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Heitor Villa-Lobos and Getulio Vargas

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0044008/00001

Material Information

Title: Heitor Villa-Lobos and Getulio Vargas Constructing the "New Brazilian Nation" through a Nationalistic System of Music Education
Physical Description: 1 online resource (251 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Ferraz, Gabriel A
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2012

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: brazil -- chant -- community -- education -- homogenization -- identity -- indoctrination -- music -- nationalism -- orpheonic -- villa-lobos
Music -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Music thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: In Brazil, from 1932 to 1945, Heitor Villa-Lobos, the most important Brazilian composer of all times, participated in the authoritarian regime of Getúlio Vargas as music educator and what could be construed as an indoctrinator of the regime‘s ideologies. Villa-Lobos implemented a program of music education in schools that sought to promote discipline among children while socializing them in the school environment and educating them about aspects of the ethnic and sociocultural formation of Brazilian people, the so-called brasilidade. Villa-Lobos had sketched his program of music education in the 1920s with ostensibly purely educational intentions, but Vargas appropriated Villa-Lobos‘s program and used it as a tool to homogenize the government‘s nationalistic ideologies among children (and consequently their families). Villa-Lobos method of music education was the so-called Orpheonic Chant, which Guillaume Louis Bocquillon Wilhem had elaborated in France in the 1820s and João Gomes Junior had implemented in Brazil in 1912. When Villa-Lobos became the director of music education of Vargas‘s regime, Orpheonic Chant was thoroughly used in the state of São Paulo, where Gomes Junior had implemented it. Despite Villa-Lobos adopted the methodologies of Orpheonic Chant that music educators had established before him, he imposed much stronger nationalistic and patriotic orientations to his pedagogical approaches and increasingly aligned the directives of his Orpheonic Chant with the nationalistic and patriotic politics of the government. Vargas made Orpheonic Chant mandatory in Rio de Janeiro (then the capital of Brazil) in 1931, and supported Villa-Lobos in disseminating it throughout Brazil. Villa-Lobos worked mostly in Rio, and still in 1932, he organized in that city the so-called Teacher‘s Orpheon, a group of 250 teachers of Orpheonic Chant that performed concerts of civic, artistic, and patriotic purposes; and in 1933, musicians of Rio that sympathized with Villa-Lobos‘s quest for music education organized the so-called Orquestra Villa-Lobos and chose Villa-Lobos as its conductor. Like the Teacher‘s Orpheon, the Orquestra Villa-Lobos also performed concerts of nationalistic, patriotic and educational purposes. Additionally, Villa-Lobos regularly conducted the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro in concerts of nationalistic and patriotic content as well. Consequently, Villa-Lobos was accused of collaborating with the authoritarian government, disseminating Vargas‘s ideologies through music; but despite having admitted that music could be used as a tool for political propaganda, he regularly excused himself from personal interest in the regime, asserting that all he wanted was discipline and love for music. While scholars have mostly speculated whether Villa-Lobos used Vargas to promote his career or Vargas used Villa-Lobos to disseminate the government‘s ideologies, they tend to overlook the indoctrinating aspects of music education. My research demonstrates that regardless of his personal intentions, through Orpheonic Chant Villa-Lobos consciously instilled Vargas‘s nationalistic and patriotic ideologies in the minds of children. Through the Teacher‘s Orpheon, the Orquestra Villa-Lobos, and the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro, Villa-Lobos sought to extend this education to adults as well. In this sense, he created a complex system of music education that reached out to the population of Rio de Janeiro as a whole. Through the analysis of extensive archival materials, most of which remain unpublished and unexamined, this dissertation reevaluates the directives of Villa-Lobos‘s system of music education and argues that he became an important agent of indoctrination for the government of Vargas regardless of his personal political ideology. Drawing upon the concept of "indexation" from Thomas Turino‘s theory of music semiotics and Benedict Anderson‘s concept of "imagined communities," I demonstrate that, through music, Villa-Lobos rooted nationalistic and patriotic values and the senses of discipline and civic duty in people‘s identities, forming a community that "imagined" itself united through these shared ideals.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Gabriel A Ferraz.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local: Adviser: Dos Santos, Silvio.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2012
System ID: UFE0044008:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0044008/00001

Material Information

Title: Heitor Villa-Lobos and Getulio Vargas Constructing the "New Brazilian Nation" through a Nationalistic System of Music Education
Physical Description: 1 online resource (251 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Ferraz, Gabriel A
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2012

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: brazil -- chant -- community -- education -- homogenization -- identity -- indoctrination -- music -- nationalism -- orpheonic -- villa-lobos
Music -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Music thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: In Brazil, from 1932 to 1945, Heitor Villa-Lobos, the most important Brazilian composer of all times, participated in the authoritarian regime of Getúlio Vargas as music educator and what could be construed as an indoctrinator of the regime‘s ideologies. Villa-Lobos implemented a program of music education in schools that sought to promote discipline among children while socializing them in the school environment and educating them about aspects of the ethnic and sociocultural formation of Brazilian people, the so-called brasilidade. Villa-Lobos had sketched his program of music education in the 1920s with ostensibly purely educational intentions, but Vargas appropriated Villa-Lobos‘s program and used it as a tool to homogenize the government‘s nationalistic ideologies among children (and consequently their families). Villa-Lobos method of music education was the so-called Orpheonic Chant, which Guillaume Louis Bocquillon Wilhem had elaborated in France in the 1820s and João Gomes Junior had implemented in Brazil in 1912. When Villa-Lobos became the director of music education of Vargas‘s regime, Orpheonic Chant was thoroughly used in the state of São Paulo, where Gomes Junior had implemented it. Despite Villa-Lobos adopted the methodologies of Orpheonic Chant that music educators had established before him, he imposed much stronger nationalistic and patriotic orientations to his pedagogical approaches and increasingly aligned the directives of his Orpheonic Chant with the nationalistic and patriotic politics of the government. Vargas made Orpheonic Chant mandatory in Rio de Janeiro (then the capital of Brazil) in 1931, and supported Villa-Lobos in disseminating it throughout Brazil. Villa-Lobos worked mostly in Rio, and still in 1932, he organized in that city the so-called Teacher‘s Orpheon, a group of 250 teachers of Orpheonic Chant that performed concerts of civic, artistic, and patriotic purposes; and in 1933, musicians of Rio that sympathized with Villa-Lobos‘s quest for music education organized the so-called Orquestra Villa-Lobos and chose Villa-Lobos as its conductor. Like the Teacher‘s Orpheon, the Orquestra Villa-Lobos also performed concerts of nationalistic, patriotic and educational purposes. Additionally, Villa-Lobos regularly conducted the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro in concerts of nationalistic and patriotic content as well. Consequently, Villa-Lobos was accused of collaborating with the authoritarian government, disseminating Vargas‘s ideologies through music; but despite having admitted that music could be used as a tool for political propaganda, he regularly excused himself from personal interest in the regime, asserting that all he wanted was discipline and love for music. While scholars have mostly speculated whether Villa-Lobos used Vargas to promote his career or Vargas used Villa-Lobos to disseminate the government‘s ideologies, they tend to overlook the indoctrinating aspects of music education. My research demonstrates that regardless of his personal intentions, through Orpheonic Chant Villa-Lobos consciously instilled Vargas‘s nationalistic and patriotic ideologies in the minds of children. Through the Teacher‘s Orpheon, the Orquestra Villa-Lobos, and the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro, Villa-Lobos sought to extend this education to adults as well. In this sense, he created a complex system of music education that reached out to the population of Rio de Janeiro as a whole. Through the analysis of extensive archival materials, most of which remain unpublished and unexamined, this dissertation reevaluates the directives of Villa-Lobos‘s system of music education and argues that he became an important agent of indoctrination for the government of Vargas regardless of his personal political ideology. Drawing upon the concept of "indexation" from Thomas Turino‘s theory of music semiotics and Benedict Anderson‘s concept of "imagined communities," I demonstrate that, through music, Villa-Lobos rooted nationalistic and patriotic values and the senses of discipline and civic duty in people‘s identities, forming a community that "imagined" itself united through these shared ideals.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Gabriel A Ferraz.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local: Adviser: Dos Santos, Silvio.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2012
System ID: UFE0044008:00001


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1 HEITOR VILLA LOBOS AND GETLIO VARGAS: SYSTEM OF MUSIC EDUCATION By GABRIEL AUGUSTO FERRAZ A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012

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2 2012 Gabriel Augusto Ferraz

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3 To my parents for their constant and unconditional support without the m I never would have gotten where I am now

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like thank all the people and institutes that contributed to the realization of this dissertation, including the staff of Museu Villa Lobos (especially Pedro Belchior for his willingness to help), Centr o de Pesquisa e Documentao da Faculdade Getlio Vargas (CPDOC FGV), Biblioteca Nacional, and Arquivo do Estado de So Paulo I would especially like to thank my advisor, Dr. Silvio dos Santos for his guidance and insightful orientation. I also thank the faculty members of my graduate committee, Dr. Larry Crook, Dr. Kevin Orr, Dr. Charles Perrone, and Dr. Alexander Reed, for their constant support and assistance.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 7 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 LIST OF OBJECTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 10 LIST OF EXAMPLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 11 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 12 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 13 C HAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 16 Materials and Methods ................................ ................................ ............................ 29 Materials ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 29 Methodologies ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 32 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 34 2 THE BEGINNINGS OF ORPHEONIC CHANT IN BRAZIL: MUSIC EDUCATION IN T HE COMPLEX CONTEXT OF THE first REPUBLIC ................................ ........ 39 Republic ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 45 Education: the Integral Formation of Children and Elevation of the Cultural Level of the Country ................................ ................................ ............................ 50 Music Education before Villa Lobos: Prolegomenon and the Origins of a Method 56 Music Educators ................................ ................................ ............................... 58 Repertories ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 61 Orpheonic Groups: Socialization and Arti stic Development of Children ........... 64 Villa Lobos and the Brazilian Modernists: the Search for Brazilian Identity ............ 68 Brazil in the 193 0s: an Arid Soil for Brazilian Music ................................ ................ 72 Villa ................................ ................................ ........................... 78 Reversing the Situation: Music Education and the Artistic Exc ursion Villa Lobos ... 80 The Artistic Excursion and Villa ................................ ................ 83 The Significance of the Artistic Excursion ................................ ......................... 86 Final Considerations ................................ ................................ ............................... 89 3 HEITOR VILLA LOBOS AND GETLIO VARGAS: INDOCTRINATING CHILDREN THROUGH MUSIC EDUCATION ................................ ........................ 91

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6 ............. 103 Vargas and the Homogenization of His Ideology: Constructing the Imagined Commu nity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 110 Vargas and Villa Lobos: Imagining Communities, Indexing Minds ....................... 113 Program of Music Education: Indexing Brasilidade and Constructing the Imagined Community through Music ................................ ................................ 121 Orpheonic Chant and the Senses of Patriotism, Discipline, and Civic Duty: Indoctrinating the Imagined Community ................................ ............................ 125 Educational and Administrative Institutions of Music Education: Planning Out and Administering the Imagined Community ................................ ..................... 129 Final Considerations ................................ ................................ ............................. 134 4 REACHING OUT TO THE BRAZILIAN FAMILY: THE SYSTEM OF MUSIC EDUCATION OUTSIDE THE SCHOOL ................................ ................................ 143 ................................ ................................ ........................ 151 European Music: Raising the Artistic Level in Brazil and Instilling Pride in the Population ................................ ................................ ............................. 154 of Their Cultural Heritage ................................ ................................ ............ 157 ................................ .... 162 Orchestral Mus ic and Music Education ................................ ................................ 173 The Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro ................................ .................... 173 Orchestra Villa Lobos ................................ ................................ ..................... 177 Final Considerations ................................ ................................ ............................. 180 5 ORPHEONIC CONCENTRATIONS: POLITICAL PROPAGANDA AND THE MATERIALIZATION OF THE IMAGINED COMMUNITY ................................ ...... 192 The Beginning of a Tradition ................................ ................................ ................. 196 Orpheonic Concentrations of Independence Day: the Materialization of the Imagined Community ................................ ................................ ......................... 200 A Real Community of Children and Adults ................................ ............................ 203 Organization and Discipline ................................ ................................ .................. 207 The Logistics of Hora da Independncia ................................ ........................ 207 Bands and the Sense of Discipline in the Orpheonic Concentrations ............. 214 Ideologies: a Real Community Imagines the Nation ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 21 6 The Emotional Effect of Orpheonic Concentrations: Crystallizing the Real Community ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 218 Final Considerations ................................ ................................ ............................. 220 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 228 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 239 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 251

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7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Number of Secondary Schools and Registered Children in Brazil between 1932 and 194 5 ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 136

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8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2 1 Jo manossolfa signs ................................ ............................. 90 3 1 Ge tlio Vargas: Amigo das crianas, cover page ................................ ............. 137 3 2 Vargas and school children from A Juventude no Estado Novo ....................... 138 3 3 Villa Lo bos demonstrating the manossolfa sign that stands for mi2 ................. 141 3 4 Villa Lobos using the manossolfa in the 1940s ................................ ................. 142 4 1 s Orpheon (pictu re from a 1935 concert program) .............................. 181 4 2 form 1933 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 182 4 3 Cover page of 2 Great Historical Concerts of Brazilian Music (2 Grandes Concertos H istricos de Msica Brasileira) ................................ ...................... 183 4 4 935.. ............................. 184 4 5 Theatro Municipal: Concertos Symphonicos Culturaes, Temporada Official, 1935, Programma do 6 Concerto ................................ ................................ .... 185 4 6 Cov er page of the Concerto Sinfnico em Comemorao do 2 Aniversrio do Estado Novo (Symphonic Concert in Commemoration of the 2n d Anniversary of the New State) ................................ ................................ .......... 186 4 7 First page of the origina l petition that created the Orchestra Villa Lobos.. ....... 187 4 8 Progr ammas da Orchestra Villa Lobos ................................ ............................. 188 4 9 Cover page of Orchestra Villa ................................ 189 5 1 Exhortao Cvica Villa Lobos (Civic Exhortation Villa Lobos) of 24 May 1931. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 223 5 2 Log istics and organization of children and general public on the Orpheonic Concentration of 7 September 1939.. ................................ ............................... 224 5 3 Ticket invite for the Orpheoni c Concentration of 7 July 1935 ........................... 225 5 4 Progression of bands in the Orpheonic Con centration of 7 September 1939 ... 226

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9 5 5 at took place in So Janurio in 7 September 19 42 and gathered 25,000 students .................. 227 5 6 Fifteen thousand students in uniform holding little flags in the Orpheonic Concentration that took place in 7 September 1943 at the soccer stadium So Janurio ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 227

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10 LIST OF OBJECTS Object page 4 1 Villa pheon on J.S.Bach Choral 148 ......... 167 4 2 Canes de Cordialidade ........ 168 5 1 Villa Lobos cond ucting an Orpheonic Concentration on the Independence Day and followed by an Indigenous Ballet ................................ ........................ 200

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11 LIST OF EXAMPLES Example page 3 1 adinhos ................................ ................................ ..................... 139 4 1 ................................ ................................ ................. 190

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12 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S CPDOC FGV Centro de Pesquisa e Documentao da Faculdade Getlio Vargas D.I.P. Depa rtamento de Imprensa e Propaganda MVL Museu Villa Lobos SEMA Secretaria de Educao Musical e Artstica WWII World War II

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13 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florid a in Partial Fulfillment Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy HEITOR VILLA LOBOS AND GETLIO VARGAS: SYSTEM OF MUSIC EDUCATION By Gabriel Augusto Ferraz Aug ust 2012 Chair: Silvio dos Santos Major: Music In Brazil from 1932 to 1945, Heitor Villa Lobos considered the most important Brazilian composer of all time, participated in the authoritarian regime of Getlio Vargas as music educator and as what could b ideologies. Villa Lobos implemented a program of music education in public schools that sought to promote discipline among children while socializing them in the school environment and educating them about as pects of the ethnic and sociocultura l the so called brasilidade (Brazilian ness). Villa Lobos had sketched his program of music education in the 1920s with ostensibly pure educational inte ntions, but Vargas appropriated Villa ideologies among children (and consequently their families). Villa Lobos method of music education was Orpheonic Chant, which Guilla ume Louis Bocquillon Wilhem elaborated in Franc e in the 1820s and Joo Gomes J nior implemented in Brazil in 1912. When Villa Lobos became the director of music throughout the state of So

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14 Paulo, where Gomes J nior implemented it. Despite Villa Lobos adoption of the methodologies of Orpheonic Chant that music educators had established before him, he imposed much stronger nationalist ic and patriotic orientations in his pedagogical approaches and increasi ngly aligned the directives of his Orpheonic Chant with the nationalistic and patriotic politics of the government. Villa Lobos worked mostly in the city of Rio de Janeiro (then the capital of Brazil), where Vargas made Orpheonic Chant mandatory in 1931 In 1932 Villa Lobos organized the ( Orpheo de Professores ), a group of 250 teachers of Orpheonic Chant who performed concerts with civic, artistic, and patriotic purposes; and in 1933, musicians in Rio who sympathized with Villa quest for music education organized the Orquestra Villa Lobos and chose Villa Lobos as its conductor. Like the Orquestra Villa Lobos also performed concerts with nationalistic, patriotic and educational purposes. Additionally, Villa Lobos regularly conducted the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro in concerts of nationalistic and patriotic content. Consequently, Villa Lobos was accused of collaborating wi th the authoritarian government and of disseminating Va gh music. D espite ad m it ting art in general could be used as a tool for political propaganda, he regularly said he had no personal interest in the regime, asserting that all he sought was to instill discipline and love for music. While scholars have mostly speculated whether Villa Lobos used Vargas to promote his career or Vargas used Villa Lobos to disseminate the education. My research demonstrates that regardless of his per sonal intentions, through

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15 Orpheonic Chant Villa Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro, and the Orquestra Villa Lobos Villa Lobos sought to extend this education to adults as well. In this sense, he created a complex system of music education that reached out to the populati on of Rio de Janeiro as a whole, and worked to create a national program of music education. Throug h analysis of extensive archival materials, most of which remain unpublished and had not been previously examined, I reevaluate the directives of Villa em of music education and argue that he became an important agent of indoctrination for the government of Vargas irrespective of his personal political ideology. Drawing on indexicality I demonstrate that, through music, Vill a Lobos imbued nationalistic and patriotic values and a sense of ming a community that imagined itself united through these shared ideals.

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16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In 1987, the now extinct Brazilian broad cast company TV Manchete produced the documentary O ndio de Casaca 1 about composer Heitor Villa Lobos (5 May 1887 17 November 195 9). While the documentary covers Villa it focuses particularly on aspects of his personal life and on his role as a Brazilian composer, such as his musical nationalism and its importance for Brazilian music. This examination of Villa life and music was appropriate because through mixing local musical elements with European compositional techniq ues in ways unprecedented in Brazil he forged a musical language that s ynthesized the diverse ethnic elements in the formation of Brazilian culture; the result was a musical aesthetics appreciated bo th locally and internationally 2 Indeed, as Gerard Bhag ue has recognized, Villa Lobos was t he single most significant creative figure in 20 th 3 In many respects his music also contributed to the search for what was termed brasilidade (Brazilian ness) 4 eople, which had occupied the minds of intellectuals 1 Roberto Feith, director, O ndio de c asaca (Rio de Janeiro: Manchete Vdeo, 1987). TV Manchete ceased its operations in 1999. 2 Indeed, because his music featured a unique blend of local and cosmopolitan musical features, Villa Lobos achieved success in Paris, where he lived on two occasions in the 1920s. Despite the initial resistance to his musical language in Brazil, he eventually became the most successful art music composer in that country as well. 3 Gerard Bhague, "Villa Lobos, Heitor," In Grove Music Online Oxford Music Online http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/subscriber/article/grov e/music/29373 (accessed February 9, 2012). 4 Althogh the term brasilidade has been used extensively in the literature that inv es t iga tes issues related to the formation of a Brazilian identity and in general, aning the elements that make Brazilians unique it poses several conceptual difficulties. Jao Guimares Rosa, who belonged to the Brazilian Modernism and is considered one of the great est Brazilian writters of all is certainly a difficult and complex subject. It is clear that the rough stone of our souls, of our thoughts, of our dignity, of our books, and of all that involves our way of life. But what is it? Many people have strug ( Joo Guimar es Rosa quoted in Stephen T. Wal

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17 since about the 1870s and culminate d in Brazilian Modernism (c. 1920 to c. 1940), one of the most important multi genre artistic movements in Brazil. The documentary also deals with other less investig ated ( though no less important) aspects of Villa including his involvement as music educ ator with the nationalistic First Government of Getlio Vargas in Brazil from 1932 to 1945. 5 The video illustrates some important aspects of the Canto Or fenico (Orpheonic Chant) 6 the method o f music education based on choral singing that Villa Lobos implemented first in the schools of the city of Rio de Janeiro (then the capital of Brazil) and later throughout Brazil. As the documentary shows, the cleare st political content of Villa education can be observed in civic artistic events called (Orpheonic Concentrations) Concentraes Orfenicas where thousands of school children gathered in soccer Luso Brazilian Review 33, no. 1 [Summer, 1996] 137 ) According to Wal den, Rosa a Portuguese word that is untranslatable to any language) it is impossible to exp lain what brasilidade means. term brasilidade the socio cultural practices connected to it. 5 Vargas w as a member of the Liberal Alliance ( Aliana Liberal ), a political party that demanded the improvement of the educational system and more social inclusion. With the support of many in the military the Liberal Alliance took power through a in O ctober 1930 (known as the Revolution of October) which ended the period called First Republic or Old Republic (1889 1930) Vargas was n amed provisional president in November 1930 and became the official president in 1934. His regime became increasingly au thoritarian and unfolded into a dictatorship in 1937 with the establishment of the so called New State ( Estado Novo ) which lasted until 1945, when Vargas was deposed by a military co alitio n. However, he was democratically elected in 1951 and ruled the cou ntry until 1954, when he committed suicide. The two different periods when Vargas ruled the country are known as First Government and Second Government. See Boris Fausto, Histria do Brasil (So Paulo: Editora da Universidade de So Paulo, 2006 ). 6 Orpheo nic Chant originated in France in the early 1820 s with Gu illaume Louis Bocquillon Wilhem. His primary objective was to institute music education in primary schools, but about 15 years later, Wilhem also applied his method of teaching to a choral society, w hich eventually grew and became the national institute of music known as which drew its name from the Greek myth of Orpheus. Although Villa Lobos did not elaborate O rpheonic C hant nor implant it in Brazil, he expanded its application to a much l arger group of people and reinforced its nationalistic orientation.

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18 stadiums or other public spaces to sing nationa list and patriotic hymns. 7 Adults also attended these events as members of the audience. The documentary shows footage of a massive Concentration that occurred as part of the Independence Day celebrations ( 7 September ), 8 which constituted a colossal gather ing of people expressing strong pa triotic sentiments. Villa Lobos conducted thousands of school children and hundreds of orchestr a and band musicians i n a program filled with patriotic musi c. T he demonstration of Orpheonic Chant was among the highlights of the event. Vargas used these celebrations to convey nationalistic and patriotic messages to the nation I n this specific Concentration he gave an address in which he called on Braz ilians to unite their hearts and pledge to fight and sacrifice themselves for a great, united, and strong Brazil built on social justice. 9 Villa spreading the image of a united people singing patriotic and nationalistic music people who would ostensibly be in favor of th is ideal nation and regime. The m usic in these events occupied a special function: it celebrated and conflated th nation and regime The successful realization of such colossal patriotic event s required children to follow strict and quasi military discipline, which they had learned in the weekly practice 7 The numbers displayed in the Official Programs of Hour of Independence ( Hora da Independncia ) about some Orpheonic Concentrations reveal the magnitude of these events. The Concentrat ions held in the Independence Day, for instance, gathered thousands of school students (40,000 in the Concnetration of 1940) and throusands of band musicians, as well as thousands of adults who attended the demonstrations. 8 The documentary does not prov ide the year of this event. I collected the complete, original footage in the Museu Villa Lobos for the excerpt that was used in the documentary, which also does not disclose the year of the event. 9 Programas da Agncia Nacional video footage collected in the Museu Villa Lobos (Archival number: DVD 28). Unless stated otherwise, all translations in this dissertation are mine.

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19 of Orpheonic Chant (among other school practices) In his interview in documentary, Homero Dornelas w ho worked as a teacher of O rpheonic C hant in the 1930 s, r ecounted a story that shows how much Villa Lobos endorsed discipline in Orpheonic Chant. Dornelas recalled that a couple days before an Orpheonic Concentration was to b e held in the soccer stadium So Janurio in Rio de Janei ro, Villa Lobos went to the school where Dornelas worked to check on the children participating in the Concentration. That day, Dornelas had emphatically asked children to be quiet and to sit in complete silence before Villa Lobos arrived. Dornellas demand ed they be disciplined to the point that if a bug approached them they should not move to blow it away. When Villa L obos arrived and saw such disciplined children who in Dornelas account looked like statues he said they were doing a go o d job and did not need to sing for him that day. Villa the same way in So Janurio during the Orpheonic Concentration. 10 This episode reveals that discipline was among the most important values Villa Lobos demanded of school c hildren. This elevated sense of discipline along with the patriotic and nationalistic values in the practice of Orpheonic Chant infused in to school children elements of B ecause of it s constant message of nation alistic values the weekly practice of Orpheonic Chant in school s held a greater political significance for Vargas than the Orpheonic Concentrations themselves, despite the propagandistic functions the se concetrations conveyed to the population. Indeed, in Villa educational program Orpheonic Chant consisted of teaching choral music t o children and aimed to educate them musically and also to 10 Homero Dornellas in O ndio de Casaca

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20 educate them socially, with a sense of discipline and patriotism It also sought to raise awareness of the e thnic and cultural formation of the Brazilian p eople Although Villa Lobos adopted methodologies repertoires and educational principles established by music educators before him 11 he imposed much stronger nationalistic and patriotic orientations onto his Orpheonic Chant. Thus, although Villa awareness, his Orpheonic Chant held in its very essence important elements th at disseminated and inculcated the nationalistic ideology of Vargas He was instrum ental in indoctrinating children with the nationalistic ideology of Vargas Given its formative nature, Education can be used as a means of political formation. In the opening paragraph of his seminal book Ideology and Curriculum Michael W. Apple, affirms the neutral enterprise, that by the very nature of the institution, the educator was involved, 12 Ap ple continued: manifest and latent or coded reflections of modes of material production, ideological values, class relations and structures of social power racial and sexual as we ll as politico economic on the state of consciousness of people in a precise historical or socio for one sentence, I know. But the underlying problematic is rather complicated. It seeks to portray the concrete ways i n which prevalent (and I 11 Music educator Joo Gomes J nior brought Orpheonic Chant to Brazil (more specifically to the state of Enciclopdia da msica brasileira popular, erudita e f olclrica [ So Paulo: A rt Editora e Publ ifolha, 1998], 336). Even b efore Villa Lobos, Orpheonic Chant consisted of for social life Among others, like some music educators of the First Republic, Villa Lobo s used Orpheonic Chant to socialize children in the school environment all the while raising their level of cultural awareness and teaching them music. 12 Michael W. Apple, Ideology and Curr i c u lum 3rd ed. (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004), 1. See also Pie rre Bordieu and Jean Claude Passeron, Reproduction in Education, Society, and Culture (London: Sage Publications, 2000).

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21 would add, alienating) structural arrangements the basic ways institutions, people, and modes of production, distribution, and consumption are organized and controlled dominate cultural life. This includes such day to day practices as schools and the teaching and curricula found within them. 13 In this passage, Apple describes several important aspects of education and their role in s members of a society. All these aspects of education, in which Apple deemed the educator to have a crucial (political) role, take on a whole new level of significance when educators impose values and indoctrinate children. The essential difference betwee n education and i ndoctrination is the freedom of choice of the first and the imp osition of ideas of the second. E ducation guides students in their learning, providing them with tools that will enable them to make choices. Indoctrination, on the other hand, imposes values and ideas and leaves little room for questioning and creative thinking. Villa Lobos sketched his ideas for music education with ostensibly purely educational intentions before Vargas took power in 1930 He most likely follow ed the educatio nal models from music educators before him, although he never acknowledged borrowing from his predecessors. B ut Vargas appropriated Villa nationalistic ideology among child ren and by extension their families. Vargas preached the idea of a homogeneous Brazilian society founded on patriotism and considered the entire population important to the process of building the Nova Nao Brasileira ( New Brazilian Nation ) E laborated on principles of nationalism, patriotism, discipline, civic 13 Apple Ideology 3.

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22 duty, and collective cooperation, Villa Orpheonic Chant was the perfect tool to developed into the dictatorship of the New State ( Estado Novo ) in 1937. 14 Thus, Villa Orpheonic Chant interested In contrast to the systems of music education that preceded his own Villa Lobos program imposed nationalism, patriotism, and a sense of dis cipline and civic duty upon children, raising these principles to the status of moral values. Although Villa lobos denied any political inclination he articulated aspects of his Orpheonic Chant according never protested Vargas using it to disseminate the gov the regime. On the contrary throughout the term of his activities as music educator, Villa Lobos increasingly aligned his discourse with that of Vargas, expounding on the role of Orpheonic Chant in the formation of individual and collective identities whose principles were founded in nationalism and patriotism. Villa L obos gave several interviews and wrote extensively about the social and musical aspects of his Orp heonic Chant. During the time he served as music educator he wrote three important essays that explained pedagogies and purposes of Orpheonic Chant. He wrote the first two essays, O programa do ensino de msica (The program of music education) 15 and O e nsino popular da msica no Brasil (The popular teaching 14 and eco nomical panorama of Brazilian society; hence his dictatorship was named Estado Novo 15 Heitor Villa Lobos, sica (Secretaria Geral da Educao e Cultur a, Rio de Janeiro D.F., 1937).

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23 of music in Brazil) 16 in 1937, the same year Vargas instituted the dictatorship of Estado Novo. In these essays, Villa Lobos systematically presented the various musical cultural, patriotic, and so ci al aspects of Orpheonic Chant. 17 He emphasized its nationalistic and patriotic messages as well as its socializing character. In the third essay, A msica nacionalista no governo Getlio Vargas (Nationalist m usic in the Getlio Vargas government, 1942) 18 Villa Lobos took a nationalistic tone that clearly speeches, which reveal s his intrinsic engagement These three essays were published during a critical political moment in Brazil, and likely represented a strategy that Villa Lobos adopted in order to continue receiving Vargas support after the coup In many respects, by associating himself closely with the regime, Villa Lobos exercized the role of an indoctrinator, especially be cause he stood by the values he was ideology. Tasos Kazepides presents important ideas about the nature of indoctrination, affirming that an indoctrinator is someone who truly believes in the values he instills. In order to clarify different roles of individuals, Kazepides makes a distinction between an indoctrinator and a propagandist: 16 Heitor Villa ca no Brasil: O ensino da msica e do canto orfenico nas e scolas (Rio de Janeiro: Oficina Grfica da Secretaria Gera l de Educao e Cultura, 1937) 17 Both O programa do ensino de msica and O ensino popular da msica no Brasil have an instructional character and contain mostly technical aspects of the teaching method for Orpheonic Chant, criteria for selecting the low and high voices among children, preparatory exercises for singing, as well as the main objectives of Orpheonic C hant, among others. A msica nacionalista no governo Getlio Vargas, on the other hand, does not have the same instructional purpose of elucidating specifics about the orpheonic method pe r se. This essay consists most of Villa general a nd its purpose and importance for society. In this essay, Villa Lobos adopts an evident political tone. 18 Heitor Villa Lobos, A Msica nacionalista no governo Getlio Vargas (Rio de Janeiro: D.I.P Departamen to de Imprensa e Propaganda).

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24 The indoctrinator qua indoctrinator is not a deliberate manipulator either of info rmation and evidence or of students. He is not the insidious deceiver of young persons who misrepresents the world to them. The typical indoctrinator believes the doctrines he is inculcating are true, that they give meaning to life and so on. In his teacin g he provides some evidence, reasons and justifications it is another matter that they are based on sectarian doctrinal grounds. Indoctrinators, then, are not necessarily propagandists, and neither propagandists necessarily indoctrinators although they us ually are. 19 These ideas help to clarify Villa children, first and foremost, to serve his own nationalistic purposes. However, because his words actions and values in disseminating Orpheonic Chant were i n line with the regime and he knew it, h e cannot be exempted from having actively contributed to the dissemination and inculcation of ideologies connected with Vargas In that sense, he also became a propagandist While scholars have concentrated on wheth er Villa Lobos used Vargas to promote his career or Vargas used Villa tend to overlook several aspects of Villa for indoctrination including key elements that shed light on the nature of Villa political nature of the Orpheonic Chant and Villa 20 Although ical approach revea ls important aspects of the alignment of Villa his research does not disclose how 19 Tasos Kazepi Canadian Journal of Education vol. 14, 3 (Summer, 1989), 392; See also Elmer C anadian Journal of Education / Revue vol. 10, 3 (Summer, 1985), 229 49. 20 Lobos and a Music and Dictatorshi p in Europe and Latin America Roberto Illiano and Massimiliano Sala, org. ( Lucca: Publications of the Centro Studi Opera Omin i a Boccherini, 2009 ), 613 40

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25 Orpheonic Chant a cc inculcating nationalistic and patriotic feelings, and indoctrinating them in the ideologies of the regime; nor does it provide tools through which we can evaluate Villa to Vargas. Likewise, both the Brazilian and international scholarship on Villa Orpheonic Chant present critical methodological problem s. Renowned authors such as Brazilians Vasco Mariz, Jos Ramos Tinhoro, Lauro Machado Coelho along with English man Simon Wright and American David Appleby, tend to focus their investigations on the inconclusive discussion that speculates whether Villa Lo bos used Vargas to promote his career and music or Vargas used Villa Lobos to disseminate the socio cultural ideology of the government. These authors discuss only the personal interests of the musician and politician, ignoring the most important practical consequences of Orpheonic Chant, such as its essential role in shaping the identity of Brazilian children. They tend to overlook the actual political outcomes of Villa actions as a music educator in constructing an ideal image of Brazil that was c losely aligned to the ideolog ies disseminated by the government of Vargas Only Gerard Bhague, in his seminal book on the composer, points out that Villa Lobos attempting to raise the cultural lev el of Brazilians. 21 However, Bhague did not analyze the problems raised in his book, especially the broad consequences of Villa homogenize the government ideologies among the population through Orpheonic Chant Furthermore, despite resea rchers have take n a broad range of approaches to Villa in the recent Brazilian produc tion they have 21 Gerard Bhague, Villa ( Austin: University of Texas, 19 94 ), 23 24

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26 not investigated all branches of Villa in depth nor examined its essential importance i individual and collective identities on Villa sentations) used by Vargas to give political direction therefore, how music education indoctrinated children and their families in the government ideology 22 Mirelle F. Borges takes an other direction: S of Villa Lobos as educator and analyze the relationship between state and intellectuals from 1932 to 1945 using the concepts and methods offered by the History of Ideas and History of 23 Ho wever, Borges does not discuss the fundamentals of between the artist and the state during the 15 years that marked the Vargas government 24 and her greatest merit lies in the detailed analysis and exposition of the directives of the program of music education. F inally, Renato B. Mazzeu proposes to Lobos in the social, cultural, political, artistic and ideological contexts of the period [1920 1945] and pres ent the main appro aches and the main distancing between 25 His 22 Ednardo M. Gonzaga do Monti Lobos e as representaes s ociais da Era 23 Mirelle Ferreira Lobos, o msico e (master Fluminense, 2009), 2. 24 Anlia Che empos de Villa thesis, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2003), 3. 25 Renato B Lobos: ques to nacional e cultura b Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2002),VII.

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27 work mostly contextualizes Villa intellectual s of the time. T he literature has also not investigate d (and most have not even mention ed ) Villa promotion of concerts with civic, artistic, and educational purposes in the city of Rio de Janeiro duri Although these concerts did not play as central a role in Villa schools did, they reached out to the society as a whole and complement ed the role of Orpheonic Chant. To extend his educational mission to broader society, Villa Lobos ( Orpheo de Professores ), a group of 250 teachers of Orpheonic Chant. In a demonstration of solidarity with Villa Lobos, important Brazilian musicians founded the Orquestra Villa Lobos which despite its short existen ce performed several important concerts in Rio. Additionally, Villa Lobos conducted the Munici pal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro in several concerts with educational purposes. The repertoire of these groups included European art music, Brazilian art music, B razilian music of popular and folk traditions, and Amerindian m usic, creating more awareness of art music in general as well as of the diversity of Brazilian musical genres and styles. Villa Lobos believed that through music education in schools and pedag ogical Brazilian musical and cultural identity. W and orchestral concerts had educational value they also helped disseminat e ies promoting patriotism and nationalism Additionally, in concerts des igned particularly for the masses, the print concert program s themselves warned people to remain silen t

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28 during the performance, which instilled discipline and educated the masses about the expected behavior for art music concerts. Through these concert s and the Orpheonic Chant in schools, Villa Lobos essentially created a system of music education that reached out to the society as a whole. In this sense, the syste m of music education c ontributed to disseminating and inculcating what brasilidade : the icons, values, socio cultural practices, and feelings toward Brazil through which people could identify with one another, and in this sense, create a sim ilar image of the nation. My study while complementing the existing scholarship, takes a step further and reevaluates Villa entire system of music education and its crucial role in the this end my study reexamin ed the directives of Villa and the educational concerts Villa Lobos promoted in Rio de Janeiro, to clarify their practical cultural, social, and political consequences for Braz ilian society. More specifically, I demonstrate that from 1932 to 1945, music education fulfilled diverse functions in Brazilian socie ty under three disctinct, but overlapping categories : (1) C ultural ly it promot ed music as a necessary cultural activity f or society, thus heighten ing the level of artistic appreciation of the Brazilian people ; (2) social ly it envisaged the formation of a large community of people who, regardless of their ethnicities and social classe s, believed in being part of a homogeneou s group ; and (3) political ly it surrepetitiously conveyed the nationalist ide ologies of the regime I demonstrate that despite Villa imbued socio cultural values in the personalities of children that woul d in turn extend to

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29 their families. Further, I elaborate on Villa ntimate social policy, hence his active contribution to the formation of nationalistic and patriotic socio cultural pillars of the New Brazilian Nation. T hus my study demonstrates for the first time in the literature, how the idiosyncratic sy stem of musical language served as a tool to form individuals who cultivated Brazilian music as an essential aspect of their personalities and a tool for instilling n ationalism, patriotism, and a sense of discipline, collective collaboration, and civic duty in the backbone of their identities. As I argue, regardless of his political ideology, Villa Lobos became an important agent of indoctrination for the government of Vargas. Materials and Methods Materials I collected important unpublished and unexamined archival material from several Brazilian institutions, including the Museu Villa Lobos (MVL) and Centro de Pesquisa e Documentao da Faculdade Getlio Vargas (CPDOC FGV), 26 both in Rio de Janeiro. These materials inculde several concert programs (including the print program itself, copies of texts addressed to the audience, and illustrative figures on some cover pages), telegrams, and letters showing ideological aspec ts of Villa music education A t the Museum Villa Lobos I collected the following materials : 1 ) O fficial programs of several Orpheonic Concentrations organized in 1931, 1932, 1935, and 1939 1944 showing the strong patriotic and national istic nature of these events. T he programs of 1939 1944 indicate the hymns and songs school children were scheduled to perform, list participant schools and number s of students in them, and give the names of 26 Center for Research and Documentation of the Getlio Vargas College.

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30 teachers who helped organize the events as well as their roles during and after the Concentrations. These programs were thus an important source for my research ; 2) Villa Lobos and Orchestra of the Muni cipal Theater of Rio de Janeiro. Their rep ertoi res, written messages, and in some cases, cove r pages reveal their civic, arti stic, and educational content ; 3) Leaflets with nationalistic appeal making propaganda of the Orpheonic Concentrations; 4) Official annual reports the Secretaria de Educao Musi cal e Artstica ( SEM A) produced with statistics of Orpheonic Chant in Ri o de Janeiro, including schools that implemented the method, number of teachers, perceived deficiencies in both teachers and students musical skills, and posit ive outcomes of Orpheon ic Chant to musical and social aspects of children s music educa tion; 5) Videos with testimonials by important musicians and pe ople connected with Villa Lobos which provide insights into the outcome of Orphe o nic Chant and Orpheonic Concentrations; 6) F ilm and p hotographs of some Orpheonic Concentrations, revealing the colossal and emotional atmosphere of these patriotic events; 7) Newspaper articles and interviews in which Villa Lobos and other personalities write and speak about music education. At the C PDOC FGV, I collected the following: 1) A report about the participation of Villa Lobos and his staff in the Prague Educational Congress of 1936, showing that his teaching method was received enthusiastically by educators of other nationalities for its eff ectiveness; 2) Texts about education (general and musical) by Gustavo Capanema s regime), showing how much

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31 the nat ionalistic education of Brazilians; 3) Telegrams of interventores 27 from several states showing their support of Villa of radio programs broadcasted o n some Brazilian Independence Day s during the Vargas government, sho wing the nationalist atmosphere that prevailed on those days; 5 ) Official government documents with statistics about the expansion of secondary showing that an ever growing number of children was exposed to Varga education Among the printed primary source materials, the most important in my research are 1) three essays of Villa Lobos on music education ( cited above ); 2) the didactic material s for Orpheonic Chant it self, consisting of two volumes called Canto Orfenico contain ing hymns and songs on various themes (folk, patriotic and civic duty, making reference to Brazilian socio cultural heritage, among others), the first volume of Guia Prtico (Practical Guide) which contains 137 Brazilian folk songs, and the two volumes of Solfejos (Solfeges), of which many exercises are based on Brazilian folk melodies; 3) The publications of the Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP ) 28 and speeches of Vargas, which altog government. 27 cal decisions through the system of interventionism. Through this system, the central government replaced governors who did not interventores n amed by him. Interventionism guaranteed the central ol over local politics and decisions, revealing authoritarian mindset from the beginning of his government. See Fausto, Histria do Brasil 333. 28 Depa rtment of Press and Propaganda.

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32 Methodologies In critically assessing the information contained in the material above, I use d concepts of nation and nationalism that Benedict Anderson form u lated in his book Im agined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism 29 as well Imagination, I dentity and Experience: A Peirci 30 From Anders on, I use d nsists of the premise members of even the smallest nations will never know their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their 31 F rom this idea, I demonstrate that Vargas aimed at homogenizing the pop iers of brasilidade imagined itself united through values disseminated as inherently national. In this context, I use the conce pt of nationalism to refer to the ideology the government and intellectuals disseminated and inculcated to construct the nation. This ideology included such elements as ideas, symbols, and feelings used to create common grounds (or identifiers) among peopl e, which allowed for the formation of the imagined community. Because I many times pair the terms nationalism and patriotism, it is important to make a distinction between them: nationalism is an umbrella term that may include patriotism, but I use patriot 29 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Refl ections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism rev. ed. (London: Verso, 2003 ) ness and nationa lism as provide s the methodological foundation for the elaboration of concepts of nation ness and nationalism that I propose herein 30 Ethnomusicology 43, no.2 (Spring/Summer, 1999), 227. 31 Anderson, I magined Communities 6.

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33 for the fatherland. Nationalist intellectuals may include references to patriotism in their nationalistic discourses, but the reader must be aware that, despite their close relationship, the two terms refer t o different concepts. music Turino explains that, different from words, music is non se mantic, meaning it does not music acquires meaning in the minds of the listener when it happens in co occurrence nd s of these individuals, music can musical meanings due to this co occurrence with aspects of the form collectives if people experience music under the same circumstances: t hese people may easily index in their minds the same (or similar) meanings to the same music and, therefore, be bonded together by this music and its meanings. Through I explain that through the musical eleme nts (rhythm, melody, and harmony) associated with the lyrics of the hymns and songs and through the socializing aspects of musical practice in groups, Orpheonic Chant in schools and educational concerts promoted the formation of group and personal identiti es all over Brazil. Through music of nationalist character disseminated in the schools and concerts along with Villa exhortations about the patriotic and nationalistic aspects of those pieces, people experienced sever al similar aspects of in that way

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34 formed in the nationalistic ideology. Overview In Chapter 2 I examine aspects of music education in Brazil before Villa Lobos implemented his Orpheonic Chant in schools of Rio de Janeiro. I demonstrate that several methodologies and educational approaches of Villa had been developed and applied by mus ic educators before him. Scholars tend to isolate Villa Chant from the existing music education of his time and this gap can create several problems and misunderstandings. First, while Villa Lobos helped disseminate strict pa triotism and nationalism, he also elaborated his plans for music education before Vargas took power. As did many other music educators before him, he wanted to elevate the cultural level of the people and to promote awareness about art music, with emphasis on Brazilian art music. His first intentions as part of his nationalistic project, 32 were indeed educational and even though he ended up indoctrinating children when imposing aspects of his Orpheonic Chant, he did so to educate them musically and contribute to the for mation of individuals with an elevated sense of cultural awareness. Because most of the literature about Villa the evolution of music education before Villa Lobos the reader might assume Villa Lobos alone was respo nsible for elaborating all methodologi es and educational 32 important element. This education could happen through schooling, lectures, and concerts. Thus, Villa roject, which included all three of these educational elements, did fulfill a broad role Benjamin Curtis, Music Makes the Nation: Nationalist Composers and Nation Building in Nineteenth Century Europe ( Amherst, NY: Cambria Press, 2008 )

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35 approaches to Orpheonic Chant which is not the case. Villa Lobos adopted most of his methods and educa tional philosophies from his pred ecessors. Music education was in line with general tenets of ed ucation during the First Republic, when some intellectuals and educators advocated that the masses should have access to education, which would elevate the cultural level of the country to promote its progress Educators drew their approaches from European methodologies and philosophies, markedly those of Swiss Jo hann Heinrich Pestolazzi (1746 1827) and his German student Friedri ch Wilhelm August Frbel (1782 1852), both of whom believed that education should part. Additionally, music educator Fabiano Lozano (1886 1965) had already organized large choir s with educational functions, and figures such as Mrio de Andrade (1893 1945), one of the most important Brazilian int ellectuals of all time had already spoken about the potential of chor al organizations for socialization before Villa Lobos even started working for Vargas. The major difference between Villa Lobos and the music educators before him was that he imposed str onger natio nalistic and patriotic values on children essentially indoctrinating them w hile his antecessors used music as a simple tool for education (although patriotism and nationalism were part of their educational agenda as well). I also demonstrate tha t at Villa Brazil was not developing because the elites were fond of traditional European music and the uneducated masses did not have the social access or intellectual knowledge to cultivate art music In becoming the official di rector of SEMA, Villa Lobos promoted the elevation of the cultural level of Brazilian people and also served his personal interests:

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36 S ince he became the highest musical authority of the country Villa Lobos used his power to perf orm and to advertise his own music. In Chapter 3, I evaluate the ways the directives and practical effects of Villa olitics. Chapter 3 shows for the first time in the literature the mechanisms through which the repertories and pedagogies of Villa s educational and social policies. My study shows that Villa Lobos consciously cont ributed to the formation of an imagined community of national beings who were willing to sacrifice their personal will for the well being of the community. Chapter 3 provides a definitive answer about the nature of Villa al commitment with the nationalistic government of Vargas and also disclose s several aspects about the role of music in Additionally, my study provides a model for evaluating the interactions between music and politics which could be useful in Chapter 4 investigates important aspects o f Villa examined in the literature, namely the Teacher Orpheon, the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro, and the Orchestra Villa Lobos. As I argue, through these music groups, Villa Lobos extended to the society as a whole the same national istic and patriotic principles he instilled in the minds of school children throu gh Orpheonic Chant. Chapter 4 examine s the concert programs and Villa publications (pamphlets, notes on concert programs, and excerpts of his essays) directed to Brazilian families and labor workers, and clarifies litical functions. While the

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37 musical programs and the exhortations that Villa Lob Orpheon delivered to the audience conveyed notions of patriotism, the concerts also had great educational value. Several concert programs educa ted the population ab out Brazilian cultural heritage and diverse music traditions (traditional, popular, and artistic) while presenting important musical works of Western civilization, including the Brazilian premiere of several important works such as Pal Pope Marcellus Mass and Missa Solemnis were organized for factory workers and gave them an opportunity to experience diverse genres and styles of choral music that they did not h ave the chance to ex perience in their daily lives up to that point. In Chapter 5, I argue that the grandiose Orpheonic Concentrations were marked by a strong patriotic atmosphere and also incorporated the idea of social inclusion of different ethnicities a nd social classes the government proposed. I argue that, in this way, the Orpheonic Concentrations can be understood as a microcosm of the values and social behavior s Vargas promoted in the nation. Furthermore, through their grandiose and emotional environ ment, these civic artistic events crystallized in the minds of children and adults the image of a nation homogenized through nationalistic values. At these events people experienced the ideologies of the nation together and became conscious of their union brasilidade, disseminated and inculcated through Orpheonic Chant in schools and educational masses shared in the Orpheonic Conc entrations

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38 In Chapter 6 I trace similarities between the situations that concern Villa of Richard Strauss an d Carl Orff with the politics of Nazi Germany as well as the nature of their moral commitment to the political regimes. Chapter 6 shows that despite the particularities of each case, in general t involve ment with political regimes is a difficult task Several elements play important roles in this evaluation association with political regimes, and the way the State appropriated music to disseminate political id eologies and sometimes demand in various ways (including coercion and threat s to composers and their relatives precepts. I also propose tools to formulate an analytical model to examine Villa moral com mitment to Vargas. This model can be adapted and used to analyze the relationship that other composers established with political regimes.

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39 CHAPTER 2 THE BEGINNINGS OF OR PHEONIC CHANT IN BRA ZIL: MUSIC EDUCATION IN T HE COMPLEX CONTEXT OF T HE FIRST REPUBLI C When Heitor Villa Lobos was born in 1887 Brazil was going through profound changes in society, politics, and culture He was born about two years and eight months before the signing of the Proclamation of the Brazilian Republic (on 15 November, 1889 ) by Brazilian military. 1 The Republic ended the Imperial P eriod of Brazil that started after the Proclamation of Independence from Portugal on 7 September 1822 and was the political culmination of several changes occurring in the Brazilian society. In the s econd half of the nineteenth century, Positivism became an important chain of thought among intellectuals and part of the military, which realized the country would only prog ress if major changes occurred i n its social and political foundations. The abolit ion of slavery ( on 13 May, 1888 ) 2 for in s tance, resulted from political actions le d by Positivist Brazilian thinkers. 1 A military uprising le d by Marsha l l Deodoro da Fonseca established the Federative Presidential Republic of Brazil on 15 November, 1889, ending the Constitutional Parliamentary Monarchy that existed during the Empire. Fonseca became provisional president and Marsha l l Floriano Peixoto his vice president. Despite ideological di fferences between the military who supported Fonseca and the one s who supported Peixoto both groups were opposed to liberalism and in favor of a strong centralized government that could change the path of the country. The group that supported Fonsec a consisted of old military who did not attend military school and, ac cording to Boris Fausto, did not have an elaborate vision of the Republic; their major concern was that the Army had a more important role now than it did earlier in the Empire. The second group co nsisted of younger military who had attended military schoo l and were fond of Positivist ideas. See Boris Fausto, Histria do Brasil (So Paulo: Edusp, 2006) 246. The Historiograp hy of Brazil, 1889 The Hispanic America n Historical Review 55, no. 4 (Nov. 1975), 716 48. 2 Before abolition, there was a great number of free blacks. There were three different ways slaves could get their freedom before abolition: 1) After the Lei do Ventre Livre from 1871 (Law of the Free Bi rth), all children born of black slaves were automatically free. They could remain under the tutelage of their on the farm with their parents and were st ill treated like slaves. 2) They could buy their freedom or have someone buy their freedom for them (an abolitionist or sympathizer, for instance). 3) Their owners could spontaneously choose to set them free. After abolition, t he government did not take th e black popul ation under its wing Despite the government grant ing blacks emancipation, politicians did not work fast toward providing them with opportunities f or social mobility, and the black population was still m arginalized. M ost former slaves left the farms they had worked and tried to live in the cities But there was still much prejudice and few work oppo rtunities for blacks, result ing in misery, crimes, and deaths (See Fausto,

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40 The military and civilian intellectual R epublicans strived for a better country and, upon the Proclamation of the Republic, inscribed the motto Ordem e Progresso (Order and Progress ), two impor tant principles of Positivism, i n the Brazilian flag itself. The politics of the Empire did not promote social inclusion of the masses and hence did not invest in public education, which resulted in hi gh levels of illiteracy 3 and misery. R epublicans fought to change this situation. According to Boris Fausto, for the military and intellectual Republicans, progress meant e xpansion of technical knowledge industrial gr owth, and expansion of means of 4 Republicans wanted to elevate the material, intellectual, and moral conditions of the country and promoted structural changes in society. Along with the complex political process that unfolded throughout th e so called First Republic these in 1930, when the Second Republic (1930 1937) started. Villa Lobos grew up in this environment, forming his identity and artistic ideologies according to the realities this c hanging society posed Like several other intellectuals and artists of his time, he aimed to elevate the cultural level of the people and to creat e fertile ground i n which art music, especially Brazilian could flourish. At that time, most of the populatio n did not have enough instruction to appreciate art music or did not have Histria do Brasil 217 227). However, despite social prejudice, in the c ultural realms, musicians started establishing a more open dialogue with the culture of Blacks, which is clear in their incorporation of and genres result ed, for instance, in the establishment of the urban popular genre Choro of which Villa Sem receitas: Ensaios e canes (So Paulo: Publifolha, 2004). 3 In 1872, for instance, the first general data about education produced in Brazil revealed that 99 % of the slave po pulation was illiterate (after abolition of slavery and among the free population 80 % were illiterate. Data collecte d in Fausto, Histria do Brasil 237. 4 Fausto, Histria do Brasil 246.

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41 access to it and the conservative elites preferred European music. Villa Lobos always champion ed Brazilian music and, like other intellectuals of the First Republic he worked towar d changing this distressing cultural reality In addition to work ing as a composer music music that reflected the cultur e of his people, Villa elaboration of a program of music education in the 1920s also offer ed compelling evidence of such enterprise. Through music educati on, Villa Lobos aimed to elevate the cultural level of the masses and disseminate Brazilian art music and art music in general. Educating the masses and elevating their cultural level also me ant a personal gain for Villa Lobos because he would be preparing the population to appreciate Brazilian art music, including his own. At that time, except for the appreciation and recognition of some a van t gard e intellectuals artists and friends, Villa was not well received in Brazil, which left him in a difficult financial situation. Through a program of music education he could fulfill the pursuits of several generations of intellectuals and also achieve financial and professional stabi lity for the first time in his life. E vents of Villa in 1930 and 1931 show his frustration with the reception of his music in Brazil as well as his work to elevate the cultural level of the people to change that situation. At that time he had just returned from a 3 year s tay in Paris and realized how much the low intellectual level of the country along with the conservatism of the elites hindered the evolution of Brazilian music and his own success. But by that time, frustration was soon to give way to a prosperous period in his life: t he government embraced his system of music education and Villa shift as he became the most important m usical authority in the country

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42 I t is necessary to investigate in dep th the political implications of Villa career as music educator, though historically scholars have isolate d some events from their broader social contexts, inevitably conveying a unilateral (if not biased) viewpoint about the role of Villa program of music education Although a solid program of music education was established in some states, especially the state of So Paulo, long before Villa Lobos proposed his Orpheonic Chant, the existing scholarship does not discuss Villa ducation in that context. The lack of proper contextualization of Villa Lobos the educator, and of his educational approaches, contributes to perpetuating the myth that Villa Lobos was solely responsible for developing the approaches and methodologies of t he music education program he implemented under Vargas. But, in fact, Villa Lobos adopted several of his educational methodologies from music educators who flourished in the First Republic. In one of the few articles about music education in the First Repu blic, Vera Lcia Gomes Jardim would be announced as vanguard s of the specialized teaching of music 5 Furthermore, although s everal important events of Villa ife in 1930 and 1931 led to his participation in the regime and defined the paths of his subsequent career none of the literature investigates in depth Villa at that time and how his personal distresses led him to work for Vargas; nor does th e existing literature examine Villa 5 O p rofessor de msica e a Revista da Abem no. 21 (March 2009) 18.

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43 Flvio Oliveira recently wrote an important article about the principles of music on, 6 and provides a good point of departure to investigate how music education fulfilled different political programs in different historical moments. However, Oliveira does not fully elaborate on the consequences of these principles for music education un der Vargas (these were not his goals), nor does he provide a thorough examination of the similarities and differences of Orpheonic Chant in the First Republic and Villa As I argue, it is necessary to understand that Villa engagement with politics was the result of a particular historical moment, in which the Vargas government fulfilled several aspirations of politicians and intellectuals of the First Republic. With respect to the transition between First and Second Republic s and the historical continuity between the two periods, Brazilian intellectual Antnio Cndido said: The movement of October was neither a starting point nor a first and mechanic cause, because these things do not exist in history. But it was a catalyst a xis: an axis around which Brazilian culture somewhat orbited, catalyzing scattered elements to organize them in a new configuration. In this sense, it was not a historical mark, of the kind that makes one luridly October] generated a movement of cultural unification, projecting nationally facts that were previously enclosed in the regional scope. To this integrati ng aspect, it is necessary to consider another one equally important: the of aspirations, innovations, and feelings aroused in the 1920s, which had been sowing great and inumerou s changes. 7 6 Flvio Oliveira, eonic Chant and the Construction of Childhood in Brazilian Elementary Education, in Idelber Avelar and Christopher Dunn eds., Brazilian Popular Music and C itizenship (Durham : Duke University Press, 2011 ), 45 63. 7 Antnio Cndido, A revoluo de 1930 e a cultura, Novos Estudos Cebrap 2 no. 4 (April 1984), 27 In porque na histria no h dessas coisas. Mas foi um eixo e um catalisador: um eixo em torno d o qual girou de certo modo a cultura brasileira, catalisando elementos dispersos para disp los numa configurao nova. Neste sentido foi um marco histrico, daqueles que fazem sentir vivamente que

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44 As Cndido observed, several important ideas during the First Republic continued to be furthered after Vargas took power. In fact, those aspirations for change created the right political and social conditions for Vargas to take the power in 19 30. It is thus necessary to understand what these aspirations are and how Villa Lobos and his Orpheonic Chant fit this political process of broad social and cultural transformations. By examining the political process that unfolded during Villa th, we will understand the political ideologies of the period, and comprehend the major political forces that operated at that time and how they shaped the overall physiognomy of Brazilian society. These political elements had an important impact on the ed ucational and cultural pursuits of the First Republic, many of which were carried on to the period w the principles that Villa Lobos instilled through Orpheonic Chant naturally reflected the aspirations of Vargas and his party, and helped change the political and social make up of society, establishing new paradigms in Brazil. In providing thorough poli tical social, educational, and cultural contexts, as well as revealing Villa implementing a program of music education in schools, this chapter demons trates that Villa Lobos was a product of the environment in which he grew an d lived, absorbing the ideas in fashion, adapting them to new realities, an d striving for his own survival. My intent is not to undermine Villa nor the importance of his Orpheonic Chant in Brazil Rather, I demon strate that he mu st houve um "antes" diferente de um "depois". Em grande parte porque gerou um movimento de unificao cultural, projetando na escala da nao fatos que antes ocorriam no mbito das regies. A este aspecto integrador preciso juntar outro, igualmente importante: o surgimento de condies para realizar, difundir e "n ormalizar" uma srie de aspiraes, inovaes, pressentimentos gerados no decnio de 1920, que tinha sido uma sementeira de grandes e inmeras mudanas.

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45 be understood as a musician who advocated for an educational ideology whose principles had already been settled before him, but with more emphasis on its nationalistic and patriotic aspects. He also sh e d light on the importance of music education for society, particularly in creating socio cultural awareness in the population. In addition, while he was fulfilling an important educational quest, long pursued by the Brazilian intelligentsia, he also promoted his career and the nationalisti c government. Republic Despite the military R epublican desire to modernize the entire cou ntry through education and reduction of poverty complex political circumstances in 1898, many of which are beyond the scope of this work led the Republic to unfold into a political system in which the Partido Republicano Paulista PRP (from the state of So Paulo) and the Partido Republicano Mineiro PRM (from the state of Minas Gerais), contro l led the national politics but promot ed the develo pment of their own states over others. These parties represented the interests of the rural oligarchies of the states of So Paulo and Minas Gerais respectively and the period in which they remained in po wer is popularly called Repblica do caf com leite (the Republic of coffee and milk), 8 hich guaranteed their 8 Throughout the Old Republic backbone of Brazilian economy, and Minas was the most important producer of dairy products. Although economic activities during the Old Republic were predominantly agricultural, the percentages of industry workers grew enormously. According to the census of 1920, 69.7 % of the active po pulation worked in agriculture, 13.8 % in industry, and the remaining 16.5 % in services. Despite the huge difference in the percent age of agricultural and industrial workers, the number of industrial workers almost doubled since 1872, when the census comput ed that about 7 % of the active population worked in industry. B ut as Fausto observed, by that time any small worksh op was considered an industry (d ata reproduced from Fausto, Histria do Brasil 281 82).

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46 economic in 1930. 9 About this political s remained in the hands of either the incumbent president or an informal congressional caucus. A lack of institutionalized procedures was but one of the many disadvantages the system evinced. As the system functioned in practice, federalism became 10 Because the politics of development were mostly local, the plans of the military to develop the cou ntry as a whole were not fulfilled during the 32 years PRP and PRM alternated in power. Through the Republic, Brazil became a democracy with elections held every four years. However, after 1898 PRP and PRM sealed a political agreement establishing that for each new election the current president should indicate a successor from the other party Because of the political power of these parties, other parties in the country did not stand a chance against them in the elections. At that time vot ing was not m andatory and as Burns observes, Gender, age and literacy voting requirements renfranchised a minority: adult literate males. It happened that, since the president was chosen by direct vote of those few male literates, and since the economically powerful st ates tended to be those with the largest populations and the best educational systems, So Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, and Rio Grande do Sul held distinct command in the presidential elections. By 1910 9 The Partido Republicano Rio grandense ( PRR ), whi ch represented the interests of the oligarchy of Rio Grande do Sul, was also powerful during the Republic but did not elect any candidate s during that period. However, d espite PRP and PRM control two candidates from other parties became president : G eneral Hermes da Fonseca representing the interests of the south (1910 t o 1914); and Epitcio Pessoa (1919 to 1922) who was vice president of Rodrigues Alves from PRP and assumed the presidency because Alves did not take his post after he was elected. See Fausto, Histria do Brasil 268 73. 10 Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil 3rd ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 266.

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47 slightly over 50 percent of the electorate re sided in those four states, and those voters cast over half of the ballots. 11 In addition, farm owners of S o Paulo and Minas Gerais exercised the so called voto de cabresto (controlled vote), by which they controlled the vote of their literate workers and coerced them to vote for the candidate of the party whose turn in power had arrived. This situation contributed to PRP and PRM alternating in power for a long period. 12 During the First Republic, Brazil was predominately agricultural, but the oligarchies promoted industrial development in the southeastern Brazil where the states of Minas, So Paulo, and Rio ( including th e Federal District) are located; whereas the mideastern, northeastern, and northern states were practically forgotten. Through the flour ishing of industrialized areas new middle and worker classes arose Nevertheless, these emergent classes were kept marginalized from political participation, because of PRP and PRM In the mid nineteenth century, there wer e ve ry few industries in Brazil: most were located in the state of Bahia and processed cotton to produce low quality fabric to be consumed by slaves and the poor But toward the 1880s and 1890s, th e industrial production in south c entral Brazil exceeded that o f Bahia in number and variety of products. Important industrial centers grew in the city of Rio de Ja neiro ( which h eld 57% of the industrial capital of the country by 1889) the state of Minas Gerais, and the city of So Paulo. After the abolition of slaver y, the Brazilian government began providing incentives to attract immigrants to work on farms, replacing slave work ers Between 11 Burns, A History of Brazil 267. 12 Paulista presidents governed for 12 years, and mineiros fo r 11 years ( Fausto, Histria do Brasil ).

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48 1887 and 1930, about 2.74 million immigrants went to Brazil i n search of social advancement: most were Italian, followed by Port uguese, Spanish, German, and Japanese. The state of So Paulo, whose economy relied on coffee export offered the best conditions to immigrants ( lodging and tickets for their trip overseas ) and received most of them. By 1920, about 52.4% of the immigrants who wen t to Brazil lived in the state of So Paulo. I ndustrialization of these cities and states also contributed to the g rowth of their urban population The population of the city of So Paulo, for instance, was approximately 64,934 people in 1890, givin g the city the fifth largest population in the country behind Salvador, Recife, Belm, and Rio de Janeiro. But by the 1900s, the population in the city had grown exponentially to around 239,820 people and So Pau lo jumped to the second largest: only Rio ha d more people (688,000) 13 Despite economic advancements and social changes in the larger cities, PRM and PRP still controlled the political power. B oth the civil population and the military protested, believing the political system of the oligarchies was h progress 14 The so called Tenentismo for instance, was a movement of l ieutenants who engaged in politics during the 1920s and advocated for development of the country. 13 See Fau sto, Histria do Brasil 286 89 14 Regarding mass movements the population organized, the most important event in the First Republic was the growth of the small village of Canudos in the countryside of B ahia, a state in the northeast virtually forgotten by the ruli ng oligarchies of the southeast. Antnio Conselheiro, a pilgrim and mixture of spiritual and political guide, settled Canudos in 1893. Conselheiro believed himself an emissary of God, and along with his religious messages he preached about restoring the Monarchy to end social disparities created by the Republic. His preaching started attracting starving people from the countryside (some of whom were recently freed slaves ), who started flocking t o the village in search of better condition s. The population grew large, reaching b etween 20,000 and 30,000 people that year. The social system created in Canudos of collective ownership preaching about return to Monarchy posed a d anger to the Republic, which sent soldiers to end the community. A fter four military assaults in 1886 and 1887 Republican soldiers defeated the countrymen and destroyed the whole village in the Guerra de Canudos (War of Canudos), which became a mark of the fight against the social disparities of the First Republic. See Fau sto, Histria do Brasil 257 The Historiography of Brazil, 1889 1964, Part II The Hispanic American Historical Review (Vol. 56, no. 1), 103 104.

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49 They demanded modifications in the State, including improvement o f the precarious soci al conditions of the population, whose l evels of illiteracy and misery were enormous. As Fausto said t he l ieutenants intended to provide the country with a centralized power in order to educat e the people and follow a slightly nation alistic politic al orientation. It was about reconstructing the State to construct the nation. The great evil of the oligarchies they though t consisted in the masters were chosen by the dominating politics. 15 A ccording to Fausto, this movement was heir to the Salvacionistas (Salvationists), a group of military and civilians formed in the presidency of General Hermes da Fonseca (1910 1914) that wanted to reduce the power of the oligarchie s in regions where social disparities were more noticeable (mostly the Northeast) but did not succeed. T he l ieutenants also strove for changes in the structure of the army, especially the difficulty in rising through the ranks in the milit ary and their mo vement also embraced the middle and working o participate more actively in national politics. In 1929, the growing political and social instability generated by the politics of the oligarchies was aggravated by two events: t he crash of th e New Yo rk stock market, which greatly affected the exportation of Brazilian coffee and the nomination of PRP candidate Jlio Prestes to run for presidency by the then president Washington Luiz, from the same party. According to the agreement between So Paulo and Minas, a candidate from PRM would take the next turn in the presidency and by nominating a candidate from PRP Luiz disrupted the agreement and caused negative reaction and 15 Fausto, Histria do Brasil 314. In the original: No fundo, pretendiam dotar o pas de um poder centralizado, com o objetivo de educar o povo e seguir uma poltica vagamente nacionalista. Tratava se de reconstruir o Estado para construir a na o, O gr a nde mal da s oligarquias pensavam eles consistia na fragmentao do Brasil, na sua transformao em inte feudos cujos senhores so escolhidos pela poltica dominante.

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50 opposition by PRM Along with parties from Rio Grande do Sul and Paraba, PRM organized a new party called Liberal Alliance and promoted the ideals of renewal in politics, receiving support from the military and the popula ce Th e party launched the candidacy of gacho (from Rio Grande do Sul) Getlio Dornelles Vargas to the pre sidency, but despite the popularity of the Liberal Alliance, Jlio Prestes, from PRP was elected president in the elections of 1929. Den unc iations of fraud followed the elections, increasing the atmosphere of instability. Additionally, motivated by perso nal reasons, Joo Dantas, a person connected to the government, assassinated Jao Pessoa, Vargas vice president ial candidate, which would change the paths of the Republic : s upported by the military, the opposing states organized an armed rebellion and to ok the capital at the end of October in the so called Revolution of October, closing congress and suspending the Republic Federalist Constitution of 1891. Vargas was nominated provisional president on 3 November 1930 a day Fausto appropriately called he end of the First Republic and b eginning of new times, at that time 16 Education: t he Integral Formation of Children and Elevation of the Cultural Level of the Country The e stablishment of the Republic in 1889 promoted major politi cal, social, and economic changes in the country, such as the implementation of democracy based on political and economic liberalism as well as the end of slavery and the expansion of agricultural and industrial capitalism, among others. These changes affe cted the very foundations of Brazilian society and the elites and intel lectuals realized that to replace the old structures of the Empire with a new modus operandi that promoted progress, it 16 Fausto, Histria do Brasil 325.

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51 was necessary to modernize the country. Intellectuals and a fact ion of the military wanted to elevate the social, economic, and cultural level s of the country to insert Brazil in to the mode rn international context. To accomplish such goals, they used the most developed nations of the time such as European countries an d the USA as models. In the midst of so many structural changes in society, the paths of education became major themes among intellectuals. According to Burns, The intellectuals awoke fully to the economic, political, and social realities of a changing B razil. They identified and helped to make Brazil not only conscious of itself but better known abroad. By doing so they contributed at the turn of the century to the wave of nationalism inundating Brazil, a nation confident for the first time in its new re publican institutions. 17 The seed for this awakening to changing Brazilian realities and self consciousness of its identity had been planted in the 1870s when the Generation of 1870 ( Gerao de 1870 ) was formed. 18 As musicologist Said Tuma said at that time the re was a pessimistic view of that arose from social Darwinism. 19 Indeed, in his Cultura Brasileira e Identidade Nacional investigating racial theories in 19 th century Bra 17 Burns, A History of Brazil 275. 18 To this generation bel onged such inte llectuals as Machado de Assis, a mulato considered to be the greates t Brazilian writer of all time; and writer Jos de Alencar, whose novel O Guarani (1857) narrates the encounter of Peri, a Braz ilian Amerindian (bon sauvage) and Ceci (the pure virgin), a Portuguese, representing the birth of the Brazilian nation as a consequence of the union of the virtues of the Brazilian Amerindian (local element) with those of the Portuguese colonizer (cosmopolitan element). novel reflects the search for Brazilian identity in the 1850s. He leaves Afro Brazilians out of his narrative Brazilians were still slaves and considered simple machines of production but not citizens per se; a view that changed toward the last decades of the 19 th century, especially after the aboliton of slavery in 1888. Thus, references to Afro Brazilians became ever more common in cultural manifestations toward the late 19 th century, and the mulato starts repr esenting the mixed nature of Brazilians and becomes an emblematic figure of the Brazilian identity. 19 Said Tuma, O nacional e o popular na msica de Alexandre Levy: Um projeto de m odernidade m 08), 1 14. The view of Brazilian s mixed ethnicity shifted in the early 193 0 s when Casa grande e Senzala ( The Masters and the Slaves ), the mixture of races and cultures started being read as cultural supe riority.

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52 problem of race, as it was expounded by the precursors of social sciences in Brazil [Silvio Romero, Nina Rodrigues, and Euclides da Cunha] acquires, in fact, a clear racist outline, but beyond this realization, points to an ele ment that seems to me meaningful 20 The intellectuals of the Generation of 1870 aimed to elevate the cultural and intellectual level of the people and, in that mission, they looked to Europe as their model but also started reflecting on the position of Brazil in the international context and contemplating what it really meant to be Brazilian. According to M gerao de 1870 to be modern meant, ov erall, trying to comprehend the meaning of being 21 In the context of the Republic, educational reform ists aimed to form free thinkers who could contribute to the progress of the country Reform ists proposed a system of free education accessible to all to prepare Brazilian people to contribute to the growth of this new society Positivist intellectuals such as Rui Barbosa ( stateman and leading thinker of the time) 22 realized that if people did no t have proper instruction politics and economy would not progress. At th at time, intellectuals realized the masses needed access to education and formal instruction to be capable of factory work and 20 Renato Ortiz, Cultura brasileira e identidade n acional (So Paulo: Editora Brasiliense, 1985), 13. In the na verdade um contorno claram ente racista, mas aponta, para alm desta constatao, um elemento que me parece significativo e constante na histria da cultura brasileira: a problemtica da identidade 21 Mnica Pimenta Velloso In Tuma, O nacional e o p opular 4. 22 Rui Barbos a claimed himself non positivist, but his actions show ed otherwise. H e was one of the m ost important intellectuals to defend the inclusion of science subjects in school curricula

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53 service work which demanded knowledge of readi ng, writing, and arithmetic, among others. In formulating his ideas about education, Barbosa used European models, especially those of Pestalozzi and Frbel. Barbosa took two important ideas from these educators that would change the practice of te aching intuitive that which is know n from observation and sensorial impressions and experiences (practice) to that which is unknown, such as the principles that regulate what was first experienced (theory) ; and Kindergarten which suggested education should nourish the integral formation of the individual (for which music was indispensable). As Flvio vored the enhancement of the sense from early infancy cold contribute to the formation of free, creative individuals from his belief that individuals who were educated acco rding to these principles would be better prepared to perform active roles as citizens of a modern and progressive 23 With these points of departure in 1883 Barbosa wrote the Reforma do ensino p rimrio e vrias instituies complementares da instru o pblica 24 in which he expounded on the importance of the integral formation of the individual (intellectual and physical) and the importance of this education for the growth and modernization of the nation. 23 Oliveira, d the Construction of Childhood, 46 24 Rui Barbosa, Reforma do e nsino primrio e vrias instituies complementares da instruo pblica ( Rio de Janeiro: Ministrio da Educao e Sade, 1946 1947 ). Here, Barbosa is concerned with the formation of the masses and their education for social life. He c alled for children to gro w up accepting naturally social hierarchies, un even distribution of wealth, divisi on of work among people, and instruction as a way to achieve political and social mobility.

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54 Along with Barbosa, throughout the First Rep ublic several other intellectuals and educators engaged with reformist educational movements. In the 1920s when important reforms in education and health started taking place, intellectuals used usin g or to allud e to the low intellectual level in the country. In the book Histria da Educao Social no Brasil (1926 1996) 25 Marcos Cezar de Freitas and Maurili ane de Souza Biccas discus s two inquiries of the 1920s that diagnosed some structural problems of Brazilian Education. In 1924, Vicente Licnio Cardoso was responsible for the f irst of these inquiries, named s Margens da Histria da Repblic in which he provided an overview of Republican education. Antonio Carneiro Leo, one of the most important intellectuals of education at that time, contributed to the inquiry and wrote about the deficiencies of the nation in several fields. According to Freitas and diagnoses that considered the country to be at the mercy of a Republic of faade, sick 26 Fernando de Azevedo was in charge of the second inquiry about education, spo nsored by the prominent newspaper O Estado de So Paulo in 1926. Azevedo was a sociologist and one of the most important names in the field of education Freitas and Biccas affirmed that t he most important aspect of s inquiry was the call for more participation of the Federal government in organizing public education (of which the states were in charge) as well as collaboration 25 Marcos Cezar de Freitas and Mauriliane de Souza Bicca s, Histria da e duca o social no Brasil (1926 1996), (So Paulo: Cortez, 2009). 26 Freitas and Biccas, Histria da e ducao, 42 que consideravam o pas merc de uma Repblica de fachada, doente em vrios aspectos,

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55 from private sectors. Azevedo also pointed out the importance of secondary school s in forming the middle class, which he co nsidered essential in disseminating ideas and opinions. 27 Azevedo introduced in Brazil the ideas of mile Durkheim, who believed humans were inherently egoistic but could be united through shared values and moral attitudes, level of attachment to their social group), integrating people into the collectivity, an idea that woul d be fundamental for the structuring of education under Vargas. Among several importan t administrative positions he occupied, Azevedo was the General Director of Public Instruction in Rio de Janeiro from 192 6 to 1930. In along with several other intellectuals who played important roles during the government of Vargas, he was invited to write the Manifesto of the Pioneers of New Education ( Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educao Nova ), of which he was the first signatory. T hese intellectuals diagnosed the lack of organization of the educational system and proposed free and mandatory education for all population, and a homogeneous curriculum. They placed education as the most important matter for reconstruction of the country : even more important than economic issues. 28 27 Freitas and Bi ccas, Histria da e ducao 44. D espite these attempts, real changes in education would undertook major educational reforms for the country as a whole. Nevertheless, these inquiries about education show that major changes were deemed necessary in this realm of society as well, revealing another flaw of the administration of the oligarchies 28 Academia Br asile ira de Letras http://www.academia.org.br/abl/cgi/cgilua.exe/sys/start.htm?sid=181 ( n.d. accessed January 15 2012 ).

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56 particularly collective singing should be incorporated into school curricula to open channels of communication between academic and 29 Oliveira also said art was a way through which people expressed their perceptions of life, and cited 30 n higher art was born out of 31 Music Education before Villa Lobos: Prolegomenon and the Origins of a Method Music education was in line with the precepts of general educa tion S everal years before Villa Lobos proposed his plans for music education to the Brazilian government, positivist intellectuals such as Brabosa and Azevedo, believed implement ing music education in the school curriculum was necessary because it would contribute to the integral formation of children. T he most important aspects of this music education ( most of which we will see below) were adopted by Villa Lobos late r, including the sociali zation of children through choral practice, the use of hymns to i nsti ll patriotism and civic values, the initiation in music ed ucation through folkloric songs and the application of the intuitive method in the teaching process These ideas and approaches music educators used during the First Republic can be traced at l east as far back as 1883, when Ru i Barbosa proposed implementating music education in the primary school through the Reforma do Ensino primrio e vrias instituies complementares da instruo p blica cept of Kindergarten 29 Oliveira, of Childhood 30 Oliveira, 31 Oliveira,

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57 path of music education for the forthcoming First Republic. 32 taste, ears, physical, moral, and intellectual improvement. Art, especially school singing, became an important instrument of popular education; it gradually occupied a plac e at the core of 33 The state of So Paulo was a pioneer in the development of music education in Brazil. After the proclamation of the Republic, important educational reforms took place in that state, starting with decree n o. 27 of 12 March 1890 which provided for the reform of the Normal Schools of the state (which by that time were also called Model Schools). In line with the intellectual approaches to general education, which closely followed the approaches of Pestalozzi and Frb el, this reform established music education as part of the curriculum to contribute to the integral formation of individuals. Education at the Institute of Education (UK) Charl es Plummeridge explained that Ideas about the importance of musical experience as part of a general education received endorsement from Jean Jacques Rousseau, J ohann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746 1827) and F.W.A. Froebel (1782 18 52), all of whom had a strong impact on educational thought and policies. Music, in 32 D espite the importance of Barbosa in implementating and developing of music education in the sch ool curriculum, as early as the 1850s, Ablio Cesar Borges, better know n as Baro de Macahubas had already written about the importance of implementating of music in the school curriculum. Baro de Macahubas was a physician and important educator of the B razilian Empire, who created a chain of learning institutions. As a music educator, he was inspired by the methods used by American music educators and advocated the t eaching of singing in which practice preceded theo ry. He believed music was important to smooth out the habits, touch the hearts, trigger the imagination, and exalt patriotic d by musicians in the First Republi c and epitomized by Villa Lobos. See Baro de Macahubas in the Relatorio sobre a instruco pblica da Prov ncia da Bahia em 1856 http://www.revista.akademie brasil europa.org/CM17 03.htm (accessed January 16 2012). 33 Oliveira, 7.

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58 possible contribution to moral development, but as a form of experience and self expression in an education designed to extend children's intellectual potential, imaginative powers and sense of the aesthetic. 34 Following similar ideas, Brazilian educa tors and intellectuals believed music education would contribute significantly to develop the senses of students and help them estab lish connections between their minds and their bodies. Music education followed the tenets of general education and became part of a homogeneous educational program. ve metho this approach offered in first teaching children to sing se nsorial capabilities such as their vocal tract, control of breathing, and auditory skills. Only after children had experienced the practical aspects of singing did teachers start introducing the basics of music theory such as reading and writing. Theory al lowed for a thorough musical development not possible through singing alone and also translated sensorial experience into a rational process of learning, thus connecting the body to the mind. Furthermore, choir singing socialized children and encouraged co llective cooperation among them. Music Educators Joo Gomes J nior (1868 or 1871 1963) 35 worked as music educator in 1893 in public schools in the state of So Paulo and was one of the leading intellectuals of 34 Charles Plummeridge, "Schools," in Grove Music Online Oxford Music Online http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/43103 (accessed January 17, 2012). 35 Joo Gomes J nior was an opera composer and one of the mo st important music educators in the First Republ ic. He was born in Brazil but received part of his music education in the Royal Conservatory of Milan in Italy, where he moved in 1884. He returned to Brazil in 1888 and started his pedagogic career,

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59 music education during the First Republic. He elaborated several methods for teaching music and is considered the first proponent of Orpheonic Chant in Brazil. Among his method books, one of the most important is the Ensino da msica pelo M ethodo Analytico ( Music Education through the Analytic Method ) 36 which he co authored with fellow educator Carlos A. Gomes Cardim (1885 1938). 37 The Analytic Method matched in Model School Caetan o de Campos, where Joo Gomes J nior taught for several years and formed o rpheonic groups. A pplication of the Analytic Method to music owes much to Gomes Cardim. After learning about educator Oscar Thom the Normal School of So Paulo for several years) application of the Analytic Method in teaching reading, Cardim conjectured that it could be applied to music as well because of t he presumed analogy between music and language. In the pr eface of the book, Cardim established a relationship between language and music learning, and t hrough a scientific approach he discussed how parts of the brain receive and process visual and verbal information. teaching in the so called Model Schools. His pedagogic career flourished at Model School Caetano de Campos, where he taught for several years. See Marcos Antnio Marcondes, ed., in Enciclopdia da msica brasileira popular, erudita e folclri ca ( So Paulo: Art Editora e Publifolha, 1998 ), 336. 36 Carlos A. Gomes Cardim e Joo Gomes J nior, O ensino da m sica pelo Methodo Anaytico 6th e d. (So Pau lo: Typographia Siqueira, 1929). The Analy tic M ethod became known in 19 th century Europe through G uillaume Guide de la mthode lmentaire et analytique de musique et de chant, divis en deux parties (1821). 37 Gomes Cardim was one of the most important figures of education in the city of So Paulo in the first half of the 20 th century. He was a pedagogy teacher, psychology teacher, and music teacher and occupied distinguished positions in important educational institutions of that city such as Director of the Secondary Normal School of So Paulo and Director of the Dramatic and Musical Conservatory of So Paulo. R amon Roca D ordal (1854 1938) e C arlos A lberto G omes C ardim (1875 1938) http://www2.marilia.unesp.br/revistas/index.php/ric/article/viewFile/475/380 (a ccessed January 20, 2012).

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60 A lthough Villa Lobos never spoke explicitly a bout the origins of his ideas, his methodologies and approaches were very similar to those of the Analytic Method Most Analytic Method in music education By the time Villa Lobo s started working for the government, several music educators in the state of So Paulo had been using this method, which was not a novelty in the country anymore. Like Cardim, and other music educators of the First Republic, Villa Lobos also drew connect i ons between music and language: Music must be taught, from the beginning, as a living force, in the same way the spoken language is taught. A child is able to fluently use words and intonations, and make phrases in his mother tongue long before he learns t he simplest rules of grammar. Therefore, language represents for the child sounds and sentiment as opposed to an inanimate subject or just some rules on a paper. The same thing must happen with music. 38 It is striking how V illa those of other educators before h im, such as Fabiano Lozano. A long with Gomes Jnior, Lozano was one of the pioneers of Orpheonic Chant in Brazil. He performed most of his activities including teaching Orpheonic Chant and organizing professional groups i n the city of Piracicaba, in the countryside of the state of So Paulo He also helped establish Orpheonic Chant in the Northeast state of Pernambuco, where the local government hired him to direct the 38 Villa Lobos cited in J.I.C (full name not provided in the source) Lobos por le pr in Presena de Villa Lobos vol. 5 (Rio de Janeiro: Mec Museu Villa Lobos, 1970), 127. In the original: se ensinar a msica desde o comeo, como uma fra viva, do mesmo modo que se aprende a linguagem. Uma criana, normalmente j faz uso fluentemente das palavras, intonaes, forma das frases em sua lngua maternal, muito antes de chamada a dominar as regras mais simples da gramtica. Desta forma, a linguagem vive para a criana como som e sentimento e no como uma coisa sem vida e regras no papel. A mesma coisa deve ser com a msica

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61 teaching of Orpheonic Chant in the public schools. 39 In the p reface to the collection of songs Alegria das Escolas (1 930 ), for instance, Lozano wrote: Music, like spo ken and written language, must b e taught, we believe, like other disciplines, meaning, analytically, or as we say, using the simplest and most r ational methods. The simplest and most rational method is to move fr om the general, which is better know n and easier to grasp; and lead the student s intuitively to the unknown, letting them induce by themselves the rules and whys, the cause of things. 40 Vi lla Lobos implemented teaching singing through practice followed by exercises in music theory that gradually increased in difficulty. Although this was a central tenet of the Analytic Method and Gomes Jnior and Lozano had already described in detail how they gradually introduced theoretic concepts to children after vocal practice, Villa Lobos conveyed an air of originality to the method by describing the learning process as Msica Som vs. Msica Papel meaning music learned through practice (sound) vs. m usic learned through theory (paper). Villa Lobos also used manossolfa a method of solmization based on the main musicale (musical hand) from the French method for teaching singing known as Galin Paris Chevt that Gomes Jnior had introduced in Brazil In Villa manossolfa became an indispensable teaching manossolfa signs on F igure 2 1). Repertories The repertoire Villa Lobos adopted in his system of music education also reveals his alignment with the phil osophies of music education of the First Republic. According 39 See Vnia Pajares, Fabiano Lozano e o incio da pedagogial vocal no Brasil ( Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1995 ) 40 Fabiano Lozano, Alegria das e scolas 139 th ed. (So Paulo: Ricordi, 1961), a, como linguagem falada e escrita, deve ser ensinada, pensamos, de igual forma que as demais matrias, isto analticamente, ou antes, naturalmente como costumamos dizer, empregando se os processos mais simples e racionais. O processo mais simples e rac ional partir se do todo mais fcil e conhecido, e encaminhar os alunos, intuitivamente, para o desconhecido, procurando que les induzam por si as

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62 behavior; love for school, work, family, and particularly the nation. As for musical content, school song s usually had simple melodies, composed in comfortable textures and regular rhythms, so that children could easily learn them. Songs, readings, and 41 Villa Lobos was heir to this edu cational tradition and, l ike music educators before him, adopted repertories for specific educational purposes. He used European and Brazilian art music to educate the population and to elevate their cul tural level; folkloric music and popular traditions t o create awareness about Brazilia n cultural and ethnic heritages; and marches and hymns to instill patriotism and a sense of civic duty. I n different stages of the First Republic music educators had already used repertories with similar purposes. At first they adopted a repertory of hymns, marches, and patriotic songs, which according to rivileged its peculiarity in touching the 42 This repertory followed a trend of European countries of the time, where the practice of s inging patriotic and nationalistic music was used to preserve cultural heritage and promote national identity. 43 After 1911, however, when new debates about music education led to implementation of the Analyt ic Method in Brazilian schools, Jardim revealed t hat educators started developing a repertory specific ally for music 41 Oliveira, 42 O ensino da msica nas escolas pblicas de So Paulo na p rimeira repblica 1889 http://www.anped.org.br/reunioes/27/gt02/t0214.pdf (accessed January 20, 2012), 8. 43 During the First Republic, Villa in 1922 he composed the march whose lyric he wrote and signed with the pseudonym Z do Povo

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63 education that was appropriate for their educational purposes and displayed characteristics of art music. In addition to patriotic hymns, marches, and educational songs with characteristi cs of art music, around 1920 educators gradually started incorporating folk songs and songs with typical elements of Brazilian popular and folkloric music (such as rhythms and typical melodic shapes ) to the repertory of music education. By that time, there was a general intellectual movement t oward valuing Brazilian culture (epitomized by the Brazilian Modernism). T hrough such repertoire music educators contributed to this movement by fostering Brazilian ness in the school environment. As Jardim showed, Jo o Gomes J nio Orpheon Escolar of 1923 1922 resembled Brazilian modinhas a song form that had became emblematic of Brazilian urb an popular music. 44 Jardim also revealed that in the 1920s music educators started incorporating more rhythmic elements characteristic of Brazilian music ( such as sy ncopes), which led Gomes Jnior to adapt songs from popular traditions for orpheon on the c ollection of songs Cantigas da minha Terra in 1924. 45 As did music educators of the First Republic, Villa Lobos advanced the idea that they were already part of th e universe of children thus serving well the precepts of the Analytic Method moving from what was know n to what was unknown. Music educators 44 Modinha is a diminutiv e of Moda a genre of lyric and sentimental songs in fashion among the Portuguese aristocracy at the end of the 18 th century. Modinha is a modified version popularized in Brazil according to the lifestyle of that Brazilians In the second half of the 19 th century, it was sung on the streets with the accompaniment of the guitar. Enciclopdia da msica brasileira 525. 45

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64 of the First Repu blic also believed the music characteristics of folk songs contributed to several technical aspe cts of chil reface of the collection of popular and folk songs Ciranda, Cirandinha 46 co editors Gomes J nior and Julio and also had other functions such as to establi t heir sense of rhythm, sharpen the ir intelligence, increase th eir artistic taste, and cheer them up Orpheonic Groups: Socialization and Artistic Development of Children Along with the values the repertories transmitted, the very organization of orpheonic groups in schools and the teaching methods of Orpheonic Chant played an important r ole in socializing children and developing their sense of collective cooperation a nd discipl ine, characteristics Villa Lobos later deemed essential in his approach to Orpheonic Chant. In the opinion of composer, pianist and critic Felix Otero Ensino da Msica pelo Methodo Analytico (printed in the book itse lf) the manossolfa was an essential educational tool because it capture d d them as a cohesive group. According to Otero attention would h 47 His words reveal the importance of manossolfa and also make clear that preserving the sense of collectivity was a significant goal of music education. 46 Joo Gomes J n ior and Joo Batista Julio, eds. Ciranda cirandinha: Coleo de cantigas populares e b rinquedos (So Paulo: Cia Melhoramentos, 1924), Preface. 47 Felix Otero in Cardim and Gomes J nior, O Ensino da msica, 32.

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65 Fabiano Lozano played an impor tant role in fostering the formation of choral groups in Brazil and was a precursor to Villa Piracicaba, Lozano worked in several schools, including the Norm al School, where he formed the Orpheon Normalist ( Orpheo Norm alista ) in 1914. Besides its educational functions, Lozano also wanted to achieve a high artistic level with this group, a task that proved d ifficult because many students who graduated from the Normal School moved away from Piracicaba. Additionally, becau se not many male students were attending Normal School anymore a teaching career was very difficult to attain the Orpheon Normalist to become an all female group. In view of this situation, Lozano organized the Orpheon Piracicabano ( Orpheo Piracicabano ), formed by current and former students from the Normal School, some of his private students, and other members of society. This group began with 48 members and continued growing throughout the years. n Piracicabano started performing an important cultural role in Piracicaba and became the finest choral group in Brazil, performing concerts in several Brazilian cities, including Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo. Mrio de Andrade, the most important intellect ual of that time who had an important column in the newspaper Dirio Nacional was invited to a performance of the Orpheon Piracicabano in Piracicaba in 1928 and was impressed with the technical quality of the group. According to him, the group surpassed the qualities of the two choral gr oups of the city of So Paulo, one German and one 48 Andrade was delightfully surprised with the skills of the 48 Dirio Nacional June 15, 1928

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66 Orpheo Piracicabano because according to him Brazilians were individualists and demo nstrated little inclination to practice music in groups. 49 Andrade also appreciated the choice of repertoire, which included arrangement s for choir of canons of Western more specific information about the pieces in his review) as well as Brazilian music, whose inclusion in the program Andrade considered worth y of applause. 50 the Orpheon Piracicabano attests to the m an y social and cultural benefits choral groups could contribute to Brazil at that time. Regarding the individualism as a hindrance to the formation of good choirs, but he ended his review in a hopeful manner, were incapable of organizing a choi r worthy of the name The Orpheon Piracicabano formally debunked my opin ion. It is excellent and proves we can have excellent choirs 51 Andrade e xpressed his thoughts regarding the social value of choral groups even more profoundly in his seminal 1928 Ensaio sobre a msica b rasileira ( Essay on Brazilian Music ) 52 in wh ich he advocated that compos ers write choral music because of its social value: 49 50 51 Dirio Naciona ande i imaginando que era gente inca paz de organizar um coral digno do nome. O Orpheon Piracica bano desmentiu formalmente a minha opinio. Ele excelente e prova que podemos ter corais timos com 52 Mrio de Andrade, Ensaio sobre a msica b rasileira (Braslia: Livraria Martins Editora,1972). In the Essay Andrade laid out se veral ideas about the social function of music in a country in search of its identity. This landmark publication has the tone of a nationalistic manifesto and became a sort of aesthetic manual for Brazilian comp osers of that and future times.

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67 Our composers should insist o n the choral because of the social value it can hold. A country of sloppy people where the concept of Fatherland is almost a chimera, except for the ones who take advantage o f it; a country where the most frank movement of progress dehumanizes its men in the vanity of separatism; a country where nationalit y ( the psychological u nanimity, uniform and affecting) did not depend, up to now, on its men, who do everything to detract and spoil them; the composer who is able to see a bit beyond the desires of celebrity, has a social function in this country. 53 Ensaio indicate that Lozano and his Orpheon Piracicabano were fulfilling an important r ole in Brazilian society by promoting the socialization of its members, by serving as a model of collective cooperation for audiences, and by demonstrating that through hard work good choral groups could be organize d in Brazil (and even surpass the qualit y of European choral groups). Furthermore, Lozano and his group were important cultural agents, fostering Brazilian music in a country whose elites were still ashamed of their cultural heritages and whose masses did not have enough instruction even to start reflecting intellectually upon their heritage. 54 In this light, Villa Lobos did not innovate music education but continu ed the traditions implemented before him. His approach to music education, which reflected the same underlying principles of general ed individuals and their inclusion in the p r ocess of social and economic building of the 53 Andrade, Ensaio, 64 6 5. Mas os nossos compositores deviam de insistir no coral por causa do valor social que ele pode ter. Pas de povo desleixado onde o conceito de Ptra quasi uma quimera a no ser pros que se aproveitam dela; pas onde um mov imento mais franco de progresseo j desumanisa os seus homens na vaidade dos separatismos; pas de que a nacionalidade, a unanimidade psicolgica, uniformes e comoventes independeram at agora dos homens dele que tudo fazem pra disvirtua las e estraga las; o compositor que saiba ver um bocado alem dos desejos de celebridade, tem 54 Lozano was an important cultural ambassador who, in addition to having organized the Orpheo Piracicabano, idealized and founded the Orchestra of t he Municipal theater of Piracicaba in 1915, which

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68 nation. In his nationalistic government, Vargas brought these ideas forward and enhanced them through several educational re forms. Along with intellectuals, musicians worked to elevate the intellectual level of the people much before Villa Lobos started preaching about it. Alexandre Levy (1864 1892), one of nationalistic composers, for instance, composed music t hat searched for brasilidade In addition to his attempts to convey brasilidade in his music, 55 Levy fought to elevate the taste of the audiences, a task he exerc ised particularly as a critic for the newspaper Correio Paulistano Tuma said: p seudonym] obsessively insisted o n requesting teachers to promote concerts whenever 56 Thus, Villa attit ude toward educating the masses in the 20 th century was not an isolate d act of heroism, but a reflection of a general educational issue that intellectuals and artists had already identified in several realms of society in the 19 th century and early 20 th ce ntury. Villa Lobos and the Brazilian Modernists: t he Search for Brazilian Identity The ideals of the Generation of 1870 occu pied the minds of intellectuals to varying degrees throughout the twentieth century, having had the most important outcomes in Brazi lian Modernism, which started in the early 1920s and went through different phases up to the mid 1940s. However, as opposed to the artistic ideals of the Generation of 1870s, who emulated European models, the 55 urban popular music into his compositional tools can be observed, Suite Brsilienne see Tuma, O n acional e o p opular. 56 Tuma, O nacional e o p opular 114.

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69 grounded in the sear ch for brasilidade cultura l heritages. Modernists s ought to create an an art that represented socio cultural aspects of the homeland. They also attempted to raise popular awareness of Brazilian art. Brazilian artists launched the Modernist Movement through the so called Semana de Arte Moderna in 1922 (Week of Modern Art of 1922), an event that took place at the Municipal Theatre of So Paulo (t he event happened in the symbolic year Brazil commemorated the centennial of its Independence fr om Portugal) The Semana de 22 (as the Week of Modern Art became known) in rea lity lasted only 3 days. It included lectures about modern art, presentations of modern poems, and performances of moder n music. P articipating artists proposed new artistic aesthetics, whose rupture with European ideologies and a movement toward an authentically Brazilian national art provoked a strong negative reaction from the elite audiences. From that point on modernis t artists started to exercise a fundamental role in Brazilian arts, even challenging the modus operandi of Brazilian society, which had been firmly rooted in European traditions. To be sure Brazilian artists never comple tely abandoned European models In reality, these artists drew upon European modernist aesthetics such as Futurism and Dadaism, among others and applied them to the Brazilian experience, creating a hybrid form of art with nationalistic discourses For many artists a basic goal was pate r le bourgeois (to shock the bourgeoisie ), awakening the elites from their indifference toward Brazilian arts. The most important figures of Bra zilian modernism participated in these events, such as poet and musicologist Mrio de Andrade, the so

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70 Andrade (no family relation to Mrio), and painters Tarsila do Amaral and Anita Malfati, among others. Although he never fully engaged with the activities of other modernist artists, such as the writing of manifestos or pub lications of magazines that disseminated the modernist ideology, Villa Lobos was chosen to represent modern Brazilian music in the Semana de 22. Villa but to musically represent the ideals of bra silidade The organizers of the Semana de 22 invited Villa Lobos because although by that time his music was clearly indebted to modern European techniques he was working toward incorporating nationalistic references, as his ballets Amazonas and Uirapuru both from 1917, clearly demonstrate. Villa of the music performed in the three festivals and, along with all the vanguard art presented in the Semana de 22 was not well received by the elite audience, fond of Europea n music of the Baroque, Classical, and Romantic Period s 57 On several occasions Villa Lobos expressed his discontent toward the conservative attitude of the elites and affirmed that it retarded the development of nationalistic music (and consequently his c onsecration as a composer in Brazil). In the text Alma do Brasil razil ) Villa Lobos wrote about the 57 Brazilian pianist and composer Ernani Braga played music by Poulenc a nd Satie during the first Novaes played works by Debussy, E.R Blanchet, and Vallon (the last played as an encore) in the second festival. However, these c omposers were not as representative for the Semana as Villa Lobos was. Among Villa s pieces performed in the Semana were his Second Sonata for cello and piano; Second and Third Trios for Strings; Third Quartet; Symbolic Quartet for flute, saxophone, celesta, and for solo piano such as the Three African Dances Jos Miguel Wisnik, O cor o dos contrrios: A m sica em torno da Semana de 22 ( So Pau lo, Livraria Duas Cidades, 1977)

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71 reas Europeans themselves appreciated Brazilian music: In Brazil, from the old [Portuguese] court up to the high society of our days, people increasingly appreciate the music and dance of minuets, gavottes, and all variants of these ancient and modern danc es of European countries (with or without the outlook of elevated classicism) than our old lund, the traditional maxixe, the modern samba, or the recent choro. They eloquently worship the achievements of ancient Greece and Rome and ridicule the accomplish ments of our primitive people. However, these countries that elements of their nations] applaud with enthusiasm all this original manifestation of our soul, which many of us repel. 58 What Villa Lobos noted in this text was a reality of his time: t he elites were largely ashamed of the cultural elements that revealed any traits of Amerindian or Afro Brazilian cultural practices, which were nonetheless, essential for artists in search of brasilidade By repelling elements of local cultural practices, considered inferior, Brazilian elites wanted to remain closer to Europeans. However, Europeans themselves appreciated those Brazilian local cultural elements. While this seems to be a paradox : t exoticization and the Brazilian separated themselves, in their own ways In a let ter to his friend Arthur Iber de Lemos (later published in the Jornal do Brasil ), Villa Lobos recounted that the audience (mostly the elite paulista ) was extremely unreceptive to th e new ideas and art presented at the Semana de 22 : 58 Heitor Villa Lobos Museu Villa Lobos Document no. HVL 01.01.29, pasta pi/pi de Vill a o Bras il, desde a antiga corte at a alta sociedade dos nossos dias, apreciam muito mais a msica e a dana dos minuetos, das gavotas e de todas as variantes destas danas antigas e modernas dos pazes euripeus (com ou sem a roupagem do elevado classicismo) do q ue o nosso velho lund, ou o tradicional maxixe, ou o moderno samba ou o recene choro. No entanto, esses mesmo s pazes que produziram sua arte feita da sua prpria natureza, s aplaudem com entusiasmo e espanto, toda esta manifestao original de nossa al ma, que muitos de ns

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72 O n the first [day of t he festival] our friend Graa Aranha gave a raging lecture knocking down almost completely, all ar tistic past . As you can imagine, the audience stood up angry. They protested, blasphemed, vomited, groaned, and silenced. When the time for music came the jokes in th e galleries were so interesting, I was almost sure my work had achieved an ideal, such was the intensity of the boos drowning out the applause. O n the second [day of the festival] the same thing happened in the musical p art as in the liter ary part: the boos increased. 59 The passage above shows that in fostering a van t gard e art, the Semana de 22 provoked a reaction from the elites, which was an important goal of the artists Villa Lobos was indeed happy his music was received with boos. His s earch for a musical language that represented the spirit of his people ( brasilidade ) and dist inguished itself from the aesthetic of traditional European music was already an essential trait of his artistic personality before 1922. Thus Villa ipation in the Semana de 22 reveals that he shared the ideologies of the artists m ore engaged with the Modernist Movement itself and his participation was perhaps a natural consequence of his nationalistic leanings Brazil in the 1930s: a n Arid Soil for Br azilian Music After his participation in the Semana de 22, Villa Lobos continued to work toward after his two stays in Paris in the 1920s, residences with the sponsorship of the indu strialists Arnaldo and Carlos Guinle. Villa a n in 1923 and lasted a little more than a 59 Heitor Villa Presena de Villa Lobos vol. III ( Rio de Janeiro: MEC, confern cia violentssima, derrubando quase por comple to todo o passado artstico . Como deves imaginar, o pblico levantou se indignado. Protestou, blasfemou, vomitou gemeu e caiu silecioso. Quando chegou a vez da msica, as piadas das galerias foram to i nteressantes, que quase tive a certeza de a minha obra atingir um ideal, tais foram as vaias que cobriram os louros. No Segundo

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73 year T he second lasted 3 years, from 1927 to 1930. 60 Because exoticism was a trend in Paris, Villa musical elements such as characteristic rhythms and instruments, achieved a recognition it had never had in Brazil. 61 in the Revue Musicale of an all Villa Lobos concert performed in Paris on December 5, 1927, for instance, displays successful impact of Villa It is the first time in Europe that one hears works coming from Latin America that bring with them the wonders of virgin forests, of great plains, of exuberant nature, profuse in dazzling fruits, flowers and birds [. .] One may have another conception of the art music, but one could not remain indifferent to works of such power and one must recognize with Florent In Paris Villa Lobos freed himself from the ignorance of the masses and the conservatism of Brazilian elites and furthered his nationalistic musical language. What Parisians perceived as exotic musical language V illa Lobos had been forging. 62 In the mid 1930 however, Villa Lobos returned to Brazil to conduct a series of eight concerts in So Paulo under the auspices of symphonic societies such as Sociedade Sinfnica So Paulo and Sociedade de Cultura Artsica 63 H e organized programs whose novelty reflected his experience with modern music in Paris and his 60 Pianist Arthur Rubinstein was decisive in Vi lla Brazil on a tour in 1918 he got acqua inted with Villa Rubinstein used his influence to recommend Villa Lobos for the Guinle brothers and suggested t hat the industrialists sponsor Vi lla stay in Paris. In addition, Rubinstein championed Villa 61 In Bhague, Heitor Villa Lobos 19. Among other pieces, Choros 3 and Choros 10 were performed in this concert. 62 The ballets Amazonas and Uirapuru for instance, had already been composed when Villa Lobos went to Europe. 63 Despite some initiatives to promote de A piano music ).

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74 will to broaden the narrow and conservative musical panorama in Brazil. Among others, the programs included Villa Amazonas Pac ific 231 Saudades do Brasil Curua: Choro para Orquestra n o .5 and a whole program of compositions by Florent Schmitt, with whom Villa Lobos had became friends in France. According to Mrio de Andrade, who reviewed al l concerts for the Dirio Nacional 64 the novelty of the programs was of exceptional significance. 65 For a composer who had just arrived from the center of modern music at the time it may have seemed natural to present such programs, but Villa Lobos may ha ve expected too much from the conservative paulista concertgoers who were still fond of traditional European music and did not receive the concerts well. As Andrade reported, never did the paulista musical milieu suffer a more amusing malaise than the one awaken ed by the Villa Lobos Seaso n . The Florent Schimidt [sic ] Festival, which took place yesterday under the auspices of the Sociedade Sinfnica de S. Paulo, was 66 With his characteristic sarcasm, Andra de considered the Florent Schimitt Festival a mistake, subtly suggesting that while Schimitt had composed some good works, t hey conservative paulista an often occurs 64 These reviews were compiled in Mrio de Andrade, Msica doce m s ica ( So Paulo: Livraria Martis Editora, 1963 ) 65 Msica 145. 66 Msica, 149 unca o meio mus ica paulista sofreu um malestar mais divertido que o despertado ne le ela temporada Vila Lobos . O festival Florent Schmidt, realizado ontm sob os auspcios da Sociedade Sinf nica de S. Paulo, foi o momento em que culminou o

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75 personality is much more interesting than his music. God forbid me to deny the merit of the one who wrote Psalm 47 and Quintet but this merit was insufficient for the rea 67 Andrade suuggests that although Florent S chmitt was not a major composer he too deserved the respect of the narrow minded paulista audiences. Andrade also attributed the fa prejudice against Villa Lobos. Andrade pointed much of the audience left in the middle of the concert because th ey considered Villa futuristic musician. Thus, the music he conducts is logical 68 Andrade said La Tragdie de Salom (op. 50), performed at the concert, had nothing futuristic, mocking the audience and suggesting it was nothing but unlearned. The critic ended his review by cr iticizing those who rejoiced in the failure of the festival calling them petty lobworms, and praising the Sociedade de Concertos Sinfnicos for broadening the scope of musical activities in So Paulo. 69 In addition to the general audience, musicians also di splayed a negative attitude toward Villa Lobos. In his reviews, Andrade addressed this issue and observed that while Villa Lobos was respected as a conductor in Europe, the same did not happen in Brazil. Andrade said hearsal I watched, the ill w ill of the orchestra (ill will or 67 Msica, mais curiosas, mais ntidas, mais apaixonant es da msica viva. Mas, como tan tas vezes se d, a personalidade de Florent Schmitt muito mais interess ante que a msica dele. Deus que me livre de negar valor a quem escreveu o Salmo 47 e o Quinteto, porem sse valor era insuficiente pra que num 68 Msica, 15 0. In the rado um msico Logo: msica dirigida por le logicamente 69 Msica 150

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76 70 A fair critic, Andrade did not hesitate to point out Villa and deficient diplomatic ability imperative skills for one who pursues conducting. B ut for him, the lack of respect of the orchestral musicians was a symptom of the poor, mean, and narrow minded musical en vironment of So Paulo and was proof tha t musicians did not comprehend the importance of Villa ws it is possible to understand Villa So Paulo, the fastest growing city in Brazil and the most modern center of the country. 71 This poor cultural condition of the country, epitomize d in the attitude of the paulista audiences, was an impediment for Villa conductor in Brazil. After having experienced the rich and progressive musical environment in Europe, the overall sit uation of music Villa Lobos found in Brazil must have been indeed saddening. O n the one hand the masses lacked the intellectual instruction to appreciate any kind of art music and, on the other the elites cultivated traditional European art music and despised Brazilian music manifestation s in general. In the essay A msica nacionalista no governo Getlio Vargas Villa Lobos recalled his thoughts and feelings about the state of intellectual lethargy and indifference of Brazilian people toward art music in 1930: One cannot wish that an ado lescent country, in state o f historical formation, present from the very beginning all its ethnic and cultural aspects perfectly united. However, the general panorama of Brazilian music [about] ten years 70 Msica 148. In vontade da parte da orquestra (m 71 So Paulo was the fastest growi ng city in Brazil at that time.

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77 ago was indeed saddening. By that time, back from on e of my trips to the Old World, where I was in contact with the great musical venues and where I had the opportunity to study the great orpheonic organizations of various countries, I looked around and realized our distressing reality. With melancholy I fe lt that the atmosphere was of either indifference or absolute incomprehension for the racial music, this great music that makes the strength of nationalities and represents one of the highest acquisitions of the human spirit. I realized that the malaise of intellectuals and artists was not only fruit of a p olitical and social imbalance but that it mainly originated from a growing materiality of the masses, disinterested in any type of culture and divorced from the great and true musical art. 72 Although Vill a Lobos confused the meanings of ethnicity and race, 73 through this excerpt one can understand his frustration. Moreover, he was not respected and recognized even among members of his own professional class. As Andrade affirmed when Villa Lobos arrived in B clearly what [Vill a Lobos] represents for Brazil he made Brazil a human thing of live 72 Villa Lobos, A Msica nacionalista 17. In the or No se pode desejar que um pa s adolescente, em estado de formao histrica, se apresente, desde logo, com todos os seus aspectos tnicos e culturais perfeitamente unidos. Entretanto, o panorama geral da m usica brasileira, h dez anos atrs, era deveras entristecedor. Por essa poca, de volta de uma das minhas viagens ao Velho Mundo, onde estive em contacto com os grandes meios musicais e onde tive a oportunidade de estudar as organizaes orfenicas de vrios pases, volvi o olhar em torno e perc ebi a desoladora realidade. Senti com melancolia que a atmosfera era de indiferena ou de absoluta incompreenso pela musica racial, por essa grande musica que faz a forca das nacionalidades e que representa um das mais altas aquisies do esprito humano. Percebi que o mal estar dos intelectuais e dos artistas no era apenas o fruto de um desequilbrio poltico e social mas se originava, em grande parte, de uma crescente materialidade das multides, desinteressada de qualquer especial de cultura e divorc iada da grande e verdadeira arte musical 73 We understand the term ethnicity as, in the words of David Beard and Kenneth Gloag, something that desce nt, although part of this sense of shared identity may well refle ee David Beard and Kenneth Gloag, Musicology: The Key Concepts London: Routledge, 2005, 60) I t is not clear what Villa ethnicity implies a union between society and its culture. It would seem more likely that Villa Lobos referred to the lack of a unified culture of the diverse races (and their miscegenation) that form B razilian people as well as their resistance to Brazilian music. It seems Villa Lobos implied that the ethnic aspects ifferences based on biological essences such as skin, hair and eye Musicology 150) msica racial would imply an idea of separation of music in different categories based on social differences, which contradicts the idea of the g reat and true musical Lobos speaks about one great musical art only (my emphasis). Villa Lobos probably means msica tnica (ethnic music) instead of msica racial because ethnic music would convey the idea of music that carries the idios yncratic ethnic traits of a people, or, in other words, music that amalgamated the diverse racial and cultural aspects of a people.

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78 permanence in the consciousness of thousands of foreigners. He humanizes Brazil 74 Villa Lobos While forging and disseminating what he considered authentic Brazilian art music and promoting awareness of Brazilian composers were part of his genuine personal and professional goals, Villa Lobos was also worried about the reception of his m usic and his professional future in Brazil. In a letter he wrote to his first wife, pianist L uclia Guimares Villa Lobos, at the time of his return to Brazil in 1930, Villa frustration and anger about the lack of appreciation and respect for him a nd his work in the musical milieu was evident. Commenting about a festival organized in Rio de Janeiro Villa Lobos warned Luclia that neither did he want her to participate nor did he want his music included unless they were both paid the same amount tha t was customarily paid to foreign musicians: I really do not want you to take part in any concert without earning at least 200 milreis [Brazilian currency at the time] or so. If they want to put on some festival, they should do it on their own, for I will not countenance the use of any of my works in Rio except upon payment of a fee. I am tired of eady artistically dead. Nothing [. .] N othing and Nothing! [. .] I want to hear no more of concerts in Rio unl ess they pay us as if we were good foreigners. 75 As Lisa M. Peppercorn rightly observed, Villa willed determination to 74 Presena de Villa Lobos Volume VIII, 1 st. ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos Lobos tenha enfim no Brasil um consagrao digna dele o que desejo. Ns ainda no presenciamos com clareza o que e le representa para o Brasil ele tornou o Brasil uma coisa humana de permanncia viva na consc incia de milhares 75 Heitor Villa Lobos in The Villa Lobos Letters org. and transl. by Lisa M. Peppercorn, (L ondon: Toccata Press, 1994), 47 and 49.

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79 76 T his l etter demonstrates that, among other things Villa Lobos was apprehensive because Brazilians looked up to foreigners as models of cultural achievement whether in relation to the aesthetics of their cultural practices or the artistry of European artists, w hich was not necessarily superior to that of Brazilians but fascinated the Brazilian elites. Because being Brazilian also normally meant being Afro Brazilian, Amerindian, or of mixed ethnicities (still considered inferior by that time) the elites in search of self affirmation cultivated European art to create a value to traditional European art. Villa Lobos also expressed his frustration about the animosity of Brazi lian people and poor reception of his music in Brazil in a letter to Arnaldo Guinle from 27 December 1930. Therein Villa Lobos complained about the professional problems he faced in hi s I have calluses on my fingers from so mu ch violoncello practice, to raise reso urces for my subsistence. No one can imagine that today there is nobody more worth y of pity than I, who beg for money to be able to live in his own country. I feel sick and do not receive the just and deserved reward 77 He continued will do anything to travel to Europe as soon as possible, because you know well that I 78 Villa Lobos may have 76 Peppercorn, The Villa Lobos Letters, 43. 77 Peppercor n, The Villa Lobos Letters O que eu posso dizer, apenas, que tenho calos nos dedos de tanto me exercitar ao violoncelo, a fim de levanter recursos para minha subsistncia. Ningum imagina que hoje em dia tem algum mais parecido do que eu com um pobre diabo, que pede esploas e dinheiro para poder viver em ser prprio pas. Sinto me doente e cansado e no recebo a 78 Peppercorn, The Villa Lobos Letters r Europa to rpido quanto possvel, pois voc6e bem sabe que eu tneho de morar em um outro meio, onde possa

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80 exaggerated the sentimental ly to gain the sympathy of Guinle on ce again and to get another sponsorship from the industrialist (which never happened) to return to Europe, but his situation must have been distressing for him to write such a desperate letter. Indeed, the poor reception of Villa aulo in 1930 revealed that he was going to have a rough time in Brazil. Reversing the Situ ation: Music Education and the Artistic Excursion Villa Lobos After the that led Getlio Vargas to power in 1930, Villa was about to change as the government embraced his plans for music education and soon after that Villa Lobos became the most important music authority in the country. Before the coup, Villa Lobos had presented his plans to implement a program of music education in Brazilian schools to presidential candidate Jlio Prestes, whom according to Lus Paulo Horta, he had met in the house of Olva Guedes Penteado, a member of the intellectual and economic elite of So Paulo. 79 Villa Lobos wanted to educate chil dren musically, so tha t they would grow up appreciating Brazilian art music and art music in general. Prestes, who was enthusiastic about Villa elections that year but was deposed after the coup which created much political uncertai nty in the country. Vi lla planned to go back to Europe, but to his surprise the interventor of Vargas in So Paulo, Lieutenant Joo Alberto Lins d e Barros, an important figure in the new regime, and an amateur pianist and mus ic enthusiast, became interested in Villa program of music education and proposed to bring the idea to fruition After Lins de 79 Lus Paulo Horta, Villa Lobos: Edio de seu centenrio (Rio de Janeiro: Edies Alhumbramento 1986), 72.

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81 Villa education. Villa oward musically educating the Brazilian population was to organize the Excurso Artstica Villa Lobos (Artistic Excursion Villa Lobos ) that traveled through 54 towns in the countryside of the state of So Paulo from January 1931 to April 1932, playing conc erts and lecturing about European and Brazilian art music. Besides Villa Lobos, who played the cello, some prominent musicians i n the excursion included Luclia Guim ares Villa Lobos, who provided piano accompaniments; Antonieta Rudge and Joo de Souza Lim a; two of the finest Brazilian pianists of all time; singers Nair Duarte Nunes and Anita Gonalv es; and Belgian violinist Maurice Raskin, who m Villa Lobos had met in Paris. Annio Chechim Filho, a piano tuner, also accompanied the group and in 1987, about fifty six years after the excursion took place, Filho wrote the book Excurso Artstica Villa Lobos (that beares the same name as the excursion) where he recounted important facts and anecdotes about the excursion. 80 The book reads as a memoir of his exper ience s with Villa Lobos and other great artists. A long with newspaper articles, this is one of the on ly sources about the enterprise. D espite the lack of scientific rigor and the roman tic tone in some passages, Filho offered some important information and 80 Accor ding to Chechim, neither Souza Lima nor Anita Gonalves were part of the group that first left on the journey. Some months after the excursion had already departed they were called to re place Antonieta Rudge (physical exhaustion ) and Nair Duarte Nunes ( il lness), respectively. Ant nio Chechim Filho was an important piano tuner of the time and responsible for tuning the pianos of such pianists as Guiomar Novaes, Estelinha Epstein, Dinorah de Carvalho, Joo Carlos Martins, Joseph Kliass (disciple of Martin Kr ause who had been a disciple of F. Lizst), and Arthur Rubinstein, when he gave recitals in So Paulo. In contrast to most secondary literature on the subject, Chechim does not mention the participation of Guiomar Novaes in the Excursion. Because he took pa rt in the excursion himself and was the piano tuner of Guimar Novaes, it seems unlikely he would have forgotten to mention her name if she had participated in the excursion.

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82 insights about the e xcursion. He named all cities visited, discussed the condition of the venues where the musicians performed, gave facts about the organization of the events, told how authorities and the people received the artists, the conditions of tra nsportation and hotels, and shared anecdotes from the backstage. The e xcursion was divided into eight stages, each of which included visits to sev eral towns along the railroads they traveled. After each stage was completed, the group returned to So Paul o to take a train in a different direction. Unlike most reports Filho said the excursion traveled to more than a hundred cities in the countryside of the state of So Paulo. 81 According to Filho, the excursion was so successful that in 1932 Villa Lobos wa s organizing a second enterprise, probably to the states of Paran or Minas Gerais, but because of the Intentona Comunista (Communist Conspiracy ) the attempt to overthrow Getlio from power the plans had to be abandoned. 82 Althou gh Lins de Barros sponsored the excursion facilitating the transportation of the artists by train and requesting that the mun icipal governments of all towns the group visited to cover all expenses, this artistic enterprise required much self sacrifice fro m all artists involved. As the head of the excursion, Villa Lobos worked o n several fronts including acting as a diplomat among local authorities checkin g every detail of the concerts such as the program and the conditions of the theaters collecting the 81 Most sources report that the excursion traveled to 54 cities in the states of S o Paulo, Paran, and Minas Gerais. However, they do not provide the source for such information. Villa Lobos himself is not countryside of So Pa a 1936, Boletin Latino Americano de M sica (A no III, tomo III, abril 1937) 370. 82 Antonio Chechim Filho, Excurso Artstica Villa Lobos (n/a, 1987), 25.

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83 proceeds in the ticket office after the concerts lecturing, and playing the cello during the concerts. The renowned international artists who participated in the e xcursion usually performed in cinemas, even though several of the towns they visited h a d theaters. With respect to venue, Filho said, We rarely had the opportunity to use a theater. Some were very good, with excellent acoustic s Great stages and perfect illumination. The cinemas were constructed exclusively for this purpose; sometimes they we re simple sheds. In general, they did not have a stage or, when they did, it was so small that it barely accommodated the baby grand piano. In these cases we needed to set up a platform to use as a stage. 83 D espite the length of the excursion and the numbe r of towns visited, the musicians did not have any financial gain Other than train tickets and hotels, the state and municipal governments did not provide any financial support. Filho was responsible for budgeting the trip s and said the excursion on ly rec eived money from ticket sales which was barely enough to cover these expenses. According to Filho, sometimes there was even a deficit. 84 The Artistic Excursion and Villa Despite the sacrifices Villa Lobos and the other artists had to make they found strength to continue their journey because they believed they were contributing to the nation and to creating awareness about art music. Although each of them had an important role in the e xcursion, Villa Lobos was the only one responsible for t he 83 Filho, Ex curso Alguns deles muito bons, com excelentes condies de acstica. "timos palcos com iluminao perfeita. Os cinemas eram construdos exclusivamente para esses fim. Algu mas vezes eram um simples barraco. Em geral, no tinham palco n enhum ou este, era to minsculos que mal cabia nele o piano 84 Filho, Excurso, 61

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84 educational lectures presented to the audiences before the concerts. Besides educating the masses, Villa Lobos also disseminated nationalistic music. With respect to these Lobos u sed a strategy never tried by another artist involving the issue of modernity: he began a marathon, seeking to promote nationalistic music and the formation of a new public, while embracing the Brazilian people, and thus distancing himself from the burgher elite 85 This was a necessary move through which Villa Lobos sought to instill interest for art music, especially Brazilian, in the uneducated masses. According to Filho, thes e general 86 The lack of music knowledge in some towns was such that they did not know what a musical concert was, and some people even thought the excursion was a theatrical group 87 account, at these lectures Vi lla Lobos tried to educate the audience about several aspects of the music profession. He spoke much about musical patriotism, conceptualized about what he considered good and bad music, displayed his dist aste for foreign popular music, and emphasized the importance of silence during a concert According to Filho, Villa Lobos complained that the youth did not dedicat e themselves to music because the only thing they could think of was soccer, but he also demonstrated his affection for children and his fondne ss for school choirs. Additionally, Villa Lobos talked about the mechanics of musical instruments and their particularities, 85 Arnaldo Contier, Passarinhada d o Brasil: Canto orfenico, educao e g etulismo ( Bauru, SP, Brasil: Edusc, 1998 ), 18 86 Filho, Excurso, 59 87 Filho, Excurso 63.

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85 spoke about as pects of the life of an artist t old his difficulties, his suffering and how he had been fighting to make his mu 88 Years after the excursion, Villa Lobos said with an altruistic and almost heroic tone that he did not organize the excursion to advertise his own music or force his artistic orientat to gather soldiers a nd workers of national art to stunning unison : the Brazilian 89 That he promoted Brazilian music through the e xcursion and throughout his whol e life can hardly be quest ioned, but considering the topics he addressed in the pre concert lectures and the Brazilians general distaste for his music, it is difficult to believe he did not take advantage of the excursion to promote his own music. D espite Villa sacri fice to promote Brazilian music and to educate the masses he indeed took advantage of the enterprise to promote his music and career, as the concert programs demonstrate. In the first concert of the e xcursion, in the Municipal Theater of Campinas on 20 Ja nuary 1931, most of the pieces performed were his and as Filho reported in his book, this program was repeated numerous times throughout the e xcursion. Along with a few pieces by European composers such as Sc arlatti, Chopin, and Prokofiev those by Villa Lobos included pieces for cello and 88 Filho, Excurso, 60 89 Heitor Villa Presena de Villa Lobos vol. 5 ( Rio d e Janeiro : MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1970), tampouco obrigar a compreenderem minha orientao artstica . Fui m u nido de clebres virtuoses patr cios, proclamar a fra de vontade artst ica brasileira e arregimentar soldados e oper rios da arte nacional ito, um estrondoso, um formidvel trovo, un ssono e espantoso, a Independ

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86 Bachianas Brasileiras no. 2 ) ; compositions for voice and piano such Serestas, 90 Filho said after the concert in Campinas, Villa music. 91 Lo bos was also promoting his own music and was concerned with its reception. The Significance of the Artistic Excursion Despite the poor reception of his music in some conce rts and the lack of awareness of art music in some town s, Villa Lobos and his group were, in general, well received by the authorities and the population. Their arrival was a reason for the population to be proud. Members of the Excursion were hosted in the best hotels and honored with fine post concert recept ions. As Filh o reported, in the small towns where d oubtless a great event; a day to celebrate. In some towns it was even decreed a local holiday. The predominant subject was the Villa Lobos E 92 A post concert reception in Botucat, where the group performed on 14 February 1931, offers a good example of how local authorities honored the musicians. Important personalities of Botucat were present at the concert and expressed thei r admiration and thankfulness for the work o f Villa Lobos and his group. Accor ding to the local newspaper, C ity H all prepared a reception for the musicians in the Colgio dos 90 Luis Guimares, Villa Lobos visto da platia e na i ntimidade (1912/1935 ) ( Rio de Janeiro: Arte Moderna, s.d. ), 177 78. 91 Filho, Excurso 67 92 Fi lho, Excurso, 63 acontecimento. Um dia de festa. Em algumas cidades at foi considerado feriado local. O assunto predominante era a excurso Villa

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87 Anjos (School of Angels), in which a performance of the orpheon of schoolchildren was ion, Villa Lobos and Souza Lima received gold 93 Besides its educational mission, the excursion also carried patriotic significance for the towns visited. In Botucat the newspaper announced the arrive es as the bandeirantes 94 of musical art, comparing the musicians to the pioneer groups that explored colonial Brazil and expanded the national territory in the 17 th century thus conveying a nationalistic aura to the excursion. 95 The newspaper also repor ted on the patriotic atmosphere Botucat prepared to receive the musicians, and said city authorities promoted a presentation of the orpheon of schoolgirls, who performed in a ballroom decorated with green, yellow, and blue velv et, t he colors of the Brazilian flag In addition, a second orpheonic group formed by adults and children performed in the Literary Salon of the same school, which according to the newspaper b eautifully decorat ed: gaudy with a large n umber of national flags enhancing its civic fea 96 Regarding the performance of the second orpheon, the newspaper reported that poems of civic character were recited between musical numbers, among which the patrio tic 93 In Guimares, Villa Lob os 181. 94 Bandeirantes were groups formed by whites, Amerindians, and mixed races from the state of So Paulo, who traveled in expeditions called Bandeiras (literally Flags) in the 17th century. T hese groups explored Brazil in search of Amerindian slave s and minerals and as a consequence expanded the Brazilian territory. In one of the most famous expeditions, bandeirante Raposo Tavares and his group traveled 12,000 kilometers between 1648 and 1642. Today Bandeirantes has a positive patriotic connotati on, meaning something like Histria do Basil 94 99. 95 In Guimares, Villa Lobos 180. 96 Quoted In Guimares, Villa Lobos aprensetava um aspecto garrido, sobrelevando sua feio cvica, pelo grande nmero de bandeiras

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88 Lobos, aroused enthusiasm. 97 Thus, the patri otic and civic aspects that became intrinsic to Villa already par happened throughout the state of So Paulo and others such as the Northeastern state of Pernambuco, where paulista educator Fabiano Lozano had taught choral singing in public schools and implemented Orpheonic Chant in 1930 Patriotism was a natural sentiment in a country that, after the fairly recent Proclamation of the Republic, was str iving to establish its identity, and mus ic education contributed to further patriotic sentiment among the population. The e xcursion ended on 21 April 1932 with an Orpheonic Concentration, which Villa Lobos called Exortao Cvica Villa Lobos (Civic Ex h ortation Villa Lobos), in the city of So P aulo, and at which the interventor Lins de Barros and the mayor of So Paulo were present. Filho reported that, with great effort, Villa Lobos organized a choir with some 5,000 voices, most of which were children fro m primary sc h ools, secondary schools, hi gh schools and normal schools, along with members of the military, clergy, and adults who also contributed to the event. There was no dress rehearsal for the concert, and all children should have been prepared to sing at school by their teachers. Villa Lob on the local preparation of the children is a strong indication that he knew the teaching of Orpheonic Chant in the schools of So Paulo was efficient. It also shows he knew Orpheonic Chan t was well established in So Paulo. An orchestra wit h about 200 musicians, and the b and of the then Public Force of the State (today Military Police), with about 100 musicians also participated in the 97 Quoted In Guimares, Villa Lobos 180. Villa was later incorporated into th e collection of songs and hymns, Canto Orfenic o volume I, Villa Lobos used in his program of music education. Thoughout the years in which Villa Lobos was in charge of music education in Brazil, this piece was performed several times in civic events in which orpheons performed.

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89 Concentration. 98 The program revealed its patriotic and civic orientati ons. According to on s were civic: National Anthem, H ymn to 99 This Concentration was the first of many to happen in the following years und er the patronage of Vargas. Final Considerations Soon after this Concentration Villa Lobos started implementing his program of music education in Rio de Janeiro with the support of the federal government Vargas realized he could use patriotic and nation alistic directives for music education t o promote the ideologies of his regime. Orpheonic Chant aimed at socializing and instilling discipline in children, and imbuing love for the father land while helping to vel. Despite Villa Lobos building his program of music education on the educational approaches already established in the First Republic, he conferred much stronger patriotic and nationalistic orientation to it, and his Orpheonic Chant soon beca me an impor tant tool of propaganda for the government. Throughout the following years, Villa Lobos aligned his discourse even more with that of Vargas and his texts about music education offer good evidence for parallels between ies and the principles of his music education. 98 Filho, Excurso, 130 99 Filho, Excurso, 133

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90 Figure 2 1. Jo o manossolfa sign s. Carlos A. Gomes Cardim e Joo Gomes Junior, O ensino da msica 24.

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91 CHAPTER 3 HEITOR VILLA LOBOS AND GETLIO VA RGAS: INDOCTRINATING CHILDREN THROUGH MU SIC EDUCATION As Chapter 2 demonstrated, Villa Lobos was unmistakably a patriot who fought for the development of Brazilian music and fought for respect for the achievements of Brazilian musicians. In line with intellectuals and educators of the First Repu blic, he realized that the lack of interest in art music in general and Brazilia n music in particular, was related to the poor intellectual and educational formation of Brazilian society. The masses did not listen to art music because of their limited acc practices. And the conservative elites cultivated traditional European music as a way of distinguish ing them selves from the lower social classes B ut these conservative elites were not necessarily receptive to modern music even that of Europe W hen Villa Lobos went to So Paulo to conduct a series of concerts in 1930, back from his second sojourn in Paris, he experienced what he understood as a poor artistic environment in which the audience was not receptive to Brazilian music and m odern music, especially those reflecting characteristics at the core of his compositional aesthetics. Villa Lobos realized music education held the key to broadening the cultural horizons of children and preparing them to appreciate art music and proposed a plan to the government, which gave him support. Vargas personalities, and following the example of So Paulo and some other states where Orpheonic Chant was well established, mandated gro up participation in orpheonic chant in primary schools, secondary sc hools, and professional schools in the Federal Capital on 18 April 1931 under decree n o 19,890. Ansio Teixeira, the Secretary of Education of Rio, was undertaking educational reform in

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92 everything we were trying in the Old Federal District, nothing seemed more important to 1 To organize this new music education in schools, in 1932 the governm ent created the Superintendence of Music and Artistic Education (SEMA) a branch of the Department of Education of Rio de Janeiro and Teixeira charged Villa Lobos with its direction. Villa Lobos n ow finally had a stable job and was officially connected to the Brazilian government. As a music educator, Villa train musicians but to elevate the cultural and intellectual level of children through music. This education would socialize children through choir practice and eventually lea d to a greater awareness of art music in general, Brazilian art music, an d Brazilian culture and history A s director of music education for Rio de Janeiro, Villa Lobos had the power to effect the changes he deemed necessary to achieve these goals. As he s tated in the text Juventude Americana e Srs. Educadores Americ an youth and Educators): I believe the major problem of today in dissemina ting the importance of the art o f music o energetic and if possible, mandatory propaganda made under the auspic es of the government and of highly intellectualized milieus; instead of schools for artists, [they need to create] educational institutions that guide the aware people to learn with interest and respect and attend artistic events as an indispensable necessity for social life. 2 1 Ansio Teixeira cited in H Lobos e a e Presena de Villa Lobos vol. 4 (Rio de Ja neiro: MEC Museu Villa De tudo que estv a mos tentando, no antigo Distrito Fed eral, nada me parecia mais importante do que essa integrao da arte na educao 2 Heitor Villa Lobos (Document number HVL 01.01.19 pi/pi de Villa Lobos), 2. I problema de agora para sustentar a importancia da arte musical num nvel social altura de seu prprio valor, est na propaganda energtica e si possvel, obrigatria s eob os auspicious da oficializao governament al, dos meios intelectuais e altamente civilizados, a fim de formarem, em vez de escolas para a rtistias, instituies educacionais que orientem ao pb lico consciente a saber, com in teresse e respeito, assistir as realizaes de arte como necessidade impres

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93 As the director of SEM A, Villa Lobos took advantage of the governmental struc ture to put this idea in motion, to disseminate and educate about the social value of music an d implement a national system of music education. Other Brazilian artists adopted the same goals and sought to project elements of their regional artistic experiences onto the country as a whole. Daryle Williams mentions how artists from Minas Gerais incor left leaning modernists from Minas Gerais Carlos Drummond de Andrade, Rodrigo Melo Franco de Andrade, and others used the authoritarian Estado Novo to transform a regional 3 Although artists took advantage of the State to further their ideologies and aesthetics, Vargas also embraced aspects of regional cultural and social policies and transformed them into elements o f national unification. Thus, the relationship between State and artists was symbiotic. The idea of elevating the cultural and intellectual level of children through music education was in line with the goals of music education from the First Republic whe n music educators believed music could contribute to the formation of an integral individual. But under Villa discipline with overt nationalistic goals. Besides educating children about the socia l value of music, his program of music education demanded strict discipline from children and imposed natio nalistic and patriotic values on them. Villa Lobos was eager to change the realities of the Brazilian cultural environment and he believed disciplin e was important in this process. Villa Lobos added exhortation as an important element of his 3 Daryle Williams, Culture Wars in Brazil: The First Vargas Regime 1930 1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 81.

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94 educational approach. Ex hortation was part of music classes and Villa Lobos constantly insi sted that teachers exhort the meaning of lyrics of the nationalistic an d patriotic musical pieces to children. While the exhortation helped educate children about the history of Brazil and Brazilian heritages, among other important cultural and historic aspects of Brazil, it also instilled nationalism and patriotism in childr conveyed morality to these values. Through the exhortation, Vil la Lobos imposed these values on children and became more than an educator, an indoctrinator of the nationali stic ideology. Vargas realized Villa ion nationa listic and patriotic sentiments, so he supported Villa Lobos in his educational mission. Villa Lobos implemented his program of music education first in the s chools of Rio de Janeiro but he soon sent a request to interventor e s in other states who worked to incorporate O rpheonic C hant into school curricula From the very b eginning, Villa Lobos realized his Orpheonic Chant was fulfilling a political function Bu t he did not resent his role the years he aligned his discourse ever mor e with that of Vargas. I t is not possible to gauge how much he really cared about politics or if he used his texts about music education to please Vargas only to gain the president implementation of the dictatorship of the Estado Novo in 1937. Given the distressful cultural situation of Brazil along with the benefits his position in the government granted him, it is likel y that Villa Lobos sought to please Vargas to keep his position in the government to continue educating children and promoting his own music. With respect to this Gerard Bhague said,

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95 full implications of Villa to accepting the most colossal self contradiction. He was neither a racist nor a hypocrite, neither a Nazi nor a communist sympathizer. He was unmistakably the most unconditi onal if at times paradoxical advocate of artistic achievements in his country, understanding that the extraordinary artistic capacity of Brazil could not be realized under the prevailing social and educational conditions unless some uncomm on efforts could be mounted . With his goals set, Villa Lobos, a smart opportunist, would not allow his frustrations over the prevailing situation on the Brazilian music education scene to inhibit the fulfillment of his mission. 4 D espite having worked as music educat or for abou t 14 years, Villa Lobos rarely spoke about music education after he stopped working for the Brazilian government in 1945. Lobos became a prolific man of words, but after the overthrow of Vargas in 1945 his musical and political writings abruptly 5 The situation Wright described offers a strong indication Villa Lobos was not the political ideologue the eloquent tone of his texts suggests. While one ca nnot dismiss what Bhague calls opportunism, an d despite Villa Villa Lobos still ended up and his approach to Orpheonic Chant whether or not he was content of his Orpheonic Chant several critics since Villa possibility that he was ideologically engaged with political making political propaganda through music education. Villa Lobos responded to the 4 Bhague, Villa Lobos 24. 5 Wright, Villa Lobos 107.

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96 criticism by denying on several occasions that he had any interest in the regime per se In a 1954 speech, for example, he defended himself: The y want to knock down a work they cannot. It is not a fight against me or against you: it is against music, against art. I have no in terest in any political regime. I have no interest in political directions, and I do not have any [political] ideals. I want discipline and love for art! I want to see a disciplined people. The only thing that I envy in foreigners, the only thing (!), is the education they have and we do not. 6 In this speech Villa Lobos emphasized the cultural and disciplinary aspects of his music regime. He did not address, however, the more political aspects of his program, such as the instilling of patriotism and sense of civic duty, which he himself had st ated as goals in his essays about music education. He denied any personal interest in the political regime, but his lack of personal interest did not prevent the government from appropriating his program and using it to instill nationalistic feelings in ch ildren nor did it stop him from align ing his music education with the regime Thomas C. Garcia demonstrated how Villa was alig ned with the politics of Vargas : Although his plan was dressed in the rhetoric of music education, in reality it was skewed toward the specific goal of advancing a nationalistic and patriotic education with a non educational goal. He did embrace some of the same principals as Kodaly (singing as the best tool for music educa tion, the necessity of reading music as part of a complete education, using folklore to maintain community, etc.) but without a systematic method. 7 6 Heitor Villa Lobos In O ndio de c asaca In the ori Querem derrubar uma obra que no podem. No contra mim nem contra vocs, contra a msica, contra a arte. Eu no tenho interesse em regime nenhum. Eu no tenho nenhum interesse em sentido poltico e no tenho ideais. Eu quero disciplina e amor arte! Eu quero ver o povo disciplinado. Eu tenho inveja do estrangeiro. A nica coisa 7 635.

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97 Whatever Villa him fr om systemat ically educating children as well. While Villa Lobos conveyed a much stronger nationalistic and patriotic orientation to music education than his predecessors he nonetheless adopted several of their educational principles, which were in line with the curr ent edu cational ideologies of the time. Among other ideas that were part of music education before him, Villa Lobos sought to raise ch and sociali ze them through music. Thus, along with its political ideological aspects, Villa Lo had clear educational goals, both musical and social. Despite the social and political goals of Orpheonic Chant, Villa Lobos did have a systematic method of mus i c education us ing, among other teaching methods, t he manossolfa which music educators had been using since the First Republic Indeed, s uch was the efficiency of Villa participants in the International Congress of Music Ed ucation held in Prague in 1936 With respect to that, in a letter to Jos Carlos de Macedo Soares, Brazilian State Minister of International Relations, M. de Belford Ramos, Plenipotentiary Minister of Brazil in Prague at the time, said rium was visibly impressed and the press recognized that in the field of music education Brazil can serve as a model to 8 Still with respect to the efficiency of Villa methods, when asked about the general impression o f the participants about his lecture at the congress, Villa hing plan of Brazilian music pl aced 8 M. de colleted in the archives of CPDOC auditrio mostrou se visivelmente impressionado e a imprensa reconhe ceu que, em matria de educao

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98 first among the twenty countries that participated in the Congress, as evidenced in the documents of the Minister of Brazil in Prague, of professor Kestemberg, former general supervisor of the teaching of music in Germany and also current director of music education in Prague and principal coordinator of the Congress, and the opinion of the 9 passage alludes to the idea tha t Villa Lobos drew principles of his music education from d (and there are similarities between Villa L such as the use of hand solfege, use of folksongs, and the progressi on of th e known to the unknown) Villa Lobos followed the approaches that Brazilian music educators had established before him, based on French methods of music education. Most likely, the similarities came from the fact that both Villa Lobo drew on elements from other methods of music education that had similar approaches, not because Villa Lobos drew directly on been fully formulated at that time. 10 In a nother passage, Garcia expounded on Villa Lobos did or did not embrace the 9 Heitor Villa Lobos na the archives of CPDOC FGV. Document number GC 3500.00/3 entre os cinte (20) paizes que tomaram parte no Congresso, conforme atestam documentos do ministro do Brasil em Pr aga, do professor Kestemberg, antigo orientador geral do ensino de msica na Alemanhar e tambm atual diretor de educao musical de Praga e corrdenador principal do Congresso, 10 Kodaly became interested in children aro und 1925 and only in 1945 did the Hungarian government implement in the schools th e method of music education he formulated. The so was elaborated by his followers in the 1950s. See Grove Mus ic Online. Oxford Music Online http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/subscriber/article/grove /music/15246 (accessed March 1, 2012).

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99 philosophies of the Vargas regime both before and during the Estado Novo seems almost moot. His active par ticipation in the system, and indeed his implicit celebration of this same system, shows that at the very le ast it did not matter to him. 11 H e continued: Lobos did create a national music education system th at had perhaps some pedagogical value, as well a political 12 Garcia did not dwell on Villa to the regime. T he exhortative aspects of Villa strict nationalistic, patrio tic, socializing, and disciplining nature, regardless of his political inclinations and any controversy, made Villa Lobos an important agent of indoctrination of the government. In interviews to the newspaper Valor Econmico important Brazilian researche rs such as conductor Jlio Medaglia; journalist and seminal writer of Brazilian popular music Jos Ramos Tinhoro; Brazilian ambassador and scholar Vasco Mariz, who wrote Villa Lobos, o Homem e a Obra ( Heitor Villa Lobos: Life and work of the Brazilian com poser ), an early biography of the composer; and journalist and critic Lauro Machado Coelho, expressed their interpretations of Villa of Vargas. Although the interviews only highlight some of their ideas, they show th at these critics assess mostly Villa Lobos was plainly conscious of the role of music in schools. He realized the importance Vargas gave to culture to achieve his goals and, several times, he [Villa Lobos] sought [Vargas] through the assistance of 11 12

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100 great educator Ansio Teixeira. But he had freedom, worked on a project of technology of music education. He used the force of the dictatorship to teach music to the benefit of 13 Coelho simply states that Villa Lobos accepted the position in the government because it allowed him to promote his music. 14 Vill a (Villa Lobos, the Maestro of the Dictatorship), published in Jornal do Brasil in the 1 970s, in which he argued that Villa Lobos was an ally of the dictatorial government. But due to the complex nature of Villa evaluated his assessment. In the interview to Valor Econmico ving written this article. Of course [Villa Lobos] was an employee of the dictatorship, and was published by D.I.P. [Department of Press and Propaganda] But I came to the conclusion that Villa 15 A lthough he does not go further to explain his change of opinion, his words show that in his new assessment, Tinhoro focused on Villa the political regime. But this approach dismisses the political results of Villa 13 Jlio Medaglia, interviewed by Elizabeth Lorenzotti Valor Econmico 27 February 2009 In the Villa Lobos tinha plena conscincia do papel da msica nas escolas. Ele percebeu a importncia que Vargas dava cultura para alcanar seus objetiv os e o procurou vrias vezes, com ajuda do grande educador Ansio Teixeira. Mas teve liberdade, trabalhou um projeto de tecnologia do 14 Lauro Machado Coelho, interviewed by Elizabeth Lorenzotti Valor Econmico February 27, 2009 15 Jos Ramos Tinhoro, interviewed by Elizabeth Lorenzotti Valor Econmico February 27, 2009 In the Eu me arrependi de ter escrito esse artigo. Claro que ele foi um func ionrio da ditadura, era publicado pelo DIP [Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda]. Mas ch eguei concluso de que Villa

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101 Orpheonic Chant, essential to the evaluation of Villa political regime. Likewise, Vasco Mariz exempts Villa Lobos from the political consequences of his actions. Mariz reported to Valor Econmico that he was one of the members of a [Villa 16 people related to [Villa 17 Mariz concludes his report by saying Villa Lobos and Vargas used one another: Villa music, and Vargas used Villa Lobos for his political propaganda. Mariz also evaluates Villa personal goals and dismisses claims that the mechanisms of Villa Chant inculcated national sentiment in children. Even Arnaldo Contier in his critical Passarinhada do Brasil: Canto orfenico, educao e getulismo seems to gloss over Villa Revolution of October and his proje ction of possible positive outcomes for the arts in implementation of a strong state, capable of interfering directly in the cultural life, giving support to nationa listic music. In this historical context, conceived as highly favorable, Villa Lobos wanted to educate the urban masses through music, having received 16 Vasco Mariz, interviewed by Elizabeth Lorenzotti Valor Econmico 27 February 2009 17 Mariz, Valor Econmico

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102 18 Although Contier pointed out Villa conclusion of his ideas refrains from exploring Villa on his personal interest in disseminating nationalistic music and educating the masses. Althgouh I w ill not discuss Villa not openly manifest them, and we cannot take at face value his claims that he was not interested in the politics of Vargas government) this chapter re examine s the directives and pract ical consequences of music education in the government of Vargas and clarifies the indoctrinating role of Villa program of music education as well as his moral involvement with the regime and demonstrate s that he consciously indoctrinated school children in the ideology of the government In analyzing previously unexamined and unpublished government documents, I frame my arguments within B imagined community and Thomas indexicality, and demonstrate that Villa ppealed to emotions and contributed to the formation of individual and group identities rooted in the ideals of brasilidade Thus despite the different racial heritages, social status, and cultural practices themselves as a united community of Brazilians who should work as a group to promote the growth of the nation. 18 Contier, Passarinhada do Brasil revolucionrios que redundassem na instaurao de um Estado Forte, capaz de interferir diretamente na vida cultural, dando respald o msica. Nesse momento histrico, concebido como altamente favorvel Villa Lobos desejava educar as massas urbanas travs da msica, tendo recebido apoio dos pedagogos

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103 and Education: Structuring the Imagined Community A close the role of V illa ideology. From the beginning of his regime, Vargas adopted strong nationalistic politics and tried t o articulate a national identity that up to that moment had still not been codified, C reation of the Ministry of Education and Health on 14 November 1930 (about 20 days after he assumed the education. Toward the late 1930s he created the Department of Nationalistic E ducation, which further reinforced the nationalistic aspects of education. a sense o f national unity in which all people, regardless of their ethnicity and background, were included in the political and economical constructio With respect to intellectual discussion about the social inclusion of Af ro Brazilians, Amerindians, and mixed races scientist Gilberto Freyre and his seminal Casa Grande e Senzala ( The Masters and the Slaves ) from 1933 was particularly imp the role of miscegenation (especially between Europeans and African and African descents) in the formation of Brazilian society is the main discussion in the book. As Peter Fry put it, Freyre advanced the 19 Despite the lack of 19 Politics, Nationality, and the Mean ings of "Race" in Brazil Daedalus 129, no. 2 Brazil: The Burden of the P ast; The Promise of the Future (Spring 2000), 89.

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104 a reference in Brazill and the rest of the world, in the discussion about the nature of Brazilian ethnic formation. With respect to the impact of the book in interpreting racial issues in Brazilian society, Antonio Cndido said 20 Thomas Skidmore also offers an insightful ore benign than elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere. Furthermore, the Portuguese, because of their previous close contact with the Moors, were less race conscious. From this argument it naturally follows, in relations are more harmonious (thus 21 Although Freyre published The Masters and the Slaves government, he had been developing the ideas for a long time and his book did not seek to advance Varg his book in a moment when the government was disseminating an ideology of social policies. As Renato Ortiz affirmed, The Masters and the Slaves Became an element of national unity. In reworking the issues of Brazilian culture, Gilberto Freyre offered Brazilians an identification card. The ambiguity of the national Being forged by the intellectuals of the 19 th century did not stand the test of time. Their reading had become incompatible with the process of economic and social development of the country. Remember 20 society, Srgio Buarque de H Razes do Brasil (1935) presents a different viewpoint from that of Freyre, and despite its more discrete repercussions, also provides an important historic interpretation of ethnic formation in Brazil. 21 Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002), 10 11.

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105 in the 1930s [intellectuals and the government] sought to radically transform the concept of Br ideology of work. Political scientists showed, for instance, how this ideology 22 In his book Freyre advances the idea of a racial democracy whose emblem was the understanding the issu a socially and culturally united country, the education of child ren was very important The cover pa ge of the book Getlio Vargas amigo das c rianas (Getlio Vargas, friend of c hildren ) (Figure 3 1), has a phrase that shows on the function of in face, which is the soul of 23 Because education conveyed the same values and ideas to children, Vargas considered it an essential institution in creating socio cultural unity and identity. I n this process the practice of Orpheonic Chant was very important because it socialized school children and also instilled in their minds the nat ionalistic and patriotic values Vargas preached. 22 Ortiz, Cultura Brasileira, problemtica da cultura brasileira, Gilberto Freyre oferece ao brasileiro uma carteira de identidade. A ambiguidade da identidade do Ser nacional forjada pelos intelectuais do sculo XIX no podia mais resistir ao tempo. Ela havia se tornado incompatvel com o processo de desenvolvimento econmico e social do pas. Basta lembrar mos que nos anos 1930 procura se transformar radicalmente o conceito de mestia, so substitudas por uma ideologia do trabalho. Os cientistas polticos mostram, por exemplo, 23 Getlio V argas Getlio Vargas: Amig o das c rianas cover page, http://www.cpdoc.fgv.br/comum/htm (acessado em 27 de Outu bro de 2009). In the original: preciso plasmar na face virgem, que a alma

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106 2 December 1937 shows his thoughts 24 on how education would contribute to strengthening the nation: We need to act now, against indifference to moral principles, against the habits of the idle and parasitic intellectualism, against the disruptive tendencies infiltrated in various ways in the intelligence of the you th responsible for the future of the Nation; we urgently need to give clear direction, constructive directives, and uniform r ules to the educational policies the most powerful tool to be used in strengthening our moral and economic structures. F or Vargas, education was a pillar on which society should be constructed. I n his new regime the problem of education had finally received defined directives. Now we can work wit h decision and tenacity, knowing where we want to go and knowing the 25 Among these objectives, one of the most important was doubtless to convey nationalism through education, as his educational reforms demonstrate. s regime, two ministers of education promoted important educational reforms that modernized and nationalized education. Francisco Campos undertook the first reform, the so called Reforma Campos (Reform Campos ) in 1931, which democratized access to secondar y school ( meaning that he implemented secondary education all over Brazil and made it more accessible to people from diverse social classes ) and standardized the curriculum in the whole country. It was also the 24 Panorama da Educao Nacional: Discursos do Presidente Getlio Vargas e do Ministro Gustavo Capanema (Rio de Janeiro: Ministrio da Educao e Sade, 1937), 9. In the original : Precisamos reagir em tempo, contra a indiferena pelos princpios morais contra os hbitos do intelectualismo ocioso e parasitrio, contra as tendncias desagragadoras, infiltradas pe las mais variadas formas nas inteligncias moas, responsveis pelo futuro da Nao; precisamos, com maior urgncia, dar sentido claro, diretrizes construtoras e regras uniformes poltica educacional, o mais poderoso instrumento a utilizar no fortalecime 25

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107 Reforma Campos that made Orpheonic Chant mand atory in the schools of Rio de Janeiro. Campos was engaged with the educational reforms Fernando de Azevedo had 26 In 1942, Gustavo Capanema implemented the secondary s chool), popularly known as Reforma Capanema (Reform Capanema ) which complemented and expanded the principles of the Reforma Campos in several aspe cts and aimed at nationalizing children and teenagers and creating a sense of national unity. Through the nationalistic orientation these reforms implemented in education, along with the curriculum standardization all over Brazil, Vargas attempted to hom ogenize nationalism and patriotism in the formation of school children. T he Reforma Campos and Reforma Capanema promoted an exponential growth in the number of children registered in secondary schools from 1932 to 1945 (Table 3 1) Thus, with the expansio n of education, the government had the opportunity to instill the nationalistic ideology in an ever growing number of children all over Brazil. About this notable growth of secondary school s and enrollment the official document of ment of Educati on (Table 3 1) gratifying to verify that, because of the system adopted [by the Reform Campos], there is practically no city whose children cannot have access to secondary education 27 The number of secondary schools 26 27 Document collected in the Centro de Pesquisa e Documentao da Faculdade Getlio Vargas (CPDOC FGV), n.a Archival number: GC pi Capanema, G. 45. 00.0000 A, page 2. animador verificar que, g raas ao sistema adotado [pela Reforma Campos ], no h praticamente cidade de qualquer importncia que no possua o seu ginsio, isto cujos filhos no possam pretender ao ensino secundrio.

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108 problems of education in the First Republic, and the educational reforms during problem Vargas used education as an important tool to disseminate his ideolo gy and to form what I call an address to Brazilian teachers on 2 December 1937, Vargas spoke about the way teachers should infuse nationalistic ideology into Speaking to educators, in a time like this, of patriotic c ommunion, I speak to the ones responsible for the spiritual health word s transmit knowled ge and notions of the world; likewise, through their suggestive emotions, inspired in the most elevated se ntiments of the human heart, they awaken in the young souls the heroic impulse and the creative f lame for enthusiasm. I call on you to act in the pure and exemplary sense of civic apostolate infusing love for the la nd, respect for traditions, and unshakable faith in the great destinies of Brazil (the italics are mine). 28 In this excerpt Vargas placed a sense of nationalism, patriotism, and civic duty, as priorities of education and exhorted teachers to in culcate these values in children logies. In addition to these values, Vargas also imparted a religious character to education. He used the expression impart the idea of a religious doctrine to the civic values taught in school. Through this rhetoric Vargas suggested teachers create a with a religious aura. The excerpt as a whole transmits the idea that children should be educated to develop an el evate d sense of patriotism and citizenship fatherland 28 V 12. Falando aos mestres, numa hora como esta, de comunho patritica, falo aos responsveis pela sade espiritual da nossa mocidade. A palavra do professor no transmite apenas conhecimentos e noes do mundo exterior. Atua igualmente pelas sugestes emotivas, inspiradas nos mais elevados sentimentos do corao humano. Desperta nas almas jovens o impulso herico e a chama dos entusiasmos criadores. Concito vos, por isso, a utiliz la no puro e exemplar sentido do apostolado cvico infundindo o amor terra, o respeito s tradies e a crena

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109 R eligious connotations in the excerpt above reflect the so V argas implemented in Brazil, the Chu rch would also help the State strengthen ties with Catholics, wh o comprised the overwhelming majority of the Brazilian population. Through this associatio n, Vargas projected religious values in the fatherland itself, intending to transform it in to a religious symbol for which devotion should be expressed through patriotism. Vargas adopted several measures to create this connection with the Church. In additi on to using symbolic religious words i n his speeches through decree 19,941 of 30 April 1931, Vargas implemented religious education in primary, secondary, and normal schools and contributed to the disseminatio n of Catholicism in the country, as well as to instilling religious values in the formation of children. On a more pro pagandistic level, he promoted Missas Campais (Field Masses), celebrated in large open spaces, in which Vargas himself and an authority of the Church spoke to the nation. These events demonstrated the bonds and mutual cooperation between the State and the Church, projecting their union. School children partici pated in music demonstrations at these masses, integrating nationalistic and patriotic music with religion. T o create his Vargas associated the State with the Church at many level s and delivered speeches in which his rhetoric associated terms of strong religious connotations with the fathe rl and, to convey a religious aura t o nationalism and gain the empathy of Catholics.

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110 Vargas and the Homogenization of H is Ideology: Constructing the Imagined Community t a powerful propaganda machine that prod uced educational material to instill patriotism, nationalism, moral values, and a sense of civic duty in children to make them conscious of their role s in society and their roles in the future of the nation. From the beginning of his government, Vargas cr eated propaganda agencies that controlled media and culture. 29 In 1939, Vargas created the Department of Press and Propaganda (DIP) which replaced the Department of Pro more auth nationalism among Brazilians and to censor any cultural and artistic manifestation considered subversive by the government 30 In addition to controlling cultural manifestations, the DIP exercize d an important the nationalistic ideology to children in the school environment. The book A j uventude no Estado Novo ( Youth in the New S tate ) is a good example of the D excerpts of to youth were combined with illustrations of children interacting with members of society such as elders, teachers, and Vargas himself, invariably i n the colors of the Brazilian 29 In 1931, Vargas created the Departamento Oficial de Publicidade, and in 1934, the Departamento de Propaganda e Difuso Cultural (DPDC). After implementing the Estado Novo, DPDC became the Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP) FGV http://cpdoc.fgv.br/producao/dossies/AEraVargas1/anos37 4 5/EducacaoCulturaPropaganda/DIP (accessed January 15, 2011). 30 See Heloisa Paulo, Estado Novo e p ropaganda em Portugal e no Brasil: o SPN/SNI e o DIP Coimbra: Livraria Minerva, 1994.

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111 flag. This book (Figure 3 2) helps us better understand the messages Vargas transmitted. Vargas is in the foreground interacting with a schoolgirl in a moment of reciprocal joy. In the background are two other schoolchildren, a boy holding the Brazilian flag and another child, whose facial features remaining, therefore, anonymous. Although s, their individual identities are not revealed, which is essential fo r them to become representatives of a collective class and not individuals The girl in the foreground is portrayed as model schoolchild whose appearance reflect s the pattern of a esthetic s and conduct : s he looks happy in her contact with Vargas, her uniform is pristine, and her hair is neat. About the boy, one can infer that he loves his country because he seems proud to carry the Brazilian flag, and his height indicates that he is probably older t han the other two children. The anonymity of the child whose face is hidden subtly suggests the existence of a large r communit y of (anonymous) schoolchildren. Overall, Figure 3 2 conveys the message that there is a large community of patriot boys and girls of different ages that are happy to follow the educational tenets of the government. In the text that accompanies this image Vargas transmitted the following Children! Learning to praise the Fatherland at home and at school will bring to your live s all possibilities of success. Your love for Brazil will forcefully lead the country to the highest positions among Nations, ful transform 31 In this passage Vargas emphasized the 31 A Juven t ude no Estado Novo http://www.cpdoc.fgv.br/comum/htm (Accessed para a vida prtica todas as probabilidades de xito. S o amor constri e, amando o Brasil,

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112 importance of would bring success to their future, subtly imposing this sentiment on them as a important because it would lead the country to an important position among other nations, fulfilling the desires of every Brazilian to transform Brazil into a great nation. of B razil, conveying the idea that there should be an intrinsic relationship among children, their families, and the school (suggested by the opening sentence of the text) to generate a social cycle in which children learned patriotism at home (hence Vargas al so placed an educational responsibility on the parents) and in school to propagate these ideas in their social lives. As a result, this social cycle of education would bring s educational materials were important common identifiers of brasilidade that he used to try to create a homogeneous community of children and adults who ntifiers of brasilidade subordinate their individualities and make sacrifices for the benefit of the nation. Regarding the sacrifices an zens that formed themselves in the nationalistic ideology can make for the nation Be egardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ult imately it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two forosamente o conduzireis aos mais altos destinos entre as Naes, realizando os desejos de

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113 centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such 32 formul ation helps us understand the important role of education in nation bulding. A s who imagined themselves as equals before the nation and before one another regardless of their social class, ethnicity, and cultural heritage. Through the propaganda machine that produced education al materials disseminating patriotism, nationalism, and go od moral values, Vargas aim ed to include children in the social panorama of the country and directed their individual interests to those of the nation (or those the State promoted as common interests for the nation). Thus Vargas the anonymous integrat nd valued the wellness of the community over t he wellness of the individual. Vargas and Villa Lobos: Imagining Communities, Indexing Minds To disseminate and to reinfo Vargas used which promoted nationalism under the guise of culture, thus smoothing out its political and ideological messages. 33 According to Thomas Turino, Cultural nationalism is the semiotic work of usin g expressive practices and forms to fashion the concrete emblems that stand for and create the 32 Anderson, Imagined Communities 7. 33 Since the First Republic, several intellectua ls such as Mrio de Andrade, Oswald de Andrade, Menotti del Picchia, Cassiano Ricardo,and Srgio Milliet, among many others, were engaged with political parties. Many of them wrote for important newspapers such as Dirio Nacional O Estado de So Paulo an d Correio Paulistando and played important political and ideological roles in the regime of the oligarchies. (Srgio Miceli, Intelectuais e Classes Dirigentes no Brasil 1920 1945 [So Paulo: Difel, 1979], 1 13).

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114 serve as the basis for socializing citizens t o inculcate national sentiment . Cultural nationalism is not a celebratory or entertainment oriented frill attached to serious political work; it is one of the essential pillars upon which the entire nationalistic edifice stands. 34 To propagate his own s hired intellectuals to work in several fronts of his government, and established a simbiotic relationship with them, in which both parties benefited. While some Brazilian intellectuals working for Vargas managed to maintain some of their professional pur suits separated from the State, i n several connections with the government determined the nature of their activities. In both cases, as Srgio Miceli sai d l and institutional dependence started to determine the relationships intellectuals maintain ed with the State whose subsidies promote iniciatives in the area of cultural production keep inte l lectuals safe from the oscilations of prestige and market sancions, and define the volume of gains for 35 In addition to V illa Lobos, these intellectuals included figures such Mrio de Andrade, and poets Carlos Drummond de Andrade and Manuel Bandeira, among usiness), transacted through a partnership of state institutions, intellectuals, public policy, and the icons of cultural nationalism. Vargas knew this because the regime instituted in November 1930 had made cultural 36 34 Nationalism and Latin A merican Music: Selected Case Studies and Theoretical Considerations In Latin American Music Review/Revista de Musica Latino Americana 24, no.2 (2003), 175. 35 Miceli, In telectuais e Classes Dirigentes se uma situao de depend6encia material e institucional que passa a determinar as relaes que as clientelas intelectuais mantm com o poder pblico cujos subsdios sustentam as iniciativas na rea da produo cultural, colocam os intelectuais a salvo das oscilaes de prestgio, imunes s sanes de mercado, e 36 Williams, Culture Wars, 51.

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115 Var gas also used popular artistic manifestations to disseminate his cultural nationalism, among which the most important was the urban popular genre Samba whose growth in popularity among diverse social classes and races was transforming it into a symbol of Brazilian identity. Vargas controlled Samba through censorship of Samba not exalt aspects of Brazil, the political regime, or Vargas political persona. But as Jairo Severi ano noted, more significantly than censoring unwanted lyrics, D.I. Samba composers use nationalism. 37 These Sambas were called Sambas de Exaltao (Exaltation Sambas ) and became very popular Through Samba Vargas also transmitted moral values and the virtues of work here was to separate the genre from the figure of malandro (rascal), to which Samba had been associated since its genesis in the slums. Malandros are characteristic figures that in Vargas time lived a bohemian life, composing and playing s ambas and they normally did not have stable job s living on malandros today). T he figure of malandro and the idea of work and virtues were basically antithetical. T hey needed the image of Samba With respect to this other political function of Samba Severiano there were too many sambas maki ng apology to malandragem, D.I.P. themes that exalted work and execra ted Bohemia . T 37 Jairo Severiano, Getlio Vargas e a msica p opular ( Rio de Janeiro: Editora da Fundao Getlio Varga s, 1983) 30.

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116 handful of sambas describing well behaved characters some of which former malandros converted into labore rs 38 In cultural manifestations of popular and artistic traditions, artists and intellectuals sought to instill and preserve the nationalistic ideology in In time, t Chant fulfilled an important function because it mediated between nationalistic education and national c ult ure, creating awareness of popular and artistic traditions. Orpheonic Chant had both an educational and artistic function, propagating a sense of discipline and civic duty within a nation alistic and patriotic framework an d preparing children for social life while conveying musical (and thus artistic) knowledge and promoting orpheonic demonstrations for society as a whole. In addition to nationalism and patriotism, Villa L obos deemed it necessary that music education convey aesthetic orientation, which co uld lead children to an artistic life in the future. He believed his Orpheonic Chant suited these goals best because due to its directives it would naturally educate children for their social lives. According to the O rpheonic C hant should in fact be called social education through music. 39 Villa Lobos believed the values disseminated through music education would Indeed, the communicative power of music enables i 38 S everiano, Getlio Vargas e a msica p opular 30 39 Villa Presena de Villa Lobos Volume III, 1 ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969), 108.

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117 of ext ra musical values and ideas in verbal signs which are pre loaded with semantic value a nd generate a set of codes people need to share to be able to communicate, music con stitutes a system of communication whose signs have no pre established meaning. Because of t his non semantic nature, individuals and communities that experience music concomitan tly with extra musical events in their lives, such as feelings, thoughts, image s, and relationships can naturally (and most times unconsciously) attribute personal meanings to music. These meanings, however, are not intrinsic to the musical language or musical aesthetics themselves. Instead, they are part of the life experience of i ndividuals and are part of collective experiences if people experience the music together as a group. In his theory of musical semiotics, Thomas Turino theorized on the communicative he adopted from Char musical meanings into According to Turino ory, become the actual mortar of personal and social identity. When given indices are tied to aff home, family, childh ood, a lover, war experiences they have special potential for creating emotional ef fects because they are often unreflexively 40 values to musical pieces if the musical object is experie nced concurrently with other events of their r eal lives. And if the same extra musical ideas are regularly experienced 40

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118 concomitantly with the same music, the potential for the creation of minds naturally increases. Villa s, marches, and songs promoted the co occurrence of the extra musical sense of nationalism, patriotism, civic duty, discipline, and collective cooperation with the music itself. Teachers exhorted children to learn the meanings of the patriotic and national istic lyrics in the Orpheonic practice, facilitating th e process of values settled as intrinsic elements of their individual and collective identities. Children who particip ated in Villa this sense could imagine Even th ough Villa Lobos did not theorize on the power of music in the formation of power of music when he said, as powerful influence in the masses as mu sic. It is capable of touching the less developed souls, and of dominating 41 Villa Lobos was conscious that through the practice of Orpheonic Chant at school, the nationalistic and patriotic values transmitt ed through the hymns and song s c ould settle down in the identities of children and become part of their real D espite trying to exempt himself from the accusations of ideological engagement with the regime Villa Lobos was, if not personally engaged with the governm 41 Heitor Villa Lobos cited In Ribeiro, ed ., O Pensamento v ivo de Villa Lobos (So Paulo: Martin Claret Editores, 1987), n/p.

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119 ideologies, at least aware that music could be used as a tool for political propaganda. In November 1930 ( Lob os became the director of SEM A ) he gave an interview to the newspaper O Jornal in which he spoke a bout the connections of art to the Revolution of October that led Vargas to power. In this interview, Villa Lobos recognized that arts in general could be used as efficient tools for political propaganda : In this moment, we cannot think of anything that is not connected with the revolution [of October]. And, in the case of the Brazilian artistic life, this contact is necessary and direct . I consider art, with regard to its intellectual aspect, the most efficient tool of dissemination, because it is m ore accessible and more convincing of the mental values of a people. And in this case, art is much more than dip lomacy . T he [Russian] revolution revealed Russian art to us and many other countries found support in the genius of artists; thus art con stituted an element of the revolution. 42 As the excerpt above demonstrates, Villa Lobos was conscious that music, like other arts, could be used to promote political ideas In 1937, when Vargas implemented the dictatorship of the Estado Novo Villa Lobos did not protest against using his program as a vehicle for Lobos aligned his discourse even more with that of Vargas, as several passages of A m sica nacionalista no governo Getlio Vargas demonstrate. Villa strict nationalistic and patriotic orientation of his teaching approach and from his quasi political writings. Although Orpheonic Chant had existed in Brazil since 1912, Villa Lobos used it as a 42 Heitor Villa O Jornal (intervi ew given in November 8 1930), 2 Neste momento, nada se poder pensa r que deixe de ter o seu contacto com a revoluo [de Outubro]. E, no caso da vida artstica brasileira, esse contacto essencial e directo . considero a arte, pelo lado intellectual, como de mais efficiente actuao divulgadora, pois mais access vel bem como mais convincente dos valores mentaes de um povo. E nesse caso a arte mais, muit o mais mesmo, que a diplomacia . Foi a revoluo que nos revelou a arte russa e em muitos outros paizes ella amparou se no gnio dos artistas, constituindo

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120 means of musi c education and also to create a sense of an imagined collective unity among children, to infuse discipline, and to inculcate national sentiment in them. Villa Lobos said indispensable elements for proper musical formation, The collective c hant with its socializing power predisposes individual s to cast off in the necessary moment the egoistic notion of excessive individualism, int egrating [people] in the community with its enormous power for cohesion [ collective chant crea tes] a powerful collective organism, [integrating] the individual in the social patrimony of the fatherland. However, its most important educational aspect is, evidently, the assistance collective chant provides to the moral and civic formation of Brazilia n infancy. 43 This excerpt highlights the idea that, through Orpheonic Chant, Villa Lobos aimed at contributing to the formation of a society in which the individual would yield to the collectivity Villa Lobos spoke about the anonymous contribution of the individual to the construction of the nation, an idea intimately rela Vargas wanted to create in Brazil. Like Vargas, Villa Lobos wanted to create a society in whose suppression of individual will hence the anonymity of the individual was important to prese rve the identity of the group. Clearly, the principles Villa Lobos preached were in line with it Orpheonic Chant promo ted nationalism, patriotism, a sense of civic duty and discipline, and also the idea of the sacrifice of the 43 Villa Lobos, acionalista 10. In the original: canto coletivo, com o seu poder de socializao, predispe o indivduo a perder no momento necessrio a noo egosta da individualidade excessiva, integrand o o na comunidade, valorizando no seu esprito a idia da necessidade da renncia e da disciplina ante os imperativos da coletividade social, favorecendo, em suma, essa noo de solidariedade humana, que requer da criatura uma participao mais annima na construo das grandes nacionalida des com o seu enorme poder de coeso, criando um poderoso organismo coletivo, le integra o indivduo no patrimnio social da Ptria. Entretanto, o seu mais importante aspecto educativo evidentemente, o auxlio qu e o canto coletivo veio prestar formao moral e cvica da

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121 individual in favor of the group and thus Program of Music Education: Indexing B rasilidade and Const ructing the Imagined Community through Music Villa Lobos produced to inde x nationalistic and were the collectio ns of hymns, marches, and song s he used in Orpheonic Chant. Chief a mong these collections are the Guia Prtico (Practical g uide), 44 consist ing of 137 Brazilian folk songs; and the two volumes of Canto Orfenico (Orpheonic c hant), containing marches, patriotic hymns, and nationalistic so ngs, amounting to 86 pieces. Among their patriotic hymns and marches, the two volumes of Canto Orfenico also contain pieces meant to evoke the historic and cultural heritages of Brazil. Villa Lobos included pieces that made reference to Brazilian military deliberate ly included allusions to different regions of the country and fundamental ethnicities, Amerindians and Afro Brazilians, alongside members of the working class, such as the carpenter and blacksm inclusion. 45 In addition, V olume I contains Saudao Getlio Vargas Getlio Vargas ) intending solely to demon strate respect and admiration for Vargas. 46 44 Villa Lobos planned a series of six Guias Prticos but only one was really published for orpheonic singing. There are however, some eleven volumes for solo piano. 45 Vi lla Lobos also used one very short piece by each of the following European composers: J.P. Ramea u, J. Haydn, and W.A. Mozart, for which F. Haroldo (psedonym of Fabiano Lozano) incorporated lyrics in Portuguese language. 46 The text of this song says Brazil! Hail Getlio Vargas! Brazil deposits its faith, its hope, and its Vi! Salve Getlio Vargas! O Brasil deposita sua f, sua esperan a, e sua certeza do futuro no chefe da Lobos, Canto Orfenico vol.1, (So Paulo: Irmos Vitale, 1942), 82 83.

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122 Villa Lobos used the Guia Pr tico, subtitled Estudo Folclrico Musical (Folkloric Musical Study) to t hrough Brazilian folklore which he educators of the First Repu blic had already elaborated upon. function in terms of easy i dentification with the melodies : In the case of the teaching [of folklore] through simple listening which generally initiates the practice of orpheonic chant the familiar ity and identitfication with the folkloric melody that come imbued with psychological racial characteristics, provide children with a fast assimilation and retention of these melodies, and also gives them a spontaneous pleasure in the repetition of these c hants full of ancestral resonances. The habit of with pure and healthy foods, will become one o f the foundations of nationality itself. Thus it is necessary to exploit this habit in the good humane and patriotic sense (my italics) 47 Like Brazilian music educators before him, Villa Lobos also considered folklore important to create awareness in child ren about the racial elements of Brazil, or in other racial and cultural heritage s in Brazil. But Villa Lobos elaborated more deeply upon this function of folklore and transmitted the idea that through these songs children would essence of the nation was to be found Lobos considered these songs important in initiating collective 47 Villa Lobos, A msica nacionalista No caso do ensino [do folclore] por simples audio que geralmente inicia a prtica do canto orfenico a familiaridade e a identidade com as melodias folclricas que j vm impregnadas de caractersticas psicolgicas raciais, facultam criana no s uma rpida assi milao e reteno dessas melodias, como lhes causa um prazer espontneo na repetio desses cantos cheios de ressonncias ancestrais Nasce a o hbito do canto coletivo, como uma necessidade na vida infantil. Um hbito que traz as suas razes profundas i mersas nas prprias fontes da vida infantil e que, nutrido de alimentos sadios e puros, passar a constituir um dos alicerces da prpria nacionalidade. preciso, pois, explorar essa hbito, no bom s entido humano e patritico.

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123 chant because would help form children whose individual and coll ective identiti es were unconsciously founded on what he considered the deepest elements of nationality. Villa Lobos deemed it necessary to direct these nationalistic characteristics of folklore toward developing patriotism in children. Along with folk son gs, whose nationalistic content is disguised by playful aspects of the melodies and texts, Villa Lobos also used songs and hymns whose nationalistic and patriotic aspects were more overt He said, marches, and patriotic s ongs learned in the school environment that will awaken [in children] the notions of Fatherland and nationality. 48 In A msica nacionalista no g overno Getlio Vargas he eloquently explained the role of nationalistic and patriotic music in the formation of Brazilian children : T hrough singing songs and commemorative hymns to our Country, in celebration of national heroes, the Brazilian child will quickly become instilled with the spirit of brasilidade which in the future, will mark the ideas, act ions and thoughts, allowing the child to acquire without doubt an authentic Brazilian musical consci ousness N ew generations, touched by this renewing and dynamogenic blow, will place above all human interests the sacred symbol of the Fatherland (the second italic is mine). 49 From this passage we understand that Villa Lobos knew the power of music to instill hat occurred concomitantly with musical practice such as the collective cooperation necessary in choirs, t he figure of 48 Villa Lobos in Presena de Villa Lobos: Educao Musical, vol 13 ( Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1991 ) 33. 49 Villa Lobos A msica nacionalista Entoando as canes e os hinos comemorativos da Ptria, na celebrao dos heris nacionais, a infncia brasileira vai se impregnando aos poucos dsse esprito de brasilidade que no futuro dever marcar tdas as suas aes e todos os seus pensamentos, e adquire, sem dvida, uma conscincia musical autenticamente brasileira. E as geraes novas, tocadas por esse sopro renovador e dinamognico, colocaro acima de todos os

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124 authority of the teacher, the friendly environment of school, and all the patriotic and nationalistic content of the lyrics. Much like Vargas, Villa Lobos referred to the ism. As the passage demonstrates, the very nature of Villa In general, the musical atmosphere of these songs matched the content of the lyrics. For instance, Vill a Lobos set songs of civic duty such as Soldadinhos (Little soldiers ), and patriotic songs such as Brasil Unido ) and Meu Paz country ) to martial rhythm; he set songs about Amerindian culture, such as Nozani n (a chant from the Pa reci Indians) African musical elements (such as syncopations) in songs with reference to African slaves, such as Um Canto que Saiu das Senzalas A Chant that C ame from the Slave Houses ). 50 In this se nse, children could form in their minds an image of the vastness and diversity of Brazilian history, heritages, and landscapes through the lyrics and music they learned at school. The march Soldadinhos 1 ) 51 provides a good example of this pr oc ess of ideological indexicality. This piece was composed by Sylvio Salema ( teacher of Orpheonic Cha nt and an important assistant to Villa Lobos ) and arranged by Villa Lobos for the first volume of Canto Orfenico Playfully, t he text of this song calls the little Brazilian soldiers to devote themselves to the fatherland: 50 T he first four pieces are part of Canto Orfenico vol. 1 and th e fourth is part of vol. 2 51 Heitor Villa Lobos, Canto Orfenico vol. 1 (So Paulo: Irmos Vitale, 1942), 9 10.

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125 La! La! La la la la la!. Etc. Somos soldados pequeninos, Fortes na luta do dever, Nossas conquistas e destinos Vamos a ptria oferecer, Marcha soldadinho, Contente e feliz, E colhe no ca minho O amor do teu paiz La! La! La la la la la!. .Etc. We are little soldiers With a strong sense duty Our conquests and destinies We offer to the fatherland March, little soldier, Content and happy, And harvest in your way, The love of your country I n Soldadinhos Villa Lobos combined strong patriotic elements with elements of innocence typical of childhood. This little march begins with an introduction of eight emulate s a t rumpet call that emulates a ruff on a drum. While the arpeggio and the vocal effect convey a military character to the march, c onveys a nave atmosphere to the piece, assuaging its military character. Next, the patriotic text of Soldadinhos is combined with a simple melody that facilitates the the military character returns with trumpet call in augmented rhythms, which sound like a reminiscence of its more assertive presentation in the initial measures. In a playful manner Soldadinhos indexes in the minds of children a sense of patriotism and civic duty with music of military character, and as many other pieces used in Orpheonic Chant, it created Orpheonic Chant and the Senses of Patriotism, Discipline, and Civic Duty: Indoctrinating the Imagine d Community through the mu sical and textual content of hymns, marches, and songs (as the march Soldadinhos reveals), Villa Lobos had many other educational tools that essent ially

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126 impos ed the nationalistic ideology on the children What Villa Lobos called i n the Programa do ensino da msica was one of these indoctrinating tools. Villa Lobos one of the most important pedagogical elements of his music education, through which teachers should Incite the student to love the Fatherland. Explain that orpheonic chant is civic, moral and artistic education through chant; Show the true usefulness of Patriotic Hymns; Explain that the hymns must be su ng with patriotism, conviction, enthusiasm, and expression, but mostly without shouting, demonstrating that disciplined singing or declaiming the hymns, represent s a Prayer to Brazil (the italic is mine). 52 In th which preceded th e practic e of Orpheonic Chant, teachers explained to as Villa Lobos put it). All the elements Villa Lobos described as part of the viction, were not intended to educate children about music (or even to educate children about practical aspects of their soci al life) but simply to impose ideology revealing the indoctrina ting nature of Orpheon ic Chant. In the excerpt above Villa Lobos added a religious significa nce to the musical practice once more as he affirmed that the hymns should be performed with respect er er one of the most expre ssive elements of devotion and faith, with patriotic music, conveying the idea that children ( much like members of a religious sect) s hould be disciplined and should respectfully show their devotion and fatherland ic. 52 Villa sica Mocidade Estudiosa, enfm, nossa Gente. Explicar que o canto orfenico a educao do canto, cvica mora l e artstica. Mostrar a verdadeira utilidade dos Hinos Patriticos. Explicar que os hinos devem ser cantados com patriotismo, conv ico, entusiasmo e expresso mas principalmente sem gritar, demonstrando que o cantar ou declamar os hinos disciplinadamente

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127 Another indoctrinating element of Orpheonic Chant that Villa Lobos described in the nsino Atitude do s Orfeonist s a (Attitude of Students). According to him, T he correct attitude of the student in an orpheonic chant class facilit ates correct breathing and emission of sound. To the correct position of the body it is necessary to ally the most rigorous attention, indispensable to the achievement of good results. Little by little, students will comprehend that discipline is the basis for orpheonic chant, and that a correct and nice attitude, from the individual aesthetic, has an accentuated influence in the aesthetic of the group as a whole. 53 While proper body posture could result in better musical results, it is evident that Villa Lo bos also wanted visual aspects of the Orpheonic Chant groups to convey a sense of organization and discipline through the immaculate posture of school children. This quasi military aspect of music education was even more evident in the so called Saudao O rfenica (Orpheonic Salute). According to Villa salutation is a s ymbolic gest ure of open hands, positioned at the level of the shoulder or head, as a fast sal utate that serve s t o determine the beginning of discipline required from all 54 The Orpheonic Salutat e was used to greet authorities such as membe rs of the government, high rankings officials of the army, representatives of friendly nat ions, and symbols of the nation, especially the national f lag. Here, the indoctrinating aspect of music education is related to the military doctrine. 53 Villa Lobos, 14 orfenico facilita a boa respirao e emisso do som. posio do corpo, necessrio aliar se a mais rigorosa aten o indispensvel para a obteno de um resultado eficiente. Pouco a pouco, os alunos tero compreendido que a disciplina a base do canto orfenico, e ainda que uma atitude correta e agradvel, fator da esttica individual, tem uma influncia acentuada na 54 Villa Lobos, 14 um gesto simblico de mo aberta, colocada altura do ombro ou da cabea, numa continncia rpida que serve para precisar o incio da rigorosa disciplina qu

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128 Another important teaching tool of O rpheonic C hant associated with the idea of inculcating discipline in children was the manossolfa, the method of solfege with t he hands that Villa Figures 3 4 and 3 5 ). The manossolfa was an important teaching tool because it made Orpheonic Chant accessible to all children regardless of their musical knowledge. But when Villa Lobos wr ote about the method in the Programa do Ensino he emphasized that the method would naturally discipline children and did not comment about its democratizing function He said the manossolfa : Must be applied mainly as a preponderant element that will fix attention since it requires from the students constant attention and process, the natural discipline so necessary to the teaching of orpheonic chant, is obtained. Manossolfa is divided into spoken, sung, simple, and names and in a disciplined manner relate them to a determined movement the discipline of the group (my italics). 55 In the passage above Villa Lobos constantly refers to the idea of discipline in manossolfa revealing that this technique suited his program of music education because it was a practical method to teach large cr owds and also because the very nature of manossolfa instilled discipline in students. Villa Lobos used the manossolfa because he believed music should be learned int uitively, like language, as did musicians who followed the Analytic Method in the First Re public. The essential idea of manossolfa was that without the mediation of music rules and scores, which could delay 55 Villa 21 preponderante para fixar a ateno dos alunos, uma vez que requer a constante observao dos movimentos dive rsos das mos do professor. Obtm se com esse processo, a disciplina natural to necessria ao ensino do canto orfenico. O manossolfa divide se em falado, entoado, simples, e desenvolvido. O primeiro deve ser empregado para reter os nomes das notas e nom e las disciplinadamente a um determinado movimento da mo do professor. O seu fim principalmente

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129 a thorough development of musical creativity, children would be able to fully develop their musicianship. In th is sense, music and the mess age it was conveying would intuitively in their minds. Thus, it seems Villa Lobos believed that if children were educated from early ages with nationalistic and patrioti c music, the national spirit would be an essential part of their personalities, shaping their future actions. Educational and Administrative Institutions of Music Education: Plan ning O ut and Administering the Imagined Community The most important governm ental institution that regulated music educati on in schools was the SEMA Its functions included supervising and coordinati ng the new music program in schools and organizing of public conce rts. Under the supervision of SEMA, Orpheonic Chant was implemented in several schools in Rio increasing the demand for teachers of the new discipline Aiming to meet this demand, Villa Lobos created several courses in Rio de Janeiro that trained te achers of Orpheonic Chant In 1932, he first created the Curso de Pedagogi a da Msica e Canto Orfenico ( Course in Mus ic Pedagogy and Orpheonic Chant), which provided basic training to teachers of primary and secondary schools in Rio Through public notice and invitation, Villa Lobos called music specialists to collaborate with him and exchange their knowledge with the schoolteachers Villa who became instructors of Orpheonic Chant methods for the Curso de Pedagogia such as composer Lorenzo Fernandez, pianist Arnado Estrella, and musicologist Andrade Muricy. The presence of these musicians conferred a professional level to the musical training of schoolteachers.

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130 In 1933, Villa Lobos implemented the Cursos de Orientao e Aperfeioamento do Ensino de M sica e Canto Orf enico (Courses in Orientation and Perfection in Music al Education and Orpheonic Chant) to give a uniform orientation to teachers of Orpheonic Chant. He divided the course into four subcategories: Course of Rhythmic Declamation; Preparatory Course to the T eaching of Orpheonic Chant; Specialization Course in Music and Orpheonic Singing; and Course in Practice of Orpheonic Chant. The first two subcategories were taught from 1933 to 1936 and again in 1939 and were designed for non music teachers to learn the b asics of O rpheonic C hant to teach children from the first, second, and third grades of primary education. The third and fourth subcategories were destined for professionals of music and were designed partly to investigate the social and artistic characteri stics of music. In addition, they were intended to promote discussion among teachers regarding the application of the teaching methods and musical programs in the school environment. With the implementation of these courses, Villa Lobos standardized the fo rmation of teachers of Orpheonic Chant in Rio de Janeiro. D espite Villa t in the ideological implementation of music in scho he schools of Rio de Janeiro, SEMA had reporters visit schools within their assigned districts and wri te annual reports about several aspects of music education. T hese reports included the number of te achers of each school evaluated number of students, musical strengths and deficiencies of students and teachers, number of civic events held in those schools and the overall number of civic events in which the school

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1 31 participated. In general, these report s pointed out what should be done to make music education more effectiv e for music, discipline, and civic purposes Maria Olympia de Moura Reis was a teacher of Orpheonic Chant an d one of these SEMA reporters She visited dozens of schools in Rio several times a year to evaluate the situation of Orpheonic Chant. Most of these reports, Reis highlighted the lack of specialized teachers of the discipline and consequently the absence of Orpheonic Chant in some schools. These were the major problems Villa Lob os faced in implementing music education in Rio. Ad ditionally, Reis reported on problems related to the teaching of music itself. I n her 1936 report for instance, she said SEMA should put more emphasis on teaching applied theory in the fourth and fifth gr ades. She said, believe that especially in the 4 th and 5 th grades, certain elementary notions are indispensable, but [they need to be] taught in a practical and easily comprehensible manner In some schools these elements were totally abandoned; in othe rs, treated with excessive abstraction; and [only] in a few it was done in the manner and dosage appropriate for 56 Although such problems of practical order hindered the perfect execution of Villa prevent Orpheo nic Chant from becoming part of the where Orpheonic Chant was p collective discipline w as always achieved. S he wrote in 1941, where music and O rpheonic C hant 56 Maria Olympia de Moura Reis, in her SEMA report from 1936 ( document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos tur mas de 4 e 5 annos, so indispensv eis certas noes elementares, mas ensinadas de modo prtico e facilmente comprehensvel. Em algumas escolas esse ensino foi to talmente abandonado; em outras demasiadamente e abstractamente tratado; em poucas elle foi feito na maneira e na dosagem

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132 are taught regularly, collective discipline is patently better than in the schools with no 57 Even schools that did not implement Orpheonic Chant ( or did not have enough music teachers to provide re gular m usic orientation) participated in civic artistic celebrations (Orpheonic Concentrations) in which Orpheonic Chant was the main attraction. In the days just before these celebrations, these schools sought teachers of Orpheonic Chant to teach the patr iotic hymns to children. Because most schools started participating regularly in such civic artistic events, the ir students also nationalistic ideology through this constant ( a lbeit not weekly ) practice of Orpheonic Chant. 58 Thus, regar dless of their musical training in Orpheonic Despite the practical problems he he faced as director of SEMA in Rio de Janeiro, Villa Lobos worked toward propagating Orpheonic Chan t throughout Brazil and generated interest in several states. As he reported, A request was sent t o the interventores and directors of instructional institutions of all Brazilian states in 1933 to embrace the propagation of the teaching of music and forma tion of orpheonic groups in schools, presenting at the same time an exposition of the necessities and advantages that the collective practice of orpheonic chant, rooted in an uniform didactic orientation could bring to the national unity This appeal was r eceived with interest and sympathy in many states, which worked to make it a reality Thus, we decided to accept regist ration of state teachers in specialized 57 M aria Olympia de Moura Reis, in her SEMA report from 1941 (document c ollected in the Museu Villa L obos Document number HVL 04.05.39), 3. In Nas escolas onde o ensino de msica e canto orfenico vem sendo regularmente feito, a disciplina coletiva como sempre, notoriamente superior as que no tem recebido professor para es 58 So civic artistic events featured Orpheonic Chant, Reis personally helped to organize fifteen in 1940 and eight in 1941. (Data collected in the Museu Villa Lobos in the SEMA reports from the respective years given above. Document numbers HV L 04.05.38, pages 6 a 8, and HVL 04.05.39, pages 6 e 7).

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133 courses for short training sessions where they could acquire the indispensable basic knowledge ( My italics.) 59 Villa a basic training in Orpheonic Chant, they too could contribute to the creation of national unity. Indeed, the patriotic and nationalistic nature of music nationalistic ideology into the identities of school children all over Brazil, regardless of the technical music elements teachers conveyed to children. The growth of the Cursos de Orientao e Aperfeioamento do Ensino de Music a e Canto Orfenico and V illa Orpheonic Chan t throughout Brazil resulted in creation of the Conservatrio Nacional de Canto Orfenico (National Conservatory of Or pheonic Chant) in Rio de Janeiro in 1942, of which Villa Lobos became the director. According to Villa Lobos, the rol e of this o train teachers for the elem entary schools; to elaborate technical directives that will rule the teaching of O rpheonic C hant in Brazil; to promote musicolog ical research of Brazilian music; to record discs of O rpheonic C hant and also patriotic a nd popular songs that must be su 60 Through this Conservatory, Villa Lobos sought to guarantee that teachers of Orpheonic Chant fr om a ll Brazilian states receive the same musical preparation. He wanted to standardize the teaching of Orpheonic Chant ( and thus the ideologies it disseminated) 59 Villa Lobos in Presena vol. 13 32. I Aos interventores e diretores de instruo de todos os Estados do Brasil foi enviado em 1933 um apelo no sentido de que se interessassem pel a propagao do ensino de msica nas escolas e pela organizao de orfees escolares, apresentando se ao mesmo tempo uma exposio das necessidades e vantagens que poderiam advir para uma unidade nacional da prtica coletiva do canto orfenico. Foi esse a pelo acolhido com interesse e simpatia em muitos Estados que desde ento se preocuparam em torn lo uma realidade. Assim, resolveu se aceitar a matrcula de professores estaduais nos cursos especializados, para pequenos estgios onde eles pudessem adquirir 60 Vasco Mariz, Mariz Heitor Villa Lobos: Compositor Brasileiro Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores, 1983, n/p

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134 all over Brazil. As for the role of teachers trained in this Conser vatory, Villa Lobos said, stude nts of the Conservator y will be the future specialists in the discipline, thus the noble and delicate mission of educating civically and musically the new generations of Brazil will fall to them acting as sentinels and followers of this authentic movement of 61 (my italics ) Villa Lobos referred to the teachers as the followers of musical nationalism, but because of the ideological and indoctrinating aspects of es, homogenizing nationalism throughout the country and helping create national unity. In this sense, in addition to their role as music educators, these teachers also fulfilled a social and political function that interested the government. P riorities of the administrative and educational institutions that promoted Orpheonic Chant were not so much the music formation of schoolchildren but mostly the homogenizatio n of educational approaches, education for social life, and the use of music education to help create national unity. By promoting pedagogies framed in nationalistic and patriotic orientations the administrative structure of SEMA and the educational institutions Villa Lobos created therefore support ed ough music education and promote d directives for education. Final Considerations Music education spread and homogenized brasilidade patriotism, discipline, and civic duty among school children (and their elders by extension) first in Rio de Jane iro 61 Villa Lobos in Presena s alunos do Conservatrio sero os futuros p rofessores especializados da nova disciplina e a eles caber, portanto, a nobre e delicada misso de educar, cvica e musicalmente, as novas geraes do Brasil, como sentinelas avanadas e continuadoras desse movimento de

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135 ( where Villa ) and little by little all over Brazil. All of these children were part of a face to face community that shared the ideas instilled through music educat ion in their school environment. T hrough t heir contact with other children outside school, through media, and especially through the massive Orpheonic Concentrations these children could realize they were also part of a larger states, or even all over Brazil) that received the same nationalistic music orientation. Children represented the ideal vessel to propagate the nationalistic ideologies within their families because parents would share their enthu siasm for Orpheonic Chant in the spirit of love and family solidarity Therefore, music education was a clever way for Vargas his regime and also structure Brazilian society as a whole in a foundation of nationalism Although Simon W right said nt patriotism, Villa Lobos was a non political animal, more concerned with his own career as composer and conductor than with the rapidly changing ever volatile matters of Brazilian politics under Vargas, 62 this chapter demonstrates that Villa Lobos was indeed completely engaged with 62 Wright, Villa Lobos, 112.

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136 Table 3 1. Number of Secondary Schools and Registered Children in Brazil between 1932 and 1945 (Source: National Department of Education). Year Secondary Schools Registered Children 1932 291 44,400 1933 310 61,600 1934 365 73,000 1935 422 89,000 1936 455 102,000 1937 530 116,000 1938 591 125,000 1939 624 135,000 1940 658 148,000 1941 690 161,000 1942 727 173,500 1943 763 185,200 1944 798 195,500 1945 826 210,000 CPDOC FGV document number GC pi Capanema, G. 45.00.0000 A

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137 Figure 3 1. Getlio Vargas: Amigo das crianas, cover page

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138 Figure 3 2. Vargas and school c hildren from A J uventude no Esta d o Novo

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139 Example 3 1 Score of Soldadinhos mine

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140 Example 3 1 Continued

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141 Figure 3 3 Villa Lobos demonstrating the manossolfa sign that stands for mi2. Collected in the archive s of the Museu Villa Lobos (file number 1980 16 013).

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142 Figure 3 4 Villa Lobos using the manossolfa in the 1940s. Collected in the archives of the Museu Villa Lobos (file number 1980 16 032).

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143 CHAPTER 4 REACHING OUT TO THE BRAZILIAN FAMILY: TH E SYSTEM O F MUSIC EDUCATION OUTSIDE TH E SCHOOL Children played an important role in disseminating the Vargas ideology withi n their families Vargas promoted the idea of a new and modern country and associated the idea of his government with the youth, w ho were also blossoming into life and more connected to the ideas of the modern world. Cleverly, Vargas us ed ideals of prosperity and modernity to their families. This strategy is well illustrated in a radio b roadcast 63 In this radio story, grandfather; represent four generations of Brazilian men. The story starts with Z Mar ia and Antnio talking about how distant they ideas. Toninho then arrive s and says Getlio Vargas is giving a speech on the radio and Toninho wants both his grandfather and great grandfather to listen to the speech. Z Maria sa ys he d oes not like the radio because he is too old to for it. 64 But Toninho asks Z Maria why he hid himself to listen to radio reports when they were about the emperor (symbolically representing the past of angers his great grandfather Toninho then asks 63 Recording collected at CPDOC FGV (no dates provided). 64 rage and because it literacy which he disseminated his ideologies. Vargas used the radio as an important mass media to spread nationalistic idea s to people all over Brazil. The advantage of the radio over the newspaper is that anyone who had a radio device could understand the message whether they were literate or not. For more ee Bryan McCann, Hello, Hello, Brazil: Popular Music in the Making of Brazil (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), and Luiz Andr Ferreira de Oliveira, Getlio Vargas e o Des envolvimento do Rdio no Pais: Um Estudo do Rdio de 1930 a 1945 (Rio de Janeiro: CPDOC FGV, 2006. )

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144 why his grandfather Antnio always goes away from the radio when Getlio Vargas speaks and the old man says he does not know the answer Toninho says according to his father (Carlos and the old man laugh s with hen Carlos, an engineer, enters the story, he proudly speaks of the discovery of Brazilian petrol and says who did not believe Brazilian oil existed c an now see the proof (he shows samples of oil to his family). According to Carlos, this was only possible because of the initiative of Getlio Vargas. Toward the end of this story, Z Maria, the oldest m an, asks someone to turn on the radio and is support ed by his son s surprise Carlos and his wife (who just appeared to add an interjection of surprise), who thought the oil Maria says even before Carl os showed them that Brazilian oil exis ted, they had already This story captures approach to family and shows the family environment as a place where chi ldren and their elders exchange ideas about Brazil, Vargas, and his politics. As the story shows, Vargas placed his trust in the Brazilia n youth and used the figure of the child as an emissary of the oil prove d to the elders that Vargas was wor th their trust, Toninho had already persuaded the two old men to listen for the president and his program are whatm led the tw o old men to listen The story al to convey his messages to the Brazilian family, disseminating the same nationalistic

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145 values to create a sense of unity among its members. In addition to creating ties among families, these messages also aimed to create a sense of union among radio audiences commented about undertaken on the radio it is enough to say that radio reaches where the school and the press do not, to the farthest points of the country, to the understanding of 65 not everybody cou ld afford to have a radio in their home. At that time, people willing to listen to the radio normally gathered together in public sites (such as plazas) where the government installed speakers. Increasingly people started purchasing their own radios expensive [in the 1930s and 40s]: by the late 1930s, installment plans and used radios sold through newspaper classifieds put them within reach even of working class families. By 1945, IBOPE (Instituto Brasileiro de Opinio Pblica e Estatstica), the Brazilian polling organizat ion, estimated that 85 percent of the households in So Paulo and Rio de Janeiro the two most important cities in Brazil 66 and how he used it to create bonds amo ng the Brazilian population. According to McCann, when Vargas took power in 1930, 65 Lourival Fontes quoted in Bryan McCann, Hello, Hello, Brazil : P opular Music in the Making of Brazil (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), 19. 66 McCann, Hello, Hello, Brazil 23

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146 He recognized the need to embark immediately on strong political and economic reforms in order to stabilize his government. In addition he and his new administrative cohort understood the imperative to reach and inspire a broad population with a message of inclusion and common struggle. Radio seemed the perfect tool for their enterprise: it combined technology and industry, and it harnessed invisible forces in pursuit of triu mphant modernity. It was capable of reaching into the private homes of citizens and transforming their lives, placing them in direct contact with their leader. Most important, it offered the hope of linking far flung territories into a single network of in stantaneous communication, and of bridging the gaps of culture and class that divided Brazilians. 67 popular music, his ideas are relevant here. In the above passage McCann highli ghted the important role radio played for Vargas (well illustrated in the story of Toninho and his conveyed the same messages to the whole family; and second, as McCann aff irmed, d contributed Indeed, bridging the gaps among different generations of Brazilians was an endeavors. Vargas used chil d family in the nationalistic ideology. According to Paulo de Figueiredo, member and 68 The National State, with man as its leitmot if was committed to taking care 67 McCann, Hello, Hello, Brazil 19. 68

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147 wh ich they draw the ir secret and profound forces in fo rming their personal ities . Besides, the family constitutes an important sociological elemen t, because it is in the family that societies are structured . It is through the family that the state gets to men. 69 As the passage above reveals, Vargas emphasized the role of the family in the formation of individuals to create a strong foundation for the nation. On the importance of the family to the nation, Benedict A he family has traditionally been conceived as the domain of disinterested love an d solidarity. So too if historians, it is interest less. Just for that re 70 Vargas realized the institution of the family represented this disinterested, natural love, which he could direct toward the growth of nation and to support his government. less love for the nation. Through the rhetoric of his speeches, Vargas also conveyed the idea that he was part of the big family of Brazilians and in this sense he was among the people and not above them : I n ever avoided your companionship, and in uncertain or dangerous times it was in direct contact with you, in the streets and public spaces, that I found stimulus to face the diffic ulties and keep the conduct I adopted as the one responsible for the future of the Nation. I did not do it to gain easy popularity and ele ctoral suffrage; it was in power and through exercising the functions of gover nor that I became your friend to better understand the needs of workers and to better realize their aspirations. I always felt and expre ssed clearly my opinion of you intellectuals, artists, workmen, tradesm en, bank workers, farm workers considering all of you as valuable humans instead of machines of production; I always h eld in high esteem your reserves of patriotic energy, moral consist ency, and devotion to public affairs to 69 Paulo de Figueireido, Aspectos Ideolgicos do Estado Novo ( Braslia: Senado Federal, 1983 ) 131. 70 Anderson, Imagined Communities 144

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148 promote wellness of the Brazilian family and secure work, which creates abundance and perfects our culture (the italic is mine). 71 Through a populist strategy, clear in t his excerpt, Vargas aligned himself with the people, assuaging his authoritarian politics and slyly asking people to sacrifice for the benefit of the nation. Vargas eloque ntly conferred a noble status on Brazilian workers and said they were vital for the nation and for the wellness of the Brazilian family. A lthough he considered men more than mac hines of production, Vargas regarded vital to the growth of the nation. Strategically, Vargas included himself in the community of Brazilian s, transmitting the idea that the peop le and t he State (represented by Vargas ) were joined together to promote the advancement of the nation. He attempted to create close ties between the St ate and Brazilian families to more easily direct their disinterested love toward patriotism and nationalism. T he bonds Villa family policies Orpheonic Chant played an imp ortant role the family because Villa Lobos encouraged child ren to share with their famil ies the nationalistic ideas that Orpheonic Chant insti lled in the school environment. Villa Lobos was aware that children could be emissaries of Orpheonic he orpheonic chant practiced in childhood and propagated by children in their h omes will form new generations with a renewed sense of discipline and s ocial habits; men and women who will know how to work singing for their land, and 72 Furthermore, SEMA developed questionnaires about O rpheonic C hant in which families were asked to give their impressions of the 71 Francisco Galvo, Di retrizes do Estado Novo (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda, 1942), 83. 72 Heitor Villa Presena de Villa Lobos vol 5, 1 ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1970), 94.

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149 73 According to Villa Lobos, of branching out to c the int erest in O rpheonic Chant and investigating, in a sensitive manner its 74 With this system, Villa Lobos aimed to guaran tee families engagement efficient the Orpheonic Chant w as In this sense, children the connection between Orpheonic Chant practiced by the youth with the ir families and society as a whole. Capanema affirmed, do the linkages of the moral unity become stronger in the Brazilian Youth, but singing can also exert a strong civic influence o n the families and among the people which creates enthusiasm, 75 T hese passages show that for both Villa Lobos and the government Orpheonic Chant played a strategic role in extending the nationalistic ideology disseminated at school to the population as a whole. Despi te the important role of children in disseminating among their families the importance in society, Villa Lobos realized he needed to speak more directly to the adult population to make sure he got his messages across. He organized the Tea who per formed concerts with civic, 73 Vill a acionalista 53 In the original: alunos, onde so solicitadas as suas impresses sbre a influncia do canto nos h bitos e inclinaes dos mesmos. 74 Vill a acionalista 53. In the original: Essa iniciativa tem a du pla finalidade d e estender ao prprio lar d a criana o intersse pelo canto orfenico e de apurar de uma maneira sensvel 75 Gustavo Capanema, Folheto no. 19 do Conservat rio Nacional de Canto Orfenico (Ministrio da E ducao e Sade, Servico de Documenta o, 1942 ), 3.

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150 artistic, and educational fun ctions for the whole population. Additionally, musicians who supported Villa Lobos educational quest organized the Orchestra Villa Lobos in 1933 and c hose Villa had an educational function and performed several important concerts in Rio, and Villa Lobos also conducted the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro several time s in progra included the premieres of several canons of European art music as well as Brazilian art music, and popular and traditional Brazilian music. His activities with these groups r eveal his willing ness to musically educate the population as a whole and his alignment with V ial policy toward the family. A long with Orpheonic Chant in schools, through these groups Villa Lobos created a complex system of music education that disseminated the same ideologies t o children and their families, seeking to create a common musical and ideological ground within Brazilian families. Although the literature does not mention the functions or existence of these musical groups, they are fund amental to understanding how Villa of music education contributed to structuring Brazilian society as a whole in the nationalistic and patriotic ideology. Because this system as a whole provided similar musical experiences to children and th eir families, it helped create which they could constantly exchange information about music and its messages. Through this cycle children and adults shared and reinforced the same nationalistic ideology in one another. T hrough his syst em of music education Villa Lobos helped keep the ideologies of the government fresh and constantly homes.

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151 Municipal Theater of Rio de Janeiro, and the Orchestra Villa Lobos to illuminate how population and educated the adult population of Rio de Janeiro, complementing the role of Orpheonic Chant in schools. T o reach out to the adult population of Rio de Janeiro, Villa to organize the Orfeo de Professores established in May 1932 with teachers who attended the Course of Pedagogy of Music and Orphe onic Cha nt (F igure 4 1). s created to perform concerts with civic, artistic, and educational purposes for both the elite and the masses It quic k ly became an important educational tool in Villa education, esp ecially during the first years after its implementation. As Villa Lobos sai d, T hrough this choral society, we started in a practical and efficient way our educational campaign to elevate 76 Although Villa Lobos did not explain get an idea of Orpheon that appealed to both the masses and elites. Indeed, the artistic level of the gro up evolved so fast that by the end of 1932 several important concerts. In September 1932 (roughly 4 months after its formation), for instance, the group dedicated a concert to Margueritte Long, the great French pianist and teacher, who was visiting Brazil. Long was very impressed with the performance 76 H eitore Villa Lobos, 376.

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152 progress as quickly as 77 The q along with was very important for Villa con certs of nationalistic and patriotic music and Villa Lobos instructed teachers to exhort contributed to instilli ng the nationalist ideology in the minds of the adult population. T regime is evident in the opening words of the so which the group was organized. Roquet t e Pinto wrote the opening phrase of this book: h my heart to serve Art with discipline so that Brazil can work through 78 Clearly, perpetuating the idea s of discipli ne, work, and social inclusion ( ) w as of major importance i agenda. A ll par ticipants of the group signed this book, committing themselves to these Lobos extended the 77 Margueritte Long in 377. In the Original: Na Frana no existe um orfeo que tenha conseguido to rapidamente o progresso do Orfeo de Professores, ca ntando com tanta 78 Roquete Pinto in g words of the and professor. He was part of the so called Misso Rondon (Rondon Mission), named after Brazilian Marshal Cndido Mariano da Silva Rondon, th e chief of the expedition wh ose objective was to expand telegraphic line s in the st ate of Mato Grosso and expand them to other neighbor states. In that trip, in which Pinto got in contact with different Amerindian tribes such as the Parecis and Inhambiquar as, he collected ethnographic material that generated Rondnia: Antropologia Etnogrfica ( Rondnia: Ethnographic Anthropology ) in 1917, an important book about anthropology in Brazil. T his material includes Amerindian melodies Villa Lobos incorporated in e ducational collections of songs of his system of music education (he also used some of these melodies in his own compositions such as the Pareci melody Nozani n Orekua in Choros no.3). Pinto was also important in establishing radio broadcastings in Brazi l. He persuaded the government to invest in equipment for radio broadcasting, which eventually led to the organization of the Radio Sociedade do Rio de Janeiro in 1922, of which Pinto became the director.

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153 a whole. Besi Villa Lobos with an opportunity to check the level of discipline of the audiences during concerts of art music. About the performance of his Oratorio Vidapura for instance in wh Vil la Lobos responded i verify the perfect comprehension of this work by the self seriousness with which our 3,000 schoolchildren performed a strict and polyphonic which the crowded t heater listened to Vidapura was the realization of my insistent recommendations and exhorta tions to the teachers, which they conveyed in the 79 We can infer from the passage that to practice discipline and be silent during a musical concert and the youngsters then tr ansmitted Villa to their parents. T hey extended the messages of school exhortations to their families. Thus, at educational concerts, parents experienced great works of art music, and also the s ame ideology of the nation their children had extended to the adult population of Rio a sense of discipline, nationalism, patriotism, 79 Heitor Villa Lobos, Presenca de Villa Lobos vol 3, surpresa no foi verificar a compreenso perfeita dessa obra, revelada pelo abnegado Orfeo de Professores, nem tampouco a seriedade com que nossos 3.000 escolares executaram uma pea severa e polifni ca, mas foi principalmente o pblico. A ateno, o silncio absoluto com que o Teatro

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154 and the importance of music for society, all of which the Orpheonic Chant instilled in the school environment. T h regular concerts Villa Lobos envisioned that these values would progressively settle as larger socio cultural practices, which would contribute to his education al European Music: Raising the Artistic Level in Brazil and Instilling Pride in the Population The artistic educational role of the Teac repertoire the group performed an d in concerts in which the group took part. Chief among these were Pope Marcellus Mass Missa Solemnis in 1933; the premiere of Villa Oratorio Vidapura in 1934; the first South Am Mass in B Minor in 1935, which commemorated the 250 th year Judas Maccabeus in 1936; and the premiere of Villa Missa de So Sebastio in 1937. The cult ural achievements of the Teac Orpheon were such that even Oscar Guanabarino, a spokesman of conservat ive audiences and the harshest critic of Villa Lobos, acknowledged Villa undertakings and the importance of this choral group: We have alrea dy expressed our compliments to this artistic group [the spread discipline and popularized singing more by its interest than any love for the art of c h oral music. W e did nothing more than justly praise maestro Villa Lobos, who has demonst rated firm will and is obtained what others would have been discouraged to pursue along the way. To sing the Missa Papae Marcelli, for instance, counting on a strong choral mass formed by professi onals is an easy enterprise But in the mention ed Orpheo n what prevails is amateurship . Maestro Villa Lobos deserves therefore sincere compliments, because we see him more humane now, closer to the great classical masters he previously

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155 repudiated, giving importance only to the bizarre composi tio ns and dissonant music of ultra modern composers. 80 Although Guanabarino clearly complimented Villa Lobos more for the choice of artistic merits of both Villa Lobos and monumental work of Western music. The performance of the Pope Marcellus Mass was only possible because of Villa several other concerts of such artistic importance the performance of the Pope Marcellus Mass represented a major artistic advancement with a reason for self pride. The performance Missa Solemnis (F igure 4 2) is another example of how these major concerts of Western art music instilled pride in the population. In a note of the newspaper Noticirio da Imprensa (Media Reports) about the forthcoming premiere of Beethoven Missa Solemnis in 1933, the journalist exalted the event as a memorable date for the nation: Tomorrow, Holy Wednesday at 9:00 p.m. the portentous Missa Solemnis, composed by the genius Beethoven, will take place in the Municipal Theater. [This day] is destined to be recorded in our patriotic sight because it will always remind us of an artistic event that will mark the level of artistic culture in which we, Brazilians, have already arrived. The performance of 80 Oscar Guanabarino in Presena de Villa Lobos, Vol. 10 1st ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1977 ), 165 66. Guanabarino was the musical critic of Jornal do Comrcio which was founded in 1827 and was one of the most influential newspapers in Rio de Janeiro at that time. In the original: J nos externamos elogiosamente sobre essa agremiao artstica arrancada com grande tenacidade de elementos esparsos e refratrios disciplina e atrados mais por qualquer interesse do que pelo amor arte coral. Nesse ponto nada mais fizemos do que apreciar justiceiramente o maestro Villa Lobos, que representa uma vontade firme e que vai conseguindo o que outro qualquer desanimaria no meio do caminho. Cantar a Missa do Papa Marcelo, por exemplo, dispondo de uma forte massa coral, composta de profissionais empresa fcil, porque os ensaios so concorridos . Mas ali, no aludido Orfeo, o que predomina o amadorismo . Merece, portanto, francos elogios o maestro Villa Lobos mesmo porque o vemos agora mais humano, mais ac onchegado aos mestres clssicos, repudiados pore le, antigamente, s dava importncia s composies bizarras dos dissonantes ultra modernos.

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156 Orpheon [and the] Villa Lobos Orchestra will undoubtedly be a monumental artistic spectacle of difficulty, could not have yet been performed in a ny country of our continent . The enthusiasm of those who still have faith in the artistic future of our dear fatherland will be indescribable and will perpetuate this spectacle forever in their thoughts. 81 Although the journalist was only predicting a possible reaction of the audience, his tone demonstrated that the bettering of the artistic level in Brazil, a country in which patriotism was the word in fashion, represented not only an artistic achievement but also a reason for national pride and enthusiasm for the future. Another major concert that instilled pride in the population was the performance of After this concert, Villa Lobos proudly complimented the Teac T contributed to several musical realizations such as the concert conducted by maestro Francisco Braga, in which Beethove 82 81 Noticirio da Imprensa in Villa Lobos Vi sto da Platia e na Intimidade 199. In the original: Amanh, quarta feira Santa, s 21 horas, sera levada no Teatro Municipal a portentosa obra do genial Beetovem a sua grande Missa Solene [Este dia] estar destinado a ficar gravado na nossa viso patrit ica, porque nos far lembrar um acontecimento de arte que assinalar o grau de cultura artstica que ns brasileiros j chegamos. A sem favor, um monument all espetculo de arte que nos dar orgulho, pois a maior obra de Beethoven, devido a sua dificuldade, ainda no pode ser levada em nenhum pas d o continente . Indescritvel ser o o entusiasmo daqueles que ainda tm f no futuro artstico da ptria querida, e eternizaro no 82 Villa acionalista um precioso colaborador dessa campanha educacional por meio da msica. E tem prestado igualment e o seu concurso a vrios certames musicais, como por exemplo no concerto sob a regncia do maestro Francisco Braga, em que foi levada a nona sinfonia de Beethoven, cantada em portugus, e que constituiu uma das mais srias realizaes sinfnicas empreendi

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157 Besides the inherent musical power of this sublime symphony, its text also conveys an important message without which the symphony does not fulfill its full meaning. Through the Portuguese translation Brazilian audiences could understand (or at least be exposed to) message brotherhood and union, 83 ideas common to both Schi Thus, the performance of the Ninth Symphony in Brazil was more than a milestone in Brazilian musical achievements: t Villa Lobos connected the sublime aura of this emblemat ic composition and its message of brotherhood with the nationalist socio political realities of Brazil, conferring areness of Their Cultural Heritage Besides his important activities in elevating the artistic level of music in Brazil, Lobos also worked toward awareness of their own cultural heritage, another centr al aspect of his system of music education. The 2 Grandes Concertos Histricos de Msica Brasileira ( 2 Great Histori cal Concerts of Brazilian Music ) that took place in 1934 provide a good instance of such 83 English translation text : Oh friends, not these tones! Rather, let us raise our voices in more pleasing And more joyful sounds! Joy! (Joy!) Joy! (Joy!) Joy, beautiful spark of divinity Daughter of Elysium We enter, drunk with fire, Into your sanctuary, heavenly (daughter)! Your magic reunites / What custom strictly divided. All men become brothers, Where your gentle wing rests. Whoever has had the great fort une To be a friend's friend, Whoever has won a devoted wife, Join in our jubilation! Indeed, whoever can call even one soul, His own on this earth! And whoever was never able to, must creep / Tearfully away from this band! Joy all creatures drink / At the breasts of nature; All good, all bad / Follow her trail of roses. Kisses she gave us, and wine, A friend, proved in death; Pleasure was given to the worm, And the cherub stands before God. Before God! Glad, as His suns fly / Through Heaven's glorious desig n, Run, brothers, your path, Joyful, as a hero to victory. Be embraced, millions! This kiss for the whole world! Brothers, above the starry canopy / Must a loving Father dwell. Do you bow down, millions? Do you sense the Creator, world? Seek Him beyond the starry canopy! Beyond the stars must He dwell. The f inale repeats the words: Be embraced, you millions! This kiss for the whole world! Brothers, beyond the star canopy / Must a loving Father dwell. Be embraced, This kiss for the whole world! Joy, beautifu l spark of divinity, Daughter of Elysium, Joy, beautiful spark of divinity / Divinity!

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158 endeavors ( F igure 4 3). The purpose of the these co ncerts was clear on the cover of the program, which included the inscription 84 For these events, Villa Lobos chose repertoires that displayed the great variety of genres and styles of Brazilian music The programs consisted of Amerindian music, music from the colonial period, folk music, music of diverse popular traditions, and music of concert traditions of both the 19 th and 20 th centuries, among them them works of early Brazilian musi cal nationalism In addition, at the first of these two concerts, Villa regional, and social origins, hoping to educate audiences about these socio cultural aspects of Brazilian musical practices. Much li ke Orpheonic Chant in schools, this music and its textual explanations could easily index Brazilian musical genres and styles with ideas related to the unfolding of musical practices in Brazil; the vastness of Brazilian territory; the diversity of Brazilia n people, their cultural heritages, and their cultural manifestations. The first concert was divided into three parts, each with its own subdivi sions. Part I was divided into which featured original Amerindian songs such as Canide I oune Sabath (collected by Jean Lery on 1553) 85 and the songs of the Pareci Ena Mahc, Teir, and Nozani n and al featuring 1803) 86 84 Lobos. No document number). 85 are included in the original program. 86 period, which ranges from 1500 to 1822. His music figures among the greatest exponents of the classical musical style i n the Americas.

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159 was di vided into 1) including Sertaneja Samba (1890), 87 Fructuoso Dansa dos Negros (1924), and a Villa Ciranda (1926) 88 ( all of which constitute impor tant manifestations of earl y Brazilian musical nationalism); featuring folk and folk like pieces such as Morena Morena (anonymous lyrics from Brazilian folklore harmonized by Luciano Galle t), Versos Escritos na Areia (Brazilian song composed by Marcello Tupinamb), and urumin (lyrics and melody by A. Ferreira harmonized by Hekel Tavares); piano solo, featuri ng Atrevido ( samba from the capital) and Turuna ( choro composed by Ernesto Nazareth). 89 The last two pieces, a samba 90 and choro are important Brazilian urban popular genres that represented brasilidade in popular music. 87 The program mistakenly attributed the composition of Samba to Luiz Levy. The piece was in fact Suite Popular Bresilienne 88 Villa Lobos composed his series of sixteen Ciranda s for piano in 1926. The program does not provide the number of the Ciranda performed in that concert. 89 Nazareth lived from 1863 to 1934 and is known as one of the best composers of choro a Brazilian urban popular genre in fashion in the second half of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Choro is a hybrid popular genre formed by adding syncopation and improvisation to European dances in fashion in Brazil. In the beginnings of the choro the chores ( choro players) played European genres ( mostly dances) that were in fashion in Brazil in the late nineteenth century, such as polkas, waltzes, schottisches, and the Brazilian modinhas (a Brazilian transformation of the Portuguese Moda a genre of lyric and sentimental songs with piano accompanim ent performed in the Portuguese courts at the end of the eighteenth century The Modinha was a modified version of Moda, popularized in Brazil according to It soon was sung on the streets with guitar accompaniment). Chores regularly met in informal circumstances, normally at night. In that bohemian atmosphere, choro musicians began to loosen rigid European forms by adding African rhythms and improvisation. Soon, choro became a distinctly Brazilian genre, reflecting the diversity of pe oples and influences of the population. 90 Samba was born in the morros (literally hills, but the Portuguese word refers to the slums, which in Rio de Janeiro, where the genre was born, are located in hills) through the late 1910s and early 1920s from the musical practices of blacks and mulatos samba early 1930s, however, the genre had already been absorbed by the white Brazilian middle class and was in the process of becoming an emblem of Brazilian identity. See McCann, Hello, Hello, Brazi l.

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160 This part included several pieces from diverse folk and popular traditions such as Papae Curumiassu (hammock song of the caboclos 91 from Par), Estrela Lua Nova (genre of macumba 92 from the past ), Xang (genre of macumba from the past), No Terreiro de Alibib i (contemporary popular theme), Jequibau (Theme negro mina 93 form the state of Minas Gerais), O Abre la (popular carnival song from 1900), and Marcha cano (contemporary popular genre of ranch). 94 The order of the music in this concert, moving from Amerindian music and music of the colonial period up to modern music provided a clear picture of the unfolding history of Brazilian music. The second of the 2 Great Historical Concert of Brazilian Music had the following 95 Villa Lobos probably meant 96 In o ther words, these concerts 91 Caboclo is the ethnicity formed by the mixture of Brazilian Amerindian and European. 92 Macumba refers to Afro Bra zilian religious practices of the late nineteenth century. 93 Villa Lobos is probably referring to the black miners of Minas Gerais. 94 Canide Ioune Sabath, ova, Xang, and Jequibau are part of Canto Orfenico volume II, and Nozan i n is part of Canto Orfenico volume I. Such songs, as many others the 95 96 had been a trend in musical nationalism since the nineteenth century in Europe. European composers such as Bartk, Smetana, and Grieg, among others, elaborated musical aesthetics in which they blended elements of local musical traditions (typical music) with cosmopolitan (international) musical features that could be understood outside of a The idea was to find the apparently best local traditions and modernize them via cosmopolitan compo sitional techniques to create the best national art. In turn, t his art would serve to represent the nation both locally and internationally given its simultaneously traditiona l and cosmopolitan character. See Betwe en Romanticism and Modernism: Four Studies in the Music of the Later Nineteenth Century, translated by Mary Whittall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980).

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161 featured Brazilian nationalistic music with aesthetic s that reflected a hybridization of hms, melodies, and instruments 97 This concert was divided into three part s, whose pieces represented different approaches of several Brazilian composers to the search for an nineteenth and early twentieth century. Samba, Franci Cortejo e Dansa Guerreira m the Indian Poem) and 98 Part II featured Modinha and Conversa from Villa Bachiana s Brasileiras (the program does not say from which of the nine Bachianas these movements were taken), 99 and Villa Momo Precoce antasy for piano and orchestra on themes taken from his own Carnaval das Crianas Brasileiras rnival). Like Part I, Part III also featured pieces by several importan t Brazilian authors, including Glauco Velasquez, Henrique Oswald, Alberto Nepomuceno, Octaviano Gonalves, Villa Lobos, and Carlos Gomes. Most music performed on Part III, including 97 Villa Lobos himself adopted such aesthetics in his compositions e specially from the 1 920s onward as his Choro s and Bachianas Brasileiras regardless of his cosmopolitism, is nothing more than the expression of a ( Villa Villa Lobos volume III, 1 st ed., [ Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969], 107) born from the popular expression, but never judge this art definitive ly in relation t o the universe. The only definitive art of the sounds is that which can be understood by its universal characteristics, despite its spe Villa Prese na de Villa Lobos, volume IV, [ Rio de Janei ro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969 ], 113) 98 Part I also featured the national a nthem Fra ncisco Manoel da Silva composed in 1822 to celebrate e many national anthems, this piece became emblematic of patriotism, self affirmation and pride. 99 Although the program does not say from which of the nine Bachianas Brasileiras these movements were taken, Bachianas Brasileiras no.1 is the only set with a movement named Modinha and one named Conversa. In 1934, when this concert took pl ace, Villa Lobos had finished the compositions of only Bachianas no.1 and Bachianas no. 2, and the last have n either a Modinha n or a Conversa. Therefore, the piece played i n this concert was probably Bachianas Brasileiras no. 1.

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162 Vel ame nationalistic orientation as the music performed on Part II. However, these pieces were composed by representative Brazilian composers and show the variety of Brazilian art music. T helped map out in the minds of Brazilians the diverse cultural and musical richness of their country. Similar c oncerts featuring Brazilian repertoire served to e ducate the masses about different Brazilian musical traditions such as Amerindian music and music of concert traditions of any period and to inspire the masses and the elites to cultivat e Brazilian music. Through these concerts, Villa Lobos demonstrated how Brazilian music related to and politics, instilling in the minds of the po pulation of Rio de Janeiro a sense of brasilidade and establishing a sense of identity among the population as a whole. C hildren, through their nationalistic music education, and adults through these concerts of Brazilian music, communion and share their nat ionalism and feelings of pride for the nation regardless of their ethnic and cultural heritage. 100 Orpheon also performed concerts intended to familiarize the uneducated masses with concert music. For these events, the repertoire consisted of well known pieces of either choral music or Villa 100 Although several conc erts were directed to the masses and aimed to educate and create identity among the people, residents of slums and Amerindians living in the inlands likely did not attend such events. The concerts, however, were important to disseminate nationalistic value s among labor workers (most of which belonged to low social classes) and both the economic and intellectual elites.

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163 chorus of instrumental music. In general, Villa Lobos transcribed well know n p ieces of instrumental art music, which would draw important educational genre of his system of music education. Villa Lobos wanted to music n eeded for 101 Because of its collective n ature, choral music conveyed a spirit of mutual cooperation to the audience, and consequently sang se veral educational concerts organized for factory workers, some offering free admission. For these concerts, Villa Lobos chose musical repertories that were accessible to the masses. In addition, according to Villa Lobos, the concerts were preceded by expla nations and commentaries about the pieces, their meanings, their composers, and musical instruments in general. 102 One of these concerts took place in Joo Caetano Theater on 28 April 1935, a Sunday when all factory workers could attend ( F igure 4 4). Villa Lobos advertised this concert to factory workers by distributing pamphlets that said, Factory Workers!!! Stop! Rest your bodies! Feed, in a few minutes, your spirit, your soul, o n the facto Fifty minutes of artistic sensa tions! In the Joo Caetano Theater ther e will be neither tickets nor doormen. The doors will be wide open as befits true Temple. The factory worker should come [with the same spirit] as he does to his work, as he lives in his personal life because silence will be kept due to emotion itself. Workers! Come just to experience, [the concert that] the 103 101 Villa Lobos, 376. 102 Villa Lobos, 377. 103 Villa Lobos, 377. In the original: Operrios!!! Parem! Descansem o corpo! Alimentem em poucos minutos, o seu esprito, a sua alma, no domingo de msica dos operarios, no dia 28 proximo, s 17 horas. Cincoenta minutos de sensaes artsticas! No Teatro Joo Caetano no haver bilhetes nem porteiros. As portas estaro abertas, lado a lado, como um verdadeiro Templo. O

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164 Through these pamphlets Villa Lobos tried to attract factory workers by conveying an atmosphere of infor mality to th e upcoming concert, as if it were part of factory workers daily lives. He also conveyed a religious idea when he compared the open doors of the theater with a temple, creating the impression that like in a church, the theater would embrace the m all. In addition, Villa Lobos tried to educate the peopl e about the expected behavior at an art music concert when said the emotional nature of the silent He was already preparing the uneducated masses for the mood of the concert. Although he clearly said they should feel comfortable, as if they were performing any other activity of their daily lives, they should keep silen t as they would in a temple or church. By informin g readers workers, Villa Lobos conveyed a sense of pride to people from this work class placing a responsibility on them to attend to the concert. Villa Lobos also made clear that this concert was o rganized for factory workers through an inscription on the one page progra for the Factory Workers, organized by the Superintendence of Musical and Artistic Education of the Federal Disctrict ( SEMA ), under the directio n of H. Villa 104 As with most concerts of this nature, this one featured original compositions for choir and some of Villa for choir. The program featured 2) Popular Russia operrio ir tal como no seu trabalho, tal como vive na sua intimidade porque o silencio sera mantido pela propria emoo. Trabalhadores! Venham, pois, assistir, ao menos como experincia, o que o Orfeo de Professores do Distrito Federal lhes Oferecer. At Domingo! 104 o (Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobo s D ocument number MVL 26.14.136).

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165 O Ferreiro (The Blacksmith ); Ay ay ay ; Canto do Lavrador armer ); 8) Brasil ( Brazil On war d ). 105 T he repertoire provided variety intended to c apture the addition to being tonal most pieces feature d beaut iful melodic lines to capture the attention of the musically uneducated masses. For this program Villa Lobos chose well known pieces of Western music, music of Canto Orfenico vol. I also use ), and popular music of other nations as well. The educational value of such a vari ed program lies i n the fact that while all pieces are firmly centered on tonal harmony (therefore accessible to the masses) they also created aware ness of different musical s tyles and composers. The choice of pieces for this program was also part of Villa by mixing popular music with classical music, Villa Lobos wanted to introduce art music smoothly to the masses. In an interview, Villa Lobos clarified this strategy. R esponding to a journalist about use of LP recordings for music education, Villa Lobos re [ mixing] popular and elevated music. The first is used only to get the attention of people who otherwise would not listen to pure music, for which the interest would be 106 In the concert program of 28 April 1935, this strategy is clear from the 105 Concert Program (Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos D ocument number MVL 26.14.136). 106 Villa Presena vol do confronto entre a msica popular e a elevada. A primeira aparece apenas para despertar a ateno do pblico, que, de outra maneira, no chegaria a ouvir msica pura, pela qual o intersse in icial seria

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166 choice of pieces and also from their order in the program, in which art music and m usic of popular character are alternated providing a sequence of varied styles. The program of Ensaio Especial de Demonstrao de Canto Orpheonico (Special Rehearsal of Demonstration of Orpheonic Chant) that took place in the Joo Caetano Theater on 7 Se ptember educational activities. Like the concert of 28 Apr il 1935 this one also presented original compositions for voice and some of Villa transcriptions of instrumental music for choir. The concert was divided into two parts: under with not make clear what Lobos explained what he meant by those terms. In an article in which he described the activities of SEMA from 1932 to 1934, Villa Lobos clarified that The teaching of choral singing (generic expression ), seeks to prepare groups to perform any genre of music, including classical genres and genres that are part of the Western canon, ranging from profane scholastic music to the music that followed liturgical rules . The teaching of orpheonic chant is the educational element that aims to refine musical taste, forming elites, and contributing to elevate popular [ artistic appreciatio n] and developing interest in national artistic facts. It can be concluded therefore that both c h oral singing and orp heonic chant however different are branches of the same trunk: group singing. 107 107 Villa Lobos, 370. In the original: O ensino do canto coral (expresso genrica), destina se ao preparo de conjuntos para a execuo de msicas de qualquer genero inclusive as classicas e canonicas, desde a msica escolstica profan a at as das regras litrgicas . O ensino do canto orfenico o elemento educativo destinado a apurar o bom gusto musical, formando elites, concorrendo para o levantamento do nivel popular e desenvolvendo o interesse pel os factos artisticos nacionais . Conclu se, pois, de tudo isso, que tanto o canto coral como o orfenico apesar de diferentes entre si, no so mais do que ramos de um tronco nico: o canto em conjunto

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167 T he pieces performed in both parts of the program corroborate Villa Part I 108 2 ) tria. 109 Part II Hymno ao Trabalho ); 2) Villa As Costureiras ); 3) (Bell ); Villa Cano do Marceneiro Song of the Joiner) ; 4) Lu clia Guimares Villa Hymno ao Sol ); and 5) Villa Object 4 1. Villa pheon on J.S.Bach Choral 148 (.mp3 file 2.7MB) 110 108 The program does not mention w hat boo taken from, but they are most likely from the tempered Clavier because Villa Lobos did transcriptions of Preludes and Fugues from the two sets. Therefore, these pieces are most certainly from either one of t he two keyboard volumes of the Well Tempered Clavier. Villa st godsend it was important for him that the masses became familiar with music and fo r this reason featured Villa Lobos u gues from the Well Tempered Clavier. Regarding his choice of Lobos sai T he peopl e must be oriented to form spon taneous elites and the elites must become the moral and material bulwarks of the artistic realizations of th Kantian terms) and find beauty i n a musical work because they had an aprioristic expectation for that piece of music. To illustrate his point he described an experiment that he did with a mass of two ealing their were two preludes and f ugues by Bach, which according to Villa Lobos were the most applauded. However, o sang a similar program to a similar audience but this tim Villa Lobos the au dience did not appreciate the works of Bach and applauded with more enthusiasm the authors whose names they knew. These experiments demonstrate that Villa Lobos wanted people to m the Somewhat contradictory ly (but understandable) he wanted to familiarize the masses with the music of Bach their appreciation for the work of the German composer (Heitor Villa Auditrios Incultos Presena, vol. XVIII 31). 109 In a bracket, Villa meaning that although these pieces are in the first part of the program their character is not that of Lobos noted that this is a 110 Orfeo de Professores e Heitor Villa Museu Villa Lobos No file number).

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168 Object 4 Canes de Cordialidade (.mp3 file 803KB) 111 From this program it seems composed in the European traditio easier access intended to instill patriotic and nationalistic values in the p opulation. Furthermore, several pieces sang in this and other concerts were taken from one of the two volu mes of Canto Orfenico education), which reveal ed their educational character and also reinforced the creation of bonds between adults and children through music. The program of 1932, for instance, featured Cano do Marceneiro and P tria from Canto Orfenico volume I and As Costureiras and from Canto Orfenico volume II. Guanabarino reviewed the Ensaio Especial de Demonstrao de Canto Orpheonico and his criticism was favorable once more. This time Guana barino was e specially pleased with the consonance of Villa compositions. Guanabarino wrote, Finally has come the day when we can give a little compliment to Mr. Villa Lobos, director of the orpheonic chant courses of t he City House. The reason for this Theater There we saw a big choir group of around two hundred voices; and the effec t was satisfactory, such that the program was warmly applauded and one piece was given as encore Two very interesting choir pieces by Villa Lobos were g the performance of these two pieces I felt happiness entering my spirit as I observed Villa Lobos frankly 111 Boas Vindas (das Canes de Cordialidade ), Orfeo de Professores e Heitor Villa collected in the Museu Villa Lobos No file number).

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169 shouting ] or, 112 Guanabari no was pleased with Villa that resulted in more aspect of Villa by using consonances, Villa Lobos made hi s music accessible to the musically uneducated masses and pleased the musically educated elite as well ( such as Guanabarino, who disliked dissonant modern music ) T he pieces Guanab arino mentioned in his review of the Ensaio Especial de Demonstrao de Cant o Orpheonico include s ome pieces about professions of lower classes such as the seamstresses and the carpenter which, among other work songs were common in the programs of the the repertoire of Orpheonic Chant in school. Villa work, which preached the virtues of work and the importance of every Brazilian worker for the growth of the nation, regardless of his profession. 113 By including songs about 112 Oscar Guanabarino in Villa Lobos visto na p latia e na Intimidade 189 190. (The source mistakenly dates this review as of 08/07/1932). In the um elogiozinho ao sr. Villa Lobos, diretor dos cursos de canto orfenico da Prefeitura. que na noite do dia 7 do corrente, realizaou o de Canto duzentas vozes; e o efeito foi satisfatrio, tanto que todos os nmeros do programa foram calorosamente aplaudidos, e um deles bisado . De Vil la dessas duas lindas pginas sentimos a invaso da alegria no nosso esprito vendo que Villa Lobo s manifesta franca tendncia para abandonar o gnero da berrofonia ou, mais apropriadamente, da 113 Villa embracing politics of cultural management, which emphasized the virtues and importance of work for society. This politics can also be observed, for instance, in his cultural management of Brazilian popular music. Through the actions of the DIP, Vargas samba composers that they wri te sambas about the virtues of work and good mora l sambas de exaltao which exalted positive aspects of both Brazil and the government and instilled the ideology of the government in the population. Negcio Casar ried is Cool ) is an example of such sambas and suggested

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170 the lower class professions i n several educational concerts, Villa Lobos instilled pride in the masses and s. 114 Besides their educational value, the pieces performed in this concert also As Costureiras for a four voice female chorus ( Example 4 1 of Canto Orfenico volume II and provides an example of how Villa Lobos musically transmitted the ideologies of the regime. Among many othe r professions, Vi lla Lobos chose the seamstress as the theme for his song, conveying merit to this profession ; he also composed songs about several other professions that involved manual work such as the carpenter (mentioned above), the sailorman, and the blacksmith (compiled in the first volume of Canto Orfenico ) In As Costureiras Villa Lobos used elements of the Brazilian music poetic folk manifestation embolada to create a music al emulation of seamstresses sewing. In this way musical elements of the embolada the profession. Embolada ( tongue twisted ) is a poetic musical form that is used in various Br azilian dances, although it can exist as a pure ly textual form as well. Emboladas are characterised by their fast melodies, constructed with short melodic intervals and matched with fast texts with alliterations and onomatopoeias that make diction very difficult. The name embolada probably comes from t he fact that because of the difficulty of the texts, a lot of emboladas ( tongue twists ) can happen. 115 that working and ra ising a family were virtues all Brazilian malandros (rascals) should cultivate. (See Severiano, Getlio Vargas ) 114 Due to his populist politics among labor workers, Vargas was nic 115 Enciclopdia da Msica Brasileira 262

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171 Villa Lobos used some of the peculiar characteristics of embolada such as intermittent fast major and minor second intervals combined with the syllables la ri la are assemic but contribute to the motoric drive forward of the intervals of seconds), whose fast speed diction is very hard, to musically express the constant movement of sewing ( especially by machine). Villa Lobos used the interva ls of second to construct a melodic cell repeated throughou t the whole piece, conveying a continuous mechanically repeated motion to the composition, much like the act of sewing. S uccessful per formance of the piece demands accurate and strict rhythmic cont rol, which can be associated with the rigor and precision demanded by the profession of the seamstress itself. In the beginning of the piece Villa Lobos created a polyrhythm of triplets against duplets when the soprano start ed singing a melodic line whose text is in first person (as if the seamstresses were speaking themselves) and describes aspects of the profession The beginning of this piece may create an overall impression very familiar to urban Bra zilians: factory s eamstresses speaking and talking while they sew, almost as if the two acts we re independent from one another: one is automatic and the other is more conscious. In that sense, As Costureiras deals with the profession of seamstress and al so c ouches the idea of sewing in typical elements of the embolada The text of As Costureiras describes the emotional state of the seamstresses during their work, the nature of their practical work, and their hope for a good futu re: Com a alma a chorar! Alegre a sorrir! Cantando os seus males! As costureiras, Somos nesta vida! At amres unimos a linha. Ns trabalhamos sempre alegres With our soul crying! Cheerful smiling! Singing their ills! Seamstresses we are in this life! Even love we join in line. We always happily perform our duties! As

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172 na lida! Como algum que advinha o belo futuro que nos vai sorrir! Nos vai sorrir! (Two times) C ose, cose, cose a costureira. Cose a e mostra te faceira, bem faceira a quem provares o ponteado, o alinhavado, o costurado, o chuliado, o preguiado. Ah! someone who divines the beautiful future that will smile at us! Smile at us! (Two times) The seamstress sews, sews, sews. Sew the slee ve, the blouse, and the skirt. She sews with interest and coquettish to whomever tries the dotted, cobbled, sewed, stitched in zigzag pleated Ah! This text reveals several important aspects of Brazilian labor ers time. The two first phrases suggest tha t although they might be sad they still smiled and sang their ills, a scene any Brazilian who had seen a seamstress work would recall: t he seamstresses mumbling songs while sewing. Later in the text, the seamstresses speak of their pride in working hard a government). The second part of the text provides a playful sequence of words with tongue twisters typical of emboladas As its activities show, t regim e while rais ing the artistic level of musical activities in Brazil and th e level of Brazilian and European music of concert traditions as well as national and international music of popular and folk traditions. Through its civic, arti stic, and educational activities n contributed to strengthening ties among members of the Brazilian families because it conveyed to the adult population nationalistic musical experiences similar to th ose of school children, instilling in them the brasilidade Thus, Villa children and adults could exchange information and keep the ideologies of the regime alive.

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173 Orchestral Music and Music Education The Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro established in 1931, and the short lived Orchestra V illa Lobos, established i n 1933 interventor in Rio, established the Municipal Orchestra on 2 May 1931, under Decree no. 3.506. 116 Up to that point, most concerts performed at the Municipal Theater of Rio de Janeiro featured European orchestras, choruses, and ballets that normally went to South America to perform both in Rio and at the Coln Theater in Buenos Aires. In 1925 the Coln Theater established its own artistic groups, making it economical ly impractica l for European orchestras to take all their musicians to South America to perform only in Rio. Thus, ever more local musicians from Rio were hired to fill in for concerts that European orchestras performed at the Municipal Theater. Because C it y H all had to pay for both the orchestras and the fre e lance musicians, soon Bergamini reali zed it would be economically advantageous if Rio followed the example of Argentineans and established an orchestra with a stable body of musicians. He then created the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro, which is still active today. 117 Although Bergamini did not create the Municipal Orchestra to support Villa system of music education, this orchestra contributed enormously to Villa educational camp aign. The composer himself conducted several concerts that featured both European and Brazilian music traditions and sought to elevate the cultural 116 o de Janeiro http://www.the atromunicipal.rj.gov.br/orquestra.html (accessed May 04 2011). 117 http://www.theatromunicipal.rj.gov.br/orquestra.html (accessed May 04 2011).

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174 awareness of local citizens. I n addition to performing concerts of instrumental music, the Municipal Orchest choral concerts designed to educate and to instill nationalistic pride Besides having its own schedule of concerts with artistic purposes, the Municipal Orchestra performed several concert s that contributed to Villa education, such as the Fifth Concer t in a series of eight concerts between October and December 1935. An inscription in the program of the Fifth Concert reveals its th Symphonic Con cert of the subscription series organized by the Board of Adult Education and Cultural Diffusion of the General Department of Education and Culture, under the artistic direction of Maestro H. Villa Lobos and performed by the Orchestra of the Municipal Thea 118 The program was divided into Serenade in B b (Gran Partita) in Part I and Villa Uirapuru (Symphonic Poem and Ballet) in Part II Among other pieces this concert also featured Gershwi Rhapsody in Blue pedagogical nature the program notes were very simple and straightforward, clearly directed to the l ayma n, and photos of the composers and performers accompanie d the text for each piece featured. The Fifth Concert of this series must have been a special occasion for Villa Lobos because his Uirapuru composed in 1917, was finally premiered. A s the director of Lobos achieved the st atus of most important Brazilian musician and as conductor and organizer of musical events he could arrange 118 c (Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos No document number) Concerto Sy mphonico de assignatura da srie organizada pela D irectoria de Educao de Adultos e Diffuso Cultural da Secretaria Geral de Educao e Cultura, sob a direco artstica e regncia do Maestro H. Villa

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175 performances of his music which may explain the premiere of his ballet In that respect, discrediting Villa ting that the composer would take advantage of his position in the government, Oscar Guanabarino protested against the nomination of Villa Lobos for Director of M usic E ducation of Rio de Janeiro in 1932. Among other things, Guanabarino suggested that as Di rector of Music of Rio de Janeiro, Villa most illustrious director, chosen for such a high position, to which there was no other with the same capacity, the advantages will be enormou s, because now he will have the chance to em pty the shelves of his editors 119 In a sarcas tic tone, Guanabarino suggested other musicians could have taken the position. As Guanabarino predicted, Villa Lobos took advantage of his system of music education to promote his music and Villa Lobos, and the program of music taught at school featured Villa compositions. Doubtless, much of the music he disseminated during that ti me has substantial artistic value and represent s true achievements for composers of the American continent as the prominence that he gained in the world demonstrate s However, Villa that time, and by including his music in so many concerts, Villa Lobos laid a strong foundation to establish his music as part of music programs in Brazil and worldwide. Villa f promotion did not invalidate the educational importance of his orchestr al music concerts or their role in instilling nationalistic and patriotic feelings in 119 Oscar Guanabarino in Villa Lobos visto na inti midade e na p latia 1 que ilustre director, sobre quem recaiu a nomeao de to alto cargo, para o qual no havia nenhum outro com igual capacidade, as vantagens so enormes, porque agora ele ter a ocasio de esvaziar as

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176 was a gala concert that featured only Brazilian music ( F igure 4 5). The concert opened with th e National Anthem and the Flag Hymn and presented music by composers such as Luciano Gallet, Leopoldo Miguez, Henrique Oswald, Carlos Gomes, Barroso Neto, and Villa Lobos himself This gala concert was part of a subscription series ( therefore directed to the elites ) and contributed both to elevating the awareness of Brazilian elite audiences of Brazilian music and to instilling national pride in these audiences (as the The Municipal Orchestra also performed concerts that plainly celebrated the regime. One such concert conducted by Villa Lobos, Santiago Guerra (conductor of conductor) thus central figures in the e vent w as the Concerto Sinfnico em Comemorao do 2 Aniversrio do Estado Novo (Sym phonic Concert in Celebration of the Second Anniversary of the New State), held in 1939. 120 and displays the Brazili an flag in the background and in the foreground (F igure 4 6). The disposition of these figur idea that he was an intrinsic part of Brazil and, like the flag and the map, an emblem of the nation. Alongside the Municipal Orchestra, this festive concert featured several other musical groups including r of the Municipal Theater, and bands such as those of the Firefighters, Military Police, Municipal Police, and Navy, which reveal s the magnitude and military orientation of the occasion. 120 Although the concert program does not mention it, t he concert probably took place i n November 1939, the month in which the Estado Novo completed two years.

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177 Villa Lobos conducted the first two parts of this concert and Spedini conducted the ional Anthem. Part I of the Poem A Guerra ( War A Paz ( Peace) Although the program notes do not say so these pieces surely allude to Wo rld War II, which officially erupted on September 1939, two months before the concert. Because the concert i t subtly carried a political message that suggested either Vargas was against the war or that he wished the conflict ended soon In the commemorative atmosphere of this event, people could easily have indexed the grandiose nature of both symphonic poems and the a positive image of his political figure. After Part II which featured pieces by Saint Saens, Tchaikovsky, and Carlos Gomes, the concert culminated in the National Anthem. The whole event had strong political implications, celebrating and he was against World War II, and celebrating the country itself. Orchestra Villa Lobos Unlike the Munic ipal Orchestra, the Orchestra Villa Lobos apparently existed for only a few months in 1933. 121 A list of concerts Villa Lobos conducted from 1933 to 1936 in Rio features this Orchestra only in five concerts: the first took place on 12 April 121 The Museu Villa Lobos has only five Concert Programs of the Orc hestra Villa Lobos in their archives and no other source even mentions the concerts this orchestra performed. I would like to thank Pedro Belchior from the Museu Villa Lobos, who performed a research ed Museu Villa Lobos, and confirmed that according to the information from this database the Orchestra Villa Lobos played only these five concerts.

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178 1933 and the las t on 5 June 1933. 122 Prominent Brazilian musicians, several of whom were members of the Municipal Orchestra of Rio, organized the Orchestra Villa Lobos to cont ribute to Villa n a petition (F igur e 4 7) the musicians who formed the Orchestra Villa Lobos stated the purpose of the orchestra and made clear their intention to contribute to Villa mission : We the undersigned orchestral teachers living in Brazil, are willing to congregate sponta neously to work to raise the musical artistic level and the concept of moral ity of our class, which unfortunately, for the last few years has declined considerably. Considering that only abnegation and great will power from each of us guided by a person w ho has provided strong public proof, leadership both in Braz il and abroad capable of acting and turning plans into reality, without any artistic creed and united by bonds of friendship, sympathy, and admiration to his milieu, to politics, to administrativ e structures, in order that with these credentials he can per form the role of an intermediary and patron of our class, striving for the fairest interest of our artistic an d musical cause; We promise sincerily to respect all requests made by our chosen arti st whose main qualities may be foun d in the above description and do not clash with our objectives. For these reasons we have decide d to invite Maestro Villa Lobos an d name our 123 The petition names of important musici ans le d by Iber Gomes Grosso, a cellist, personal friend of Vil la Lobos, and collaborator of SEMA to organize the Orchestra 122 Lobos nos a ( Document coll ected in the Museu Villa Lobos N o document number) 123 Villa Lobo assinados, professores de orquestra residentes no Brasil, dispostos a se congragarem espontaneamente para trabal har em prl do levantamento do nvel artstico musical e do conceito moral da nossa classe que, infelizmente, de alguns anos at esta poca, tem declinado consideravelmente. Co nsiderando que somente a abnegao e uma fora de vontad e absoluta de cada um de ns, dirigidos por u ma cabea que j tenha dado provas cabais e pblicas no Brasil e estr a ngeiro, de um pod er de orientao, capacidade en rgica e oportuna de ao e realizao, com completa iseno de credos artisticos e ligado por laos de amizade, sim patia e admira o, ao meio social, poltico e administrativo official, para que tambm com estas creden ciais possa servir de intermedi rio e patrono da nossa classe, pugnando pelo mais jus to interesse da nossa causa artstica e material; prometemos, sincer amente, respeitar todos os tens que nos forem impostos pelo artista que desejamos, cujas principais qualidades se achem acima e que no choquem a nossa finalidade. Por es tas razes, resolvemos convidar o Maestro Villa Lobos e dar o nome nossa organiza rquestra Villa

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179 Villa Lobos Although no document states the reason for the Orchestra Villa short existence, it could be inferred that sin ce these musicians alre ady had stable job s the organization of the Orchestra Villa Lobos can be interpreted more as a symbolic act of solidarity to Villa Lobos than with the intention of establishing a permanent organization like the Municipal Orchestra. However, no sources were found to confirm this hypothesis. Besides its artistic function, the Orchestra Villa Lobos fulfilled, through instrumental music, the same nation alistic and patriotic functions Orpheon fulfilled in the realm of vocal music It also conveyed the idea that collective collaboration should supersede individual will. As Villa Lobos affirmed, the orchestra abnegation of individualities, 124 Ansi o Teixeira, General Director of Public Instr uction of Rio de Janeiro, spoke the importance Orchestra Villa Lobos for the cultural milieu in Rio and also praised Villa Lobos for his work as music educator: The Villa Lobos Orchestra, which was just organize d in Rio de Janeiro, is an artistic enterprise of the highest significance. For circumstances common in the life of our artists Villa Lobos worked abroad during his youth and only now that his power of creation has fully matured is he dedicating his extra ordinary skills to Brazil And t o this activity he has been performing in the highest meaning of the word, an educational direction . After the simple and edifying humility with which Villa Lobos taught Brazilian children to sing, after the spl L obos appears. From the cohesion of [the will and from his fine direction, people from Rio de Janeiro will soon see, extraordinary fruits. 125 124 Villa Lobos, 384. 125 Anncio para o programa de concerto da temporada oficial de 1933 do Teatro Municipal do Rio de Janeiro Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos Docume nt number HVL acaba de organizar no Rio de Janeiro, um empreendimento artstico da mais alta significao. Por circunstncias explicveis na vida de nossos artistas, Villa Lobos andou a t rabalhar no estrangeiro em toda a mocidade e s agora, quando o seu

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180 A lthough the orchestra performed only fi ve concerts, they premiered fifteen musical works of European and Brazilian composers in Brazil, including J.S. Bach, R. Strauss, Stravinsky, Ravel, Gershwin, and Villa Lobos himself, which shows their goal to elevate the musical level of Brazil and to mod ernize the musical repertoire ( F igure 4 8). Finally, a significant political aspect of the Orchestra Villa Lobos was that the cover page of the concert programs always pictured Villa Lobos as a conductor whose gesture s and outfit carried military connotati ons (F igure 4 9 ). These drawings associate the orchestra itself with a military group (whose conductor represented the fig ure of general) and transmit a military like feeling of patriotism to the audiences. F igure 4 9 shows Villa Lobos with his back turne d to the specator and holding a baton, alluding to the act of conducting. The way he hol ds the baton i n his left hand however, suggests he is signaling soldiers to salute. Furthermore, the drawing combines the figure of Villa ra Villa stylized to look like Villa Lobos is wearing an army uniform T a helmet hanging over his back. The drawing of Villa Lobos. In addition to its important artistic role, the Orchestra Villa Lobos thus conveyed strong military and patriotic associations music in general with patriotism. Final Considerations This chapter has demonstrated that along with the Orpheonic Chant implemented in schools, Villa Lobos reached out to the population as a whole through the T poder de criao se acha em plena maturidade, que veio a dedicar ao Brasil a extraordinria atividade de que capaz. E a essa atividade vem imprimindo, no mais alto significado da pala v ra, um sentido educativo . Depois da humildade singela e edificante com que Villa Lobos ensinou as crianas do Villa

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181 Orpheon, the Municipal Orchestra of Rio de Janeiro, and the Orchestra Villa Lobos, conveying nationalistic and patriotic messages to bot h children and adults. Through this system of music education that reached out to upper, middle, and parts of the lower class, Villa Lobos created a common ideological ground for the populati on of Rio de Janeiro as a whole, which contributed to the creatio c Vargas envisioned for Brazil. Figure 4 part of the Orchestra Villa 35. Document collected at the Centro de Pesquisa e Documentao da Faculdade Getlio Vargas. Document number GCg 1935.00.00/3.

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182 Figure 4 form 1933. Document collected in the Mus eu Villa Lobos. No document number.

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183 Figure 4 3. Cover page of 2 Great Historical Concerts of Brazilian Music (2 Grandes Concertos Histricos de Msica Brasileira). Document collected in the Museu Villa fins de propaganda

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184 Figure 4 collected in the Museu Villa Lobos. Document number MVL 26.14.136.

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185 Figure 4 5. Theatro Municipal: Concertos S ymphonicos Culturaes, Temporada Official, 1935, Programma do 6 C oncerto. Document collected at the Centro de Pesquisa e Documentao da Faculdade Getlio Vargas Document number GCg 1935.00.00/3

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186 Figure 4 6. Cover page of the Concerto Sinfnico em Come morao do 2 Aniversrio do Estado Novo (Symphonic Concert in Commemoration of the 2nd Anniversary of the New State). Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos. Document number MVL 76.14.165.

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187 Figure 4 7. First page of the original petition that crea ted the Orchestra Villa Lobos. Document collected at Museu Villa Lobos. No document number.

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188 Figure 4 8. Programmas da Orchestra Villa Lobos. Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos. Document number MVL 76.14.128. The dates were scratched on the Mus eu Villa

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189 Figure 4 9. Cover page of Orchestra Villa collected in the Museu Villa Lobos. Docu ment number MVL 76.14.128. The collected at Museu Villa Lobos

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190 Example 4 1. Score of Canto Orfenico vol. II, 74 75.

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191 Example 4 1 Continued

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192 CHAPTER 5 OR P H EONIC CONCENTRATIONS : POLITICAL PROPAGAN DA AND THE MATERIALIZATION OF T HE IMAGINED COMMUNITY Villa direction of Orpheonic Chant in schools and choral and symphonic concerts in Rio de Janeiro. Villa Lobos was also a key figure in the realization of the Orpheonic Concentrations civic artistic celebrations that happened throughout the year and featured patriotic demonstrations of Orpheonic Chant. These celebrations varied in size largest Concentrations celebrated important dates of the country such as Independence Day and Flag Day and gathered in open spaces (mostly soccer stadiums) with thousands of children from of the most schools in Rio de Janeiro where Orpheonic Chant had been implemented. Adults also participated in these events as members of the audience. Because of the colossal nature of such events, the artistic quality of the orpheonic de monstrations was not a priority, but their grandiose aspects were very powerful and Vargas used them to make propaganda for his political figure and the regime. On several occasions, smaller Concentrations were held on the patios of schools Although they did not have the same projection as the big ones they were important to keep association of music with civic duty. I n many ways, the experience of participating in smaller concentrations also prepared children for t he larger and more significant Concentrations. Among other things, the smaller Concentrations celebrated Pan Americanism, the inaugura tion of schools in Rio, friendship with other nations, importa nt Brazilian historical figures and traditional Brazilian families.

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193 The Orpheonic Concentrations became part of the educational landscape of Rio de Janeiro and were organized regularly during the school year. The number of events year demonstrates the strong connection between music education and civic duty. Reports by Mar ia Olympia de Moura Reis a S pecialized Supervisor o f Music and Artistic Education, help illustrate the high number of concentrations and the dates they celebrated. In 1937, the schools in the four districts under her supervision participated in the follow ing celebrations: Pan American Celebration, Celebration of the National Crusade for Education, Inauguration of the Portugal School Celebration of the Cruzeiro School Homage to the republic of Argentina, Homage to the royal family Orleans and Bragana (de scents from the Portuguese House of Bragana who r uled Portugal and its empire fro m about 1640 to 1910), Homage to the mayor of Montevideo, Homage to Gonalves Dias (Brazilian poet of the 19 th century), Homage to the Embassy of Uruguay, Civic Concentration of the Day of the Patria (Independence Day), Homage to Dr. Julio Rocca (an army general who served two terms as president of Argentina : from 1880 to 1886, and from 1898 to 1904), Homage to Gabriela Mistral (pseudonym of Lucila de Mara del Perpetuo Socorr o Godoy Alcayaga, a Chilean poet who was the first Latin American to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, in 1945), Children National Week, Reopening of the Affonso Pena School Inauguration of the Brasilidade and Pan American Clubs Homage to the Heroes o f the Patria, Celebration of the Flag, Homage to Benedicto Ottoni (probably either Cristiano Benedito Ottoni, an important political figure of the late years of the Empire and the First Brazilian Republic, or his brother Teophilo Benedito Ottoni, important political figure of the late years of Empire), Celebration of the School Portugal, Civic Celebration Floriano Peixoto (a marshal who

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194 became the second president of Brazil), Visit of the Mayor to School Floriano Peixoto, Homage to Dr. J oaquim Serratora Ho mage to Bolivia, Homage to the R epublic of So Salvador, Inauguration of the Club Sade, and Solemn of the Distribution of Diplomas of the Schools in the fifth district In addition to establishing communion among participating school children and adults in the audience, and disseminating nationalism and patriotism and creating awareness of important historical figures and celebratory dates of the nation, both the large a nd small Concentrations may have helped to establish a sense of communion among schoo ls in Rio. Interestingly, Gustavo Capanema wrote about the importance of s use of radio broadcasts to create the idea of an imagined community and in which it is possible to establish a parallel with the role of Orpheonic Concentrations: It is necessary to intr oduce the radio in all schools and to establish through this powerful instrument of diffusion a certain spiri tual communion among school s The radio is the only w ay to achieve thi s spiritual communion, because everything contributes to isolate our schools, which here and there are autonomous beehives, each with its own mentality and all unaware of the directions t hat we, from the center, wish to press upon th em. 1 Although on a lesser scale than the radio, the Orpheonic Concentrations also had this s, because of their outreac hing and aggregating character Likewise, the Concentrations helped unify the ideo logy of ment) among children and school s. 1 Gustavo Capanema in Tempos de Capanema Chapter 3, Simon Schwartzman, Helena Maria Bousquet Bomeny, Vanda Maria Ribeiro Costa, http://www.schwartzman.org.br/simon/capanema/capit3.htm (accessed May 10 201 r o radio em todas as escolas primrias, secun drias, profissionais, superior, not u rnas e diurnas e estabelecer atravs deste poderoso instrumento de difuso uma certa comunho espiritual entre os estabelecimentos d e ensino. O rdio ser o nico meio de se fazer e ssa comunho de esprito, pois tudo concorre a separar e isolar as nossas escolas, que so aqui e eal comeias autnomas, cada qual com uma mentalidade e todas distantes do sentido que ns c do centro desejamos imprimir

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195 The existing literature on Villa has largely ignored such social and political implications of the Orpheonic Concentrations. Overall, schol ars menti on only briefly that Vargas used the large concentrations for political propaganda. Thomas Garcia said Vargas government, and were transformed into public expressions of suppo rt and homage to the president. 2 3 In his Passarinhada do Brasil: Canto Orfe nico, E duca o, e G etulismo investigation of the Orpheonic Concentrati ons was his admirable, but brief, evaluation of magniloquent character, of boasted nationalistic connotations, of the celebrations organized by Villa Lobos, music occupied a secondary position to verbal spee ch, for overt political and moralist content. Granted, music should inebriate the spectators so they would hear strong populistic appeals 4 While it is true that Vargas appeared in most of the large concentrations and delivered p opulist speeches to the nation, promoting his political figure and his regime, these events also had several other important functions that need to be investigated in depth to reveal the ir important role in disseminating the ideologies of the government an d in crystallizing a sense of patriotic communion among the population. As I argue, 2 628. 3 Bhague, Villa Lobos 25 26. 4 Contier, Passarinhada do Brasil 195. ufanista, das celebraes programadas po r Villa Lobos, a msica ficava numa posio secundria em face do discurso verbalizado, de contedo nitidamente poltico e moralista. De fato, a msica deveria inebriar os espectadores para que estes ouvissem os fortes apelos populistas assentados no nacio

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196 because of their colossal emotional, and inclusive nature, the Concentrations not only materialized the notion of an imagined community as a real community but also reaffi rmed the indexicality properties of music, making people conscious of their communion through the same nationalistic and patriotic values. In addition, these events publicly displayed the accomplishments of music education, creating enthusiasm in the popu lation toward the practice of Orpheonic Chant in schools and a Orpheonic Chant in the schools of Rio and the rest of Brazil. On a political level, the Concentrations demonstrated that Orpheonic Chant was an efficie nt tool to discipline children and instill in them a sense of civic duty, collective cooperation, and patriotism. By investigating several Orpheonic Concentrations, mostly the ones that celebrated Independence Day, this chapter reveal s their socio politica l implications and demonstrate that along with their propagandisti c function, they represented a microcosm of the nation, where active The Beginning of a Tradition Villa Lobos organized large Orpheonic Concentrations from the beginning of his One of the first large concentra tions, which Villa Lobos called Exhortao Cvica Villa Lobos (Civic Exhortation Villa Lobos), occurred on 24 May 1931 in the field o f the Associao Athtletica So Bento ( Saint Bento Athletic Association ) in the city of So Paulo under the sponsorship of Joo Alberto Lins de Barros. 5 I n the pamphlet that advertised the concert and its program ( Figure 5 1), Villa 5 The interventor excursion Villa

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197 Lobos in vited the popu 6 and predicted the gathering would have 10,000 people and 400 orchestral and band musicians. (He later reported that around 12,000 people participated in this event). 7 The article the importa nt newspaper O Estado de So Paulo produced about this Concentration reveals the grandiose, nationalistic, and patriotic nature of this event as well as its aggregating character: The sports arena was crowded with the audience, musicians, and All S o center of the field was a wood platform where one could find maestro Villa walked with their ca meras, attempting to get shots . O n the field itself were countless civil and military participants who carried little flag s, which fluttered in the wind at 16:40, we hear the last signal . The first notes of the martial s are heard. Ag ainst a musical back drop of drums, which unexpectedly reminds us of remote things, integrated into the nation, the mass of thousands of voices, clear, waving, seizes all spectators. The effect is surprising. None present expected to watch such a beautiful and moving spectacle. And the composition, admirably performed ends with a roar of applause that lasts, and lasts . At the end of the eve nt, maestro Villa Lobos receives one of these ovations that one never forgets. 8 6 H eitor Villa vica Villa mphlet advertising the event) (Document coll ected in the Museu Villa Lobos Document number MVL 76.14.113). 7 Heitor Villa Lobos, A Msica Nacionalista 43. 8 vica Villa O Estado de So Paulo Tera Feira, 26 de Maio de 1931 n/p 9 Document collected in the Bilblioteca Nacional Rio de Janeiro) reunies elegantes. Ao centro do gramado, erguia se um estrado de Madeira, onde se encontrava o maestro Villa e vinham, com suas camaras, caando reflexos no monoculo das objectivas . No campo propriamente dito, massa incontavel de cantores civis e militares, munidos de band eirolas que trmulavam ao vento s 16 horas e 40 minutos, ouve Erguem se as primeiras notas da cano ma bre um fundo musical de tambores, que lembra inesperadamente coisas remotas, integradas na nao, ergue se a massa de milhares de vozes, claras, ondulantes, arrebatando a todos os espectadores. O effeito surprehendente. Ningu m que alli se encontra imaginou assistir um espectaculo to bello, to comovedor. E a composio admiravelmente executada termina num fragor de palma s que se prolongam, se prolong . Ao terminar a audio, o maestro Villa Lobo s teve uma destas acclamaes q u e

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198 This excerpt is rich in i nformation about several aspects of this Concentration and helps us understand the nature of the event. Several elements that became part of the large Orpheonic Concentrations in the future were already present in this one, including the atmosphere of comm union among members of the audience ( encompassing the elite, whom the repor ter called participated in the mass choir; the patriotic and nationalistic nature of the event whose e reporter of elements entrenched in the nation (he did not mention w hat these elements are but most likely referred to the drumming of Afro Brazilians); the unexpected ( ) ; and Villa ation at the end of the spectacle. T hrough this Concentration Villa Lobos said he 9 Villa Lobos also aimed at familiarizing people from all s ocial classes with Orpheonic Chant becaus he means by which music could penetrate all cultural milieus, and given its strict Brazilian character . O rpheonic C hant became since then a very important element in the spread of pat riotism and development of national 10 T his Concentration (like all others in which he participated) served to the d isseminate Orpheonic Chant, and also for Villa promotion D espite the event sponsor ship by Jao Alberto, the reporter of O Estado de So Paulo did not mention 9 371. 10 Villa sica nacionalista 43 penetrar em tdas as camadas sociais, e dada a sua qual idade estritamente brasileira porque desde o incio procurei dar uma feio nacional aos programas elaborados para uso das escolas o canto orfenico tornou se, desde ento, um fator importantssimo de difuso do sentimento de patriotismo e do

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199 any political figure and focused his account on the event itself and on the important role of Villa Lobos in the Concentration. This Concentration on 24 May 1931 and roughly one month after music education had been made mandatory in the school system in Rio de Janeiro. 11 Despite its nationalistic, patriotic, and collective nature, this Concentration did not hav e t he same political appeal these civic artistic events would acquire during unlike the dates of most future Orpheonic Concentrations, May 24 is not even a day connected to Brazilian history nor does it commemorate any historical figure. 12 From the circumstances of this event, it seems there was no specific political intention behind i t, and Villa Lobos aimed only to disseminate his Orpheonic Chant and to creat e awareness about it in the population Because of the novelt y of Orpheonic C hant and Orpheonic C oncentrations, by that time Vargas had still not used Orpheonic Concentrations as systematic tool s for political propaganda. But soon enough, after the first great Orpheonic Concentrations, Vargas realized the political power of such events, whose nationalistic and patriotic programs and collective character naturally matched his political ideology. He quickly appropriated the Concentrations and openly used them to promote his figure and regime, especially the Concentrati ons of Independence Day, the most grandiose mass music events of his regime The Independence Day Concentrations displayed the same aspe cts of the first Concentration ( namely its grandiose nationalistic, patriotic, a nd aggregative qualities) 11 Since Orpheonic C h ant had been made mandatory in school of Rio de Ja neiro only on 18 April 1931, it was still a novelty in the school system at that time 12 The same is true for the next large concent ration that Villa Lobos accounted for, which happened on 24 October 1932, an ordinary day that did not celebrate any event related to the nation This Concentration gathered 18,000 in the soccer stadium Laranjeiras in Rio de Janeiro.

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200 and Vargas was present at these events delivering addresses to the audience, thus using the Concentrations to openly promote his ideology and his regime. 13 The C oncentrations still served Villa different social classes and a dvertising his Orpheonic Chant. But after Vargas appropriated these events they also started overtly serving the political ideals of the government. Orpheonic Concentrations of Independence D ay: t he Materialization of the Imagined Community The Orph eonic Concentrations of Independence Day, called Hora da Independncia (Hour of Independence), occurred on September 7 and were by far the gathering thousands of children and adults in soccer stadiums (mostly the soccer stadium So Janurio ). These Concentrations started at 4:00 P.M. and were the climactic moment of a week long celebration called Semana da Ptria (Fatherland Week ). In addition to demonstrations of Orpheonic Cha nt, which constituted the climax of the Hour of Independence, the Concentrations also included address to the Brazilian nation and Indigenous Ballets organized by Villa Lobos. 14 Object 5 1. Villa Lobos conducting an Orpheonic Concentration on the Independence Day and followed by an Indigenous Ballet (.AVI file 35 MB) 15 The City Hall of Rio de Janeiro produced official documents that detailed every aspect of the Hour o f Independence, and among other things display ed the numbers of 13 Among the el ements of his populist routine i n those eve nts, Vargas performed the which he waved and smiled to people inside a convertible that rode a lap a round the edge of the soccer field 14 In these so choreography emulated Amerindi 15 Museu Villa Lobos File number 78 22 11 4).

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201 students and musi cians that participated in these events, revealing the magnitude of these Concentrations. In 1939, the Hour of Independence gathered thirty thousand students and one thousand band musicians; in 1940 forty thousand students and one thousand band musicians; in 1941, thirty thousand students and five hundred band musicians; in 1942, twenty five thousand students and five hundred band musicians; and in 1943, fifteen hundred students. 16 In addition to the mass of childre n and musicians who participated actively, the Hour of Independence also gathere d a huge audience of adults who flocked to the soccer stadiums and contributed to the colossal nature of these events. In the Concentration of 1942, for instance, the radio broadcaste r d ear listeners, before us a spectacular crowd that has filled to capacity the bleachers of Vasco da Gama stadium About seventy thousand people came to this sports arena to watch t he culminating celebrations of Independence 17 The emotional and patrio tic nature of these ceremonies materialized the notions of an imagined community into a real community. Schoolchildren dressed in uniforms (w hich conferred visual homogeneity upon the group ) demonstrated strict discipline, followed the guidance of one lead er (Villa Lobos), and sang a repertoire that mostly consisted of civic brasilidade children who participated in these ceremonies finally experience d the once imagined community together: they shared a musical education and its pre cepts, followed the 16 Information taken from the Official Documents of Hora da Independncia (Hour of Independence) of the years mentioned above. (Documents c ollected in the Museu Villa Lobos No document number). 17 Radio broadcast of September 7 1942. Document collected at CPDOC FGV. senhores ouvintes, diante de uma espetacular multido que enche completamente as dependncias do Vas co da Gama. Cerca de setenta mil pessoas vieram para essa praa de esportes a fim de assistir as come moraes culminantes do Dia da I

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202 same lead, and wore the same uniforms. A long with the emotional and celebratory atmosphere of such events, these common elements crystallized their communion in their minds. Although the thousands of childr en who participated in these events could scarcely meet everyone in these ceremonies, it is fair to say that they could have felt like all children in Brazil were present. In other words, at these events children could have a real experience of the nation al community they had previously imagined. The thousands of adults who attended the Concentrations were also aware of the ideals music education conveyed and communion, becoming part o In the Hour of Independence, these adults also experienced a real life sense of the big Brazilian community they had previously only imagined In the above mentioned radio broadcast the narrator commented about this sense of communion that people in Rio and throughout Brazil shared through nationalistic and pa triotic feelings disseminated at that Concentration: parade] was a spectacle that became indelibl y etched in the eyes of all who attended the para de of twenty thousand st udents who displayed a great sense of duty, of civism, of love for Brazil, which excited the spectacular crowd who rushed to the streets that morning to 18 While the mass of adults in the audience was not part of the o rpheonic group, this 18 Radio broadcast of 7 September 1942. D ocument collected at CPDOC FGV. The narrator mistakenly reported 20, 000 participant children and the official program reported 25,000. Later in the broadcast, nossa mocidade. Um espetculo que ficou indelvelmente gravad o nos olhos de todos aqueles que assistiram a o desfile dos 20.000 alunos com uma noo de dever, com uma noo de civismo, com uma noo de amor ao Brasil, que empolgou completamente a espetacular massa que acorreu para as ruas naquela manh a fim de

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203 school children. The national pride was such that, in the eyes of the broadcaster, the Independence Da y Concentration celebrated the country and also is not clear ; ere are several races, and ethnic groups in Brazil, and September 7 commemorates the nation and all national citizens by extens ion. It is possible wanted to convey a sense of unity to the diversity Brazilian ethnicities). In this broadcast, the narrator also spoke about the patriotic communion that happened throughout Brazil o n the celebration of Independence Day, affirming that the festivities happened i n the large metro n all towns of Brazil that cheered 19 In the capital the de monstrations of Orpheonic Chant reinforced this sense of patriotic communion that naturall y emanated from the population o n the day that celebrated the nation: the demonstrations displa y and love for B razil, and they also disseminated these ideas to people in attendance and through radio broadcast to the whole population of Rio and other Brazilian cities. In essence, through their emotional environment these Concentrations crystallized in the minds of people the same common identifiers of brasilidade and contributed to the materialization of the imagine d community of national beings. A Real Community of Children and Adults Children were essential to the realization of the Orpheonic Concentrations, and a lthough thousands of adults also contributed to the success of the Concentrations as 19 Radio broadcast of September 7 Brasil. No s nas grandes metrpolis, nas capitais dos estado s, mas tambm em t odos os munic pios do Brasil, que vibraram na mesma emoo e no mesmo arrebatamento patritico com que vibrararm as

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204 members of the audience, the mass of participating children was the protagonist. others th ings for preparing children to sing, coordinating their distribution on the soccer field, and ensuring their safety from the time they left their schools on the trams that took them to the event until they got back to their schools. With respect to the Or pheonic Concentration of 1945, Lieutenant Colonel Moacyr Toscano, director of the Department of Nationalistic Education, wrote a letter to the Secre tary of Education addressing the importance of students and teachers for the success of the Hour of Independ olemnity could well be called party of teachers and students. and it would not be too much to do it again that the brillia nce and success of the solemnities we put together depend 99 20 To reach out to the adult population and to massively adve rtise about the Orpheonic Concentrations, Villa Lobos distributed pamphlets from airplanes. In a pamphlet he launched from airplanes in 1932, Vill a Lobos used a strong patriotic tone to advertise his method of music education as well as Orpheonic Concentrati on. This pamphlet exemplifies the essential patriotic and socializing character of Orpheonic Chant and Orpheonic Concentrations and reve a ls a political tone similar to the tone Vargas used in his speeches. Through a clever text Villa Lobos 20 Moacyr Toscano, Cpia de pf. n 319 de 10 09; 1945, dirigido ao exmo. Snr. secretrio geral pelo diretor d o Departamento de Educao Nacionalista, a respeito Hora da Indepndencia no dia 7 de setembro do corrente ano ( Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos. No document number). idade bem poderia ter s firmamos e no seria demais faz lo mais uma vez, que o brilho e o xito de solenidades como a que realizamos dependem 99% do concurso de prof e

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205 growth of the nation: Soldiers of Brazil, Men of the Sea, Factory Workers, Academic Youth, Intellectuals, Educators, Artists, Feminine Souls, Brazilian Youth, Conservative and Progressive Classes of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture! Forward! Confident in the future of our land, let us move forward, all united, cohesive without hesitating! In this cru sade of resurgence of our fatherland crossing through the great crisis of economic, social, and moral evolution that shakes the entire world, we have as pioneer the most powerful and charming of all arts Music the most per fect expression of life. Music that through the means of sounds unites the souls, purifying human sentiments, ennobling the character, elevating the spir it to a more complete ideal . Propagated in the Public Schools the Orpheonic Chant radiates enthu siasm and happiness in children, awakens spontaneous discipline in the youth, a healthy interest in life, and love for the Fatherland and human kind!!! 21 Lobos tried to convey the idea that all these people f ormed a homogeneous an d concise group of comrades who, despite their different backgrounds and heritages should come together to promote the advancement of the nation. C Braz fold interpretation: while it refers to the actual soldiers it also conveys metaphorically the idea that all other classes of people and profe ssions Villa Lobos mentioned in their own ways, also fought for their n ation. Furthermore, in this text Vil la Lobos described the benefits 21 V illa Lobos Exortao, in P resena de Villa Lobos Volume IV, (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969 ), 115 ( reprint fro Soldados do Brasil, Homens do Mar, Operrios, Mocidade Acadmica, Intelectuais, Educadores, Artistas, Almas Femininas, Juventud e Brasileira, Classes Conservadoras e Progressistas do Comercio, Ind stria e Lavoura! Avante! Confiantes no futuro de nossa terra, sigamos avante, unidos todos, coesos, sem hesitar! Nessa cruzada de ressurgimento da nossa ptria, atravessando a grande cris e de evoluo econmica, social e moral que abala o mundo inteiro, tenham por pioneira a mais poderosa e encantadora de todas as artes a Musica a mais perfeita expresso da vida. Musica, que por meio dos sons une as almas, purificando sentimentos humanos, enobrecendo o carter, elevando o esprito a um ideal maus completo. Como indicar esse guia seguro a Nao Brasileira do futuro?!!! Pela voz humana, pelo Canto Orfeni co!!! Propagada pelas Escolas P blicas o Canto Orfenico irradia entusiasmo e alegria nas crianas, desperta na mocidade a

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206 Orpheonic Chant would bring to the youth conveying the idea that his Orpheonic Chant was less about training musicians and more about forming human beings with good moral beha vior and pat riotic ideals. Members of the government also reached out to the adult population and formally invited staff participate in the celebrations Invariabl y, these invitations used strong patriotic tone s and sounded like for soldiers who should participate in the commemoration of Independence Day to praise their country and carry out their duties to the nation. In the program for the Hour of Independence of 1939, for instance, Pio Borges, the General Secretary of the Secretariat of Education and Culture, wrote the following text to invite his staff to participate in the Orpheonic Concentration of Independence Day: As September 7 draws closer, the magna data of the Fatherland I take the opport unity to invite the M essrs. e mployees of this Secretariat to a significant demonstration of your nationalistic sentiments, which will be r epresented by your attendance at ma, and through the ways that each one of you want to use to reinforce in the public consciousness the notion of collect ive social discipline indispensi ble to the 22 In this passage, B orges practically instructed his staff to a who should help to propagate the ideology of the r egime. Borges encouraged them not only to attend the Civic Concentration but also to act as agents to reinforce the sense of discipline at that event thus helping to promote the progress of Brazil Likewise, in the 22 Pio Borges, Official Document of Hora da Independncia of 1939, 4. (Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos No document n umber). se 7 de Setembro, data magna da Ptria, aproveito a oportunidade para concitar os Srs. Funcionrios desta Secretaria a uma demonstrao expressiva de seus sentimentos nacionalistas, que se traduzir pelo comparecimento e pelo emprego dos meios ao alcance de cada qual para que se torne cada vez mais forte na conscincia pblica a noo da disciplina social coletiva indisp ensvel ordem e ao progresso do Museu Villa Lobos (no archive number).

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207 program for the 1942 Hour of Ind ependence, Toscano wrote about the importance of responsibility on them By responding to the req uest of The Secretary General [of Education] and attending the festivities, parents and guardians [of participating children] will provide the Government with their valuable collaboration in this moment of patriotic exaltation that congregates all good Bra 23 Like Villa Lobos and Borges, Toscano collaborate with the government. When he said the parents and guardians will pro vide a valuable collaboration to the e vent that gathers good Brazilians, Toscano projected moral values on those willing to attend the Orpheonic Concentration, also linking patriotism to good moral character Organization and Discipline The Logistics of Hora da Independncia The mobilization of school children in Orpheonic Concentrations that brought together thousands of people required meticulous organization. A s the official documents of the Hour of Independence show, the e vents were carefully planned T hese documents contain i nformation abo ut the participating schools, number of students from each school, procedures to embark and disembark school children on the trams that took them to the stadium, the distribution and organization of schoolchildren in the bleachers, and the role of individua l teachers in the event. The documents also present ed the names of staff members responsible for several other tasks such as 23 Cited on the Official Document of Hora da Independncia of 1942. ( Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos No document number). In the origin comparecendo s festividades, os Srs. Pais e Responsveis prestaro ao Governo sua valiosa

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208 taking children to their designed position s in the bleachers and giving them little flags with the colors of the Brazilian flag. Because of the large number of children participating in these events, the logistics of the Concentrations were carefully laid out in these documents. Figure 5 2 shows some aspects of logistic s and organization of children and the general public on the Or pheonic Concentration of 7 September 1939. Figure 5 2 shows stadium doors for pat rons and the general public (gate no. 1), authorities (gate n o. 2), bands (gate no. 3), school childr en (gates no. 4 and 5) and how all these people should be distributed i n t he stadium. Children, patrons, and the general public were assigned positions on the bleachers and the authorities stayed on a podium on the soccer field. Figure 5 2 also shows the position of the groups of p hysician s nurses, ambulances, policemen, and sc hool buses, and the location of snacks to help children get through the day. 24 The 27 page official document for the 1939 Hour of Independence shows t he sense of discipline taught at sch ools was extremely important to the organization and success of Orpheo nic Concentrations. In addition to the Orpheonic Chant method, physical education classes also instilled an almost military like discipline personalities. I n these physical education classes students were trained to march for the important Orpheonic Concentrations. Accord ing to the official document of 1939, the physical education teachers should: D uring the classes of Physical Education, in their respective schools, train students to march in columns of 4, demanding that students position 24 Official Document of Ho ra da Independncia of 1939. The text of the General Secretariat of Education and Culture that contains the logistics and the program of the Concentration, says the number of participants was 30,000 but the figure that is part of the same document shows 25 ,000 instead. It seems that the second number is incorrect: the document also contains a detailed list of participating schools and the number of children gathered in each school. On that part of the document the total number of children is 29,240.

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209 themselves according to their voices [vocal part] and that they march with elegance and correct attitude, to present themselves to the audience of this great solemnity, dapper and demonstrating that the Brazilian youth is disciplined and betters its physi que to better serve the Fatherland. 25 This strict discipline taught in school was very important for the success of the Concentration because it guaranteed that ch ildren would follow the commands of their teachers and other staff membe rs Additionally, thro ugh their display of discipline children showed respect for the fatherland. F or Villa Lobos, the enforcement of discipline during the Orpheonic demonstrations was imperative because he wanted to display the efficiency of music educati on in instilling di scipline in children and also because only through discipline would he be able to control such a n enormous body of children and to keep them silent when not singing Having to stand several hours in a crowded soccer stadium without their parents must not h ave been easy for children and the discipline learned in school must have helped them accomplish this difficult obligation Through these public demonstrations of Orpheonic Chant in which children displayed an elevated sense of patriotism, discipline, and civic duty, Villa Lobos also sought to extend the principles of his music education to the whole population The invitation ticket for the Orpheonic Concentration at So Janurio of 7 July 1935 which gathered 20,000 voices ( F igure 5 3) included the follo wing order in bold capital letters: 25 Pi o Borges (Secretary of Education), in the official document of Hora da Independncia of 1939, 8 9. Document collected at the Museu Villa Lobos Devero, durante as aulas de Educao Fsica nas suas respe ct ivas escolas treinar os seus alu nos na marcha em coluna por 4 e j exigindo que les se coloquem de acrdo com as vozes e que marchem com eleg ncia, atituda correta, para que se apresentem aos assistentes da grande solenidade, garbosos e demonstrando que a mocidade brasileira disciplinada e que melhora o seu fsico para melhor servir

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210 DURING THE PERFORMANCE TOTAL SILENCE IS REQUIRED 26 Because this event took place in a soccer stadium, where people were used to root ing for their teams and mak ing noise, such a message seems warranted. Nevertheless, th e invitation also shows that Villa Lobos was already trying to educate and awaken discipline in the people, even before the Concentration started. Indeed, in speaking about the objectives of the Orpheonic Concentrations, Villa Lobos said the most important aspect of these events was the sense of civic duty and collective discipline it would awaken in the attendees: The civic orpheonic demonstrations cannot be considered recreatio nal or artistic exhibitions . They aim solely at demonstrating the civic progress of the schools, because our people still do not comprehend the ine. We must thus consider each of civic classes t only for school children, but for the population [as a whole] and the proof of its efficiency is found precisely in the noticeable progress observed year after year in the civic attitudes of our people. 27 For Villa Lobos these Orpheonic Concentrations were not artistic events but a way to d sense of collective discipline and civic duty learned at school. Because of the huge number of children who participated in the Concentrations, Villa Lobos could demonstrate that the social education he promoted through Orpheonic 26 In the ngresso to the Orpheonic Concentration of 7 July 1935. ( Document collected at the Museu Villa Lobos. No document number ) 27 Heitor Villa L obos, 12 cvico orfenicas no podem ser consideradas como exibies recreativas ou artsticas, pelo menos neste perodo de formao de compreenso da disciplina co letiva da mul tido. Elas visam to somente provar o progresso cvico das escolas, pois que a nossa gente, talvez em consequencia de razes raciais, de clnica, de meio, ou dos poucos sculos da existncia do Brasil, ainda no compreende a importancia da dilsciplina col etiva dos homens. Devemos, pois, considerar cada uma dessas no s para os escolares, mas, principalmente, para o povo, cuja prova da sua eficiencia est j ustamente no visvel progresso que de ano a ano se observa nas

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211 Chant was efficient in d eveloping their sense of discipline even within a large community. Castro Filho, Villa in law 28 and a personal friend of the composer for several years, reported on the impressive quasi military organization of the Hour of Independence of 1 936 when he was a counselor to the soccer team Vasco da Gama whose training stadium is So Janurio 29 As a counselor to Vasco Filho was working closely with the board of directors of the soccer team ( whi ch had control over the stadium) and helped Villa L obos with the bureaucratic organization of the Orpheonic Concentration that year pal teachers were mobilized o n this occasion. I recall that even the Light [the Canadian company Brazilian Traction Light and Power Co. Ltd, which provided electric, telephone, and tram services for So Paulo and Rio de Janeiro at that time] mobilized countless trams to transport the children. It was a movement of almost 30 From this testimonial one realizes that from the moment they left their schools headed for the tion, for which the discipline instilled at schools had somewhat prepared them. 28 wife. 29 In Brazi l, soccer teams are part of big club organizations. These clubs form the elite Brazilian athletes. The clubs are also leisure centers for ordinary people and require the purchase of membership. M ost of these club have facilities such as swimming pools, volleyball and basketball courts, and a soccer stadium, which function as a training place for the clu Eventually, soccer stadiums are also used for extra sports activities such as the Orpheonic Concentrations in Villa 30 Castro Filho in Depoimentos Tape 1 (DVD 38) min. 50. ( DVD collec ted in the multimedia archive from the Museu Villa Lobos ) T odos os professores municipais foram mobilizados na ocasio. Eu me recordo que at a bLight mobilizou bondes e mais bondes para transportar essas crianas. Foi um movimento assim

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212 In the official document of the Hora da Independnc ia of 1939, the section 25 items, several of which display the enforcement of discipline in that Concentration Items 10 through 12 for instance, describe the quasi military organiz ation of some logistic aspects of the Concentration ( numbers in brackets indicate the item): [10] Students must leave the schools organized in groups divided by their voices, respectively 1 st 2 nd 3 rd and 4 th to facilitate the entrance in the stadium. [ 11] On disembarking, students will form groups in columns of 4 and will be guided to the respective entrance by the responsible Commissions. [12] From the entrance gates students will be led to the fiel d by the respective commission. Next, they will be gr ouped according to their voices by the respective commission, which will a wait the command from the Commission or Direct Contact with the Chief Conductor to guide them to the Commission of the Bleachers, which will locate them according to ups 31 Additionally, item 15 on the list said while in the bleachers, teachers should insist that children be kept in absolute silence, pay attention to the Chief Conductor, listen to the bands and chant s of children from other schools, and pay attention to the Chief to raise their little flags distributed before the event started. In addition to the discipline itself several other elements of the above list show the quasi military character of these events. For instance, despite the inherent high er status of the conductor before his instrumental or vocal group, Villa Lobos was called Chief to his figure and the idea that he was a high authority in the Con centration. V illa Lobos was responsible for authorizing 31 Pio Borges, in the official document of Hora da Independncia alunos devero sair das escolas formados por grupos ou vozes, respectivamente 1., 2., 3. e 4. afim de facilitar a hora da entrada no Estadio. [11] Ao desembarcar, os alunos formaro por grupos, em colunas de 4 (quatro), e sero encaminhados at os respectivos portes de entrada pelas Comisses disso encarregadas. [12] Dos portes de entrada os alunos sero conduzidos ao gramado pela resp ective comisso. Em seguida ser o colocados em grupos de vozes pela respective comisso a qual aguardar ordens da Comisso de Contacto Direto com o Regente Chefe, para encaminh los Comisso da Arquibancadas, que os localizar de ac

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213 the Commissions to guide students to the bleachers, inspect ing the Commission that distributed the flags to children, giv ing the signal for children to raise their flags, allow ing someone to speak on the microphone (set up for Lobos to provide instructions to schoolchildren and musicians), and authorizing all schools to leave the stadium when the event was over Because of the colossal nature of these events, their military connotations, and the pow er of Villa Lobos there was even a special Commission of Direct Contact with the Chief Conductor, which was in charge of delivering any messages addresse d to Villa Lobos at the Concentrations. This military atmosphere was also part of other commemorative events that took place before the Concentrations on 7 September In 1942, for instance, the radio broadcaster enthusiastically commented about the military parade that took place that morning conveying an atmosphere of military and patriotic pride to the population : A fact of great significance that can be mentioned today, in the culminating moment of celebrations of the Week of the Fatherland is the great parade that took place this morning in the capital of the republic, in which participated our forces on land, at sea, and in the air, with an unsurpassable elegance, in a decisive demonstratio repu 400 ,000 pe ople, spread throughout the Flamengo neighborhood, Avenue Rio Branco Avenue Marechal Floriano and all along Avenue President Vargas. The spec tacle makes clear the solemn deci sion of the Brazilian nation defend the honor of the Brazilian flag with weapons in hands. 32 32 Radio broadcast on 7 September 1942. Document collected at CPDOC FGV. grande significao, que pode ser mencionado hoje, nesse momento culminante das comemoraes da semana da ptria o grande d esfile realizado pela manh na capital da repblica. Desfile de que participaram as nossas foras de terra, mar e ar, num garbo inexcedvel, numa demonstrao absoluta do preparo militar do Brasil . A massa popular que presenciou a parada maravilhosa na manh de hoje na capital da repblica, era orada em cerca de 400 mil pessoas, que se estendiam atravs do bairro do flamengo, da avenida Rio Branco, da avenida Marechal Floriano e ao longo de toda a avenida Presidente Vargas. Espetculo que deixa bem patente a deciso solene da nao brasileira de defender The narrator was most likely making reference to Brazil entering WWII in August of that year.

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214 The patriotic feelings and sense of civic duty demonstrated in this parade buil t up the crowd throughout the day and found its climax in the Hou r of Independence at 4:00 P.M. By singing and listening to patriotic music in the Orpheonic Concen trations the populatio n could experience a cathartic nationalistic and patriotic moment that crystallized these sentiments disseminated throughout the whole day. Bands and the Sense of Discipline in the Orpheonic Concentrations The participation of bands also contributed to the demonstration of discipline in the Orpheonic Concentrations and reinforced the military character of the celebra tions. Villa Lobos believed good bands could help awaken discipline in the population and in a text about the teaching of instruments for the formation of bands at school, he affirmed that any band of popular, symphonic, or military character could act powerfully education of the people throug h the way they behave as they listen to the programs 33 Villa Lobos said when he lived in Europe, he could determine the level of European education when he listened to bands playing art music in public spaces in Paris and Barcel they do not take advantage of the fortissimos in the performance of the pieces to speak out loud about any subject Why this respect and discipline? Solely e 34 He 33 Heitor Villa Lobos, o in Presena de Villa Lobos vol. XII 1 st ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa dvida que a Banda de Msica, seja a tradicional charanga dos arrabaldes, ou a pequena ou a grande b anda de militares ou uma Banda Sinfnica no gnero da Guarda Republicana de Paris, a Municipal de Barcelona e a de Lisboa, e outras, todas formadas por artistas virtuoses agem, fortemente, no panorama social popular, do qual se pode veri ficar, perfeitament e, o grau de educao do povo pela maneira de se 34 Villa Lobos Musical e Barcelona, as Bandas citadas e sempre tiv e dificuldade em obter um lugar para ouv las. Quando se anuncia que estas Bandas vo tocar numa praa ou jardim pblico, na cidade, um ms antes, no existe uma s cadeira de ferro, das que alugam em benefcio de instituies artsticas populares. Os prog ramas

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215 proven therefore t hat if we educate ourselve s listening constantly to good M usic Bands (and by good I mean bands trained by performers disciplined and conscious of the pure art), it will forcefully influence the progress of 35 For this reas on, Villa Lobos also implemented teaching band instruments at schools (for limited participants) and called for the participation of several bands in the Orpheonic Concentrations. In 1939, for instance, 1,000 musicians from eleven different military bands participated of the event, among which the bands of the Navy, the Military Police, the Firemen, the Battalion of Guards, the Rio de Janeiro Municipal Police, the Niteri Municipal Police, and the School Battalion. 36 Like the 25,000 children ( in mandatory b lue and white uniforms) who participated in this Concentration, band musicians also followed the di rections of the Chief Conductor. Through their strict organization, alignment, and progression on the soccer field, they contributed to the visual display of discipline and reinforced the military connotations of the Concentration held in 1939. Figure 5 4 shows the organization and progression of these bands on the soccer field. At the top of the figure are the four participating groups of school choirs ( coros escolares ) organized in the bleachers. Below the choirs, aligned horizontally, are the first position of the bands ( primeira so organizados, exclusivamente, de msica fina e elevada. Milhares de poessoas assistem de p, uma hora e meia de msica, no mais absoluto silncio. Ningum pede msica popular, nem aproveita os fortissimos da execuo das peas para falar mais alto assuntos diversos. Porque esse respeito, esta disciplina? 35 Villa Lobos ducao musical que se nos educarmos ouvindo constantemente boas Bandas de M sic a (digo boas, quando so formadas de executantes disciplinados e conscientes da pura arte), foro samente influir no progresso 36 In the official document of Hora da Independncia of 1939, 24.

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21 6 posio das bandas ) whose progression o n the soccer field is indicated by arrows. The bands aligned vertically (along the edge of the soccer field ) are i n the second position ( segunda posio das bandas ). According to the instruction at the top of F igure 5 4, five to the second position after the performance of n 11 of the program, always followin 37 The participation of bands along with their progression on the soccer field created a strong reference between Orpheonic Concentration and the military 38 a Real Community I magines the Nation The musical program of the Concentrations consisted mostly of patriot ic melodies and hymns learned in school and along with the display of discipline, the mandatory uniform s and the participation of bands, reinforced the military aspec t of these nationalistic and patriotic events. The program of the C oncentrations of 1942 and 1943 disclose their nationalistic and patriotic nature: Program of the Orpheonic Concentration of 7 September 1942 39 I National Anthem (Chorus and Bands) PRAYE R FROM THE EXCELLENCY MR.PRESIDENT TO THE BRAZILIAN NATION Program of the Orpheonic Concentration of 7 September 1943 40 I National Anthem DISCOURSE OF PRESIDENT GETLIO VARGAS TO THE NATION II Hymn of the Independence III Hymn to the Flag 37 In the offici al document of Hora da Independncia of 1939, 26. 38 Figure 5 4 also shows two Chiefs ( chefes ) whose functions are not explained in the official document but probably helped coordinate the distribution of children in the bleachers and the evolution of the bands on the field. 39 Official programs of O rpheonic Concentrations of 1942. Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos Document number MVL 26.14.186). 40 Official programs of Orpheonic C oncentrations of 1942 and 1943. (Document collected in the Museu Villa Lobos Document number MVL 26.14.190).

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217 II National Anthem (Choir and Bands) III Hymn of Independence IV Civic Religious Prayer (Orpheonic Salutation) V Hymn to the National Flag VI a) Orpheonic salutation to the Fla g b) Orpheonic Salutation to the Fatherland VII Brazil the Country of the Future VIII Orpheonic Effects: Palm trees Invocation to metallurgy History repeats itself IX Oath of Brazilian Youth *** September Seven Heroic March (for the procession of the students) IV Fatherland V Hymn to Victory VI Dance of the Earth FINAL PROCESSION Hymn of the Brazilian Youth Besides its quasi military nationalistic and patriotic musical content, these Orpheonic Concentrations presented several other characteristics intrinsically connected to the including er to the nation in 1942. This prayer f celebration of the fatherland, which was reinforced by the fourth n umber of the 1942 program ( Civic Reli gious Prayer), whose very conveys religious significance to the sense of ci tizenship S everal other elements in the the idea that Brazil was the country of the future that trees, Brazilian tree; the orpheonic effects making reference to steelwork which Vargas incentivized for industrial growth in Braz il; and finally the oath of Brazilian youth to the

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218 fatherland another military element of this Concentration. Regarding the Orpheonic Concentration of 1943, of whi Invocao em Defesa da Ptria (In vocation in De fense of t he Patria) and the Hino Vitria Victory) made reference to the entrance of Brazil in WWII, which was in the news in the brasilidade Brazilians were united through the same desire for victory. 41 The Emotional Effect of Orpheonic Con centrations: Crystallizing the Real Community In addition to all the other elements in the programs several visual references nature of the Orpheonic Concentrations. Among these references were chore ographies of the mass of school 5), and children waiving little Brazilian flags at Villa igure 5 6). Al l these celebrator y elements contributed to awake quasi religious devotion to the nation and quasi military discipline for the fatherland These C oncentrations had such a powerful impact on their part icipants that atmosphere. In a lecture from 1971, the teacher of Orpheonic Chant Cacilda Guimares Fres, reported on testimonials about Orpheonic Chant she heard from two forme r students who also became teachers of th e discipline According to Fres, one of them recalled her thoughts and emotions when taking part in an Orpheonic Concentrati on held on Independence Day: 41 Although Vargas had demonstrated sympathy for the Fascist regime s Brazil enter ed WWII on the side of the Alli es in August 1942 because German submari nes torpedoed Brazilian ships i n the Atlantic Ocean Beside s, Vargas realized Brazil could not be on the opposite side of the U SA, the most powerful economy in the Americas and becoming the most powerful economic and military nation in the world.

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219 There was widespread emotion. The spectacle was surprising fo r the u nforeseen It took one gesture of Maestro Villa Lobos, who commanded the spectacle, for the immense mass of children to rise singing in the most eloquent demonstr ation of discipline and citizenship . In the bleachers the students formed the fr ame of the picture. Villa Lobos stood out among all. On that day, like o n no other, I felt the presence of the Fatherland, which was there, palpitating in the happiness of school children, in the enthusiasm of all people sing ing with us, vibrating with us . I then looked to my flag. It never seemed so beautiful to me, so imposing in its majesty. 42 Fr shows the Concentrations had great power to imbue the ideology of the a sense of disc ipline and civic duty. From her report it is clear these sentiments were largely shared by attendees, and crystallized in their identities the unity of all those people singing together in praise of the country. Carlos Drummond de Andrade (1902 1987), wi dely regarded as th e most important Brazilian poet of the twentieth ce ntury, also witnessed the power these Concent rations had to generate emotion and to create a sense of collective identity and national pride in the partic ipants. In 1959, he commented on the powerful impact an Orpheonic Concentration had provoked in him and the rest of the audience: The masses [in the bleachers of the soccer stadium ] were living a cosmic Brazilian emotion; we were so united to one another, so participatory [as a comm unit y] and at the same time so proud of ourselves [as individuals], in the plenitude of our sensorial capacity; it was so beautiful and smashing that for some people there was no other way but to cry; cry for pure joy. 43 42 Cacilda Guimares Fr Civismo Villa Presen a de Villa Lobos Vol VII. 1st ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa A emoo era geral. O espetculo surpreende pelo imprevisto. Um gesto do Maestro Villa Lobos, que comandava o espetculo, ergue se cantando, aquela i mensa massa de crianas, na mais eloquente demonstrao de disciplina e civismo. Os coraes fremem de entusiasmo e vem se lgrimas at nos olhos de gente grande. Nas arquibancadas, os alunos formavam o relevo do quadro. Villa Lobos o ponto alto, culminan te da paisagem. Naquele dia, como em nenhum outro, senti a presena da Ptria. Ela estava ali palpitando na alegria dos escolares, no entusias Volvi, ento um olhar para minha bandeira. Nunca me pareceu to bela, to imponente e m sua majestade 43 Carlos Drummond de Andrade quoted in Villa Lobos: Edio do seu c entenrio ( Rio de Janeiro: Museu Villa Lobos A multido em torno vivia uma

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220 Drummond provides strong evidence of th e emotional power of the Concentrations to reinforce the sense of collective unity in the masses and the sense of pride (of being s so d eeply that some of them cried with joy at those intense celebrations of the fatherland. The emotional atmosphere of such events affected even Vargas himself, whose main intentions with the Orpheonic Concentrations were stric tly political. With respect to e old Getlio who made appearances in [the Concentration s of] September 7 for instance got excited. He was normally a man with a cold and controlled temperament [but] got excited when he saw the movements of those tho usands and thousands of little arms imitating the [movement] of the coconut trees, or [emulating] with their mouths closed [ bocca chiusa ] the movement of the 44 one of at personal friends, told him that in the president hummed the patriotic songs he heard child ears and to the senses 45 Final Considerations The statements above show that the grandiose, festive, and emotional atmosphere of the Orpheonic Concentrations worked as a powerful mechanism to inculcate national sentiment in children and adults alike. In these events, through the emoo brasileira e csmica, estvamos t o unidos uns aos outros, to participantes e ao mesmo tempo to individualizados e ricos de ns mesmos, na plenitude de nossa capacidade sensorial, era to belo e 44 Fi lho Depoimentos Tape 1. 45 Filho Depoimentos Tape 1.

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221 indexical properties of music, Vargas also propagate d the sense of union of all people toward a common national sentiment. With respect to the power of indices for rallies and political propaganda, Turino affirmed: In spite of their rather unpredictabie consequences, indices are frequently harnessed for the construction of social identities in advertising, in mass political rallies and propaga nda, and in ritual ceremonies because of their emotion producing potentials and as pre existing signs of identity indices signify our personal and collective e xperiences in a particularly and hence are experienced as real; they are signs of our lives, not signs about them. 46 Thus, the Orpheonic Conce ntrations were very efficient for in culcating nationalistic and patriotic sentiment in people because in such an emotional atmosphere people did not have to be forced to praise the fatherland; they spontaneously embraced all values disseminated in these events as intrinsic parts of their pe rsonal and co llective identities and Within a disciplined and rigorous organization, t hese huge masses of people experienced together the quasi religious crystallized themselv es as a r eal community. By brasilidade inculcated in the Orph eonic Concentrations, the once imagined community was now totally conscious of its existence and union. Although the nationalis t ic ideology came from the government and its nationalist intellectuals, Orpheonic Chant and the musical events associated with it ( including the Orpheonic Concentrations) presented this ideology in such a way that Brazilians would believe that they sponta neously developed feelings toward the fatherland. Intelligently, the government used children as vessels of such ideas of nationality. The essential 46 236.

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222 participation of children in the Orpheonic Concentrations conveyed a sense of naivet to those grandiose ra llies, thus assuaging the clear political purposes of such events. In that context, children were once more the perfect disseminators of political ideology.

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223 Figure 5 1. Exhortao Cvica Villa Lobos (Civic Exhortation Villa Lobos) of 24 May 1931. Docu ment collected at the Museu Villa Lobos (file number MVL 76.14.113). The document presents some post scriptum handwritten information.

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224 Figure 5 2. Logistics and organization of children and general public on the Orpheonic Concentration of 7 September 1 939. Figure taken from the Official Document with the logistics and program of the Orpheonic Concentration of September 7 1939. Document collected at the Museu Villa Lobos (no archive number).

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225 Figure 5 3. Ticket i nvite for the O rpheonic Concentration o f 7 July 1935. Document Collected in the Mueseu Villa Lobos. (No document number).

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226 Figure 5 4. Progression of bands in the Orpheonic Concentration of 7 September 1939. Figure taken from the official document of Hora da Independncia (Hour of Independen ce) of 1939, 26.

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227 Figure 5 So Janurio in 7 September 1942 and gathered 25,000 students. A policeman in the center of the stadium observes students forming the word the bleachers. Collected in the archives of the Museu Villa Lobos. File number 1982 16 143. There is a discrepancy between the number of students listed in the official program (25,000 students) and the number (included by the staff of Museu Villa Lobos) in the description of this picture (35,000). I opted to use the number given in the official program of this Orpheonic Concentration. Figure 5 6. Fifteen thousand students in uniform holding little flags in the Orpheonic Concentration that took place i n 7 September 1943 at the soccer stadium So Janurio. Collected in the archives of the Museu Villa Lobos. File number 1977 16 057. Here, there is also a discrepancy between the number of students in the official program of this Concentration (15,000 stude nts) and the number in the title description of this picture (44,000), collected at the Museu Villa Lobos (the number 44,000 was probably included by the staff of Museu Villa Lobos). Again, I opted to use the number given in the official program of this Or pheonic Concentration.

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228 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION I commitment to political ideologies have been largely investigated in the musicological literatu re, especially in countries that imple mented authoritarian regimes at a given point in history such as Nazi Germany, the former Soviet Union, Fascist Italy, and the Brazil of Vargas (1930s and 40s) 1 This scholarship has raised several questions that need to be taken into account in evaluatin g the mor al judgment of musicians and the ir involvement with political regimes. It is useful to consider parallels between aspects of Villa regime and those of Richard Straus s and Carl Orff in Nazi Germany, altho ugh each case presents unique difficulties in understanding the relationship between these composers and political regimes, certain aspects of their interaction are similar. In her article, rd to political regimes. 2 Although she spoke specifically of German musicians in t he Third Reich, her proposals can be used to interpret similar cases of music and politics outs ide Germany. Potter sugges ts that, although scrutiny of individual musicians in Nazi Germany will not cease, new inquiries need to consider broader elements such as the 1 time, Brazilian popular musicians such as Chico Buar que and Gilberto Gil wrote music in protest against the dictatorship. The government exercized rigorous censorship, which led these songwriters to elaborate clever music poetic structures that concealed their subversive messages. Scholars have produced a r ich Msica Popular Brasileira (MPB) nos anos de chumbo do regime militar and Massimiliado Sala (eds.) Music and Dictatorship in Europe and Latin America (Lucca : Publications of the Centro Studi Opera Omnia Luigi Boccherini, 2009), and for a thorough analysis of music poetic structures of these songs, see Charles Perrone, Letras e Letras da MPB (Rio de Janeiro: Booklin, 2008). 2 Pamela Potter, in Central European History 40, no. 4 (2007): 623 51

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229 leged position of musicians, and the degree of Narrenfreiheit allowed to celebrities and 3 Potter also regarded the generation to which the musicians belonged (and the ideals and hopes of these generation) as an important element in t heir evaluation. Richard Strauss, for instance, turned sixty nine in 1933, the year Hitler became Chancellor and because he had lived and worked under several other regimes re turn for artistic freedom, but he also detected a degree of progressivism in the new government's promises to musicians of new professional and economic securities and 4 Regarding a younger ge neration of musicians, Potter said they might have accepted any job in view of the unstable economic situation, and the generation that grew under Nazism was ideologically intimidated into disseminating the precepts of the regime. Finally, as Potter showed social, economic, and professional categories and that, for the first time, believed to be 5 ions can be extrapolated outside Nazi Germany to help evaluate other my study shows in the analysis of Villa ment with the regime of Vargas, the composer had several reasons to engag politics, many of which were similar to those of German musicians. These reasons were related to his personal 3 Dismantling a Dystopia 4 Dismantling a Dystopia 5 Dismantling a Dystopia

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230 career and as to his role as spokesman of the community of artist s with whom he shared similar ide as As I demonstrated in Chapter 2 Villa Lobos used the regime both to promote his music al career and to advance the ideas of an intellectual community seeking the elevation of the intellectual a nd cultural level of the people Like Strauss in Germany, Villa Lobos contributed to the political regime in Brazil to secure a stable position and to guarantee his income. Although Strauss and Villa Lobos did not engage directly with practical political matters ( and Strauss never joined the Nazi party ) they also never positioned themselv es against the politics their governments implemented. Much like Strauss used his position to work in favor of musicians in Germany and to organize German musical life according to his views so did Villa Lobos fi ght for the rights of Brazilian musicians and to create institutions to promote music and music education such as the National Conservatory of Orpheonic Chant. Faced with a distressful situation ofor musicians in Brazil, Villa Lobos used his position within the government to demand more social r espect and recognition as well as financial security for Brazilian musicians. In addition to becoming a champion of the music of Brazilian composers some of whom were neglected or even forgotten he also fought to provide more work opportunities for musicia ns Early in 1932, for instance, when he was becoming closer to the government, Villa Lobos sent a letter to Vargas asking him to create the National Department for the Protection of Arts, which would advocate for the rights of artists in general. In thi s letter, Villa Lobos pointed out the poor situation of Brazilian artistic milieu that prevented the arts from having a more important turn that situation around and help the countr y. Villa Lobos then

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231 revealed that 34,000 Brazilian musicians were unemployed and reminded Vargas that these artists could make demonstrated Your Excellency, there are more than thirty four thousand forsaken pro fessional musicians all over Brazil; men who represent, however, for their value as artists, four times over the personal representative values [e.g. ordinary people], because it has been like this in all countries and all times; the difference of intellec tual value that separates artists from 6 I n this appeal, Villa Lobos also spoke about the importance of music in re presenting the country overseas not only as an aesthetic manifestation but as a true bearer of Brazilian cultural elements the universal language of music can incontestably make the most efficient propaganda for Brazil abroad, especially if it holds genuine Brazilian elements, b ecause in this manner it will display national tr aits, which better define a race, even though this race is 7 And finally, he concluded his letter by affirming that if Vargas took care of the situation of artists in Brazil he would be cons idered a great patriot a oyal friends of the arts and artists of your patria, collaborator of one of the most important artistic movements that the world had 6 Heitor Villa Lobos, ro Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 7, 1st ed. (Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa ser mostrado a Vossa Excelncia, acham se desamparados para mais d e trinta e quatro mil musicistas profissionais, em todo o Brasil, homens que representam, entretanto, pelos seus valores como artistas, quatro vezes os valores representativos pessoais, porque assim e tem sido em todos os pases em todas as pocas, a dif 7 Villa Vossa Excelncia que incontestvelmente a msica, como linguagem universal que melhor poder fazer a mais eficaz propaganda do Brasil no estrangeiro, sobretudo se for lanada por elementos genuinamente brasileiros, porque desta forma ficar mais gravada a personalidade nacional, processo este que melhor define uma raa mesmo que essa seja mista e no tenha tido uma velha tradio.

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232 produced and that the Universal History of Arts will inscribe as one of i ts most interesting chapters. 8 To gain Var Villa Lobos used a generous and demagogic tone conveying patriotic and historic values so favoring artists that he may have exaggerated the importance of Brazilian artistic movement s and their relevance to the ut within this text he asked in a more assertive tone that Vargas t a k e a position on the situation Thus today, February 1st of 1932, I hope that 9 In this way, he worked as a spokesman of his artistic class and fought for the rights of Brazilian musicians and the dissemination of Brazilian music. Although Vargas did not create this specific department, he supported Brazilian arts in many ways, especially through the activitie s of SEMA ( created on the same year of Villa the National Conservatory of Orpheonic Chant, created in 1942, and numerous other actions that supported the arts. only for Villa Lobos in Brazil, but for several composers working under political regimes that imposed strong ideologies. Strauss, for instance, could have fled Germany like many other musicians did early in the Nazi regime, but he never did. He stayed for pure ly personal reasons including the financial security that he had in Germany, even though his daughter in law (consequently his two grandsons) were Jewish. And although he defended himself and 8 Villa nossa ptria, colaborador dum dos maiores mounmentos artsticos que o mundo produziu e que a 9 Villa 1932, espero que Vossa Excelncia ir decidir, com acerto,

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233 co mpromise with the regime to protect his family. 10 Likewise, with respect to his controversial position within the Nazi regime, one cannot help but think of Carl Orff, whose moral judgment has presented a challenge to musicologists since 1945 Aft er the en d of WWII, Orff worked hard to hide any kind of association that could be established between him and Nazism even if that involved lying about his musical activities connected to the Nazi s Even though Orff never joined the Nazi party considerable eviden ce ties him to the Nazi s, and his case is very controversial which have been exhaustively investigated in the scholarship are his accept ance of a commission to write music t o replace Mendelss and the possibl e Nazi connotations in his most famous piece, the profane cantata Carmina Burana 11 which presents remarkable similarities with Villa is particularly relevant to the present discussion. In the early 1920s, Orff developed the Schuwerk a method for music education that focused on the development of the sense of rhythm. Along with educator Dorothee Gnter he established the Gnterschuler fur Musik in Munich in 1924. While he elaborated his pedagogies before the Nazi ideology was implemented, under the Nazi regime he worked toward conveying a Nazi outlook to his educational approaches. As Michael 10 Michael Kennedy, Richard Strauss: Man, Musician, Enigma (Cambridge. Cambridge University Press, 1999 ), 270 72. 11 For more info rmation on this topic see Michael H. Kater, Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits ( New York: Oxford University Press, 2000 Dismantling a Dystopia Musical Quarterly 88, no.3 ( 2005) 428 55

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234 Kater affirme k care, in conjunction with his publishers, to tailor his Schuwerk series as much as possible to the goals of the Nazis, as they then appeared, without, it may be assumed, wanting to falsify any facet of its originally conceived character. Fortunately, bot 12 Furthermore, besides the controversial nature of his own musical activities, he had close ties with several people who joined the Nazi party, among wh o Gnther herself and musicologi st Wilhelm Twittenehoff, who championed the Schuwerk. Although the Nazi party did not adopt the Schuwerk as the official method of music education for the Hitler Youth, 13 as Vargas adopted Orpheonic Chant as the official method for music education in Brazil t and Villa judgements of their actions. Both Orff and Villa Lobos had elaborated their plans for music education before they ass ociated themselves with the political regimes of their countries (and even before these regimes had been established), but because their pedagogies coincidentally matched aspects of the p olitical ideologies that the regimes implemented Despite the natural compatibility between their music education and the political ideologies of their countries both Orff and Villa Lobos tailored their pedagogies as much as they could to match political ideologies: Orff shaped his Schuwerk series to the goals of Nazism a nd Villa Lobos conveyed in his music orientation, which he clearly revealed in his three essays about music education. Because of the com plexities involved in musicians political regimes well represented in the cases of Villa Lobos, Strauss, and Orff scholars 12 Kater, Composers of the Nazi Era 120. 13 See Kater, Composers of the Nazi Era 121.

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235 have faced many difficulties in assessing their moral commitment and passing judegement on their actions Much of the difficulty lies in the fact that in general, authoritarian regimes coerced ictly demanded) artists to disseminate political ideolo gies under the guise of culture, often leaving musicians with very little room for choice. and it is hard to evaluate whether they were honest o r simply acted out their words and actions either to connect their images with the regime when it interested them or to disconnect themselves from politics when they needed (or both) The fact is that in many cases musicians were very careful and did not e xpose publicly their political ideologi es. D espite the fact that some served the political regime just as much (and sometimes ideologies, their ambiguous position makes it hard to evaluate on what side they stood. In the case of Villa Lobos, despite there are several variables in his involvement with Vargas (namely, personal gains, the elevation of the cultural level of the people, dissemination of Brazilian music, creation of awa reness to Brazilian culture), they do not change the political consequences of his actions; but they help us to understand why scholarship tends to see him as playing a mere suppo rting role within the political regime. Because Villa Lobos never actually de clared himself to be a political ideologue (which he was most likely not) nor he expressed support for the authoritarian orientation and Vargas both benefited from their collaboration. Thus, the questions Lobos share the ideologies of the regime ? Lobos contribute to the will normally lead to an interpretation of Villa personal motivations

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236 themselves, which places him with in a world onto himself and separates him from the consequences of his actions on people. This approach opens room for speculation and controversies. How can we assess whether Villa Lobos exaggerated the patriotic and a political content of his words only to probably did in his essays of music education)? How can we know that he was really speaking the truth when he exempted himself from commitment with political ideologies (although he probably did not engage in politics as reflect a tendency in scholarship: They are based on personal opinions (which will have in the Kantian sense of the term, which implicates an establ ished viewpoint about the subject before its appreciation, and leads to a biased interpretation 14 as opposed to scientific rigor. In most cases of music involvement with politics worldwide scholars are normally divided into two schools of thought one that maintains composers were victims of the politica l regimes and an other that claims they collaborated out of free will In the case of Villa Lobos despite his active participation in the regime scholars tend to ex cuse him from political engagement with the government, ies the mea 14 Critiq ue of Judgement Kant aesthetic appreciation or judgment, one needs to detach oneself from the object and appreciate it for what it is (or what it represen ts) to avoid attributing aprioristic meanings to that which holds meaning in itself. loa d ing an object wi th meanings, which will create aprioristic ideas about that object, thus establishing particular condi tions to its appreciation. In my discussion above I expanded the application of the term to a different context; however, without distorting its original connotation.

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237 Because Villa claiming, say, that they were just concerned with art, education, preser vation of traditions, and so forth, scholars tend to gloss over the intrinsic power of music in creating personal and collective identities. Had Villa Lobos publicly asserted that he was contributing to the government ou t of free will and because he believ political ideology, there would be no question as to whe or at least, if any doubt would emerge such as in case he was considered to be lying only to save his skin t he premise for his unless the contrary is proven much he acted directly upon But as this dissertation has tried to demonstrate, through the exhortations perfo rmed in music education in school and public concerts, Villa Lobos imposed several nationalistic values onto his music education, facilitating their indexation in music to hold and transmit. Because Villa Lobos said several times that he knew music politics into his music education, I argue that he consciously worked for the regime and, in this sense, can be held directly responsible for the results of his actions. One should evaluate the music that Villa Lobos composed and performed as a representation of his thoughts. As I demonstrated, when music is regularly experienced with extra m usica l sense, music may point to semantic values, and that which was first extra musical will erience.

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238 In Brazil and several other nations, political regimes explored this inherent communicative aspect of music, and transformed music in an important political tool.

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239 LIST OF REFERENCES PRIMARY SOURCES Museu Villa Lobos ( http://ww w.museuvillalobos.org.br/ingles/index.htm ) Con amatizao ( archival number MVL 76.14.160). Concert ascimento de J Rio de Janeiro, 1935 (no archival number). Concert Program : Janeiro, 1935 ( archival number MVL 26.14.136). Rio de Janeiro, 1932 ( archival number MVL 76.14.125). Concert Program : 1936 (no archival number). Concert Program : 1936 ( archival number MVL 76. 14.146). ( archival number MVL 76.14.120). rofessores e Msica. Rio d e Janeiro, 1932 (n o archival number). Concert Programs: Srie de cinco c oncertos. Rio de Janeiro, 1933 (n o archival number). ( archival number MVL 76.14.137). Concert Progra m: Sesso comemorativa do 10 a niversrio da A.B.E. Rio de Janeiro, 1934 ( archival number MVL 76.14.134). Concert Program : e colao de grau das professorandas do curso de formao de professores especializados em msica e canto orfenico d o SEMA (archival number MVL 76.14.181). Concert Program: Villa ( archival number MVL 76.14.131).

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240 tricos de msica b Janeiro, 1934 ( no archival number). (no archival number). Footage of Concentraes Orfenicas footage of rehearsals of the Teachers Orphe on, and footage of rehearsals of Indian Ballets ( archival number s 78.22.10, 78.22.11.4, and 78.22.12.1). List of Concerts conducted by Heitor Villa Lobos from 1933 to 1936 (no archival number). Pictures of Concentraes Orfenicas ( digital photograph ies 1977 16 057, 1982 16 143) Pictures of Villa Lobos performing manossolfa signs (digital photographies 1980 16 013, 1980 16 014, 1980 16 032). Programs of important Concentraes Orfenicas from 1931, 1932, 1935, 1936, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1942, 1943 1944 (no archival numbers). SEMA official reports (Folder SEMA HVL 04.05.20, HVL 04.05.21, HVL 04.05.28, HVL 04.05.22, HVL 04.05.24, HVL 04.05.33, HVL 04.05.28, HVL 04.05.29, and HVL 04.05.32 through HVL 04.05.44). Centro de Pesquisa e Documenta o da Faculdade Getlio Vargas: CPDOC FGV ( http://cpdoc.fgv.br/ ) Copies of the statute and campaigns of the Institute A Formiga ( archival numbers GC 42.03.00 g, GC 12.03.00, GC 42.03.00) Departamento Nacional de Euca o: Conse rvatrio Nacional de Canto Orfe nico (Instructions for classes, exercises and exams of Orpheonic Ch ant ( archival number GC/42.04.30). aestro H. Villa Lobos speaks about his participation in the Congress of Mus ic Educat ion in Prague in 1936) ( archival number GC 35.00.00/3 49). Leaflet with callout making propaganda of the Concentraes Orfenicas ( archival number HVL 04.02.10). Lei Orgnica do Canto Orfenico ( archival number GC 42.05.12/2).

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241 Official document relat ing to the growth numbers of primary and secondary educati on archival number GC pi Capanema, G. 45.00.0000 A) Program of the Orchestra Villa Lobos in the 1935 official season of the Munici pal Theathre of Rio de Janeiro ( a rchival number GC 9193500.00/3) Recordings of a radio program broadcasted one Brazilian Independenc e Day during Vargas government (no archival number). Telegrams and letters of Brazilian military such as Marshal Rondon thanking Villa Lobos for the so cial and civic value of Orpheonic Chant ( no archival numbers). de S Pereira, Antnio. Report on the participation of the Brazilian entourage in the Prague International Co ng ress of Music Education of 1936 ( archival number GC 35.00.00/3 A). archival number GC 35.00.00/3). ducacional do Presidente Getlio Vargas e do archival numbe r GC/Sarmento, E pi 40.12.31). Villa Lobos, Heitor ( archival number HVL 01.01.28 and HVL 01.01.29 pi/pi de Villa Lobos). _____ archival number HVL 01.01.07 pi/pi de Villa Lobos). PRINTED PRIMARY SOURCES de Andrade Mrio Dirio Nacional June 15, 1928. Barreto, Ceio Barros. Estudo sobre hinos e b andeira do Brasil Rio de Jan eiro: Carlos Wehrs & Cia. Ltda, 1942. ___ __. Cro o rfeo So Paulo: Editora Melhoramentos, 1938. Cardim, Antnio Gomes and Joo Gomes Junior. O ensino da msica pelo m e thodo a nalytico 6th edition. So Paulo: Typographia Siqueira, 1929. Julio, Joo Baptista. Melodias e scolares II vol. 12th ed So Paulo: Ricordi, 1960. _____. Melodias e scolares III. vol. 6th ed So Paulo: Ricordi, 1958.

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242 J nior, Joo Gomes. Solfejo e scolar So Paulo: Casa Wagner, 1929. J nior, Joo Gomes and Joo Baptista Julio (org). Ciranda, cirandinha .: Coleo de cantigas populares e b rinquedos So Paulo: Cia Melhoramentos, 1924. Lozano, Fabiano. Alegria das escolas: 133 m elodias e scolares 139th ed So Paulo: Ricordi, 1961. Ministrio da Educao e Sade Folheto no. 19 do Conservatorio Nacional de Canto Orf enico Ministrio da Educao e Sade, Servico de Documentao, 1942. Panorama da Educao Nacional: Discursos do Presidente Getlio Vargas e do Ministro Gustavo Capanema. Rio de Janeiro: Ministrio da Educao e Sade, 1937. Villa Lobos rte, O Jornal November 8, 1930. Boletin Americano de Msica 3 (April, 1937): 369 405. _____. O ensino popular da msica no Brasil Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Geral da Educao e Cultura, 1937. _____. Programa do ensino de msica Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Geral da Educao e Cultura, 1937. _____. Solfejos V ol. 1 So Paulo: Irmos Vitale, 1940. _____. Gu ia p rtico So Paulo: Irmos Vitale, 1941. _____. A msica nacionalista no governo Getlio Vargas Rio de Janeiro: D.I.P. (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda), 1942. _____ C anto o rfenico V ol. 1 So Paulo: Irmos Vitale, 1942. _____. Canto o rfe nico V ol. 2. So Paulo: Irmos Vitale, 1951. SECONDARY LITERATURE Academia Brasileira de Letras http://www.academia.org.br/abl/cgi/cgilua.exe/sys/start.htm?sid=181 (accessed February 05, 2012)

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243 Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Com munities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism Revised ed. London: Verso, 2006 Andrade, Oswald. Revista de Antropofagia Ano 1, no. 1, 1928. Presena de Vil la Lobos Vo l 8. 1 st ed. Rio de Janeiro: M EC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969. Lobos versus Vila Msica Doce Msica. So Paulo: Livraria Martis Editora, 1963. _____. O b anquete 2nd e d. So Paulo: Livraria Duas Cidades, 1989. Revista Brasileira de Cincias Sociais 15, no. 44 (October, 2000): 35 55. Apple, Michael W. Ideology and Curruclum 3rd ed. New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004. Appleby, David. Villa Lobos: A Bio Bibliography New York: Greenwoo d Press, 1988. _____. Heitor Villa Lobos: A Life (1887 1959) London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2002 de Azevedo, Luiz Heitor Corra. 150 anos de m sica no Brasil (180 1950). Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Jos Olympio Editra, 1956. Beard, David and Kennet h Gloag. Musicology: The Key Concepts London: Routledge, 2005. Bhague, Gerard. "Villa Lobos, Heitor." In Grove Music Online Oxford Music Online http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/su bscriber/article/grove/music/2 9373 (accessed February 9 2012). _____. The Beginnings of Musical Nationalism in Brazil Detroit: Information Coordinators, Inc., 1971. _____. Villa Austin: University of Texas, 1994. Bordieu, Pierre and Jean Claude Passeron. Rev ised ed. Reproduction in Education, Society, and Culture London: Sage Publications, 200 0 Borges, Mirelle Fe Lobos, o msico e de Janeiro: Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2009. Boyden, Matthew Ri chard Strauss Boston: Northe astern University Press, 1999.

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245 de Freitas, Marcos Cezar, and Maurilane de S ouza Biccas. Histria da educao no Brasil, 1926 1996 So Paulo: Cortez, 2009. Freyre, Gilberto. The Masters and the S laves (Casa grande & Senzala): A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization Translated by Samuel Putnam New York : Knopf, 1956 Fry Peter. Daedalus 129, no. 2, Brazil: The Burden of the past; The Promise of the Future (Spring, 2000): 83 118 Ga Lobos e o governo Vargas: Estratgias poltico discursivas de persuaso i Letras & Letras (July/December, 2006): 85 103. Galvo, Francisco. Diretrizes do Estado Novo. Rio de Janeiro: Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda, 1942. lian Estado Novo: Getlio Vargas, Heitor Villa Music and Dictatorship in Europe and Latin America 613 640. Roberto Illian o and Massimiliano Sala, eds Lucca: Publicatio ns of the Centro Studi Opera Om n i a Boc cherini, 2009. Gilliam, Bryan, and Charles Youmans. "Strauss, Richard." Grove Music Online Oxford Music Online http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/subscriber /article/grove/music/40117 (accessed March 1, 2012). Giro, Radams. He itor Vill a Lobos: Sensibilidad a mericana Cuba: Ediciones Unin, 1990. Guibernau, Montserrat. Nacionalismos: O estado nacional e o nacionalismo no s culo XX Translated by Mauro Gama and Cludia Martinelli Gama. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Ed.,1997. Hobsbawn Eric. Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. de Holanda, Srgio Buarque. Razes do Brasil Ricardo Banzequen de Arajo and Lilia Moritz Schwarkz, eds. Edio Comemorativa 70 Anos. So P aulo, Editora Schwarcz, 2006. Horta, Lus Paulo Villa Lob os: Edio de seu centenrio Rio de Janeiro: Edies Alhumbramento, 1986. Jardim, Vera Lcia Gomes lizao da profisso docente O professor de msica e a educao p R evista da Abem no. 21 (March 2009): 15 24.

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246 O ensino da msica nas escolas pblicas de So Paulo na primeira repblica 1889 http://www.anped.org.br/reunio es/27 / gt02/t0214.pdf (accessed January 20, 2012). secundria p blica de Curitiba (1931 U niversidade Federal do Paran 2005. Kater, Michael H. Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. In Canadian Journal of Education 14, no. 3 (Summer, 1989): 387 396. Kennedy, Michael. Richard Strauss: Man, Musician, Enigma. Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1999. Kiefer, Bruno. Villa Lobos e o modernismo na msica b rasileira Porto Alegre, Brasil: Editora Movimento,1981. Lawler, Vanett. Music Educators Journal vol. 30, no. 1 (Sep. Oct., 1943): 23+60. Music Educators Journal 31, no. 5 (Apr., 1945): 16 19. tin Music Educators Journal 31, no. 4 (Feb. Mar., 1945): 20 23+30. Marcondes, Marcos Antnio, ed. Enciclopdia da msica brasileira popular, erudita e f olclrica So Paulo: Art Editora e Publifolha, 1998. Mariz, Vasco. Heitor Vil la Lobos: Compositor b rasileiro Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores, 1983. _____ Histria da m sica no Brasil Rio de Janeiro: Editora Civilizao Brasileira, 1981. Maul, Carlos. A glria e scandalosa de Heitor Villa Lobos Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Imprio Editra, 1960. Mazzeu, Renato B Lobos: Questo nacional e cultura b McCann, Bryan. Hello, Hello, Brazil: Popular Music in the Making of Brazil Durham: Duke Un iversity Press, 2004.

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247 MEC Museu Villa Lobos Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 3, 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 4 Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969. _____. Presena de Villa Lobo s Vol. 5 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1970. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 6 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1971. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 7 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol.8 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 9 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1975. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol. 10 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1977. _____. Presena de Villa Lobos Vol 12 1st ed. Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1969. _____. Presena d e Villa Lobos: Educao Musical. Vol. 13 Rio de Janeiro: MEC Museu Villa Lobos, 1991. Miceli, Srgio. Intelectuais e classe d irigente no Brasil (1920 1945) Rio de Janeiro: Difel, 1979. do Monti, Ednardo M. Gonzaga. Canto orfenico: Villa Lobos e as r epresentaes s de Petrpolis, 2009. Negwer Manuel. V illa Lobos: O Florescimento da msica b rasileira Translated by Stfano Paschoal. So Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2009. Neves, Jos Maria. Msica contempornea b rasileira So Paulo: Ricordi Brasileira, 1981. Oliveira Flvio. ic Chant and the Co nstruction of Childhood in Brazilian Elementary Education. Brazilian Popular Music and Citizenship 45 63 Ide lber Avel ar and Christopher Dun, eds. Durh am: Duke University Press, 2011

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248 de Oliveira, Luiz Andre Ferreira. Getlio Vargas e o desenvolvimento do rdio no pais: Um estudo do r dio de 1930 a 1945 FGV, 2006. Orff, Music Educators Journal 49, no. 5 (Apr. May, 1963): 69 74. Ortiz, Renato. Cultura brasileira e identidade n acional So Paulo: Brasiliense, 2006. Pajares, Vnia. Fabi ano Lozano e o in cio da pedagogial v ocal no Brasil thesis, Campinas: Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1995. Paulo, Heloisa. Estado Novo e p ropaganda em Portugal e no Brasil: o SPN/SNI e o DIP. Coimbra: Livraria Minerva, 1994. Pecora, Vincent. Nations and Ide ntities : Classic Readings Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 2001. Peppercorn, Lisa Maria, ed. Villa Lobos: Collected Studies. Hants, England : Scolar Press, 1992. _____. The World of Villa Lobos in Pictures and Documents Hants, England: Scola r Press, 1996. _____. The Villa Lobos Letters London: Toccata Press, 1994 Central European History 40, no. 4 (Dec., 2007): 623 651. _____. Musical Quarterly 88, no.3 (Fall 2005); 428 455. British Journal of Ethnomusicology edited by Suzel Ana Reily and Martin Clayton, 1 10. 2000. UK: British Forum for Ethnom usicology, 2000. Ribeiro, Joo Carlos, ed O pensamento v ivo de Villa Lobos Rio de Janeiro: Martin Claret,1987. Rodrigues, Flausino. Elementos de folk lore musical b rasileiro So Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1936. Schwartzman, Sim on, and Helena Maria Bousquet Bomeny, and Vanda Maria Ribeiro Costa. Tempos de Capanema Rio de Janeiro: Fundao Getio Vargas e Editora Paz e Terra, 2000.

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249 Severiano, Jairo. Getlio Vargas e a msica p opular. Rio de Janeiro: Editora da Fundao Getlio Vargas, 1983. Music Educators Journal 72, no. 6, Major Approaches to Music Education (Feb., 1986): 51 55. Silva, Daniel Vieira da, and Adriana Fra do ensino p ri mrio de 1883: Vinculao enre educao corporal e educao para o tr Marxismo: Marx ismo, Educao e Emancipao Hu mana, U niversidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Floria npol is, Santa Catarina, Brasi l, 11 14 de Abril, 2011. Skidmore Thomas. The Historiography of Brazil, 1889 The Hispanic American Historical Review 55, no. 4 (Nov., 1975): 716 748. The Historiography of Brazil, 1889 The Hispanic American Historical Review 56, no. 1 (Feb., 1976): 81 109 Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 1 (Feb., 2002): 1 20 _____. Politics in Brazil: 1930 1964 40 th anniversary edition. Oxford: Oxford Universit y Press, 2007. International Affairs (Royal Institute for International Affairs) 72, no.3, 445 458. Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers 1996. Squeff, Eni o and Wisnik, Jos Miguel. O nacional e o popular na cultura b rasileira: Msica So Paulo: Brasiliense, 1982. Continuum Encyclopedia of Popular Music of the World 1. New York: Continuum, 2003. Tarasti, Eero. He itor Villa Lobos: The Life and Works, 1887 1959 Jefferson, North Carolina: Mc Farland and Company Inc., 1995. Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.lp.hscl.ufl.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/5 0846(accessed December 1, 2010). Canadian Journal of Education / vol. 10, no. 3 (Summer, 1985): 229 249. Toni, Flvia C. Mrio de Andrade e Villa Lobos So Paulo: Centro Cultural So Paulo, 1987.

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250 Travassos, Elizabeth. Mod ernismo e msica b rasileira Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Edito r, 2000. Tuma, Said. O nacional e o popular na m sica de Alexandre Levy: Um Projeto de Modernidade Theoretical Latin American Music Review/Revista de Musica Latino Americana 24, no.2 (Autumn/Winter, 2003): 169 209. _____. Ethnomusicology 43, no.2 (Spring/Sum mer, 1999): 221 55. Luso Brazilian Review 6, no. 2 (Winter, 1969): 55 65. Villa Lobos as Pedagogue: Music in the Service of the Stat Journal of Research in Music Education 23, no. 3 (Autumn, 1975): 163 170 Vianna, Hermano. O mistrio do s amba Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 1995. Wal den Stephen T. Luso Brazilian Review 33, no. 1 (Summer, 1996): 131 140 William, Daryle. Culture Wa rs in Brazil: The First Vargas Regime 1930 1945. Durham NC : Duke University Press, 2001. Wisnik, Jos Miguel. O Coro dos Contrrios: A Msica em torno da Semana de 22 So Paulo, Livraria Duas Cidades, 1977 _____. Sem receitas: Ensaios e canes So Paulo: Publifolha, 2004 Wright, Simon. Villa Lobos New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Zanatt de pestalozzi para a geografia e Cad. Cedes 25 no. 66 ( May/August 2005): 165 184.

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251 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Brazilian mu sicologist and pianist Gabriel Ferraz pursued his Ph.D. in historical m usicology and worked as t eaching assistant in music h istory at the University of Flori da. He pu erformance at Miami University (OH) egree in Musicology at the University of So Paulo, Brazil. At the University of Florida, Mr. Ferraz was awarded the 2010 University of Florida Outstanding International Student Award. M ore recently, he won the international musicological competition 2011 Otto Mayer Serra Award for Music Research for the Lobos e Getlio Vargas: Doutrinando Cr ianas por sponsored by the University of California Riverside and the Center for Iberian and Latin American Music and carried a publication in the Latin American Music Review In addition to this publication, Mr. chapter about Villa Orpheonic Chant is forthcoming in the book Pedagogias em Educao Musical vol. II, and Villa is forthcoming in The Inter national Journal of the Arts in Society At the University of Florida Mr. Ferraz was awarded numerous travel grants as well as a field research grant from the Center of Latin American Studies at the UF to pursue research in Brazil He presented papers at several important conferences in the USA such as the 2011 American Musicological Society National Meeting and the 2009 American Musicological Society Southern Chapter Meeting as well as meetings in Italy, Brazil, France, and Portugal. As a pianist, Mr. F erraz has performed solo and chamber concerts in Brazil and the USA and has worked extensively as a collaborator with instrumentalists and singers



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$VFULSWLRQRI,GHQWLW\7KH%LOG0RWLIDQGWKH&KDUDFWHURI/XOX $XWKRUVf6LOYLR-RVH'RV6DQWRV 6RXUFH7KH-RXUQDORI0XVLFRORJ\9RO1R6SULQJfSS 3XEOLVKHGE\8QLYHUVLW\RI&DOLIRUQLD3UHVV 6WDEOH85/http://www.jstor.org/stable/1555243 $FFHVVHG Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucal. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to TheJournal of Musicology. http://www.jstor.org

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Ascription of Identity: The Bild Motif and the Character of Lulu SILVIO JOSE DOS SANTOS The search for identity is tied to the received past, but requires the past to be given a configuration with a stamp of ownership. Our fragmented storied past must be given a configuration that will have the power to refigure our experience in the construction of my personal and our collective identities. Henry Isaac Venema, Identifying Selfhood A 267 L s is well known, in 1905 Alban Berg attended a private performance of Frank Wedekind's Die Biichse der Pandora in Vienna. This seminal event, in which the author himself played the part of Jack the Ripper, was preceded by an introductory lecture on the play by Viennese critic Karl Kraus, which left a lasting impression An earlier version of this article was presented at the 67th annual meeting of the American Musicological Society, Columbus, Ohio, 2002. Portions of this research appeared in my dissertation, "Portraying Lulu: Desire and Identity in Alban Berg's Lulu" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis Univ., 2003). I wish to thank my readers, particularly Eric Chafe, Ivy Chen, and Kevin Karnes, for their valuable comments and suggestions in the early drafts of this article. I am also thankful to the Alban Berg Stiftung and Universal Edition for granting me permission to reproduce sources materials and musical examples. This research was partially funded by the Center for German and European Studies at Brandeis University and the Max Kade Foundation. TheJournal of Musicology, Vol. 21, Issue 2, pp. 267-308, ISSN 0277-9269, electronic ISSN 1533-8347. ? 2004 by the Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press's Rights and Permissions website, at http://www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY on Berg.' This impression lay dormant until 1928, when he settled on Wedekind's Lulu plays, Erdgeist and Die Biichse der Pandora, for his second opera after considering and eventually rejecting Gerhart Hauptmann's Und Pippa Tanzt.2 Kraus's lecture was extensive and addressed several issues, including the perception of womanhood and the typological roles of some characters, all of which he related to the moral message of the play. The passage that addresses Lulu's portrait was particularly influential in Berg's conception of the portrait's role in his opera. The passage reads: It is more clearly evident than earlier on [e.g. in Erdgeist] that the tragic heroine of the drama is in fact [Lulu's] beauty: her portrait, the picture of her painted when at the height of her beauty, plays a more important role than Lulu herself.3 This lecture was crucial in Berg's understanding and operatic rendering of Wedekind's play. While composing Lulu in 1934 (29 years after attending that lecture), Berg sent Kraus a birthday card containing an excerpt from Alwa's aria "Eine Seele, die sich im Jenseits den Schlaf aus 268 den Augen reibt." These are the exact opening words of Kraus's lecture that preceded the 1905 performance of Die Biichse der Pandora. This card represents therefore a symbolic gesture of indebtedness and gratitude to the Verehrter Meister (Venerated Master) who helped Berg understand questions of art and life.4 1 The full text of this lecture, entitled "Die Biichse der Pandora," was later published in Kraus's periodical Die Fackel, no. 182 (9 June 1905), and reprinted in his Literatur und Liige (Munich, 1929). See the English translation by Celia Skrine, in DouglasJarman, Alban Berg: "Lulu," Cambridge Opera Handbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), 102-12. 2 For an account of Berg's decision to set Wedekind's Erdgeist and Die Biichse der Pandora over Hauptmann's Und Pippa Tanzt, and the formation of the libretto, see Jarman, Alban Berg: "Lulu," 1-23; George Perle, The Operas of Alban Berg, vol. 2: "Lulu" (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1985), 33-41; and Susanne Rode, Alban Berg und Karl Kraus: Zur geistigen Biographie des Komponisten der "Lulu, Europaische Hochschulschriften, ser. 36, vol. 36 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1988), 224-37. 3 Jarman, Alban Berg: "Lulu, 104-5. 4 Letter to Karl Kraus on the occasion of his 5oth birthday on 28 April 1924. Kraus's influence on Berg's conception of Lulu has been acknowledged by several scholars. Willi Reich, for example, points out that Berg noted down parts of Kraus's lecture and that he "identified himself completely with the conception of the Lulu tragedy contained in Kraus's speech." Reich himself starts his discussion of Berg's Lulu with an extended quote from the lecture. See Willi Reich, Alban Berg, trans. Cornelius Cardew (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1965), 156-60. Susanne Rode, on the other hand, traces Kraus's influence in Berg's life and work based on his reception of Kraus's journal Die Fackel, which Berg read almost religiously; see her Berg und Kraus. For a discussion of Berg's intellectual circle in Vienna, see Andrew Barker, "Battles of the Mind: Berg and the Cultural Politics of 'Vienna 19oo'," in The Cambridge Companion to Berg, ed. Anthony Pople (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997), 24-37.

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DOS SANTOS In light of Kraus's interpretation, Berg gave Lulu's portrait a significance that goes far beyond its role in Wedekind's plays. Indeed, he substantially amended Wedekind's text and changed the function of Lulu's portrait in the opera. These transformations reveal Berg's conception of Lulu, from the unfolding to the final development of her character. I shall argue that, as a representation of Lulu's beauty, the portrait defines the perception of her sexuality for virtually every character in the opera and affects, in the large scale, Lulu's own sense of self-identity. Consequently, the portrait is continuously present and symbolizes Lulu's identity for herself and others. Thus, more than just an objective representation, Lulu's portrait is a constant reminder of who Lulu is in the opera. Most importantly, Berg assigned a leitmotivic set to the portrait, the Bild motive,5 which effectively turns the portrait into a symbol of all that defines Lulu. In the opening scene Lulu's melodic series, the most recognizable musical element associated with her character, emerges not from the opera's Basic Set but from the Bild motive. At the center of the opera's palindromic interlude, the Film Music, the Bild motive represents a turning point in Lulu's existence, one which gives her back the will to live after a moment of despair. In the final scene, the Bild 269 motive appears as the measure and summary of Lulu's decline, eventually determining her fate. In fact, the Bild motive pervades the entire work, marking significant dramatic and structural moments in the opera. Yet scholars addressing Berg's rendering of the Lulu character have historically focused on just three musical passages: the so-called Lulu's "Entrance" music, the "Coda" of the Sonata, and Lulu's Lied, without fully examining Lulu's portrait and the Bild motive in the interpretation of her character.6 5 While this set is known in the literature as "Picture Chords," I shall retain Berg's denomination in the present study; he called it "Bild motiv" and "Bild Harmonien." Given its complex functions in the opera-it represents a portrait, a shadow, a reflected image, and Lulu as an object of imagination-the term "Bild motive" seems more appropriate and closer to the composer's intentions for several reasons. First, the German word Bild is more polysemic than its English counterpart. Whereas the word "picture" implies primarily images associated with a portrait or photograph, the German word "Bild" includes meanings that extend from images associated specifically with photographs and paintings to complex connotations of ideas and metaphors. Second, the word "chords" implies vertical construction of simultaneities that may or may not be related to other simultaneities. The Bild motive presents, however, a strong sense of unity because of an octatonic segment in both the prime and inversion forms of the set. In effect, the octatonic segment on the top line provides an aural element that ties the motive together. Finally, the Bild motive presents referential functions related to issues of desire, androgyny, and identity. Therefore, they also reflect cultural values and ideals that transcend her character. 6 See, for example, Donald Mitchell, "The Character of Lulu: Wedekind's and Berg's Conceptions Compared," Music Review 15 (1954): 268-74; George Perle, "The Character of Lulu: A Sequel," Music Review 25 (1964): 311-19; Leo Treitler, "The Lulu

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY I shall proceed by addressing the different interpretations regarding Berg's rendering of Lulu's character. Then, I examine the symbolic functions of the portrait throughout the opera. Starting in the precompositional phase, the association of the portrait as a sign of Lulu's identity unfolds in three stages: In Act 1 several characters establish the portrait as a sign of her identity (particularly their gazing at the portrait, with directions duly provided by Berg); in Act 2 Lulu becomes aware of the meaning of her portrait and adopts it as an emblem of her identity; and in Act 3, Lulu realizes she no longer has the beauty that once characterized her youth, and when confronted with her portrait, strongly rejects it. Through the pervasive presence of both the portrait and its leitmotivic set, Berg systematically turned Lulu's portrait into a visual and aural emblem of her identity. Identifying Lulu Scholars addressing Berg's rendering of Lulu's character face what may be considered the most difficult question yet to be answered: Who is Lulu? Based on the examination of primarily three passages 270 mentioned above, the character of Lulu has undergone a variety of interpretations with changes in both number and quality. For Donald Mitchell, she represents a mythic character, "the Universal Mistress we all desire to possess or emulate."7 Similarly, George Perle sees her as a mythical character, but instead of one Lulu there are two Lulus in the opera: "One is the Erdgeist, the goddess who ... represents the power of nature, the daemonic, which never wearies of seducing.... The other is her human incarnation, the natural, and therefore, innocent woman, who represents for all men the ideal fulfillment of sexual desire."8 With the completion of the opera in 1979,9 Lulu's character acquires different meanings in the scholarship. Leo Treitler, for example, sees Lulu under a multiplicity of roles and identities, the embodiment of "all fantasies and fears through which the male characters project their hopes and dreads vis-a-vis woman."lo Karen Pegley, on the other Character and the Character of Lulu," in Music and the Historical Imagination (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1989), 264-305; and Judy Lochhead, "Lulu's Feminine Performance," in The Cambridge Companion to Berg, 227-44. 7 Mitchell, "Character of Lulu," 272. 8 Perle, "The Character of Lulu: A Sequel," 317-18. 9 Berg died in 1935 and was unable to finish the orchestration and some other aspects of Act 3. The Viennese composer Friedrich Cerha completed the opera in 1979. For a detailed description of his sources and solutions to the problems presented by this monumental task, see his Arbeitsbericht zur Herstellung des 3. Akts der Oper "Lulu" von Alban Berg (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1979). -o Treitler, "History and Archetypes," Perspectives of New Music 35 (1997): 1 6.

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DOS SANTOS hand, interprets Lulu as the embodiment of a "femme fatale type," who "threatens stability throughout the opera's narrative."'l Finally, Judith Lochhead argues that the musical passages associated with Lulu are "inauthentic" because of their apparent "Mahlerian" style, which contradicts Berg's late i2-tone compositional method.l2 And because these passages are inauthentic, they cannot represent an authentic character. Thus, they represent Lulu as a "parodic" character who only "performs" feminine identities and "depicts ... 'Womanly' features in order to criticize them."'3 By considering Lulu a performer of identities, Lochhead turns her into a mere "signifier" with no character of her own.l4 Despite the multiple interpretations regarding Lulu's identity, these studies examine basically the same musical passages discussed in Mitchell's 1954 article, namely Lulu's "Entrance" music, the "Coda" of the Sonata, and Lulu's Lied. In fact, they reflect the same difficulties he had in establishing those passages as emblems of her identity, because "what goes on in the orchestra pit and on stage fail to match."'5 For these scholars, as Lochhead observes, the "primary difficulty in defining and even describing 'who Lulu is' has to do with the impossibility of tracing a single, continuous feature that defines her personality."'6 While the musical passages mentioned above do not provide continu271 ous elements that define Lulu's identity, Berg established two elements that remain constant throughout the opera and are always associated with Lulu: her portrait and its leitmotivic set. Admittedly, the character of Lulu displays complex levels of representations. As Leroy Shaw has argued, in creating her character Wedekind attempted to "represent something that defied comprehension and transcended its concrete manifestation and yet behaved like a dramatis persona."'7 As a human character, she is vulnerable to the adversities of life, such as disease and death; this becomes especially apparent in the second half of the opera. On the other hand, as a mythical character-die Urgestalt des Weibes (the primal form of woman), as she is presented by the Animal Trainer in the prologue-she also represents a character that transcends moral conventions. In addition, the 11 Karen Pegley, "Femme Fatale and Lesbian Representation in Alban Berg's Lulu," in Encrypted Messages in Alban Berg's Music, ed. Siglind Bruhn (New York: Garland, 1998), 250. I2 See Lochhead, "Lulu's Feminine Performance," 237. '3 Ibid., 228. 14 This is also a recent trend in Wedekind scholarship. See, for example, Ruth Florack, Wedekinds "Lulu": Zerrbild der Sinnlichkeit (Tiibingen: Niemyer, 1995). '5 Mitchell, "Character of Lulu," 274. 6 Lochhead, "Lulu's Feminine Performance," 230. 17 Leroy R. Shaw, "Frank Wedekind," in European Writers: The Twentieth Century, ed. George Stade, vol. 8 (New York: Scribner, ca. 1989), 254.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY constant change of names (Nelly, Eve, Mignon) and costumes only contributes to masking her true identity.18 Indeed, there is an aura of mystery around Lulu that is intensified by the constant presence of her portrait. Like her many names and costumes, the Pierrot of her portrait (a monodimensional puppet-like figure from the commedia dell'arte whose costume promotes confusion about its gender) represents a mask that hides her identity.s9 Yet, because Pierrot represents a character that constantly recreates and innovates his own roles, its symbolism resonates with Lulu's personality.20 Looking beyond the mask, however, the portrait reflects Lulu's beauty, the source of her fortunes and eventually her fate. Naomi Ritter argues that because Wedekind's Erdgeist and Die Biichse der Pandora reflect "Lulu's desperate and fatal quest for her own identity, her portrait may serve as the most pervasive and enigmatic symbol of that quest."21 Perhaps this was the core of Berg's understanding of the portrait's function in the opera. Rendering Lulu s Portrait 272 The symbolic importance of Lulu's portrait is evident from Berg's pervasive annotations in his personal copies of Erdgeist and Die Biichse der Pandora, which he used in the formation of the libretto, and throughout the autograph sources of Lulu, from the early sketches to the finished work.22 These annotations, many of which remain unpub18 As Leo Treitler observed, Lulu's names acquire different meanings according to each husband; see his "The Lulu Character and the Character of Lulu," 289-96. But names like Eve and Mignon clearly evoke figures like the biblical Eve and Mignon from Goethe's Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship, respectively. These allusions suggest that these names also acquire meaning that extend beyond the work itself. In fact, Lulu is not unique. Judith from Bart6k's Duke Bluebeard's Castle represents one of such cases. For an interpretation of her name in relation to fin-de-siecle culture, see Carl Stuart Leafstedt's "The Figure of Judith in Early Twentieth-Century Art and Culture: The Significance of a Name," in his "Music and Drama in Bela Bart6k's Opera Duke Bluebeard's Castle," (Ph.D. diss., Harvard Univ., 1994), 89-135. For a discussion of the significance of Nana's name from Emile Zola's novel, see Bernice Chitnis, Reflecting on Nana (London: Routledge, 1991), 1-21. '9 Oskar Schlemmer, whose 1922 Das Triadische Ballet (The Triadic Ballet) presents the characters of Pierrot, Harlequin, and Columbine, made the following comment: "costume and mask emphasize the body's identity or they change it; they express its nature or they are purposely misleading about it." Quoted in Glenn Waltkins, Pyramids at the Louvre: Music, Culture, and Collage from Stravinsky to the Postmodernists (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1994), 315. 20 For a discussion of the transformations of Pierrot, see Robert F. Storey, Pierrot: A Critical History of a Mask (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1978). 21 Naomi Ritter, "The Portrait of Lulu as Pierrot," in Frank Wedekind Yearbook I99i, New York Univ. Ottendorfer Series Neue Folge, vol. 40, ed. Rolf Kieser and Reinhold Grimm (Bern: Peter Lang, 1992), 127. 22 These sources are now housed at the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung (ONB, MS). For a list and description of these sources, see Rosemary Hilmar,

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DOS SANTOS lished and previously unexamined, include general descriptions of the portrait's appearances throughout the opera and specific functions in key structural and dramatic passages. In fact, they reveal much of Berg's conception of the portrait's role in the opera. Figure 1 shows Berg's overall plan for the portrait, as it appears in every scene of the opera. While some of the annotations refer to the placement of the portrait (e.g. 1/2: "in the hall, on the easel"; III/2: "in the dark room"), others refer to the viewers. In I/3, for example, as a poster, the portrait becomes the object of Alwa's dream of writing an opera based on Lulu's life. In that same function, it replaces her on stage and becomes the focus of attention in the dialogue between Alwa and the Prince, making its appearance highly symbolic. III/1 refers to the portrait in the hands of the Marquis, who uses it to blackmail Lulu. Significantly, the appearances of the portrait in I/3 and III/i are bracketed, suggesting a relation to the overall symmetry of the opera, which in this case is bound to Berg's conception of the two characters involved: the Prince and the Marquis.23 Thomas Ertelt has argued that the sketch in Figure i refers to the portrait as perceived by Alwa.24 Indeed, Alwa is present in all these appearances and the stage directions that Berg provides specifically point 273 to Alwa's attention to Lulu's portrait. Even the crossing out in III/1 reflects Alwa's negligible role in that scene. However, considering that the portrait has numerous functions and becomes the focus of attention for virtually every character in the opera, it would be an error to single out Alwa as the only observer described by the sketch. Rather, this sketch reflects Berg's concern with the pervasive presence of the portrait in the opera and its manifold functions. Berg's special interest in the role of the portrait is particularly evident in Figure 2. Note that at the bottom portion of the sketch Berg writes: "im Kerker ihr Schatten (=Bild)" (in jail, her shadow [=picture]). The interchange shadow/portrait is significant. In fact, this annotation refers to the midpoint of the palindromic Film Music, an interlude between the first and second scenes of Act 2. According to the program that Berg provides for this interlude, as Lulu's shadow, the portrait represents her resignation from life; and as her image reflected in a dustpan, the portrait represents her will to live. The portrait represents Katalog der Musikhandschriften, Schriften und Studien Alban Bergs im Fond Alban Berg und der weiteren handschriften Quellen im Besitz der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Alban Berg Studien, vol. 1 (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1980). 23 For a discussion of the symmetrical roles played by these subsidiary characters, see Patricia Hall, A View of Berg's "Lulu" Through the Autograph Sources (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1996), 71-76. 24 Thomas F Ertelt, Alban Bergs "Lulu": Quellenstudien und Beitrdge zur Analyse, Alban Berg Studien, vol. 3 (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1993), 6i.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY FIGURE 1. ONB, MS: F21 Berg 28/iii, fol. 33v and transcription V. 274 .:. .: : ....... .. .............. Bild / I, im Entstehen 4I12 im Salon auf die Staffelei ( I3 als Plakat ) 1 III bei Sch6n an der Wand 2 wird von Alwa geholt (Kamin) IIIi d.er Hand des Madchea mit Foto an der Wand u. TTT 1 --1 v 1112 i'acnKammer

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DOS SANTOS FIGURE 2. ONB, MS: F2 Berg 8o/iii, fol. 7r and partial transcription 275 Lulu selbst immer ver kleidet (5) im Kerker ihr Schatten (=Bild) [in jail her shadow (=portrait)]

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY E id i I0 !Ifi _lf I 4 li a !~: ..~~ ~~;

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DOS SANTOS therefore a turning point in Lulu's existence. Significantly, in the corresponding scene of the original play Wedekind makes no allusion to Lulu's portrait. Berg's addition makes this section highly symbolic, particularly for the development of Lulu's character as I shall demonstrate below. Finally, Figure 3 shows what can be considered one of the most significant annotations regarding the portrait. It consists of a single line on a sheet of paper in which Berg writes: "I/1 Dr. Sch6ns Braut muB erwahnt werden-ihr Bild nicht!" (I/1 Dr. Sch6n's bride must be mentioned-not her portrait!).25 This sketch reflects Berg's awareness that in Erdgeist there are several portraits in Schwarz's studio and that the portrait of Dr. Sch6n's fiancee, like Lulu's portrait, is prominent in the first two scenes. In fact, in the second scene of the play Dr. Sch6n's fiancee and her portrait become the focus of the following conversation upon the entrance of Lulu and her husband, Dr. Goll: Goll. [to Dr. Schon] What wind blows you here? Schon. I was inspecting the picture [Bild] of my fiancee. Lulu. (advancing) Your fiancee is here? Goll. So you're having work done here too? Lulu. (looking at the half-length portrait) But look! Enchanting! Delightful! Goll. (looking about him) I suppose you have her hidden about here somewhere? Lulu. So this is the sweet infant prodigy who has transformed you into a human being... Goll. And you tell no one about it? Lulu. (turning around) Is she really so serious? Schon. Probably the aftermath of finishing school, Madame. Goll. (looking at the portrait) One can see that you've undergone a profound change. Lulu. Now you really can't keep her waiting any longer. Schon. I intend to announce our engagement in a fortnight's time.26 In constructing his libretto, however, Berg eliminated the two initial scenes of Erdgeist. Consequently, the portrait of Dr. Sch6n's fianc6e and Dr. Goll himself were also eliminated. As Thomas Ertelt observed, 25 ONB, MS: F21 Berg 8o/iv, fol. 36v. On the other side of the same sheet (fol. 37r) Berg writes: "I/l: Beginn Bild, I Ende V Bild," which suggests an intent to establish a large-scale symmetry with the presentation of Lulu's portrait. This sheet is found inside of Berg's copy of Alfred Baresel's Das Jazzbuch, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Jul. Heinr. Zimmermann, 1926), from which Berg studied jazz rhythms for the backstage music in the third scene of Act i. Significantly, the backstage music is based on the Bild motive. 26 Frank Wedekind, The "Lulu" Plays and Other Sex Tragedies, trans. Stephen Spender (London: Calder and Boyars, 1972), 17.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY Figure 3 reflects Berg's intent to give exclusivity to Lulu's portrait, which results, in effect, in the elimination of all other portraits from the plays.27 We can see that by eliminating all other portraits to which Lulu could be compared, he also individualizes Lulu herself. Portraying Lulu Having discussed Berg's attention to Lulu's portrait in the sketches, there is still a lingering question concerning why it was so important in his conception of her character. Given the portrait's musico-dramatic significance in the opera, it is surprising that, like Wedekind, Berg only suggests that it portray Lulu dressed in a Pierrot costume.28 This direction, however, is enough for scholars to compare Berg's rendering of Lulu in relation to representations of women in fin-de-siecle paintings. Leo Treitler, for example, recognized that "the most palpable sign for the Lulu character as a creation of male desires is the Pierrot portrait." He then continues: Berg made quite the point of showing the Pierrot persona as a source for the character. His directions (not Wedekind's) have Lulu appear 278 in the Prologue in her Pierrot costume.... Like the Eve-Lilith symbolism, the Pierrot portrait connects to a shatteringly ambivalent attitude about Woman. But this is at the same time a symbolism that allows the poet and composer to show the Lulu character struggling against that attitude to gain her own authenticity, a struggle that reflects the struggle of sex roles from another side.29 In this "struggle of sex roles," the portrait reflects images that "represent illusion and play, but at the same time disillusion, dejection."3? For Treitler, the portrait ultimately represents qualities similar to "what is embodied in the femme fatale."31 As examples, Treitler highlights sev27 Ertelt, Quellenstudien, 62. 28 Because of this limited description, the portrait varies substantially according to different productions. In the 1963 production of the opera at the Zurich Stadttheater, Lulu is portrayed as a temptress in a dress that accentuates her sexuality (see the reproduction in Reich, Alban Berg, illustration 28). In the 1996 production of The London Philharmonic, directed by Graham Vick, the portrait shows Lulu in a loose shirt with tight pants in a snakeskin pattern. Arguably, it represents Lulu as she is introduced by the Animal Trainer in the prologue, namely as a "snake," the "primal form of woman." To my knowledge, the version of the portrait presented by The Metropolitan Opera, produced by John Dexter, is the closest to the descriptions of Pierrot and to Berg's intentions. It presents Lulu as a plain, innocent girl, in a top with large buttons and loose pantaloons. However, because she also holds a staff, the portrait represents a shepherdess rather than Pierrot. 29 Treitler, "Lulu Character," 300. 30 Ibid., 302. 3 Ibid.

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DOS SANTOS eral paintings from the turn of the century, such as Edouard Manet's Nana, George Grosz's Near the Limit, and several of Edvard Munch's works, including Madonna, Salome, Vampire, and Carmen. Likewise, Karen Pegley initiates her discussion on the representation of Lulu as a femme fatale with Gustav Klimt's paintings. She argues that "when analyzing Lulu's musical representation, it is essential first to consider a predominant feature of fin-de-siecle femme fatales upon which her operatic character was based: female ambiguity.... this male/female dichotomy was heightened in numerous paintings by Gustav Klimt, an artist associated with Berg's Viennese social circle."32 Her examples include Klimt's Fishblood (1898) and Judith and Holofernes (1901). Indeed, these paintings are part of what Shearer West terms "icons of womanhood." According to West, these examples also reveal the artists' confusions, which contributed to constructions of stereotypical images of womanhood. She argues that By forcing women to fit a series of painterly roles, artists presented what appeared to be monolithic icons which often reinforced prevailing stereotypes. However, the need to represent women, and to cir279 cumscribe them in this way, resulted in an oversimplification which obscured the more complex reality.... Women were defined in terms of men, and were seen to be helpless and purposeless outside their relationships with men.33 In many respects, Lulu fits this profile, but we should not oversimplify the complexities that lie behind Berg's presentation of Lulu's portrait by simply stating that it represents a femme fatale. Granted, the portraits presented in Treitler's and Pegley's studies depict women as objects of men's fears (Salome, carrying the severed head ofJohn the Baptist, is the clearest example). These examples seem far different from what one finds in Berg's opera, however. Among other things, they show overt female nudity which is not present in Lulu's portrait.34 In fact, the portrait shows Lulu dressed in a Pierrot costume, one of the many costumes she wears (or alludes to) in the plays, which, like her many names, works as a mask that causes misunderstandings about the 32 Pegley, "Femme Fatale," 253. 33 Shearer West, Fin de Sicle: Art and Society in an Age of Uncertainty (Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook, 1994), 89. 34 I understand that I run the risk of being too literal in my reading of Lulu's portrait. But if we are to interpret the portrait's function, we need to also consider what it depicts. There is an allusion to a portrait of Lulu standing as Eve in front of a mirror, which suggests a display of nudity. This portrait is not shown, however.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY nature of her character.35 By dressing as Pierrot, in fact a male costume, Lulu represents ideals of androgyny, whose threat to male identity is more subtle than the threats posed by figures such as Salome and Carmen. Moreover, the Pierrot portrait, like many Pierrot paintings of the early twentieth century, shows a rather plain character who lacks the alluring powers of those portraits discussed by Treitler and Pegley.36 In Wedekind's plays, the portrait represents primarily ideals of innocence and androgyny.37 Commissioned by Dr. Goll, Lulu's first husband who calls her Nelly, the portrait becomes an emblem of what Lulu represents for him. In the original 1894 version of the Lulu play he explains how he perceives her: "For me she is little Nelly, the unfinished -the helpless-to whom a fatherly friend may not be dispensable just yet."38 Gerald Izenberg has argued that the portrait fills the void of a child Dr. Goll never had, and that the androgynous, almost pre-sexual quality of the Pierrot costume also satisfies the sexual fantasies of the aging man.39 This pre-sexual quality also attracts the Painter, who believes that despite being married to Dr. Goll, Lulu is an innocent girl. This is so important for him that, when confronted with the truth about her sexual relationship with Dr. Sch6n, he commits suicide. The an280 drogynous quality of the Pierrot costume also unveils the nature of Countess Geschwitz's attraction to Lulu as she gazes at her portrait.40 In contrast, Dr. Sch6n does not gaze at the portrait as other characters do. His relationship with Lulu is more direct, without mediation of her portrait. However, like other characters, he also perceives the androgynous and pre-adolescent aspects of Lulu. The clearest sign of this 35 See Naomi Ritter, Art as Spectacle: Images of the Entertainer since Romanticism (Columbia: Univ. of Missouri Press, 1989), 111-13. 36 Perhaps the most contrasting examples of such representations of Pierrot are found in Aubrey Beardsley's The Pierrot of the Minute (1897), with its androgynous quality; and Pablo Picasso's Pierrot (1918), which presents a clearly male figure with a sad face. See the reproductions of these portraits in Storey, Pierrot: A Critical History of a Mask, illustrations 26 and 27. 37 For a discussion of the portrait's role in the plays, see Ritter, "The Portrait of Lulu as Pierrot." 38 Published in English as Frank Wedekind's The First Lulu, trans. Eric Bentley (New York: Applause Theater Books, 1993), 39. 39 Gerald N. Izenberg, Modernism and Masculinity: Mann, Wedekind, Kandinsky through World War (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2000), 56. 40 It is significant that immediately after Countess Geschwitz refers to the ideal qualities of Lulu's portrait, Dr. Schon becomes hostile toward her. His reaction represents, in part, a general discomfort with lesbianism, but also an anxiety caused by Lulu's response to Countess Geschwitz. Their interaction resembles in many respects the relationship between Nana and Satin in Emile Zola's novel, Nana. As in Zola's novel, this relationship represents a source of destabilization to male hierarchy. For a discussion of the interaction between Nana and other female characters, including Satin, see Chitnis, Reflecting on Nana, 5o-68.

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DOS SANTOS perception is represented by the name that he gives her: Mignon. This is one such case in which a name reveals the nature of their relationship. Mignon is a 12-year-old dancer in Goethe's Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship, whose personal traits are similar to Lulu's. Like Lulu, she represents an enigmatic character who, in the eyes of Laertes, "represents in all its true colors the sex that [he has] such good reasons to hate. She is the real Eve, the progenitrix of the whole female race."4' Wilhelm Meister, who adopts Mignon as his daughter, becomes attracted to her because of the androgynous and enigmatic image she projects (in several instances she is mistaken as a boy). Dr. Sch6n and Lulu's relationship is similar in many aspects. However, he goes a step further and turns Lulu into his mistress. For Berg the portrait also represents ideals of beauty and youth, which become Lulu's very essence. In many respects, Berg's rendering of Lulu's portrait reveals his understanding of Oscar Wilde's novel The Picture of Dorian Gray, a copy of which he possessed.42 There is a striking similarity of scenarios between Wilde's novel and Lulu. At the beginning of Wilde's work there is a close resemblance between Dorian and his portrait. However, over the course of the book, the portrait reflects all of Dorian's transgressions and grows older while he remains youth281 ful. In Lulu, the opposite happens: while Lulu grows older, her portrait remains a constant reminder of her youth. In both cases, there is a confrontation between the protagonists and their portraits at the end, which proves to be fateful. While the analogy between the two works is evident in Lulu's reaction to the portrait, it also extends to other characters. As an artist, the Painter is responsible for the creation of the portrait as an object of desire. In this regard, Berg's representation of the Painter is no different than Wilde's Basil, who becomes very protective, and even attracted to 41 These are the same terms with which Wedekind presents Lulu in the prologue of Erdgeist. See Johann W. Goethe, Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship, vol. 9 of Goethe: The Collected Works, edited and translated by Eric A. Blackal in cooperation with Victor Lange (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1995), 55. Emphasis added. 42 The volume containing The Picture of Dorian Gray from Berg's collected edition of Wilde's works at the Alban Berg Stiftung is missing. We can see his appreciation of this novel, however, by the extensive quotations found in his collection of handwritten notebooks entitled "Von der Selbsterkenntnis" (ONB, MS: F21 Berg loo/i-xii). This collection contains neatly written quotes and aphorisms by several authors, which apparently helped Berg take positions on several issues from politics to gender identity and the emancipation of women. Its systematic organization, with author and subject indexes at the end of each volume and a general index for the whole collection in volume xii, suggests that Berg used these notebooks as references throughout his life. Of particular importance are the passages from Wilde's book describing ideals of beauty and youth, which reflect perceptions of womanhood prevalent in fin-de-siecle Europe. For a discussion of these quotations, see Rode, Berg und Kraus, 102-6.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY Dorian Gray, because of his youthful beauty as represented in the portrait. Incidentally, when Basil sees Dorian's portrait at the end of the novel, he reacts with horror to its transformation. At that moment, Basil becomes aware of the true nature of Dorian Gray's character. In Lulu, the Painter retains the image of Lulu's portrait in his mind-one of youth and innocence-and when informed by Dr. Schon about her past, he has a similar reaction to that of Basil. It becomes clear in the course of the opera that his perception of Lulu is built on an illusion, and when confronted with the truth about her character, he commits suicide. Similarly, Lord Henry becomes interested in Dorian Gray because of his portrait. In the course of the work Lord Henry becomes Dorian's intellectual mentor and, through his articulate and engaging speech, makes Dorian aware of his own beauty and the effects of time on it, as this excerpt demonstrates: People say sometimes that Beauty is only superficial. That may be so. But at least it is not so superficial as Thought is. To me, Beauty is the wonder of the wonders. It is only shallow people who do not judge appearances. The true mystery of the world is the visible, not the invisible.... Yes, Mr. Gray, the gods have been good to you. But what 282 the gods give they quickly take away. You have only a few years in which to live really, perfectly, and fully. When your youth goes, your beauty will go with it, and then you will suddenly discover that there are no triumphs left for you, or have to content yourself with those mean triumphs that the memories of your past will make more bitter than defeats.43 As a result of Lord Henry's speech, Dorian becomes jealous of his own portrait and makes a wish to trade places with it. In many respects, Lord Henry is responsible for all of Dorian's actions in the novel, including his relationship with his own portrait. Arguably, Berg saw Schigolch as a distorted Lord Henry-like figure in the opera.44 Schigolch initially represents both a father figure and a "mentor" to Lulu. In the second scene of Act 1 he is the first character who overtly points out the resemblance between Lulu and her portrait.45 Schigolch is therefore instrumental in making Lulu aware of her reflected image, and ultimately responsible in the formation of her character. In the final scene of the 43 Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray (New York: Modern Library, 1998), 25. 44 An enigmatic figure in the opera, Schigolch appears initially as an old beggar living off Lulu's wealth. During his first visit, however, he reveals that he once was a well-off man. He looks around the house, amazed, and utters: "It is like my own fifty years ago, only more modern." 45 Berg's version of this passage is substantially different from Wedekind's, where Schigolch does not give much attention to Lulu's portrait. I shall discuss this passage below.

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DOS SANTOS opera, while gazing at her portrait he sings: "Ihr Korper stand auf dem Hohepunkt seiner Entfaltung, als das Portrat gemalt wurde" (Her body was at the high point of its development when the portrait was painted). And, somewhat later, while still gazing at her portrait, he sings: Wem sie heute in die Hande gerat, der macht sich keinen Begriff mehr von unserer Jugendzeit.... Unten im Laternenschimmer nimmt sie's noch mit einem Dutzend StraBengespenstern auf. (Those into whose hands she falls today can form no conception of our youth. ... Down in the glimmer of lanterns, she can compete with a dozen other ghosts of the streets.) Lulu's reaction is significant. She answers: "Ich werde esja sehen, ob du recht hast" (I am going to see if you are right),46 and decides to go down the street to fetch a client. While this reaction reveals Schigolch's influence over her character, it also reflects her awareness that she no longer possesses the beauty and youth that she once had and, to paraphrase Lord Henry, that there are no triumphs left for her. The portrait represents therefore not only a reminder of her former glories, but it makes those memories "more bitter than defeats." 283 Ascribing Identity Considering Berg's numerous references to the portrait in the sources, the process of associating Lulu's portrait with her identity already began in the pre-compositional phase. Indeed, the role played by the portrait in her individualization is reflected in Berg's row derivation. While the Bild motive is derived by the trichordal segmentation of the Basic Series (Ex. 1), Lulu's melodic series, the most recognizable musical element associated with her character, is derived from the Bild motive rather than the Basic Series (Ex. 2).47 Karen Pegley has argued that because of its secondary derivation, Lulu's series is "twice removed" from the Basic Series and is simply a part of Berg's characterization of Lulu as a femme fatale.48 I would argue that this secondary derivation mirrors the way in which Lulu is perceived in the opera-that is, through the image of her portrait. This derivation is therefore a crucial element in establishing the portrait as a symbol of Lulu's identity. 46 This line is not present in Wedekind's Die Buchse der Pandora. It is therefore revealing of Berg's conception of the relationship between Schigolch and Lulu. 47 Berg's method of row derivation has been examined by several scholars. See, for example, Reich, Alban Berg, 161-62; Douglas Jarman, The Music of Alban Berg (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1979), 86-87; Perle, Operas, vol. 2: "Lulu," 109-12 ; and Hall, A View of Berg's "Lulu," 135-36. 48 Pegley, "Femme Fatale," 262.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY EXAMPLE 1. Derivation of the Bild motive Basic Series (P-O) Bild (P-O) Basic Series (I-0) Bild (1-0) ^ti*{$~~~~~~~ i'^bq~~~~ 7,~ b EXAMPLE 2. Derivation of Lulu's melodic series Bild (P-O) L sh e Lulu' S eie (P-) Lulu's Series (P-5) I V( I I V I This secondary row derivation is reflected in the unfolding of the Bild motive in the opening scene, which takes place in measures 93-97, soon after Alwa's entrance.49 This unfolding coincides with the emergence of Lulu's character as the Painter finishes the portrait. It also marks the moment of closest resemblance between Lulu and the 49 My view on the significance of the unfolding of the Bild motive in the opening scene differs from that of Patricia Hall, who states that "Berg consciously articulates the derivation of these subsidiary rows [Bild motive and major/minor triads] from the source row during their first appearance in the music. These unfoldings are local events whose principal function is to demonstrate the relation of the subsidiary row to the source row. They are not complex statements of thematic symbolism, for nothing in the text justifies such a function (Hall, A View of Berg's "Lulu," 136-37)." Berg's stage directions, however, with their overt allusions to the portrait, are consistent in every scene of the opera, setting the pattern for the large-scale development of the Bild motive and thus making this passage particularly symbolic. 284

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DOS SANTOS portrait. Significantly, while addressing Lulu in Erdgeist, Alwa does not allude to the portrait. Berg, on the other hand, instructs Alwa to compare Lulu with her portrait ("Lulu und das Bild miteinander vergleichend") before expressing his desire of having her play the leading role in his opera (Ex. 3). In light of the large-scale development of the Bild motive, Alwa's reaction to Lulu's portrait in the opening scene is prophetic, setting the pattern for how Lulu is perceived in the opera, namely as an ideal woman.50 With the Painter the Bild motive acquires a more significant role. In the Introduction to the Canon it underlies the Painter's sudden infatuation for Lulu while he works on her portrait. While in the corresponding scene in Erdgeist the Painter carries on an extensive conversation with Lulu, Berg cuts most of their dialogue, reducing it to a few phrases that only show the Painter's increasing desire. In effect, Berg reduces Wedekind's text to what he calls "3 malige Introduktion,"5l an introduction divided into three sections, each starting with combinations of Bild motive, as the pitch reduction in Example 4a-c shows. Note that the beginning of each section is transposed down a major seventh and shortened by the elimination of two sets of chords from the end of the motive. In effect, these structures represent both the Painter's immi285 nent physical contact with Lulu, which results in the Canon, and the alluring role of the portrait. Near the end of the scene (mm. 305-25), during the duet between the Painter and Lulu, Berg turns the Bild motive into a musical reflection of her character. After Lulu's apparent indifference to her husband's death, the Painter asks questions about truth, God, belief, and love, to which she is unable to respond. All she can answer is "Ich weiB es nicht" (I don't know). According to Naomi Ritter, Lulu's inability to answer existential questions imposed by the Painter reflects her "pierrotic" character.52 Arguably, this passage also shows Lulu's loss of innocence and willingness to adapt to a new set of circumstances. At the end of the duet she is ready to move on. Significantly, while in the corresponding scene of the play there is no allusion to the portrait, as Patricia Hall has demonstrated, the Bild motive pervades the entire duet.53 The most important moment in establishing the portrait as a symbol of Lulu's identity occurs in the second scene of Act i, during Schigolch's visit. In the first half of the opera, he is the only character who calls Lulu by her true name and shows a familiarity that seems to extend to her 50 For a further discussion on Alwa's perception of Lulu, see Rode, Berg und Kraus, 275-81. 51 In ONB, MS: F21 Berg 28/iii, fol. 48r. 52 Ritter, "Portrait of Lulu," 130. 53 See Hall, A View of Alban Berg's "Lulu," 139-43.

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tQ oo EXAMPLE 3. Act i, scene i, mm. 93-97. Berg LULU Acts 1 & 2. ? 1964 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. Revision ? 1985 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna poco accel Recit Aw --a ---3-Verbeugung Lulu und das Bild miteinander vergleichend Seh' ich recht? Frau Me di zi -nal rat! poco cresc Bild (P-l) ... ... .. ................., ( 5) ......................................... (P-9) & #"_ tl # 4 4 ; tl ; 11 50#-~?_ h',r z m 0 It o o o 0 C1

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DOS SANTOS EXAMPLE 4a-c. Combinations of Bild motive in the Introduction to the Canon, Act 1, scene i (a) mm. 132-33 Bild (P-6) Bild (P-0) L -h_ h.a -j ti L Ti Bild (P-l) Bild (P-5) (b) mm. 143-44 Bild (P1 [0-5]) tI LBild (P-7) ^t ^ l,'--T r: Bild (P-8 [0-5]) Bild (P-2) t) h # b ? h* ^ 1 p ^ ,--_ (c) m. 149 Bild (P-8) Bild (P-3) ^ rb 2L A AUF childhood. His reaction to her portrait-one of astonished recognition -is considerably more significant in the opera than in the play. When he sees Lulu's portrait in the corresponding scene in Erdgeist, he casually asks: "Is that you?" suggesting that he does not think much of the painting. As Table i demonstrates, however, Berg replaces his question with an expression that emphasizes the resemblance between Lulu and her portrait: "Das bistja du, du,ja du!" (That is you, you. Yes, you indeed!). In Berg's version Schigolch's reaction to the portrait is so intense that he even runs out of air, as Example 5 demonstrates. The subtle change in the original text, coupled with the presence of the Bild motive, clearly changes the meaning of the portrait in this passage: The portrait now represents Lulu, from her physical appearance to her essence in the eyes of the other characters. At a deeper 287

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY TABLE 1 Comparison between excerpts from Wedekind's Erdgeist (Act 2, scene 2) and Berg's libretto (Act i, scene 2) Wedekind: Erdgeist (Act 2, scene 2) Berg, Lulu (Act 1, scene 2) Schigolch. (Lulus Portrat betrachtend) Schigolch. (Lulus Portrat erblickend) Das bistja Das bist du? du, du, ja du! (ringt keuchend nach Luft) Lulu. Foin? Sehigoleh. Wonn allos Gutos ist. Schigolch. (looking at Lulu's portrait) Schigolch. (beholding Lulu's portrait) That is you, Is that you? you. Yes, you indeed! (struggling to get some air) Lulu. Good? Sehigoleh. If all is well. level, Schigolch not only expresses the degree of resemblance between Lulu and her portrait, but by emphatically saying that the portrait is Lulu, he causes a semiotic exchange-from this moment on we are sup288 posed to perceive the portrait and the sound of the Bild motive as if they were Lulu herself. After Schigolch's remarks, the portrait further defines Lulu in the eyes of the other characters. After the Painter's death in the second scene of Act 1 (mm. 882-84), Berg adds the following instruction to Alwa: "unwillkiirlich ihr Bild mit den Blicken streifend" (involuntarily gazing at her portrait). A few measures later Alwa confesses: "Er hatte, was sich ein Mensch nur ertraumen kann" ([The Painter] had what man can only dream of). In the third scene, when he dreams about writing an opera based on Lulu's life, it is her portrait, standing as a poster, that becomes the object of his dream. The Prince perceives Lulu not through her dancing skills, as he does in Erdgeist, but by an idealization of her bodily expression, which he sees in her portrait. Berg instructs him to gaze five times at the portrait during his short appearance. As mentioned earlier, Countess Geschwitz expresses her desires when she gazes at Lulu's portrait. She is in fact the first character to emphasize its androgynous quality. She invites Lulu to accompany her to an all-women ball dressed as a man, and when Lulu asks her whether that would be appropriate, she points at the portrait and utters: "Hier sind Sie wie ein Marchen" (Here you are a fairy-tale). The Bild motive pervades all these moments, representing the effect that Lulu's portrait has on these characters. Thus far I have examined how Berg, through specific instructions to the characters on stage and the use of the Bild motive, systematically

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EXAMPLE 5. Act i, scene 2, mm. 483-88. Berg LULU Acts 1 & 2. ? 1964 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. Revision ? 1985 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna Geste der Zustimmung A LJ Y 7 5;jF bar fuB drauf... f (Lulus Portrit erblickend) mf f f b Sch 9: I 7 t 'f'4 L Das bist ja Du Du, ja Di'u! # S i Bild(P-2)+Basic Series P-9) Bil d (P-8) + Basic Sries(P-9) ---------..---. .. ... f b 6 bo bi eJ4 C ti tj C/) I tL_

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EXAMPLE 5. (continued) Rit. molto zwei Glaschen fullend --------------------------------------------------------------------------------und sich Schigolch gegenibersetzend (event 8va..) Erzahl'mir! Nun? ringt keuchend nach Luft (dim. e rit )--------------------Er trinkt 9: -+ --t t + ,-t It mit der Musik: ein-, aus-, ein-, aus-, ein-, aus-, ein-, ausatmend (Echo vom Echo) (Echo) (pizz) (Echo) (Echo vom Echo) (pizz) tC z m m ri p lr ~~~P~~~~~~~~ ? t ? 'poco 9: T tT i I~D`3--~ =-f'1#b L Sch z 0 7, 0 0: Orl n C) r1 C)

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DOS SANTOS turns Lulu's portrait into a symbolic element that defines her in the eyes of virtually every character in the opera. Whereas in Wedekind's Erdgeist these characters have more direct contact with her, in Berg's version the portrait becomes the object representing the fulfillment of their dreams. Paradoxically, the constant allusion to Lulu's portrait forces her to live up to the expectations of what she represents for other characters. In many respects, by establishing the portrait as a representation of her identity, social pressure also helps to forge Lulu's self.54 Adopting Identity In an environment that reinforces the idea that a reflected image is a true expression of one's identity, in Act 2 Lulu gradually adopts the image reflected in her portrait as an emblem of her identity. Granted, Lulu hardly fits the profile of a self-reflective character. However, Berg provides directions for her to gaze at her portrait in several instances in which she looks inwards. Rather than just a narcissistic gesture, these moments reveal an increasing awareness of the power of her image, which she eventually emulates. Two events demonstrate this process. The first starts when she receives three guests, Schigolch, the Ath291 lete, and the Gymnast. While the guests talk about her past, the Athlete asks Schigolch if he is her father. Schigolch's answer does little to illuminate our knowledge of her past: "Sie hat nie einen gehabt!" (She has never had one!). With Berg's instruction, Lulu looks at her portrait as if it were her reflection and sings: '"a gewiB, ich bin ein Wunderkind!" (Certainly, I am a child prodigy!). At that moment, in a unique passage, the three guests reinforce her association with the portrait by singing the Bild motive in the background (Ex. 6). When Lulu gazes at the portrait, she sees its alluring qualities, the reminder of her innocence and beauty. At the same time, the Bild motive reinforces this new awareness.55 The second passage occurs at the beginning of the rondo in the first scene of Act 2. Just before the love scene with Alwa, Lulu confesses: "Als ich mich im Spiegel sah, hatte ich ein Mann sein wollen ... mein 54 This is a recurrent theme in literature. Diane Cosinean, for example, argues that in a society that places such emphasis on women's reflected images, it is "difficult to resist the temptation to believe that the image of beauty revealed by the mirror is a faithful representation of one's essential identity." See Diane Cosinean, Letters and Labyrinths: Women Writing/Cultural Codes (Newark: Univ. of Delaware Press, 1997), 90. 55 In similar situations in literary works, asJenijoy La Belle argues, "there is a fundamental connection between mirror appearance and consciousness of self." See La Belle, Herself Beheld: The Literature of the Looking Glass (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1988), 1 i1. For a similar approach addressing interactions between women and their reflected images analogous to the interaction between Lulu and her portrait, see Heide Witthoft, Von Angesicht zu Angesicht: Literarische Spiegelszenen, Studies in Modern German Literature, vol. g9 (New York: Peter Lang, 1998).

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t\) EXAMPLE 6. Act 2, scene i, mm. 190-94. Berg LULU Acts 1 & 2. ? 1964 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. Revision ? 1985 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. an ihrem Bild vorbei ....................................... ganz vorn Lulu 4}> r r i ^^ r i 6 r J' i b i Wf : r I" Was ha be ich nie gehabt? Ja ge wiB, ich bin ein Wun der kind. Gymn-4 I P b i b 1r i j. Ei -nen Va ter. (summend:) b"n:! 7 |~r f f i; i: f br i 12 m I I' I I I Ei nen Va ter. (summend:) A oB2 (P-S)-----* -----I. 4 .. Ein Va _ter (summend:) y^o-.F^f t: ",' -f','f = 4 Bild (P-5)--------.... ......... ............ (P-8)---.-...... krtr ^]l, ,,~ ....~~~[m. 1951 tOq z 0 "O 0 t-I 0 0 O.rn 0 r' 0

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DOS SANTOS Mann!" (When I looked at myself in the mirror I wanted to be a man ... My husband!). When she utters "Mein Mann," Berg instructs her to look at the portrait as he introduces the Bild motive. While this selfreflective moment seems to imply her desire to become androgynous, it also reinforces the significance of the portrait in shaping her personality. Thus she adopts the image reflected in her portrait as a representation of her own identity.56 From this moment on, the portrait becomes emblematic of her identity and appears in key moments where her survival is at stake. Lulu's Lied in the first scene of Act 2 illustrates one such case. The Lied represents the most intimate moment in which Lulu expresses her identity while going through adverse experiences. Facing the rage of her husband, Dr. Sch6n, over her love affairs, Lulu attempts to convey to him that she herself has not changed, and that her actions had always been consistent. As a final thought, she expresses her awareness that she has nevertheless been misunderstood. The Lied consists of five periods with antecedent and consequent phrases, in which she sings: 1. If men have killed themselves for my sake, that does not lower my worth. 293 2. You knew as well why you took me as your wife, as I knew why I took you as my husband. 3. You had betrayed your best friends with me, you couldn't very well also betray yourself with me. 4. If you sacrifice the evening of your life to me, you've had the whole of my youth in exchange. 5. I've never in the world wanted to seem anything other than what I've been taken for, and no one has ever taken me for anything other than what I am .. ."57 Lulu's Lied presents not only an expression of Lulu's identity, but also the musical elements associated with her character in the course of the opera, such as the Basic Set, the Bild motive, Lulu's series, the "Erdgeist 56 This moment also illustrates a paradigm in which the attributes reflected in the portrait become part of a set of dispositions by which Lulu is recognized. To quote Paul Ricoeur: "we may relate to the notion of disposition the set of acquired identifications by which the other enters into the composition of the same. To a large extent, in fact, the identity of a person or a community is made up of these identifications with values, norms, ideals, models, and heroes, in which a person or the community recognizes itself. Recognizing oneself in contributes to recognizing oneself by. The identification with heroic figures clearly displays this otherness assumed as one's own, but this is already latent in the identification with values that make us place a 'cause' above our survival." See Paul Ricoeur, Oneself as Another, trans. Kathleen Blamey (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1992), 121. 57 Translation by George Perle; see his Operas, vol. 2: "Lulu,"48.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY fourths", and so forth.58 Significantly, the third phrase of the Lied consists of Bild motives, which, given its central position, turns the entire Lied into a symmetrical structure similar to a palindrome. As a whole, the Lied also represents a turning point in Lulu's struggle to survive; instead of shooting herself, she shoots Dr. Schon. The symmetrical structure of the Lied, with Bild motives at the center, anticipates Berg's use of the Bild motive in the interlude between the first and second scenes of Act 2, which marks the opera's turning point. This interlude, which is also the incidental music for a silent film that portrays Lulu's imprisonment and escape, is perhaps one of Berg's most original contributions to Wedekind's plays.59 For Berg, it represented one of the most important moments in the opera. In a letter to Schoenberg of 7 August 1930, he wrote: The orchestral interlude, which in my version bridges the gap between the last act of Erdgeist and the beginning of Biichse der Pandora, is also the focal point for the whole tragedy and-after the ascent of the opening acts (or scenes)-the descent in the following scenes marks the beginning of the retrograde.6o 294 Composed as a strict palindrome, the Film Music shows the significance of this symmetrical musical structure in the dramatic development of the opera. Berg provided a program for the interlude that matches the action on the film screen with the presentation of the musical materials associated with each character portrayed in the film. Following the overall symmetry of the opera, the characters who help convict Lulu in 58 For Perle, Lulu's Lied represents a "great aria of self-awareness" (Operas, vol 2: "Lulu, 81). But the Lied has not been unanimously considered an expression of Lulu's identity. Judith Lochhead, for example, argues that beyond the information about Lulu and Dr. Sch6n, "the song provides little detail on how the Lulu character defines herself and what motivates her actions" ("Lulu's Feminine performance," 240). She argues that Lulu's Lied does not represent Lulu as an authentic character because it presents several musical elements rather that a single continuous element that characterizes Lulu. Apparently, Lochhead's concept of identity is tied to the theory of actions, which disregards, for example, concepts of fragmented self. Paul Ricoeur has warned against this kind of approach to issues of identity. He argues that "without the recourse to narration, the problem of personal identity would in fact be condemned to an antinomy with no solution. Either we must posit a subject identical with itself through diversity of its different states, or, following Hume and Nietzsche, we must hold that this identical subject is nothing more than a substantialist illusion, whose elimination merely brings to light a pure manifold of cognitions, emotions, and volitions." See Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, vol. 3, trans. Kathleen Blamey and David Pallauer (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1988), 246. 59 For a discussion of this interlude in relation to the early 20th-century film tradition, see Melissa Ursula Dawn Goldsmith, "Alban Berg's Filmic Music: Intentions and Extensions of the Film Music Interlude in the Opera Lulu" (Ph.D. diss., Louisiana State Univ., 2002). 6o The Berg-Schoenberg Correspondence: Selected Letters, ed. Juliane Brand, Christopher Hailey, and Donald Harris (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), 406.

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DOS SANTOS the first half of the interlude help her escape prison in the second half. Most significantly, Lulu's portrait represents a turning point in her existence at the midpoint of the interlude. According to the program, partially shown in Figure 4, the portrait has two functions: As Lulu's shadow it represents her resignation from life; and as a reflection in a dustpan, it represents her will to live. This moment is marked with successive statements of the Bild motive in both prime and inverted forms answered by its retrograde, as the summary of pitch collections in Example 7 shows. In essence, this mirror-like musical structure becomes a metaphor for Lulu's act of looking in the mirror. In her discussion of this passage in Die Biichse der Pandora, Elizabeth Boa argues that while Lulu is in jail, "[her] reflected image confirms her sense of identity."6l While this need to see her reflected image is latent in Wedekind's play, Berg's allusion to Lulu's portrait and the symmetrical structure formed by converging sets of Bild motives followed by their retrograde represent the precise turning point in Lulu's existence, one which eventually leads to her freedom. This interlude thus reinforces her identification with her portrait: Lulu has to see her reflected image to regain her identity. But in contrast to Wedekind's play, the portrait is now a necessary element in her struggle to survive. 295 The act of adopting an identity based on an image, however, has its costs. As a result of imprisonment and disease, Lulu loses her beauty, and any resemblance to her former youth. The Athlete shows the first sign of the consequences of this loss of beauty in the second scene of Act 2. As part of an escape plan, Lulu contracts cholera, which substantially affects her appearance. The Athlete, an unrefined character who builds his expectation on marrying Lulu and having her work by his side as a beautiful acrobat, reacts strongly when he first sees her: "Woher nimmst du die Schamlosigkeit, mit einem solchen Wolfgesicht hier zu erscheinen?" (Where did you get the nerve to appear here with such a dogface?). He immediately threatens to inform the police of her location, which anticipates her misfortunes in the next act. Despite her apparent loss of beauty, Lulu still identifies herself with her portrait, and when left alone with Alwa, her first request is to see her portrait: "Wo ist denn mein Bild?" (Where is my picture?). This moment also marks the return of the Bild motive in the second scene of Act 2. Rejecting Identity In Act 3 the environment changes dramatically. The Paris scene is cast in a casino, giving the false appearance of wealth while showing the 61 Elizabeth Boa, The Sexual Circus: Wedekind's Theatre of Subversion (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), io6.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY FIGURE 4. Program for the Film Music (partially shown) Prison The prison door shuts The Initial resignation AwaJ Lulu's portrait as a Lull shadow on the prison wall refle i One year's imprisonment Prison prison door opens kening will to live u's portrait as a ection in a dustpan EXAMPLE 7. Summary of pitch collections and program: Film Music, mm. 685-89 Bild (1-11) A Bild (I-5) ,V tt'^s t ~ l1 year's Resignation, her shadow on the wall imprisonment -' #"_ b'.l ,I,| [" Bild (P-11) Bild (P-5) Bild (1-5), retrograde Bild (1-5), retrograde Her image in a dustpan, awakening will to live 9: #4# n$4 r tlb' ,A 0V4;r Bild (P-5), retrograde Bild (P-11), retrograde volatility of money. This scene shows the trade of Jungfrau-Aktien (literally, "virgin shares"), a facade for both economic speculation, which reaches a total collapse at the end of the scene, and the sale of young women to prostitution, represented by the presence of a Fiinfzehnjdhrige (a fifteen-year-old girl) in an adult environment. The Paris scene is composed of three ensembles intermingled with duets between Lulu and other characters. Her duet with the Marquis has profound implications in her association with the portrait. 296

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DOS SANTOS It becomes clear that because of Lulu's loss of beauty, her portrait no longer guarantees her survival in such an environment. The Marquis sends her pictures (Bilder) to an Egyptian brothel owner in an attempt to sell her into the slavery of prostitution.62 While Lulu negotiates with the Marquis for a possible resolution of his demands, her reaction to his giving her pictures away is stronger than to his threats to place her into prostitution: "Die Bilder, die ich dir gab?" (The portraits I gave you? [Berg's emphasis]). On the musical level, Berg presents the Bild motive in prime and inverted forms simultaneously, followed by their retrograde (Ex. 8). This mirror-like structure represents yet another turning point in Lulu's life, one that marks a change in the nature of her association with the portrait. The Marquis reveals to Lulu that her portrait is instrumental in turning her into a mere object. In one of her most memorable outbursts, Lulu argues: "Aber ich kann nicht das einzige verkaufen, was je mein eigen war" (I cannot sell the only thing that I have ever owned). According to Elizabeth Boa, working at a brothel would be for Lulu similar to her experience in prison and "would reduce her sexuality, the very foundation of her sense of self, to a commodity to be bought and sold."63 The duet between Lulu and the Marquis is significant at 297 several levels. While this moment suggests an ultimate merging of Lulu and her portrait, paradoxically it initiates her dissociation from it. This happens literally when she escapes the Marquis, leaving her portrait behind. Psychologically, this separation represents a break with her selfimage. While she is adamantly opposed to working as a prostitute, the harsher reality of the next scene forces her to do just that: as an escapee from the police living in poverty, she becomes a prostitute in London. Finally, the most significant moment in Lulu's association with her portrait comes in the form of a rejection. As a London prostitute providing for Alwa and Schigolch, she retains little of the physical qualities she had when she was young and is now almost unrecognizable. When Countess Geschwitz brings the portrait back to Lulu in London, Alwa unrolls it with growing expectation, and in amazement he sings: "Mein Gott, das istja Lulus Bild" (My God! That is Lulu's portrait). Lulu, on the other hand, strongly rejects it: "Mein Bild! Mir aus den Augen! Werft es zum Fenster hinaus!" (My portrait! Take it out of my sight! Throw it out of the window!). At this moment, Berg creates one of the opera's greatest climaxes with sequences of Bild motives that result in a 62 Apparently there are other paintings of Lulu which are not present on stage. The Painter mentions the sale of her portrait as a Dancer in the second scene of Act i, and in this scene the Marquis refers to a portrait of Lulu standing as Eve. None of these are shown in the opera, however. 63 Boa, Sexual Circus, 91.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY EXAMPLE 8. Act 3, scene i, mm. 166-67. Berg LULU Act 3. 0 1977, 1978 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna L Mqu i q r IrXf____ __ Die Bil-der, die ich Dir gab? & I_ I tf
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EXAMPLE 9. Act 3, scene 2, mm. 909-19. Berg LULU Act 3. ? 1977, 1978 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna Lulu 910 [acc.]_ !/~p ? 1" V P Was ist es denn? willst. Alwa La ren SMrl I Ie M ,. d, I Las sen Sie Mal sehn. Mein Gott, das ha ben Sie denn da? Bild (P-3) 910 (P-10) &: 1 i i .1.1 *.. it, it'i 9: I L (P-0) cresc tO) `10 L GrG A Schig tj CA 141 0 CP

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bJj IO O EXAMPLE 9. (continued) [acc.]_ J=138 . -wie ein Aufschrei 0 z 0 c r O CV n o o C)

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DOS SANTOS 301 t ts, ^3 1 o9
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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY son. In the first scene of Act 3, while "married" to Alwa, she maintains liaisons with the Marquis, the Athlete, and Schigolch. Finally, in the last scene she becomes a prostitute in London, where she receives three clients, the reincarnation of her former husbands. More than just part of a large-scale symmetry, the reincarnation of Lulu's dead husbands establishes a relationship between marriage and prostitution that was at the core of Berg's rendering of her character.64 Berg also perceived prostitution to be a form of slavery which was imposed on Lulu. In a sketch for three subsidiary characters (the Prince, the Manservant, and the Marquis), Berg wrote: "Faithfully led (Treulich gefiihrt), whether it be into the slavery of marriage, the household, or the brothel."65 This sketch reflects not only the relationship between Lulu and these subsidiary characters, but also her experiences in the opera, from the glories of her youth in high society to the underworld of prostitution in London. Furthermore, it is clear that it was economic necessity that led Lulu into prostitution. In fact, in the London scene she represents any and all of the prostitutes in Victorian London, who, alongside the figure of Jack the Ripper, inspired Wedekind in the creation of his own "Monstertragedy." While discussing these women, espe302 cially the ones who fell victim to Jack the Ripper, Judith Walkowitz observed that "economic need forced [them] to take the streets on the night of their deaths ... These were economically desperate women, who violated their 'womanhood' for the price of a night's lodging, and for whom the wages of sin was death."66 However, Lulu's reaction to the reappearance of her portrait plays a significant role in the events that follow and is perhaps the most tragic event in the final scene. In the ensuing quartet, the other characters present in the scene, gazing at her portrait, express their perception of what Lulu represents. For Alwa, seeing Lulu's portrait makes clear the cause of his misfortunes, thus restoring his sense of self-respect. His aria recalls his memories of Lulu's former beauty and the power of her sexuality over him. Schigolch expresses his "commodity" view of women: "Man muB es annageln ffir unsere Kundschaft" (We must hang it up for our clients). In essence, he consummates the Marquis's threat of using Lulu's portrait as a means for selling her body. While Countess 64 I discuss the implications of the relationship between marriage and prostitution elsewhere. See my "Portraying Lulu," 53-98. 65 ONB, MS: F21 Berg 28/vi, fol. lr. For a discussion with a transcription and translation of this sketch, see Hall, A View of Bergs "Lulu, 71-75. "Treulich gefufrt" refers to the opening words of the wedding march in the third act of Wagner's Lohengrin, which Berg quotes at the end of the Prince's duet with Alwa (I/iii, mm. 1143-45). 66 Judith R. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in LateVictorian London (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1992), 200-201.

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DOS SANTOS Geschwitz's initial reaction expresses her artistic inclination, she later transmutes the portrait into an angelic vision, an object of desire and illusion. For each character the portrait is a mirror of him or her self, but for Lulu it only reminds her of a past from which she has "fallen." At a deeper level, their reactions to the portrait reinforce a sense of "otherness" between Lulu and her portrait. Unable to withstand her friends' praising the portrait and their memories of her glorious past, she goes downstairs to fetch a client and, as she leaves, she sings a prophetic: "Ich bring mich um" (I'll kill myself), which is set to another symbolic motive, the Erdgeist fourths. This is the same motive that she sings when Jack the Ripper stabs her at the end of the scene (Ex. o). Most significantly, Berg sets her death cry to the second 12-tone chord of the scene, which consists of three transpositions of the Erdgeist motive.67 This time, however, the chord is attacked without preparation, undoubtedly for dramatic purposes. Like the 12-tone chord accompanying Lulu's rejection of her portrait, Berg partitions the three Erdgeist motives of the second 12-tone chord in parallel fifths transposed at the tritone (Ex. 11). The striking structural and symbolic significance of this 12-tone chord and the one shown in Example 9 suggest a close relationship between loss of identity and death. 303 Attempting Reconciliation As we have seen, Berg's presentation of Lulu's portrait as an emblem of her identity unfolds in three stages: from an initial ascription in Act i, to Lulu's appropriation of her own image in Act 2, and finally her strong rejection in Act 3. I would like to examine yet another source that reveals Berg's final attempt to associate Lulu with her portrait during the quartet in the last scene by transferring some of Schigolch's lines to Lulu, as shown in Table 2.68 Note that Berg gives Lulu the line that expresses her sense of self-identity as based on her portrait. This textual change is not present in Friedrich Cerha's edition of Act 3, however. Because the sketches of the opera were not available to 67 There are, in fact, three 12-tone chords in the opera. The first one occurs in the third scene of Act 1 and the other two appear in the final scene of the opera. Although the first appearance of this aggregate set establishes the symbolism for its return in the final scene, it is not as climactic. It appears when Alwa dreams about writing an opera based on Lulu's life and the tragic end of her husbands. While Alwa alludes to the death of Lulu's first husband, Dr. Goll, Berg unfolds the first 12-tone chord from sequences of parallel thirds, which are originally associated with that husband (Act i, scene 3, mm. 1100-104). This chord thus represents his tragic fate. Because it is a result of a decrescendo arriving at a pianissimo, however, it is anti-climactic and almost unnoticeable. 68 The page containing this text is reprinted in Perle, Operas, vol. 2: "Lulu,"Illustration 13.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY EXAMPLE 10. Act 3, scene 2, Erdgeist motive. Berg LULU Act 3. ? 1977, 1978 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna III/ii, mm. 1016-17 Ich bring mich um II/ii, mm. 1292-93 Nein, nein, nein,nein... scholars at the time he worked on it, he had to use Wedekind's text to complete the vocal parts. George Perle has made the following comment about Cerha's completion of the third act: 304 Since the copy of the libretto containing the missing text of mm. 980-1002 was not known to Cerha at the time, he was faced with the additional task here of finding words for the parts of Lulu, Countess Geschwitz, and Schigolch. In his musical solution Cerha followed Berg's own practice of doubling various linear details that appear in the orchestral part. The result is eminently successful, an ecstatic high point in which the unfolding of the drama is suspended as the past is momentarily recovered for each of the four characters as they look upon the portrait. The problem of the missing text, however, was not resolved for the part of Lulu, a deficiency that can be easily corrected now that we know the text Berg himself had prepared for the "sketched in" concluding section of the quartet.69 Perle rightly points out that Cerha's version leaves Lulu's part unresolved. In light of the discussion above, if Berg's textual change were kept, Lulu's line "Ich kann mit SelbstbewuBtsein sagen: Das war ich einmal!" (I can say with self-awareness: I was that once!) would make the overall relationship between her and her portrait consistent throughout the opera. However, the fact that she can say with "SelbstbewuJftsein" (literally, self-awareness) that the portrait represents who she once was does not give her much comfort. The rejection of an image that was once so central to her existence suggests a collapse of identity. This collapse creates, in fact, a dialectic opposition between her identity and 69 Perle, Operas, vol. 2: "Lulu,"277-78.

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L ^ r,a ~~[aus der Kammer] f Nein, nein, nein, nein... Richtet sich ganz starr auf und stiirst dann plotzich zur Tuir ArC von Lulus Kammer, an der sie mit aller Kraft rittelt GrG t _t | Erdgeist Fourths ^ i H ;) ^ ----~ JP (ein Hauch) r f 3 b b it ^ B 9:i #j;> b'; #.5 ', 'm^ ^ aL-: J EXAMPLE 11. Act 3, scene 2, mm. 12g91-99. Berg LULU Act 3. C 1977, 1978 by Universal Edition A. G., Vienna. Copyright renewed. All rights reserved. Used by permission of European American Music Distributors LLC, sole US and Canadian agent for Universal Edition A. G., Vienna ............bis J= 46 LT,lu Largo poco Todesschrei 'A Cj ? CQ >

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY 306

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DOS SANTOS TABLE 2 Comparison between excerpts from Wedekind's Die Biichse der Pandora (Act 3, scene 3) and Berg's libretto: ONB, MS: F21 Berg 133, fol. 5ir [Act 3, scene 2] Wedekind: Die Bfichse der Pandora, (Act 3, scene 3) Schigolch. Das alles ist mit dem Kehrichtwagen gefahren. Sie kann wenigstens sagen: Das war ich mal! Wem sie heute in die Hande gerfit, der macht sich keinen Begriff mehr von unserer Jugendzeit. Schigolch. All that has gone with the garbage truck. At least she can say: I was that once! Those into whose hands she falls today can form no conception of our youth. Berg: ONB, MS: F2al Berg 133, fol. 51r Lulu. Ich kann mit SelbstbewuBtsein sagen: Das war ich einmal!. ...[Berg's emphasis] Schigolch. Ja, man macht sich keinen Begriff von unserer Jungendzeit... Lulu. I can say with self-awareness: I was that once! Schigoich. Yes, one can have no conception of our youth... 307 selfhood. While Lulu continues expressing her sexuality, or her selfhood, as before (as mentioned earlier, her clients in the London scene are the reincarnation of her former husbands), the most significant change in her character is her physical appearance, in other words her identity. Thus, because of this transformation, her sexuality becomes overexposed, which conforms to the fact that she works as a prostitute. In a sense, she expresses her selfhood without the support of her identity. 70 By losing her beauty, she loses the only element that guarantees her survival. Teresa Stratas, a leading Lulu singer, has remarked intuitively that the Lulu of the London scene is already dead. When Jack the Ripper appears later in the scene, he only finishes the job.71 In this light, as an emblem of Lulu's identity, her portrait and the Bild motive become a symbol of both her fortunes and ultimate demise. Youngstown State University 70 For a detailed discussion of similar cases of loss of identity in contemporary novels and its relation to the dialectic between identity and selfhood, see Ricoeur, Oneself as Another, 140-68. 71 Teresa Stratas, comment made on occasion of the Metropolitan Opera's production of Lulu, Live from the MET, Public Broadcast System, 20 December 1980.

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THE JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY ABSTRACT The most controversial aspect of Alban Berg's opera Lulu-and one that has generated considerable criticism-is the composer's conception of the protagonist's character. Judith Lochhead, for example, argues that it is impossible to trace "a single, continuous feature that defines Lulu's personality." However, Berg offsets the "typological" element in Lulu's characterization by assigning her complex levels of interaction with her portrait, which is continuously present and symbolizes her sense of self-identity and her perception by others. Thus he changed several aspects of Wedekind's plays and created musical structures to represent Lulu as an individual and an object of desire. The most important of these devices is the music associated with Lulu's portrait, which marks significant dramatic and structural moments in the opera. Berg's extensive annotations in the opera's sketches, his copies of the plays, and the Particell bring to light the significance of Lulu's portrait with regard to her characterization. The portrait and its leitmotivic set pervade the opera, serving multiple functions according to the different dramatic situations. More than just an objective representation, 308 Lulu's portrait is a constant reminder of who Lulu is in the opera. On the basis of this evidence, this study demonstrates that, by engaging the long-established literary tradition that associates women's identities with their reflected images, Berg makes the opera pivot around the portrait music, effecting a transformation in Lulu's sense of self-identity.