment of the wor thank God for having returned to her such judges who walk in the ways of the apostles, righteousness, th 1 the way we understand medieval views of Christendom while it was the earthly 2 While papal reasoning saw Christendom as a universal world order with its capital in Rome, 3 Odo gave no indication that his conception was set in such geographic terms. Instead of seeing the Pope as the rightful possessor of universal authority, Odo undermined papal by the Pope and by the Councils, by prelates and abbots that we can hardly live without 1 S ermones in Epistolas Lincoln MS 11, fol. 41 col. 2. Translation by A. C. Friend. 2 Brett Whalen rightly points out that notions of Christendom were more complex than a plain juxtaposition emphasizes its spiritual, limitless nature. See Brett Whalen, Dominion of God: Christendom and Apocalypse in the Middle Ages 3 Whalen, 125 148.
49 4 While the Pope traced the justification for his authority to the apostle Peter, Odo d eparted from this logic in his interpretation of Jeremiah and Isaiah. sacrilege to blame him who holds the ho ly see, for they say it is a sacrilege to discuss the acts of the high priest. And since nearly all are so corrupted, an Order of Preachers [the Dominicans] who will not be j udges of chaff, but of sins, and they will make known the purpose of Jesus, nor will their care be fields nor vineyards, gold nor silver, but they will be busy with the care of souls. 5 ly understood the boundaries he was enforcing to be spiritual rather than geographic. The center of Christendom lay not in a physical capital with a single earthly leader, but in the work of the itinerant Dominicans who would bring about the city of the r ighteous by resuming congregation that even the success of the Muslim invasion and the corruption within the church played a part in the fulfillment of Christendom. In phenomena (which could seem ostensibly disastrous to Christendom) as part of a divine system was a way of reassuring the righteous. Emp hasizing that the church was receiving the judges promised in Isaiah as a result of undesirable historical circumstances was a prophetic interpretation of these conditions that allowed Odo to strengthen the limits of Christendom against both the Muslims ou tside it and the corrupt clergy within it. By giving his audience the dichotomy of the faithful and the faithless 4 Taken from Semrones Do minicales Biblitheque Nacional, Paris MS Lat. 16506, folio 140, col. 2. Translation by A. C. Friend. 5 Sermones in Epistolas Lincoln MS 11, fol. 41 col. 2. Translation by A. C. Friend.
50 that encompassed both Christian Muslim relations and interactions between the clergy and the laity, Odo was able to buttress the boundaries t hat distinguished Christians from the world and Christianize the residents of the faithful city.
51 APPENDIX HISTORIOGRAPHIC SKET CH His Medieval Legacy understanding how Christians p in relation to the rise of Mendicant preaching indicates his importance to the genre of model sermons and exempla collections (volumes of stories intended to provide preachers with didactic illustrati ons for their sermons). Odo was one of the first to incorporate moralizing illustrations of the Arabic animalistic style into Christian sermons. Slightly later preachers such as Jacques de Vitry and tiennes de Bourbon, who have received much more attenti on from scholars, used this style of illustration, or exempla much of which they derived from Odo. 1 most popular exempla collections, such as the late thirteenth century Franciscan collection of stories, the Speculum Laicorum 2 About one hundred years before Odo began writing, the famed Jewish scholar, Petrus Alfonsi, who converted from Islam to Christianity in 1106, had finished his collection of moralizing stories, the Disciplina Clericalis As the first major translation of Arabic tales into Latin, the Disciplina was a landmark in the introduction of Muslim literature and philosophy to Western Europe. 3 1 follower. Cf. Wanda Kaufmann, The Anthropology of wisdom Literature (Westport, Ct, Greenwood Publishing Group,1996), 101,s who describes how Odo borrowed from tienne de Bourbon. In fact, tienne wrote after Odo and his monumental collection was influenc The Journal of English and German Philology 53, 1954: (383 388) 388; and Albert Lecoy de la Marche, urbon (Paris: 2 J.Th. Welter, Le Speculum Laicorum (Paris, 1914) 158. 3 See Tolan, Petrus Alfonsi
52 tradition of Judaism and Islam was surely appealing to Odo whose fables drew f rom broad bases including folk tales and local legends. Odo edited this collection of fables, several of which came from his sermon illustrations or exempla Passion (befo re 1219) he composed three series of sermons. The Sermones Dominicales (1219) provided sermons for each Sunday of the calendar, the Sermones in Epistolas (1224) expounded on the New Testament letters, and the Sermones de Festis (after 1225) gave preaching material for feast days throughout the church calendar. His final work, a Summa on penitence, was finished somewhere between 1230 and 1243. Near the end of his life, Odo edited and revised the Sermones Dominicales Sermones de Festis and Summa de Penit encia The edition of these three works along with his collection of fables comprise the vast majority of extant materials. The wide influence of the style of preaching Odo and others propagated is apparent from contemporary authors. 4 For example, by t he mid thirteenth century, inserting fables into sermons had become so popular that the master general of the Order of Preachers, Humbert de Romans disparaged their use, especially by preachers. 5 he Reformation when preaching styles that relied on illustrations and extra biblical examples lost 4 exempla were used by tienne de Bourbon in his lengthy c ollection of sermon illustrations and the Franciscan collection, the Speculum Laicorum ascribes thirty nine entries to Odo. See A.C. Friend, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 53 (1954), 388. In this article, Friend traces stories that appear in Chaucer back to Odo as their original author. A translation of the exempla comprise s the only book length work dedicated to Odo in the last sixty years. 5 Humbert de Romans, Treatise on Preaching 7.XXXVIII.
53 popularity. The importance of his sermon collections in subsequent centuries is clear from the one hundred and twenty seven extant manuscripts that contain t hem, at least eight of which are from Spain. 6 By comparison, one of the most well preserved documents of Medieval Spain was the Beatus Manuscript a commentary on the apocalypse, which survives in thirty two manuscripts (more than the Bible). 7 infl uence was also geographically widespread, several manuscripts originating from Italy, Spain, and southern France. His fable collection was used in several languages, being translated into French in the later thirteenth century, Welsh in 1247, 8 and Spanish between 1350 and 1400 as the Libro de los Gatos 9 By the fifteenth century, Odo 10 Lollard preachers, in (although th 11 Several excerpts used in this study are from the Sermones in Epistolas (1224) since Odo composed it while in Spain. He did not choose to edit this series and compile it with the others at the end of his life, perhaps because he saw its exempla as too 6 Friend, 323 363 documents forty seven manuscripts. J.B. Schneyer, Repertorium der Lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters fr die Zeit von 1150 1350, XLIII.4, Aschendorfsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, (Mnster/Westphalia, 1969 1990), 498 499 catalog ues eighty additional manuscripts, sixty nine of which contain one or more collections, eleven of which contain one sermon by Odo. 7 D. F. Ruggles, Languages of Power in Islamic Spain edited by Ross Bran (Bethesda, Maryland; CDL Press, 1997), 81. 8 The earliest Welsh translation survives from around 1400 in MS Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales, Llanstephan 4. See John Thomas Koch, Celtic Cultur e: A Historical Encyclopedia (Santa Barbara: ABC CLIO, 2006), 436. 9 Revista de Potica M edieval 2 (1998) 79 114, 99 10 H. Leith Spencer, English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 319. 11 Ibid, 317.
54 geographically tailored to Castile or Leon to serve the larger purposes of later preachers for whom he intended his edition. While it is impossible to know why he did not include it in the edited volume of his work, the fact that the Sermones in Epistolas did not circulate as widely does not bear significant consequence for the present work. If anything, a volume Odo saw as customized for a distinct locality may hold more potential for realizing the nature of Christendom in the places he lived. Alternatively, if he simply ran out of time and decided the other series were more helpful, the exclusion of the Sermones in Epistolas from his final edition is insignificant for our purposes. M odern scholarship on Odo remains s parse the most comprehensive work on Most modern study dates from the late nineteenth century when scholars were mainly interested in his writing, Leopold Hervieux even committed an entire volume of his Les Fabulistes Latins twentieth century, however, Odo had fallen out of study and did not receive any attention unt il a handful of articles and references in the nineteen nineties. 12 after being somewhat in vogue in the late nineteenth century? Late Nineteenth Century Work In 1868, Hermann Oesterly publishe Die Narrationes des Odo de Ciringtonia 13 12 English Preaching Entertainers and the Song of the Angels: Vernacular Lyric Fragments in Odo of Ch Sermones de Festis Medium Aevum 64 (1995), 17 36. 13 Die Narrationes des Odo de Ciringtonia Jahrbuch fur Romanische unde Englische Literatur (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhouse, 1871), 129 154.
55 collection of fables, some Aesopic, some Arabic, some indigenous, giving a basic outline and several transcriptions from ma nuscript Arundel 292. Though he erroneously identified Odo as a late twelfth century Cistercian monk, Oesterly was the first to introduce modern scholars to his work. 14 Ten years later in 1878, Ernst Voigt collated Odo entered the realm of scholarly debate in 1883 when Leopold Hervieux crafted Phedrus. 15 In the 1885 edition of Journal des Savants Gaston Paris criticized imitateur enough to stand on its own. 16 He also sparked debate about the place whence Odo came since Hervieux had entertained several different translations of the name found in Ceringtonia Romania and Lucy Toulmin Smith, writing in Atheneum helped determine that Odo was named for the small town of Cheriton in Kent. 17 In 1896, Leopold Hervie ux took all of this scholarship into consideration when he E udes de Cheriton et ses Drivs 18 over one hundred pages to the 14 Oesterly, 129. 15 Hervieux, Lopol d. nciens Imitateurs. Les Fabulistes Latins 587 713. 16 Les Fabulistes Latins: Phdre et ses Anciens Imitateurs, Journal des Savants (1885), 47 48. 17 Paul Meyer, Romania 14, (1885), 388; Lucy Toulmin Smith, At henaeum 93 (1890). 18 Leopold Hervieux, Les Fabulistes Latins: t udes de Cheriton et ses Drivs, ( Firmin Didot and Company, 1896 )
56 fables and exempla and nearly four hundred pages to Latin transcriptions of them. 19 exempla without the context of the sermons in which he wrote them proved to be the principle Th e main source of this criticism was Jean Journal des Savants sermons within the Sermones Dominical es collection from which Hervieux took fables. 20 It also argued that fables placed within sermons served a specific purpose that we squander by plucking them out of context. In addition, the lack of a critical apparatus magnified the difficulty for later scholars in retracing the precise manuscript folios whence Hervieux took his fables. Not only did this mean a loss of information about the meant in the context in wh ich Odo placed it. Additionally, Hervieux omitted narrative elements that did not technically qualify as exempla, such as references to legends and on the times and c 21 century scholarship that often concentrated on sermons without much historical analysis. Understanding the partic ular roles each illustration played in the overall sermon or placing the illustrations and sermons in their larger societal context was not a 19 This remained the state of the field for nearly three decades. J.A. Herbert mentioned Odo in the 1921 Dictionary of Nationa l Biography on the Spanish fable collection, Libro de los Gatos largely unchanged. J.A. Herbert, Dictionary of National Biography XIV, (1921) 873 4; Heinrich Dlks, 20 by L. Hervi Journal des Savants (1896), 111 123. See Friend, 5 6 21 Friend, 5.
57 primary concern. This approach used a history of individual preachers and their sermons to depict what one might call the spirit of the age, but did little to explain why it was so or investigate why preachers wrote what they did. This is one of the late nineteenth here one historian may take it as his task to reinvoke, in a lyrical or poetic man 22 This was not only the case with historians of preaching. Karen Sullivan documents an example of this tendency in a treatment of the Spanish Inquisition by the late nineteenth century historian Ch arles Henry Lea. Lea exemplified the nineteenth century approach that saw Inquisitors as individuals whose work merited study for their own sake. 23 This was followed in the twentieth century by historians such as R. I. Moore, who tended towa rd approaching Inquisitors as a group and sought to understand the role they played in the larger, shifting historical context. 24 This historiographic tendency to study the individual may be the reason that Odo provided an interesting case of a prolific writer whose collection of exempla widely popular in the Middle Ages, begged for literary and historical analysis. As a secular clergyman, however, Odo did not easily fit into narratives like the rise of D ominican preaching and other broad frameworks that came to characterize early twentieth century thirties when 22 Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth Century Europe ( London: Johns Hopkins U niversity Press, 1973), 4. 23 Karen Sullivan, The Inner Lives of Medieval Inquisitors (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 15. 24 R. I. Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe 950 1250 (Malden, Mass.: Wiley Blackwell, 2007), 193 195. For a contextual ization within the larger historiography 21.
58 25 Despite his conclusion that Odo does not fit in this grand narrative, Frie nd obviously found Albert C. Friend The Life and Work of Odo of Cheriton which he later published as an article in Speculum constitutes the most thorough research on Odo to date. 26 For the previous seventy years of historiography, Odo was thought to have been a Cistercian monk writing before 1200. To correct this, Friend undertook an investigation of pipe rolls and tax and legal records for information on personal life. The discovery that Odo came from a wealthy family and owned land, according to tax records, eliminated the possibility of his membership in the Cistercian order and changes our perception of his societal role. In addition the fact that his first works were finished just after the monumental Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 defines his religious context. Inevitably, the questions Friend sought to answer nearly eighty years ago are substantially different from the questions of early twenty first century academic thought. and internal struggles with human imperfection, a line of inquiry now usually relegated to microhistory. The vast majo 25 Friend, 116. 26 Speculum 23 (1948) 641 658.
59 sermons, their prologues, their exempla in context, and their dating and influence. the ornaments of a style w 27 While earlier scholars had taken fables out of the context of the sermons in which Odo wrote them, 28 Friend enabled further study providing specific folio references within unpublished manuscripts and clarifying fe. More importantly, he pointed out the danger of extracting The Last Twenty Years rk on Odo went largely unexamined for over fifty years. However, with the advent of sermon studies as a field of historical inquiry, a few sermon studies, Bella Millett traced an early fifteenth Sermones de Festis 29 According to Millett, Odo showed disapproval for secular song, denouncement and exploitation of chosen asp ects of popular culture. Instead of understanding the particular verse under consideration as a piece of secular love literature, Odo applied it to the love of the Virgin Mary in an act of converting profane entertainment. In 1998, Enzo Franchini compos 27 Friend, 6. 28 The chief example is Leopold Hervieux, whom Hureau criticized in his review for this very reason. 29
60 account, which he proposed Odo spent in Spain. Since Friend only had access to British archives, he was unaware of the Span presence in Palencia and subsequently in Salamanca. These documents also record Franchini proposes that information on the specif ic teachers at Spanish universities, such as what he has provided on Odo, can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the state of Spanish scholasticism in the early thirteenth century. As s a canon of Palencia and as the owner of multiple houses, buttressing his thesis that foreign professors were well integrated into Castilian university communities and enjoyed high social prestige there. These more recent historical works have attempted background, investigating the way that his contexts function around him. This is, in many ways, the opposite approach from what nineteenth century historians took. 30 In general, historians like Hervieux and Haurau tended towa particularly their fables, as glimpses into everyday life that revealed broader notions of what the age was like. While exempla do provide helpful information and convey certain characteristics of his era it is also necessary to treat his writings and his historical context as having more of a conversational relationship where each influenced the other. The historian studying medieval sermons and exempla is always at risk of taking the preacher at face va lue as a chronicler consciously trying to 30 Hayden White contrasts his description of the historian who seeks to describe the spi rit of the age with Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth Century Europe (London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), 4.
61 crystallize medieval life rather than as a spiritual shepherd trying to influence and encourage his flock. Odo was writing not simply a report of what he saw, but was trying to affect his audience through the perf ormance of his sermon in the ritual of mass. Consequently, c ontemporary motivations and preconceptions determined what Odo chose to emphasize and convey to his audience. Our conclusions must account for the presence of rhetoric and realize that the sermo n as it survives in written form is not how the laity saw and heard it. Rather, we simply have what Odo edited and preserved as a tool for future clerics a valuable and revealing resource in its own right when approached through these conditions. The most of the groundwork for this study, though his comprehensive research halted at enables a continuation of the comprehensive approach taken by Friend and Millett. I have intended to expand on these studies by surveying specifically Chri stianity in the Spanish context. By doing so, we might observe what he saw as important for an audience interacting, if not with Muslims themselves, at least with the Muslim influence that had left an indelible mark on the religion, language, and cul ture of Castile Leon.
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69 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Sean Hill earned his Bachelor of Arts from the University of Florida with a do uble major in Medieval and Early Modern Studies and Classical Studi es. He went on to complete a Master of Arts from UF in History. He lives with his wife, Megan, and son, Samuel, in Gainesville and loves the Gators.