Epic vs. Elegiac Identity


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Epic vs. Elegiac Identity A New Model for Roman Leadership in Ovid’s Fasti
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Brewer, Robert William
University of Florida
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Gainesville, Fla.
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Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
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University of Florida
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Classical Studies, Classics
Committee Chair:
Rea, Jennifer
Committee Members:
Kapparis, Konstantin
Johnson, Timothy S
Shoaf, Richard A


Subjects / Keywords:
augustus -- elegy -- epic -- fasti -- hero -- identity -- ovid -- romulus
Classics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Classical Studies thesis, Ph.D.
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I have attempted in this project to analyze how Ovid alters the epic-driven model of Roman identity that crystallized in the works of Livy and Vergil after Augustus’ victory at Actium. Ovid’s model emphasizes the historical value to the city of elegiac virtues such as diligence, patience, foresight, and piety, the crown virtue of Vergil’s Aeneas. Ovid seeks to elevate the whole genre of elegy, establish himself as the elegiac equal to the epic Vergil, and thus demonstrate his significant contribution to elegy in forging a new elegiac identity for Rome. No project gave Ovid a better opportunity to treat Roman history and issues of Roman identity than the Fasti. I have shown how Tibullus 2.5 and Propertius 4 proved to Ovid that he could tackle a poem on Roman political themes in his elegiac couplets without abandoning his notion of Callimachean aesthetics or undermining his credibility by appearing too deferential to the imperial family. Through a critical analysis of the origins of Roman elegy and its Callimachean aesthetic, I suggest that Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid all found ways to compose elegiac poetry on epic topics and even include panegyrics to the imperial family and friends. They succeeded in doing this without losing their credibility as elegiac poets, marked as they were by leisure and life in the pursuit of erotic thrills and standing in opposition to the epic model of leadership promoted by Augustus and confirmed by Livy and Vergil.
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by Robert William Brewer.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Adviser: Rea, Jennifer.
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2 2012 Robert William Brewer


3 Parentibus beneficissimis et liberalissimis qui animum pueri annos decem nati ceperunt ac cenderuntque ardorem bonarum artium


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I must first thank my parents for all of their love, support and patience throughout these many years of education. Without their help and encouragement, I could never have achieved my academic goals. I would also like to thank my grandfather William Yance y, my first babysit ter and the best male role model a young boy could have. There are many people that deserve acknowledgement here, but I will name just a few. I wish to thank my dissertation chair Jennifer Rea for her countless hours of editing my chapte rs and showing me what it takes to be a true academic professional. I would also like to thank Timothy Johnson, Konstantinos Kapparis, and R. Allen Shoaf whose comments and guidance helped me through the dissertation process. I must thank James Marks for h is m entorship during not just my Master of Arts thesis but ongoing projects since then. I owe a great deal of gratitude to Shannon Byrne and Edmund Cueva for mentoring me when I was an undergraduate. In addition, I must thank Mary Lee McConaghy and the lat e Mark Tychonievich who first introduced me to Latin and G reek during my high school years Finally, I will never forget the insight and help so many of my colleagues at University of Florida have offered me over the years particularly James Lohmar, Seth B outin, Megan Daly, George Hendren, and Jay Arns, my best friend and fellow student at both Xavier University and the University of Florida.


5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 6 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 7 2 OVERVIEW OF THE ORIGINS OF AUGUSTAN LITERATURE ................................ .... 17 Callimachean Aesthetics ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 17 Tibullus 2.5 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 21 3 PROPERTIUS 4 ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 34 4 ELEGIAC LEADERSHIP IN THE FASTI: JANUS, HERCULES, AND THE FABII ........ 70 Janus ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 70 Hercules ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 76 The Fabii ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 82 5 FROM MORTAL TO GOD: ROMULUS ................................ ................................ ............. 86 Romul us in the Fasti ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 101 Lupercalia ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 104 Quirinalia ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 110 Parilia ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 116 Lemuria ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 120 6 FROM MORTAL TO GOD: AUGUSTUS ................................ ................................ .......... 123 7 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 142 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 148 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 156


6 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Gradu ate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy FASTI By Robert William Brewer May 2012 Chai r: Jennifer Ann Rea Major: Classical S tudies I have attempted in this project to analyze how Ovid alters the epic driven model of es the historical value to the city of elegiac virtues such as elevate the whole genre of elegy, establish himself as the elegiac equal to the epic Vergil, and th us demonstrate his significant contribution to elegy in forging a new elegiac identity for Rome. No project gave Ovid a better opportunity to treat Roman history and issues of Roman identity than the Fasti I have shown how Tibullus 2.5 and Propertius 4 pr oved to Ovid that he could tackle a poem on Roman political themes in his elegi ac couplets without abandoning his notion of Callimachean aesthetics or undermining his credibility by appearing too deferential to the imperial family. Through a critical analy sis of the origins of Roman elegy and its Callimachean aesthetic, I suggest that Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid all found ways to compose elegiac poetry on epic topics and even include panegyrics to the imperial family and friends. They succeeded in doing this without losing their credibility as elegiac poets, marked as they were by leisure and life in the pursuit of erotic thrills and standing in opposition to the epic model of leadership promoted by Augustus and confirmed by Livy and Vergil.


7 CHAPTER 1 I NTRODUCTION Fasti The thesis of this project argues that Ovid creates a new model for Roman leadership and identity when he ac counterparts thereby elevating the leadership for Augustus in their works. 1 Fasti allows him to stand on equal footing with h is predecessors as he strives to alter the epic and heroic driven model of Roman identity forged in the years after Actium. In this way he hopes to solidify his own poetic legacy as the last and greatest of the Roman elegists. This project examines passag literary code of conduct for Roman leaders alters a dialogue on Roman identity that originated in character in the poem behaves in both adversity and conquest. Does the legendary character adopt reckless, brutish behavior like Sextus Tarquinius or does he concern himself with religious epic to cleverness, foresight, piety and not just epic virtus 1 Georgics interpretations of his character, achievements, and motives, which would have been a central concern to the Roma n Fasti occurs in a period when Augustus while at the peak of his glory struggled to find a capable successor. Thus, the question of succession and the subsequent political turmoil created an opportunity for a poet like Ovid to once more entertain the question: what constitutes appropriate leadership in what is now clearly an imperial system?


8 Because of the loss of works that cover this historical period, such as the Histories of Age, the poetry of the principate provides precious details for the historical record. 2 limited treatment of Augustus in the Annales and the gaps in the histories of Cassius Dio mean that we cannot obtain a complete picture of this period The last years of Augustus reveal a particularly meager record despite the activity taking place at Rome. One may read Augustan While discussions of Roman identity took place in archaic Latin literature, the rise of Italian pride whole generation of literary attempts to define what it meant to be a Roman, for the term had expanded well beyond the pomerium Aeneid p roved that a great poet could take on a political work, retain his own poetic sovereignty, and capture world renown. 3 Ab Urbe Condita celebrates the virtues of the ancient Romans and concludes that these virtues elevated the Roman state to its prese nt greatness. While Vergil and Livy depict the early Romans as pious, their characters appear active, violent, and sometimes rash to their Augustan audience much like the Homeric heroes. In contrast, the Roman elegists working from an elegiac model sought to redefine Roman identity through their own depictions Fasti all contribute to this reevaluation of the early city. Their dialogue created a rival sense of identity to the harsh, old m odel of their stern ancestors so eloquently extolled by Vergil and Livy in the early part of 2 3 Galinsky (2005) 340 simple expectation s of panegyrics to great Roman politicians a practice so typical in the republic an patronage system small city o n the Tiber to the level of the world capital.


9 4 Each attempt at the early history of Rome constitutes an opportunity for the poet to establish a new identity for the city by rewriting its origi ns. 5 Fasti the poet composes a poem in elegiac couplets on the Roman calendar; a work with clear implications for Roman identity By choosing an effective political medium for his poem, Ovid add s his voice to the chorus of poets contributing to t he dialogue on Roman identity. I would not go so far as to say he feels compelled to write this work on the calendar with all its Augustan adornments evolves from the defense of his choice of genre a nd lifestyle elegy and love over epic and war a lifetime effort that begins in his first published poem ( Amores 1.1.1 2). His poem appears Ovid never seems to take any topic seriously, a trait which renders even attempts at genuine praise ironic. insistence on indulging this tendency eventually got him into trouble with Augustus even if his relegation had mostly political and not artistic causes. Like his predecessors Ovid has much to contribute to Rome and her identity. does not see it as the only perception of Rome or e ven the most important. 6 In his poetry like other elegists he constantly privilege s the popular view of Ro me over any aristocratic or one dimensional approach to the city. 4 Although Horace will not be the focus of this project, I will refer to his works from time to time to compare his illustration of Roman identity to those presented in Vergil, Livy, Tibullus, Propertius, and model creates different expectations for his poems and thus puts him outside the dichotomy of elegiac and epic that I shall use in reference to the remaining authors including the historian Livy, who often depicts his characters like t he heroes of ancient epics. 5 Edwards (1996) 6 8 points out Augustan authors considered their texts to be their monuments to posterity (Horace 3.30, Propertius 4.1.69, Metamorphoses reconstr uction of Rome but allows himself the same authority to create his own Rome in the Ab Urbe Condita 6 Lowrie (2009) 279 308 believes auctoritas in his Res Gestae suggests an interplay poets auctoritas in their own poems in the same manner in which we give Augustus license in the Res Gestae


10 The Fasti the ancient Roman calendar controlled by the pontifex maximus and recently reformed by Julius Caesar in the first century B.C., represented a strong political tool since it gave the pontifex maximus and later the Caesars virtual control over time. During the republic politicians had used this authority to augment or diminish the influence of the lower classes. To represented a great power grab since it further limited the monopoly of the wealthy on state functions in the republic. 7 As the method by which the Romans organized time, the Fasti had considerable significance for much of the known world setting limits o n commerce, the judicial system, and every aspect of daily life. With such power the calendar constituted an important part of Roman identity as it was perceived in the empire. If the Fasti has such implications for Roman identity, should the audience be surprised that Ovid, the elegiac master of the Amores the Ars Amatoria and the Heroides chose to write on a political and even epic topic at the height of his career? The poet realizes the monumental task in front of him, quid volui demens elegis impone re tantum/ ponderis? heroi res erat ista pedis (2.125 126). Nevertheless, since he never finished the poem, the audience might assume the project had certain unexpected pitfalls. He had just finished another poem on time, the Metamorphoses deciding to com pose it in dactylic hexameter, a meter he employed for this poem alone. While the Metamorphoses Fasti approaches time through a fundamentally Roman 7 King (2006) 17 40. Cf. Plutarch Life of Caesar 59.6 where the biographer suggest reform of the calendar as proof of his royal ambition;


11 a poem on the Roman calendar, he could have written it in epic verse. Why then does he choose elegiac couplets only to later lament his choice in Book 2? I propose that Ovid has chosen an epic topic and an elegiac meter for a reason. By composing this epic poem in elegiac couplets, Ovid sought to illustrate that an elegiac demeanor is as appropriate a model for Roman leaders as cessors. With the elevation of elegiac poetry, the elegiac poet Ovid secures his own poetic immortality by combating the anxiety he 8 Ovid hoped to fulfill the task Propertius had proposed years before (4.1.69) by writing a poem on strictly Roman Aetia while 9 Prior to the 20 th centu ry, scholars often used the Fasti as a mere catalog of antiquarian and religious information. In the 20 th century, scholars finally sought to evaluate the work for its own art. Ovids elegische Erzhlung (1919) by Richard Heinze stands as the first importan t book on the Fasti in the 20 th century. Heinze describes the generic tension between elegy and epic in the Fasti as the opposition of two concepts: and Festivals (1991) seeks to rehabilitate the Fasti Fasti In her book Ovid and the Fasti: an Historical Study (1994), Geraldine Herbert Brown regards as genuine 8 Bloom (1973) 139 155 examines how a poet responds to the anxiety that occurs when following a world renowned m to seek similar glory but on his own elegiac terms. 9 Green (2004) 13 14 sets up a dichotomy between arma (1. 13) and arae (13) believing that Ovid intends to t to do himself when recalling his administration in the Res Gestae As Green states, Ovid has to deal with warfare in his of setting up his rather etiological poem allows him to expand elegy beyond his previous efforts at amatory (Amores) epistolary (Heroi des) and didactic elegy (Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris).


12 gustus in the preface to book 2 She views the Fasti service ( militia) to the princeps and a true panegyric to the Augustan ideology. On the other hand, Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fasti narrat ives as an attempt to destabilize and undermine the imperial model and reveal his resistance to Augustan ideology. Finally, in his (2006), Richard to see the antagonisms occurring between Roman culture and the poet exiled and removed as he was from the whole milieu at Rome. While the works of the aforementioned scholars will inform Fasti my proj when he attempts to further demonstrate his versatility by adapting elegy to etiological poems in the vein of Propertius 4. In this way Ovid hopes to not only reveal himself to be the true Roman Callimachus but also elevate the whole genre of elegy. If Ovid succeeds in adapting his elegiac couplet to etiological poetry, he solidifies his status as the greatest Roman elegist since his contributions to diversifying elegy (erotic, epistolary, didacti c, and now etiological) would be as 10 In addition, by revealing the elegiac demeanor to be more important to political success throughout Roman history, he alters the epic model of Roman identity developed by Vergil in the early years of the principate and re appropriates piety as an elegiac virtue. While scholars such as Nappa (2005) and Green (2009) have explored how early imperial poets offer new paradigms of leadership, my work extends the scholarly dialo gue to contrast how 10 One may recall that Ovid boasts in the Remedia Amoris that elegy then owed as much to him as epic did to Vergil tantum se nobis elegi debere fatentur,/ quantum Vergili o nobile debet epos (396 397)


13 predecessors. 11 While previous authors employ civil war landscape, I am suggest political success. 12 Ab Urbe Condita and Aeneid Ovid would se ek to alter the literary paradigm for Roman leadership by elevating the status of the elegiac hero in his Fasti and continuing the dialogue on Roman identity which his predecessors established. In his book Generic Enrichment in Vergil and Horace S.J. Harr ison defines generic from detailed confrontation with, and consequent inclusion of elements from, texts which appear 13 He has focused on the confrontations occurring in the poems of Vergil and Horace, during a period in Augustan literature when such occurrences are most numerous. His methodology is helpful in analyzing the Fasti where the interactions occur mostly 11 I use the term legendary to describe the quasi historical figures from early Rome such as Aeneas, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, and others. In this regard I follow Livy who expresses doubts about the historicity of Roman records prior to the Gallic sack of Rome (389 B.C.) because of poor record keeping in early Rome and fire. quae ab condita urbe Roma ad captam eandem Romani sub regibus primum, consulibus deinde ac dictatoribus decemuirisque ac tribunis consularibus gessere, foris bella, domi seditiones, qu inque libris exposui, res cum uetustate nimia obscuras uelut quae magno ex interuallo loci uix cernuntur, tum quid rarae per eadem tempora litterae fuere, una custodia fidelis memoriae rerum gestarum, et quod, etiam si quae in commentariis pontificum ali isque publicis priuatisque erant monumentis, incensa urbe pleraeque interiere. Livy 6.1.1 2 12 Of the early Augustan poets, the land confiscations of the civil war that followed the assassination of Julius Caesar deprived Vergil ( Eclogue 1), Propertius ( 4.1.130), and Tibullus (1.3.43 birth occurred during the civil war ( Tristia 4.10.5 6) making him a generation younger than the other famous Augustan poets. There is no evidence that the Ovidii lost their property. For t his reason he is removed from the immediate strife caused by the civil wars growing up as he did under better social conditions. Vergil deals with the memory of the civil war by couching it in the past ( Aeneid ) while poets like Tibullus and Propertius most ly avo id the subject all together wi th several key exceptions (Tibullus 2.5, Propertius 1.22 and book 4). reflects his own period when civil war seemed more remote and the city much more secure under Augustus. Gowing (2005) 18 notices that t he Augustan Age saw more commerations of the past than any previous period in Roman history. Augustus sought to present his own regime as a continuation of the republic and yet a new beginning. 13 Har rison (2007) 1.


14 between elegia either at the expense of epic characters or in an attempt to capture epic praise for them. The model of Aristotelian criticism outlined in the Poetics which continued to domina te literary criticism during the H ellenistic period and even the A ge of Augustus, established a fixed hierarchy of genres in which epic sat at the top with tragedy and elegy following behind it. The length, weighty meter, and dignity of characters made epi c the most exalted of all genres. 14 tiered approach that he defines as the formal repertoire, the thematic repertoire, and explicit metageneric signals for approaching Vergilian and Horatian texts, I have devel oped my own approach. I will employ four categories when analyzing the confrontations between elegy and epic in the Fasti : the diction of the narrator 15 Using the given passage affects his overall goal of showing that elegiac models of temperament and preparation are appropriate for Roman leaders. The first criterion for analyzing th the scene for his epic characters by invoking epic diction such as military terms or lofty language. In contrast, he uses elegiac diction, terms appropriate to love poetry such as those that illustr ate amorous relationships or describe loci amoeni The second criterion is the temperament he ascribes to any individual character. Epic characters often act rashly or proceed on a particular task with no prior planning while he mostly associates elegiac c haracters with contemplative and resourceful behavior. I will also analyze the setting of the narrative, whether the setting gives any 14 Harrison (2007) 8. 15 Harrison (2007) 21 33.


15 clues or foreshadows in any way the event taking place there. 16 Lastly, gender has certain important consequences when com colors a character as epic or elegiac: m ale and female characters have different expectations for their behavior. The traditional model for Roman m en emphasizes courage in battle and piety to all obligations including public service. In contrast, women are expected to raise courageous children and run honorable households. Both epic and especially elegiac poets will play with the On the basis of these chara cteristics, I will determine whether the poet paints certain characters as epic, elegiac, or a mixture of both. With this information I will show how Ovid portrays these elegiac characteristics as remaining essential to contemporary Roman leaders (Augustus and elegiac resourcefulness have accomplished more for the Roman state than brute force. His dedication to the sophisticated Germancius, a fellow poet, emphasizes the import ance of legendary Rome with earlier Greek and Roman sources such as Ennius, Cicero, Livy, Dionysus of Halicarnassus, Tibullus, and Propertius, I hope to show how Ovid has ma nipulated the tales for his own particular use in the Fasti often to illustrate the strengths of the elegiac temperament. In C hapter 1 I will discuss the Callimachean precedents to Roman elegy and analyze how Tibullus approaches the task of praise poetry and the public sphere in elegy 2.5. In this solitary political poem, Tibullus seeks to honor the investiture of Messalinus, the son of his patron Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus, and celebrate the peace that followed the battle of Actium. 16 Conte (1994) 311.


16 Chapter 2 will e valuate how Propertius, following the success of Tibullus 2.5, attempts to sing of Roman Aetia as the Roman Callimachus while broadening Roman identity through an artful display of the characters Ovid proves that patience and cunning are superior to brute force in each narrative. Chapter 4 evaluates the portrait of Romulus in the Fasti and transformation from epic warrior to pious king as the poet transforms the epic king into yet another elegiac leader. Finally, chapter 5 examines how in the Fasti Ovid approaches Augustus, his victories, and his monum ents as he seeks to fashion his own Rome.


17 CHAPTER 2 OVERVIEW OF THE ORIGINS OF AUGUSTAN LITERATURE Callimachean Aesthetics Since Ovid stands as the last renowned poet of the Augustan Age, a period widely regarded as the most artistically prolific Fasti has many diverse but important antecedents. In this chapter I will analyze the Callimachean aesthetic that appears with increasing frequency during the age of Augustus. 1 Aetia had a greater impact on subsequent poetry than any work apart from the Homeric epics. 2 This monumental work inspired many passages in Augustan poetry including two Roman attempts at etiological poems in Propertius 4 Fasti The unique position of the equestrian poets, who stand apart from the political life, finds parallels in the poems of the love stricken elegist 3 In this chapter I will make use of two quot es from Callimachus one from his Hymns and one from the Aetia 4 predecessors Tibullus (2.5) and Propertius (4.1, 4.2, 4.4, 4.6, 4.9, and 4.10) employed this Callimachean aesthet ic when constructing their etiologies of legendary Rome. 5 My anal ysis of d construct identities for heroes from 1 I do not mean to suggest that earlier republican poets did not emulate Callimachus. Catullus makes several references to his idol Callimachus ( Carmen 65) and even wrote a L Lock of Berenice ( Carmen 66). 2 Easterling and Knox (1985) 261. 3 Cf. Syme (1939) 466 Tristia 4.10.35 lat us clavus a necessary requirement for a novus homo to seek the office of quaestor. 4 5 er in detail their contributions to Roman identity when I compare their accounts of Roman history to those of Ovid Fasti in chapters 2 4.


18 epic and elegiac heroes. While all poetry has the potential to give encomia to great political men, epic poetry emerged as the dominate genre of praise poetry early on, and the Homeric bards were considered the best poets for the task of granting immorta lity to their subjects. During the Hellenistic period, epic poetry continued to reign supreme as the meter for epic praise; however, the Alexandrian convention of playing with traditional genres emerged as a new poetic aesthetic in Callimachus, Theocritus, and Apollonius of Rhodes. In Rome literary writing developed slowly until the second century B.C. when the city experienced a Hellenistic emersion. Ennius composed the Annales While he covered large historical periods, Ennius gave specific attention to the deeds of his patron Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and his campaign against the Greeks at Ambracia. Ennius even wrote a play about the capture of Ambracia. The Hellenization of Rome brought poetry into direct contact of great poets. 6 While Vergil may have received no initiative to write his Aeneid save immortal glory and compensation fro m Augustus, many future Romans saw the work as an epic poem in praise of the Augustan revolution. Ovid admitted years later that while Vergil wrote the poem many saw it et tamen ille tuae felix Aeneidos auctor / contulit in Tyrios arma vir umque toros ( Tristia 2.533 534). The poem lent great strength to an Augustan regime that sought to portray the reign as a great revival of art and culture for the city. 6 King (2006) 30 32 Although Cato the Elder objected to Roman commanders using poets to augment their fame, many too Annales neatly complemented the posting of marble Fasti by his patron Marcus Fulvius Nobilior in the temple of Hercules of the Muses.


19 Hymn to Apollo the poet concludes his poem with a conve rsat ion between Envy and Apollo in which the poet places his own stylistic preferences in the mouth of the Greek god of poetry. 105 113 at torrent, but it drags a great deal of mud and filth in its water. The Melissae do not bring water to their goddess from just anywhere but only the Hail, lord, let Blame go there where Envy is. Clearly, Apollo speaks for Callimachus, and the reader understands Envy to represent the states, Callimachus prefers short, polis hed poems rather than the long, trite narratives of the rhapsodes, who in his day were still employing the method used by the Homeric bards of compress type scene s like councils of the gods, battle narratives, or messenger speeches, the inferior quality of these later rhapsodes and the hackneyed nature of this style made it offensive to the new breed of scholar poets like Callimachus. Similarly, Homeric poetry deve lops out of an oral culture and benefits illiterate bards. This style of singing makes literacy a disadvantage since 7 7 Cf. Lord (1960) on the oral development of Homeric poetry.


20 Callimachus and the Alexandrian poets fashioned a new style where the poet sought to limit the length of a work and spent a great deal of time polishing and perfecting these shorter poems. While Homeric bards often sang several books in a session, the Alexandrian convention was to write one or more books that were composed of either separate scenes or individual poems. In this way the Alexandrian poets seek to imitate the best aspects of Homeric poetry without being bogged down by the length of narratives and repetition of the same stories. This tendency towards obscure allu sions found its pinnacle in the writings of Euphorion, a contemporary of Callimachus and the model for Gallus, the first Roman elegist. Callimachus returns to a discussion of style at the beginning of the Aetia when he once more abuses his critics. In this passage the poet again employs Apollo so as to endorse his stylistic choice for short, innovative, and learned poems. Fr. 1.17 32 Be gone, destructive race of Jealousy. From now on, judge poetry on skill and no t the Persian league. Do not seek from me to produce a great, booming song; thundering belongs to Zeus and not me. When I first put the writing tablet on my knees, Lycian eep your Muse delicate. And I give you this command; tread where the wagons do not go and do not drive your chariot where there are the same footprints of others nor the broad road but rather on the unworn paths, even if you ride along a narrower course.


21 Here Callimachus lays out his aesthetic using terms like and as he advises O ne can see cui do no lepidum novum libellum/ arido modo pumice expolitum (1.1 2). Catullus uses the words lepidum and expolitum recognizes these terms as a Latin translation of nugas (4) further indicates that the reader should expect a book of individual poems in the Callimachean vein rather than any grander endeavor. This Callimachean style although employed by the Neoterics finds further development in t he works of Propertius and Ovid during the age of Augustus. Tibullus 2.5 In his previous poems, Tibullus had contented himself with writing elegies on love and the ideal country life. He touched on war and strife only to reinforce his commitment to simple living. 8 elegiac model that Ovid will expand in the Fasti and in this section I intend to discuss how Tibullus begins to blend epic and elegiac elements in his portrait of early Rome. Towards the end of his life in 20 or 19 B.C., Tibullus agreed to compose 2.5 in which like other Augustan poets he responds to the massive building projects undertaken by Augustus following the civil wars. 9 The pressure to compose nationalistic 8 The firs t lines of 1.1 illustrate the concerns of the Tibullan corpus, namely love and leisure from the turmoil of a political life. Divitias alius fulvo sibi congerat auro Et teneat culti iugera multa soli, Quem labor adsiduus vicino terreat hoste, Mart ia cui somnos classica pulsa fugent: Me mea paupertas vita traducat inerti, Dum meus adsiduo luceat igne focus. 1 6 9 Suetonius makes it clear that Augustus considered it a high priority to create an appropriately splendid capital for t he Roman empire. He mentions the temples to Mars Ultor, Palatine Apollo, and Jupiter the Thunderer as the best examples of his beautification of Rome. Vrbem neque pro maiestate imperii ornatam et


22 poetry seems to have emanated from Maecenas, a political advisor to Augustus and patron of a large poetic circle that included Vergil, Horace, and Propertius amongst others. 10 While Vergil eventually embraced the task of creating a national epic, Horace and Propertius made recusationes and elegiac poetry respectively were not suitable for a national topic. 11 Both men would later relent to a certain extent. Horace penned numerous panegyrics to Augustus ( Odes 1.2, 3.14, 4.2, 4.5, and 4.15) and the Carmen Saeculare for the Ludi Saeculares in 17 B.C. while Propertius claims his fourth book will cover sacred rites, days, and the old names for places, sacra diesque canam et cognomina prisca locorum (4.1.69). Tibullus lay outside the circle of Maecenas and for inundationibus incendiisque obnoxiam excoluit adeo, ut iur e sit gloriatus marmoream se relinquere, quam latericiam accepisset. tutam uero, quantum prouideri humana ratione potuit, etiam in posterum praestitit. publica opera plurima extruxit, e quibus uel praecipua: forum cum aede Martis Vltoris, templum Apollini s in Palatio, aedem Tonantis Iouis in Capitolio. Suetonius Life of Augustus 28.3 29.1 Several passages in Augustan literature invite the reader to treat the text as a monument, such as the pictures on the temple of Juno at Carthage ( Aeneid 1.453 494) and Propertius 4.2 in which an image of the g od Vertumnus greets passers by. Conte (1994) 263 points out that Vergil called his unfinished verses tibicines Ode 3.30) and Ovid ( Metamorphoses 15.871ff.) describe their poems as monuments to posterity that like those to the princeps will grant them immortal fame. Jaeger (1997) 10 The tendency for Horace ( Epode 1 and Ode 1.1), and Propertius (2.1) to address Maecenas at impo rtant places such as the first poem in a book or the outset of a multi book work suggests that he played a part in the dialogue about poetic aesthetics taking place inside his circle. 11 While discussing his poetic aesthetics in Odes 1, Horace commits hims elf to rivaling the Greek lyric poets (1.1.29 36) and offers ironic excuses as to why he is not the man to compose a panegyric to Agrippa (1.6) while showcasing the very epic capability Agrippa so desired in the proposed panegyric Propertius reaffirms his preference for elegy in poems 2.1, 3.4, and 3.5. Even Ovid still a young man begins his Amores with a rejection of epic, a decision that compelled both Propertius and him to reinvent elegy. Arma gravi numero violentaque bella parabam edere, materia co nveniente modis. par erat inferior versus risisse Cupido dicitur atque unum surripuisse pedem. 1.1.1 4 This tendency in elegy is as old as the genre. A fragment of Archilochus confirms that the disparity between the hexameter and pentameter forced the elegist to balance themes of war and love. 1.1 2


23 this reason may not have faced the same pressure to compose poetry in honor of the new princeps Elegy 2.5 the longest of his elegies (122 lines) is his only attempt at nationalistic poetry. 12 This ele gy initiates movement in which poets like Horace ( Carmen Saeculare ), Propertius (book 4), and later Ovid ( Fasti ) attempt to compose poems on nationalistic themes and thereby create their own little Romes. For all three the task involves incorporating epic topics into their poetry. 13 While Tibullus, like the new priest and honoree of the poem, enters new territory, namely the realm of nationalistic praise poetry, his return to elegiac themes during the description of the Parilia (87 104) and the references to his current love pains caused by Nemesis (111 114) reveal a poet unable to overcome the tension between his current project and his own poetic aesthetics. So strong is his commitment to elegy and his elegiac muse Nemesis that he cannot finish the panegyri c without revertin g back to his old poetic model. This shift in the poem from developing a national mythology (Apollo) to elegiac themes (Cupid) restores Tibullus to his true purpose as an elegiac poet and shows his profound unwillingness to write this kin d of poe try While Apollo 12 n connection with the Augustan A ge. I contend possible most of all because the many municipal men promised enfranchisement during the Social Wars did not gain such rights until after the final civil w ars between Octavian and Antony. It was in their interest to recognize the rule of one man in Rome if he could finally offer them what they had been promised fifty years or more previously. m in reference to the Roman state would be erroneous (Cicero had tried to form a concordia totae Italiae quite fitting for the period after Actium when Augustus sought to instill a sense of Italian prid e in the Roman state. He even claimed in his Res Gestae that all of Italy swore allegiance to him before Actium, iuravit in mea verba tota Italia sponte sua, et me belli quo vici ad Actium ducem depoposcit (25). It is this nationalistic movement that drive s recognizing himself as both an Umbrian and a Roman simultaneously, ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris, Umbria Romani patria Callimachi (4.1.63 64). While Assisi was his birthplace, as a Roman knight he could rightly consider himself a real Roman with all the rights and privil eges of the term. 13 I freely admit that these three make use of other genres as well; however, my project pertains to Roman identity and therefore the realm of epic and elegiac topics.


24 may have aided in securing Roman peace during the battle of Actium, in the time of Augustan and inspired his verses, pace tua pereant a rcus pereantque sagittae,/ Phoebe, modo in terris erret inermis Amor (105 106). The end of the war ironically has not brought Tibullus the security one would expect but rather granted him the desired leisure to wage his own love wars, which offer him ample fodder for his elegies. 14 Tibullus 2.5 stands as an influence for the elegiac genre bending that occurred later in the works of his elegiac peers. 2.5, the second of four poems composed for Apollo Palatinus represents a shift in focus for the elegist, wh o up to this point had not written any poetry on the public sphere. 15 This poem is a hymn to Apollo in honor of the induction of M. Valerius quindecimviri sacris faciundis Tibul project predates the attempts of his elegiac peers Propertius and Ovid. 16 Tibullus 2.5 a Carmen Saeculare a hymn written several years later for 14 Propertius explains this elegiac conceit in his programmatic poem to Maecenas in which he discusses his choice of he needs for his poetry ( Iliadas 14). seu nuda erepto mecum luctatur amictu, tum vero lon gas condimus Iliadas: seu quidquid fecit sivest quodcumque locuta, maxima de nihilo nascitur historia. 2.1.13 16 15 Propertius writes two poems on the Temple of Apollo Palatinus The first of the two (2.31) was composed around 24 B.C. Propertius return While the Carmen Saeculare was not written directly for Palatine Apollo, the location of the Ludi Saeculares near the Palatine hill and the opening invocation of Apoll o and Diana justify associating this poem with the temple to Apollo on the Palatine Cf. Miller (2009) 247 254. 16 In 17 or 16 B.C., Propertius proposes to cover sacred rites, days, and the old names for places in his fourth book of elegies. Similarly, some time after 2 B.C. Ovid sets out to write his historical poem the Fasti in elegiac couplets rather than the hexameters he employed in the Metamorphoses


25 the Ludi Saeculares of 17 B.C. 17 While 2.5 drove elegy towards a wholly new program, it also 18 Palatinus carries him into new territory; namely that of praise poetry. 19 amongst the quindecimviri The occasional nature of 2.5 marks it as distinct from book 4 of Propertius and Fasti later works that followed this model for elegiac genre bending. quindecimviri sacris faciundis and serves as a hymn to Apollo, the poem contains elements of epinicia which in clude quick turns from topic to topic and a compressed narrative (see the little Aeneid 19 64). 20 As an epinicion it requires an honoree and though the occasion of the poem would suggest that this is Messalinus, I argue that the poem is a hymn to Rome and p articularly the peace and stability her empire has given to Italy and the world at large. Tibullus does not mention Augustus since his 17 Miller (2009) 254 indicates that the Carmen Saeculare and Tibullus 2.5 visualizes Rome entering a special age ( saeculum ). 18 Tibullus 2.5 reflects a time when Romans began to feel more confident in the Augustan program since he had kept Italy at peace for 12 years. After the composition of Tibullus 2.5, Horace more freely embraces the genre of praise poetry composing the Carmen Saeculare and three panegyrics to Augustus in his final book of Odes (4.2, 4.5, and 4.15). I am not suggesting, however, that Horace would not have embraced panegyrics later in life with out Tibullus 2.5. All the Augustan poets were responding to the same revolution taking place before their eyes. Like Tibullus Horace could not have been certain the Augustan program would be successful in the years just after Actium. Thus, n to write more panegyrics to Augustus and his family in Odes 4 (13 B.C.) probably reflects the had at least restored stability to Italian politics 19 According to Gregory Nagy (1990) 146 148, Homeric epic poetry and lyrical epinicia are both forms of praise poetry that promise to grant glory ( kleos or ainos ) to their subjects. These two forms of praise poetry, epic and epinicia make no distinction between heroes and athletes; Homeric poetry brings an inclusive type of glory ( kleos ) to a hero no longer present on earth while epinicia funeral, confer on the athlete both kleos and ainos a more exclusive type of praise than kleos aimed at a specific social group. Performance and the degree of inclusivity then provide the distinction. 20 Young (1968) Lord (1960) Nagy (1990) for discussions of how singers compress and expand their narrativ es.


26 empire was built on the labor an many able men not the least of which was Messalla. 21 I divide Tibullus 2.5 into 6 parts: the invocation to Apollo with a description of his roles as god of poetry and prophecy (1 Aeneas (19 66), an illustration of the bad omens associated with the civil wars (67 80), a prayer for a successful harvest and a depictio n of the celebrations that attend the Parilia (81 104), and a return to with wish for a future triumph (105 122). o as patron of poetry with his lyre and songs. Phoebe, faue: nouus ingreditur tua templa sacerdos: huc age cum cithara carminibusque ueni. nunc te uocales impellere pollice chordas, nunc precor ad laudes flectere uerba meas. 1 4 He asks Apollo to aid him in his first attempt to compose praise poetry, ( laudes ) beseeching the god to bend his speech ( verba ) unaccustomed as it is to panegyric. His use of the term laudes indicates to the reader that the poet is working from a new poetic model by composi ng a panegyric in elegiac couplets since the consummate elegiac reader would recognize panegyric as the realm of praise poetry and not elegy proper. 22 Tibullus has yet to reveal the name of the new 21 Murgatroyd (1994) 2.5 describes 2.5 as a (an introductory cult hymn to a god, in this case Apollo) Hymn to Apollo and only the second one of its kind in Latin literature following Ode S ilvae Fasti 22 Harrison (2007) 8 explains that the model of Aristotelian criticism outlined in the Poetic s which continued to dominate literary criticism during the H ellenistic period and even the A ge of Augustus, established a fixed hierarchy of genres in which epic sat at the top with tragedy and elegy following behind it. The length, weighty meter, and


27 priest and leaves the audience in suspense until he mention entrance into a new genre of poetry, the audience may momentarily regard Tibullus as the new sacerdos The poet gets more specific with his invocation by requesting the Apollo who hymned Jupiter following his defeat of t he Titans suggesting that his panegyric has been composed to celebrate a great national victory. sed nitidus pulcherque ueni: nunc indue uestem sepositam, longas nunc bene pecte comas, qualem te memorant Saturno rege fugato uictori laudes concinuis se Ioui. 7 10 While there is no explicit reference to Augustus in these lines, the audience would take the quindecimviri were considered priests of Apollo and tende d the Sibylline books, housed by Augustus in the Palatine complex. 23 The poet still has not mentioned Messalinus but has alluded rence later to the civil wars (67 80), the audience would careful not to mention Augustus and Actium specifically when every major Augustan Age writer sought to def ine what the Augustan peace meant? 24 While I agree that Tibullus may have reasons for not wishing to praise Augustus (including the loss of his family farm), his omission of the he honoree of this di gnity of characters made epic the most exalted of all genres. Any given poet could expect his audience to have clear expectations for a given genre. 23 Miller (2009) 242. 24 In addition to Tibullus 2.5, the Augustan writers composed numerous works about the early history of the city Aeneid Ab Urbe Condita Carmen Saeculare Propertius 4.1, 4.4, and Fasti


28 panegyric 25 earned this panegyric for his family through his patronage of the arts. 26 panegyric while nominally for Messalinus, hymns Rome and the pea ce that the battle of Actium has restored to Italy. It is for these reasons that Tibullus merely alludes to the victory at Actium without any direct reference to the emperor. By line 17 Tibullus finally introduces the subject of his poem, Marcus Valeri us Messalla Messalinus. At this point the reader understands that the sacerdos (l) is not Tibullus but Messalinus. In section 2 Tibullus gives a history of proto Tibullus segues from Messalinus to Aeneas through the mouthpiece on earth. Lines 19 22 cover the first half of the Aeneid Cumae and conversation with the Sibyl. haec dedit Aeneae sortes, postquam ille parentem dicitur et raptos sustinuisse Lares nec fore credebat Romam, cum maestus ab alto Ilion ardentes respiceretque deos. Tibullus, like other writers of praise poetry, chooses when to lengthen or compress a narrative. 27 Here he mentions only the most basic details of the first six books of th e Aeneid ; Aeneas carries 25 Tibullus alludes to the confiscations of the Triumvirs that affected his family, n on fixus i n agris qui regeret certis finibus arva, lapis (1.3.43 44). According to Tibullus in the age of Saturn, men either held property in common or suffered no disputes of ownership that would force them to mark off their property lines. In contrast Tibullus con siders the age of Jupiter (Augustus) dangerous, n unc Iove sub domino caedes et vulnera semper/ nunc mare, nunc leti mille repente viae (1.3.49 50). 26 Messala although the most independent of the surviving Republicans after Pollio earned many favors from Au Messalla resigned the title of praefectus urbi after a few days (Tacitus Annales 6.11.1 3) According to Syme (1939) 403 he seems to have either misun derstood the office or did not approve of it. 27 The Homeric bard decided when to lengthen or compress a particular narrative, Lord (1960) 92. Extension and compression is also common in epinicia Oresteia


29 his father and his household gods out of the burning city never believing the city promised to dicitur Aeneid Ab Urbe Condita and other early histories of Rome) while creating some distance within which he can create his own brief narrative about the events. The narrator continues his history 24). Here again the poet has chosen what elements of le gendary Rome to include and what to discard. He has to mention Romulus, the putative founder of Rome but includes Aeneas since the emperor by this time had succeeded in s adopted son. This jump in the narrative from Aeneas to Romulus skips over the lineage of Aeneas. While Tibullus has reduced his history of the city to a few couplets about Aeneas and Romulus, he dedicates a full 14 lines to describing Rome prior to Aene 38). At the time Rome was little more than two hills, the grazing areas on the Palatine and the low huts on the Capitoline, s ed tunc pascebant herbosa Palatia vaccae/ et stabant humiles in Iovis arce casae (25 26). One may recall that Tibul lus has given a fairly lengthy and positive description of 50), yet his brief narrative here appears at odds with the passage from 1.3 when the reader considers the context of Tibull us 2.5, a panegyric to Messalinus. While Tibullus retains his passion for the rustic life of his predecessors, his current project concerns Messalinus, a new priest in the cult of Apollo, the Pythian 11.17 24 Cf. Young (1968)


30 change in the political and social life in Italy. Tibullus modifies his cynicism towards the novum saeculum and composes hone st panegyric for a new era that allows the poet the leisure to pursue his true love: elegy. Both the poet and Sibyl craft their own short histories of Rome, which prompts the reader ory describes the early 64) covers the political circumstances reveals Messalinus as the true priest of 24) dedicated to Aeneas and Romulus. The Sibyl picks Remus (51 54) Impiger Aenea, volitantis frater Amoris (38). As I mentioned above, epic poems and lyrical epinicia as types of praise p oetry both treat their subjects (heroes and athletes) with equal reverence. The adjective impiger that the Sibyl pius found throughout the Aeneid The term impiger reminds t he reader just how much Aeneas endures throughout his life before settling in Italy, conveys the sense of constant movement, and impiger and not pius creates some separ Aeneid allowing the poet to create his own legendary Rome distinct from that of Vergil. While her address to Aeneas recognizes him as an epic hero, she immediately sets up a comparison between epic and ele gy by referring to Aeneas as the brother of Cupid, the god most


31 associated with elegiac poetry, volitantis frater Amoris (38). Although Cupid seems out of place in this panegyric, he frequently appears in elegies. Likewise, Cupid has a brief role in the Ae neid as not only Trojan (1.657 722). The god reappears later in line 106 when Tibullus moves from his epic topic to his elegiac mistress Nemesis and his usual poetic province. most minor details (19 22) and instead focuses on over the Rutulians and Ab Urbe Condita and the Aeneid She assures Aeneas that he will enter the ranks of the divi ne through the Numicus River (43 44) and that his son will establish the city Alba Longa (49 50). The Aeneid does not cover these two events, but Livy speaks of the divine Aeneas as Jupiter Indiges. 28 secundum inde proelium Latinis, Aeneae etiam ultimum o perum mortalium fuit. situs est, quemcumque eum dici ius fasque est super Numicum flumen: Iouem indigetem appellant. Ab Urbe Condita 1.2.6 Although most of narrative f ollows a typical epic prophecy, she include s several elegiac details in rape in the Fasti violence in the story by using typical elegiac diction such as placitura concubitus and cu pidi 28 Antiquitates Romanae 1.64.4. 1.65


32 te quoque iam video Marti placitura sacerdos Ilia Vestales deseruisse focos Concubitusque tuos furtim vittasque iacentes Et cupidi ad ripas arma relicta dei 51 54 In section 4 Tibullus gives a few details of the omens that surrounded the death of Julius Caesar and the subsequent civil wars, haec fore dixerunt belli mala signa cometen,/ multus ut in terras deplueretque lapis (71 72). He gives no direct reference to Julius Caesar or Augustus, the victor of the civil wars. It is possible that the p oet does not wish to resurrect sad and powerful haec fuerunt olim, sed tu iam mitis, Apollo/ prodigia indomitis merge sub aequoribus (79 80). 29 The olim stre ngthens the distance between the years of civil war and the present peace and allows him to emphasize the glory of peace without giving attention to the years of war that preceded it. If he had wished to elaborate on the battle at Actium, he could have lau ded Messalla quickly as possible bringing it up only to enhance his praise for the present peace. Upon entering section 5, Tibullus can no longer restrain his desire for elegy. Here, he wishes for a bountiful harvest and describes the celebrations that occur on the Parilia the founding day of Rome. While the feast has political consequences, Tibullus spends most of this section singing of a great harvest and the ming ling of the boys and their girlfriends during the begins its final sec t ion with another invocation to Apollo, pace tua pere ant arcus pereantque sagittae,/ Phoebe modo in terris erret inermis Amor (105 106). Tibullus asks Apollo to put 29 Syme (1939) 317 points out that Augus tus abandoned the legacy of Caesar during his reign since mention of that dictator would conjure up images of assassination and civil war. Tibullus like his contemporaries makes no reference to Caesar save an allusion to the sidus Iulianum ( cometen 71).


33 away his arrows in peacetime and l et Cupid reign freely with his amorous arrows. The poet without naming Augustus admits that the Augustan peace has allowed him the leisure to compo se his elegies. Without the battle of Actium, Apollo would not have retired his weapons. In this way Tibullus reveals that his poem is an honest panegyric for the present age of peace pollo. This cult reached Apollo on the Palatine and moved the Sibylline books to the new temple. 30 Without the emperor the poet has neither the priest to honor in panegyric nor the leisure with which to pursue his passion. Thus, Tibullus paved the road for his elegiac successors and showed first Propertius and then Ovid how a Roman elegist could approach political topics and garner the praise typically reserved for epic poets while still expressing his distaste for war. 2.5 is quite indicative of Fasti in that like those later projects it seeks to reorient political topics back towards the people and particularly their festivals. 31 Collectively these three elegists sought ways to craft their own elegiac histories of Rome and subsequently alter Roman identity forever 30 Miller (2009) 239. 31 This emphasis on the many voices of Rome seen in Tibullus 2.5, Propertius 4, and the Fasti creates a new elegiac Romes built on the work of many including women, foreigners, and elegiac lovers. This popular stance contrasts with the im Aeneid 6.


34 CHAPTER 3 PROPERTIUS 4 Around 17 B.C. Propertius proposed a book of elegies on nationalistic topics such as sacra diesque canam et cognomina prisca locorum bending through his disc ussion of Roman identity and his blending of epic and elegiac elements. Propertius opens his fourth book with a discussion of how aspects of both his Umbrian and Roman environments make up his identity. He follows this with his treatment of the diversity a nd plu rality of Rome past and present; his comments lead to a more focused exegesis of the Roman hero as a mix ture of both epic and elegiac characteristics. Aetia with his fourth book of elegies. 1 In addition to the numerous references to Callimachus in his earlier poems, Propertius follows up the program for his fourth book with a confident assertion. 2 Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona: mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua, ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris, Umbria Romani patria Callimachi! 61 64 adjective hirsuta Annales are both rough in sty le and shaggy like the bearded, primitive Romans who wore pelts and were mentioned earlier in this poem, Curia, 1 Camps (1965) 3 4 Propertius 4 contains the broad persp ective on genre so cherished by the Hellenistic poets and contains many common Hellenistic tendencies such as poems 4.1a in which a guide shows around a foreigner ning from Apollo in the prologue to his Aetia Iambi 5 and 7),4.5, a curse poem, Ibis Hymn to Apollo ), and 4.11 in which a dead person speaks from the tomb (Callimachus Palatina Anthologia 8.525). 2 Propertius makes five references to Callimac hus in his four books of elegy All these references occur in programmatic poems, which establish the plan for the rest of the book, or poems about his poe tic immortality (2.1.40, 2.34.32, 3.1.1, 3.9.43, and 4.1.64).


35 praetexto quae nunc nitet alta senatu / pellitos habuit, rustica corda, Patres (4.1.11 12). Propertius always claimed to be the most Callimachean of new style that the Neoterics established in Rome as antithetical to more traditional poetry like that of Ennius. Propertius now had a project that matched his great ambition with his favorite p oetic model. For years he ha d given excuses to Maecenas that his elegiac style did not befit praise poetry. sed neque Phlegraeos Iovis Enceladique tumultus intonet angusto pectore Callimachus, nec mea conveniunt duro praecordia versu Caesaris in Phrygios condere nomen avos. 2 .1.39 42 His refusal stems from the lack of congruence between the gravity of praise poetry and his light allusion to the Aeneid After seeing the pay and pr aise Vergil earned for his Aeneid and the fame Tibullus 2.5 and Carmen Saeculare garnered for their poets Propertius found a compromise: he would write a book of nationalistic poetry but in the vein of his idol Callimachus. The work would bring g lory not only to Rome but to Propertius and by extension his Umbrian birthplace, Assisi (4.1.63 64). This pan attempts to reward municipal novi homines in an attempt to bind them to the n ew state and place known partisans in the Senate. 3 In this way Propertius 4.1 celebrates the new Italian state created by Augustus, which while centered in Rome enfranchised new, wealthy citizens throughout the 3 Syme (1939) 349 368 details how Augustus attempted to augment his partisans by rewarding novi homines from the rest of Italy. He could trust these men who owed their newfound rank to Augustus and his revolution. These men acted as a counterweight to the many nobles and partisans of previous dynasts like Pompey and Antony who felt anything but good will towards the new princeps


36 peninsula. On the other hand, Propertius 4 al lows many different voices to create Rome; a portrait that cannot help but contrast with the single minded identity being fashioned by the princeps 4 Despite his grand designs, book four contains only six etiological poems. The remaining five poems are el egies similar to his efforts in the first three books. I agree with Miller that Propertius likely wrote 4.1 after completion of the book to explain why the work had come to be an anthology. 5 The second half of 4.1 provides a gene ric explanation for this ch ange: Horos the astrologer warns Propertius that he is summoning tears and embarking on a project without accersis lacrimas: aversus cantat Apollo:/ poscis ab invita verba pigenda lyra (73 74). He explains later that Apollo forbids Pr tum tibi pauca suo de carmine dictat Apollo/ et vetat insano verba tonare foro (133 statement reminds Propertius of his own previous recusationes and that of Callimachus at the outset of his Aetia (fr. 1.19 20) poetry but his choice to remain aloof from politics. Like his successor Ovid, Propertius chose to 4 Tara Welch (2005) views Propertius 4 as an artistic parallel to A similar to Ab Urbe Condita By presenting his own literary Rome, Propertius he whole that is the city of Rome. To Welch, Propertius 4 views the Augustan program as an attempt to force new models of morality, identity, and behavior on the Roman people that are more suitable to the princeps (2003) sees in Proper Propertius 4 accurately articulates the clash of contrasts such as epic and elegy, war and love, male and female, native and foreign, private and public, and poet and prince. 5 M iller (1982) 382.


37 tension between both poets and the princeps 6 Propertius would follow Tibullus in creating his own image of legendary Rome. The six etiological elegies (4.1, 4.2, 4.4, 4,6, 4.9, and 4.10) depict Rome as a sight of constant change and struggle and a place that rose from humble origins Callimachean and Roman combina Aetia In Book 4 Propertius gives a multifaceted depiction of Roman identity showing many exampl es of different people who compri se the whole of Roman identity. While elegy 4.1 introduces many of these different types of Romans including military men, elegiac lovers, farmers, and women, Propertius begins his programmatic poem with a reference to a foreigner ( hospes ). In book 4 the term hospes appears five times in three different poems, and for this reason I believe that Propertius finds immigration an essential contribution to Roman identity. Rome itself has evolved as a result of immigration whether the immigrant is a god like Hercules (4.9) or foreign kings like Evander and Aeneas (4.1) or Tat ius (4.4). In poem 4.1 Propertius reveals his plan for Book 4, sacra diesque canam et cognomina prisca locorum (4.1.69). He will sing of holy things, festivals, and the ancient names of places. As I mentioned above, not all of the poems conform to the poet comments in this chapter to the six etiological poems and what they reveal about the notion of Roman identity in the early Augustan age. While the poem as a whole introduces the topic of Boo k 4, the first line emphasizes to the reader the importance of the hospes to the goal of his present work, hoc quodcumque vides, 6 Syme (1939) 466 Tristia 4.10.35 latus clavus a necessary requirement for a novus homo to seek the office of quaestor and thus admission to the Senate.


38 hospes, qua maxima Roma est (4.1.1). Both Rome and the foreigner appear side by side in the very first line. In much of the fir st 50 lines of the poem, the narrator describes the state of primitive Rome by comparing it to what the foreigner presumably sees before his own eyes on their walk. The poet then invites the foreigner and the reader, who has become a traveler himself, to t hink of primitive Rome as a point of contrast to Augustan Rome. As the poet explains throughout this book, the development of Rome and Roman identity was a result of the constant influx of new peoples. The second line and fourth lines of the poem add the n ames of two heroes particularly responsible for the early development of the city, namely the foreign exiles Aeneas settlement; he, however, includes Evander amongst t hese early settlers and draws attention to his status as not just a foreigner but an exile, Euandri profugae procubuere boves (4.1.4). Through hard work and innovation, exiles and immigrants built Rome into a world empire. Like his Augustan contemporarie origins with its pr esent splendor in the Augustan A ge. Rome was little more than a grassy hill before Aeneas arrived (4.1.2) in contrast to the greatness of Augustan Rome, maxima Roma est (4.1.1). In lin es 9 and 10, the poet continues his history of early Rome with his first mention of Romulus, the legendary founder of the city, and his brother Remus (4.1.9 10). Livy asserts that Romulus and Remus were the children of Rhea Silvia from Alba Longa (1.4). Si nce according to legendary accounts Rome began at the moment Romulus marked out the walls, the reader would expect the first men associated with the city to be foreigners. Propertius emphasizes the foreign element by placing this list of historical immigra nts in a dialogue between the narrator and an actual hospes The narrator appears to be walking through the city and pointing out various elements to a foreigner ( whether it is Horos or not ). T he first lines of the poem indicate just how


39 important the hosp es has been to the development of Rome throughout her history. 7 Immigrants like Evander, Aeneas, Romulus, and Remus contributed to the development of the early city just as immigrants like Propertius and Horos in the Augustan A ge are establishing a new Rom e and sense of identity. various and diverse peoples (4.1a), the multip le characteristics of Augustan Rome included not only the population, but also various cultural and religious traditions from outside influences (4.1b). I argue that Propertius offers this contrast between the types of diversity in the first and second hal foundation story but also to challenge the image of Roman identity presented through Augustan reforms. While the Romans of the A ugustan Age adorn their temples with gold a nd marble, the images of the gods were made of clay in the early city and the houses constructed without any artifice, fictilibus crevere deis haec aurea templa, nec fuit opprobrio facta sine arte casa (4.1.5 6). Similarly, the concept of the theatre had n ot yet arrived at Rome since it would be an import from Greece and the Greek settlements of southern Italy, nec sinuosa cavo pendebant vela theatro (4.1.15). Furthermore, t he primitive Romans did not seek out new cults, nulli cura fuit externos quaerere di vos (4.1.17). All of these depictions contrast with what the foreigner sees of through the extended discussion of astrology in the second half of 4.1. Although various emperors carried out purges of foreign cults, they often re e merged since the city of Rome had 7 Tara Welch (2 005) 13 points out that the first section of the poem relates the early history of Rome but without emphasis on any particular topographical location. This presentation of Roman history contrasts with later illustrations of the past in poems 4.4., 4.6, 4.9, and 4.10 where the poet uses a specific location as a jumping off point for his history. It is for this reason I have described 4.1 as programmatic and not topographical.


40 traditional Italian religion could not ultimately eliminate the prevalen ce of foreign religions. 8 Propertius continues his description of old Rome with a couplet that illustrates the state of ancient warfare, nec rudis infestis miles radiabat in armis: miscebant usta proelia nuda sude (4.1.27 28). Soldiers committed to battle with no significant armor and a fi red stake as a spear. Of course understand ing of warfare in the Augustan A ge when the Roman army had subdued the whole of the Mediterranean. Fin magnaque pars Tatio rerum erat inter oves (4.1.30). Tatius, as I explained above, came as a foreigner himself and co ruled Rome with Romulus. Yet even a king of early Rome drew littl e equestrians who had made fortunes through overseas trade and other activities, but this type of economy did not exist during early Rome. 9 past and present brings him to a conclusion that after further analysis threatens to undermin e much of the Augustan ideology: Romans have nothing in common with their ancestors expect the name of Roman, nil patrium nisi nomen habet Romanus alumnus / sanguin is altricem non putet esse lupam (4.1.37 confirms the greatness of the Augustan renovation, for clearly contemporary Romans would 8 Tibullus mentions his girlfrie 32). 9 gains. The Senatorial class chastised the knights for their lack of service to the state. After the Senate had failed for over fifty years to enfranchise these wealthy municipal men as they promised following the Social War, Augustus, ss at creating a new state stemmed in part from his ability to bring these equestrians into the Senatorial order. Augustus needed many administrators for his imperial model but feared putting nobiles in charge of powerful proconsular armies. He found a sol ution by elevating a number of novi homines who owed their recent rise in Italian politics to


41 have a hard time reconciling the beauty of Augustan Rome with its primitive origins. 10 Ov er the centuries Rome underwent vast changes, many of which were established by foreign elements immigrating to the city as Propertius points out in b ook 4; however, in the present age, Augustus was taking great pains to conceal his changes of traditional Roman customs by housing them in republican ritual. In this way he could make changes to government and society without arousing the public outcry that usually attends true revolution. He wanted Romans to view their own age as special and ordained by fate, and yet he hoped they would not recognize that he turned a free republic into a militaristic monarchy within one lifetime. with the history of both the regal and republican periods as seen in the statuary of the temple to Mars Ultor. The statues associated Augustus with Mars and Venus and by extension Aeneas, Romulus, and all the kings of Alba Long. Romans had long associated Alba Longa with the founding of Rome since they believed the city to be the birthplace of Romulus and Remus. Similarly, Iulus, son of Aeneas, supposedly founded the town, nouam ipse aliam sub Albano monte condidit quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis Lon ga Alba appellata (Livy 1.3.3). It was from Iulus that the whole Julian clan had supposedly acquired its name, quem Iulum eundem Iulia gens auctorem nominis sui nuncupat (Livy 1.3.3). Likewise, Augustus had added a colonnade of summi viri other great men from republican Rome, in an attempt to connect his own reign with the republic. His imaging, however, rewrites Roman history by obscuring the tensions of republican history. For instance, he places pairs of enemies next to one another such as Marius and Su lla and Lucullus and Pompey. 11 This arrangement of 10 According to Suetonius Augustus boasted he had found a Rome a city of bri ck and left it a city of marble urbem neque pro maiestat e imperii ornatam et inundationibus incendiisque obnoxiam excoluit adeo, ut iure sit gloriatus marmoream se relinquere, quam latericiam accepisset ( Life of Augustus 28.3).


42 statues presents a unified history of Rome by eliminating the complex historical circumstances that actually determined the fate of Rome. of Roman history by wolf. If the poet offers resistance to this myth, he is confronting the very images of Roman identity endorsed and proffered by Augustus and even portr ayed in the works of contemporary writers Aeneid Ab Urbe Condita the imperial pro gram might have lacked the necessary support it needed to bequeath a new system of 12 Whe n Propertius concludes his concise history and brings the reader down to the present age, he reminds the audience of the specter of civil war by mentioning the death of Remus, si modo Avernalis tremulae cortina Sibyllae/ dixit Aventino rura pianda Remo (4. 1.49 50). 13 His audience would likely associate the murder of Remus with other famous and more recent battles calls to mind awful memories of the past that could thr 11 Zanker (1988) 210 211. 12 Suetonius says that Augustus had considered restoring t he republic twice but decided against it for fear he could not retire without endangering himself and because he was not confident that the imperial system he had established would last. De reddenda re p. bis cogitauit: primum post oppressum statim Antoniu m, memor obiectum sibi ab eo saepius, quasi per ipsum staret ne redderetur; ac rursus taedio diuturnae ualitudinis, cum etiam magistratibus ac senatu domum accitis rationarium imperii tradidit. sed reputans et se priuatum non sine periculo fore et illam p lurium arbitrio temere committi, in retinenda perseuerauit, dubium euentu meliore an uoluntate. Life of Augustus 28.1 13 Richardson (1977) 4.1.49 50 explains that si modo Wiseman (1995) believes explain the struggles between the patricians (Romulus) and the plebs (Remus). He also suggests that the myth may hide the grim reality of a human sacrifice made to propitiat e the gods during a crisis in 296 B.C. Debrohun (2003) by claiming the blood sacrifice was necessary to ensure a fortunate future for the ci ty.


43 imperial system. Horos may well refer to these lines from 4.1a when he warns Propertius that he accersis lacrimas cantans av ersus Apollo (73). Finally, at the end of poem 4.1a, the poet discusses his own origin hailing himself as both Umbrian and Roman and promising to give glory to both his homelands. Propertius is an Umbrian and thus a foreigner himself by Roman standards (4. 1.63 64). He like the hospes came to Rome as a traveler and settled there. Like Titus Tatius (4.4), Hercules (4.9) and so many other foreigners who have come to Rome before him, he strives to honor the city that has offered him an outlet for his poetry. I t is for this reason he dedicates his work to Rome but still asks that it give glory to his homeland of Umbria (4.1.63, 4.1.67). Like all immigrants to Rome, Propertius has a double personality: one foreign and one Roman. For Propertius both aspects of his identity are Italian and perhaps more acceptable to native, contemporary Romans than those of other foreigners such as the Babylonian Horos. Propertius, however, is suggesting in an indirect way that someday soon the Romans will regard other non Italian f oreign elements as equal contributors to Roman identity. While Augustus sought to revive traditional Italic religion, he elevated several non Italian men to positions of prominence such as Lucius Cornelius Balbus from Gades and Lucius Annaeus Seneca of Cor duba. 14 At the end of 4.1a, Propertius describes his present project and hopes to establish himself as the Roman heir to Callimachus. The poet promises to sing of sacred festivals and the ancient names for places in the city, sacra diesque canam et cognomin a prisca locorum (4.1.69). His plan for book 4 contrasts greatly with those of his three previous books. His project borders on an epic poem which he hints at by mentioning the great epic writer of Roman history Ennius, 14 Syme (1939) 292, While neither of these men entered the Senate, Seneca secured senatorial rank for two of his sons as did Balbus for his son of the same name.


44 Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta coro na (4.1.61). Propertius, however, is not writing epic but instead the poetry of Bacchus, which represents a style of poetry less grandiose than epic but more serious than elegy. 15 The work will have grand topics like epic because of the greatness of Rome, y et Propertius will compose his verses in light, Callimachean style. By placing the name of Callimachus right after this discussion, he suggests that he will balance the two extremes of poetry represented by Ennius and Callimachus. Propertius will not write a great epic of Roman history, nor will he compose love elegies. Instead, he will sing of Callimachean etiologies about the grand topic of Rome. His audience would have recognized that elegists in the past had played a very small role in recording Roman h istory. Therefore, his long explanation of his present plan seems logical since he would want to assure his audience that he was the right poet for this project. At the end of 4.1a, the poet has promised a book in elegiac couplets on epic themes, and he wi shes for a good omen for the present work, date candida, cives/, omina; et inceptis dextera cantet avis (4.1.67 68). In poem 4.1b, Horos, a Babylonian astrologer and perhaps the hospes from line 1, introduces himself to the audience and to Propertius himse lf. The name Horos and his Babylonian ancestor Conon remind the audience of Callimachus who himself wrote a poem about the lock of Bernice. Supposedly, the queen of Egypt Bernice had vowed a lock of hair if her husband Ptolemy III Euergetes returned safely from a campaign. She donated the hair to a temple as a dedication upon his return, but soon it went missing. The court astronomer Conon claimed he found it in the stars as a new constellation. Callimachus then wrote a section of his Aetia about the event. 16 15 Fox (1996) 146 147. 16 Although this portion of the Aetia does not survive, Catullus 66 is an imitation of the Lock of Bernice, which also references the astronomer Conon.


45 non sunt a dextro condita fila colo / accersis lacrimas cantans aversus Apollo (4.1 .72 distaff reminds the audience of epic poetry as weaving has often been a metaphor for composing epic. 17 His suggestion that Apollo has turned away and will not support the project indicates that men in lines 67 and 68 has been rejected. 18 Likewise, the reference to Apollo reminds the audience of the emperor Augustus who associated himself with Apollo and built a temple to him next to the house on the Palatine hill. Horos could be suggesti history of Rome that differs from that of the princeps In this way the astrologer attempts to dissuade the poet from these more grandiose themes and induce him to w rite typical elegies. Horos knows that Roman history is full of tears and will require a gravity which an elegist does not possess. For this reason Horos speaks mainly of women during his speech because women and feminine topics best fit elegy in its pures t form. Horos attempts to persuade Propertius of his ability as an astrologer so as to persuade him s by relating two stories of prophecies he gave to two Roman women. Of course, both of the prophecies were accurate. In abroad (4.1.89 91). Indeed, both young m en meet tragedy on their campaigns as Lupercus is crushed by his horse (4.1.93 94) and Gallus covers the standard with his own blood while trying 17 Iliad 18 Tara Welch (2005) 32.


46 to protect it (4.1.95 96). These are the sorts of brutal tales required for the poet wishing to write a histor y of Rome. 19 Horos is illustrating the sort of material Propertius has suggested for his fourth book of elegies in the first half of the poem. Perhaps, these are the tears to which Horos had indicated at the outset of his soliloquy. The name Gallus is a cur ious choice since Cornelius Gallus, a friend of Augustus, elegiac poet, and prefect of Egypt had been forced to kill himself in 26 B.C. after making some less than flattering comments about the emperor. 20 Horos has chosen this name to recall the tragedy tha t befalls those who try to meddle in politics. Gallus would have been better served according to Horos if he had stuck to his elegies and kept out of politics. It is the same message the astrologer wishes to convey to Propertius. For this reason he later s tates that Apollo forbids the poet from engaging in political debates in the forum, tum tibi pauca suo de carmine dictat Apollo et vetat insano verba tonare foro (4.1.134 description of his own po etry, The warning to Propertius is clear in light of the reference to Gallus. The poet must avoid political topics and l ist of men mentioned by Propertius in the first half. 21 Horos has balanced the grandiose epic theme of the first half with a feminized, elegiac second half. These two halves comprise the two different projects of Propertius in his fourth book. Poems 4.2, 4. 4, 4.6, 4.9, and 4.10 stay true to 19 4.10, an aetion for the templ e to Jupiter Feretrius, seems to revel perhaps ironically in the gory details surrounding the spolia opimia 20 Propertius makes numerous references to Gallus in his first book of elegies including poems 1.5, 1.10, 1.13, 1.20, and 1.21. Ovid mentions Gallus as the first elegiac poet with Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid following after him successively ( Tristia 4.53 Life of Augustus (66.1 Gallus. 21 Tara Welch (2005) 30.


47 earlier works. his astrology offers a new religious outlet to the Romans. In lines 103 to 106 the astrologer decries other methods available for prophecy namely oracles, haruspicy, augury, and necromancy. 22 These other methods, some of which like augury are native to Rome while others like haruspicy and necromancy have come with immigrants to the city namely Etruscans and Persians respectively, will not produce the accurate results that astrology can. Horos is competing with other Roman immigrants for customers, and for th is reason he has tried to persuade Propertius of his ability. This extended discussion about various forms of prophecy importing foreign gods, (4.1.17). Obviousl y the appearance of Horos, the astrologer, in the second half further illustrates the great differences between early and Augustan Rome. Roman identity like t he city has become complex. In b ook 4 Propertius will build his own city of Rome with words and n ot stones. While epic lives in the forum, elegy inhabits other parts of the city. 23 Although in 4.1a Propertius outlined an ambitious project on Roman Aetia, Horos, the astrologer in 4.1b, advised him to proceed with caution and not forget that his fate was to set an example for Roman elegists by establishing himself as the pure elegist par excellence, at tu finge elegos, pellax opus (haec tua castra!),/ scribat ut exemplo cetera turba tuo (135 advice has important consequences for Latin elegy s ince he persuades Propertius to maintain his elegiac persona and not completely embrace his plan to cover epic topics in his light Callimachean style. Propertius left this honor to his successor and friend Ovid, who twenty or 22 Richardson (1977) 4.1.103 1 05. 23 Tara Welch (2005) 29.


48 more years later would embark on his Fasti a project whose style and scope would guarantee that its author was the true Roman Callimachus even if he never made the claim. Propertius follows 4.1 with his first of five etiological poems, (4.2, 4.4, 4.6, 4.9, and 4.10). In this poem a sm all shrine to the Etruscan Vertumnus appears to address a passer by so as to explain how the god ended up in Rome. The sign most likely stood in the Velabrum, the marshy area between the Capitoline and Palatine hills that bordered the Forum Boarium. 24 The g od begins by describing his lineage. Like Propertius and the astrologer Horos, Vertumnus was not originally a Roman. As he explains, he comes from the Tuscan region of Volsini but left his homeland for Rome. 25 The god announces that he does not miss his hom eland but enjoys standing in a busy area of the city overlooking the Roman Forum and needs no elaborate, ivory temple, haec me turba iuvat, nec templo laetor eburno:/ Romanum satis est posse videre Forum (5 6). 26 Vertumnus, an immigrant and foreign deity, f inds life in Rome no less satisfactory th an in Volsinii. Like Propertius he is mindful of his native land but feels a connection and sense of 24 Richardson (1977) 4.2 25 The Romans most likely called the god out of his temple through the ritual of evocatio during one of the wars between Rome and Volsinii. In the rite of evocatio Romans would call a deity out of the ci ty that they intended to besiege and promise the god a more splendid temple in Rome should they prevail. Livy describes the ritual when the Roman dictator Marcus Furius Camillus called the gods out of their shrines in Veii before the Romans attacked the ci ty in 396 B.C. ingens profecta multitudo repleuit castra. tum dictator auspicato egressus cum edixisset ut arma milites caperent, 'tuo ductu' inquit, 'Pythice Apollo, tuoque numine instinctus pergo ad delendam urbem Ueios, tibique hinc decimam partem pra edae uoueo. te simul, Iuno regina, quae nunc Ueios colis, precor, ut nos uictores in nostram tuamque mox futuram urbem sequare, ubi te dignum amplitudine tua templum accipiat'. haec precatus, superante multitudine ab omnibus locis urbem adgreditur, quo minor ab cuniculo ingruentis periculi sensus esset. Ueientes ignari se iam a suis uatibus, iam ab externis oraculis proditos, iam in partem praedae suae uocatos deos, alios uotis ex urbe sua euocatos hostium templa nouasque sedes spectare, Ab Urbe Co ndita 5.21.1 5 Cf. Richardson (1977) 4.2.3 4 26 Richardson (1977) 4.2.5, although several temples had ivory, the most famous example in the city was the ivory


49 duty to his new home in Rome. Vertumnus is one in a list of foreigners who appear in book 4 and reveal how they ha ve profoundly affected social and political life at Rome. This sentiment common to immigrants to Rome at this time shows t he duality of Roman citizenship: while the person never lost his own identity, he inherited a new one through his enfranchisement at R ome. As Vertumnus continues to explain his name, he touches on the theme of cross dressing, a reference to the status of the elegiac man in Rome. In the etymology of his name, Vertumnus says that one can dress him in any costume and he will look good wheth er he wear s the Coian silk of a courtesan or the toga of a Roman man. opportuna meast cunctis natura figuris: in quamcumque voles verte, decorus ero. indue me Cois, fiam non dura puella: meque virum sumpta quis neget esse toga? 21 24 In 4.9 Proper were restricted to women. When speaking to the priestess, he announces that he once served as a palla idem ego Sidonia feci se rvilia palla/ officia et Lydo pensa diurna colo (47 48). Likewise, Ovid revisits the cross dressing theme in his Fasti (2.305ff). Cross dressing in elegy represents the effeminate stereotype at Rome towards elegists The masculine epic ideal called for me n to commit their lives to service to the state through warfare and politics. 27 Propertius uses Vertumnus, the god of many forms, to showcase the flexibility of his own elegiac verse. When Vertumnus instructs the reader to believe what the god says about h imself, 27 Propertius and Ovid had chosen to retain their s tatus as knights but forgo the cursus honorum Propertius and the young Ovid devoted their time to composing erotic poetry. To the Roman perception, their decision made them effeminate dandies at best, at worst worthless cowards. It is for this reason that both men continually call their vocation a servitium


50 Augustan Rome, de se narranti tu modo crede deo (20). Vertumnus can wear the attire of a woman (23), politician (24), farmer (25), soldier (27), orator (29) reveler (30), Bacchus (31), Apollo (32), hunter (33), fowler (34), charioteer (35), acrobat (36), fisherman (37), peddler (38), diversity that is Augustan Rome t hrough a sort of cubist approach offering views from many angles. Through his portraits of these men and women, Propertius will verbally create Rome for his reader. The catalogue of Roman occupations creates a feast for the senses as the reader can not onl y see Rome but practically feel the fresh cut grass ( gramina secta ), taste the food sold by the peddler ( institor aurigae ), and smell the calamo ). opportuna meast cunctis natura figuris in quamcumque voles verte, decorus ero. indue me Cois, fiam non dura puella: meque virum sumpta quis neget esse toga? da falcem et torto frontem mihi comprime faeno: iurabis nostra gramina secta manu. arma tuli quondam et, memini, laudabar in illi s: corbis in imposito pondere messor eram. sobrius ad lites: at cumst imposta corona, clamabis capiti vina subisse meo. cinge caput mitra, speciem furabor Iacchi; furabor Phoebi, si modo plectra dabis. est etiam aurigae species cum verbere et e ius traicit alterno qui leve corpus equo. cassibus impositis venor: sed harundine sumpta fautor plumoso sum deus aucupio. sub petaso pisces calamo praedabor, et ibo mundus demissis institor in tunicis. pastor me ad baculum possum curvare vel id em sirpiculis medio pulvere ferre rosam. 21 40 Rome is many things to many people, and Propertius refuses to narrow his vision of the city to any one person or characteristic. He allows the city to literally speak for itself as the shrine to


51 Vertumnus gives the reader a little tour of his neighborhood, Vicus Tuscus All the poems in book 4 will give the reader a glimpse at a particular section of Roman life. These people and places will tell their own stories. Propertius 4.4 appears as the next etiologi cal poem in book 4. 28 The poem brings together two different poetic forms, the aetion and the love elegy and for this reason is the best individual bending in book 4. 29 The narrator proposes to explain the origin of the Tarpeian Rock on the Capitoline hill, Tarpeium scelus et Tarpeiae turpe sepulcrum/ fabor et antiqui limina capta Iovis (1 2). As in 4.1a Propertius once more contrasts the untouched forests current capital of the world, could scarcely defend its own stone constructed walls from the neighboring Curites. atque ubi nunc terris dicuntur iura subactis, stabant Romano pila Sabina Foro. murus erant montes; ubi nunc est Curia saepta, bellicus ex illo fonte bibebat equus, 11 14 Propertius now turns to the protagonist of 4.4, Tarpeia. She is the first female character to appear in these etiological poems and like the men will give the reader her own perspective on Roman life. Upon seeing the h andsome king of the Curites Titus Tatius, the young woman loses her senses and drops her water jar, (19 22). Propertius puts the actual love elegy of this poem in 28 development of Roman identity in book 4, I have decided not to address these non etiolog ical poems since they play Fasti Heroides than his Fasti Although Ovid claimed to have developed a new genre with his Heroides one cannot help but think h e owed some debt to Propertius 4.3. Vel tibi composita cantetur Epistola voce: Ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus.' Ars Amatoria 3.345 346 Elegies 4.5, 4.7, and 4.8 resemble pieces found in the first three books of Propertius. 29 Richardson (1977) 4. 4


52 reputat ion of all Roman girls, quantum ego sum Ausoniis crimen factura puellis,/ improba virgineo lecta ministra foco (43 44). Roman custom demanded that Roman women set a virtuous example for their sons and daughters by rearing strong children and running a succ essful household. Tarpeia as a traitoress will bring infinite dishonor on future Roman women. Her treachery would have greater infamy because as a Vestal virgin she would be dishonoring the goddess as well through an illicit affair with a known Roman enemy leads her to treasonous talk as she wishes Tatius wore the royal purple of the Roman king rather than the harsh nursling of the she wolf Romulus, te toga picta decet, non quem sine matris honore/ nutrit inhumanae dura papilla lu pae (53 54). In this couplet Tarpeia extols Tatius and considers him worthy of Roman kingship in the hexameter line while with the pentameter she condemns Romulus for the very trait that made him so acceptable to his young followers, his harsh upbringing a nd warlike nature. 30 As a Roman woman and elegiac speaker, Tarpeia finds makes of royalty. Tarpeia imagines marrying Tatius and as a Sabine queen rearing his children. Her address to him recognizes the distance between him and her as s he calls him a foreigner ( hospes 55). This distance does not in any way overcome her passion for the man. So powerful is love that it has clouded her judgment and turned a Vestal virgin into a traitoress. death at the hands of the Sabines, Propertius assigns her motive to love and not greed so as to elegize an otherwise epic story. 30 Richardson (1977) 4.4.53 points out that the early kings of Rome and triumphators in classical Rome wore the toga picta because of its associations with Jupiter Capitolinus.


53 narrator returns. While her elegy contained grand illusions about marrying an enemy chieftain, the narrator returns to reality by discussing the anger Vesta felt towards her disloyal priestess. into a crazed Bacchant, (69 knew. accepti obrutam armis necauere, seu ut ui capta potius arx uideretur seu prodendi exempli causa ne quid usquam fidum proditori esset. additur fabula, quo d uolgo Sabini aureas armillas magni ponderis brachio laeuo gemmatosque magna specie anulos habuerint, pepigisse eam quod in sinistris manibus haberent; eo scuta illi pro aureis donis congesta. Ab Urbe Condita 1.11.7 9 While Livy blames greed for the gir cause of her downfall. Our elegiac poet has elegized an epic tale about early Rome and made it someone to make as reckless as choice as Tarpeia did when she betrayed the city. Love and not gold tempted the woman to debase herself and her city. had previously composed a poem on the temple of Palatine Apollo (2.31) but mentioned nothing about the battle of Actium. In 4.6 the poet had finally found a way to reconcile his elegiac couplets with an epic theme. In his attempt he follows the efforts of Vergil and Horace, who ha d composed their own poems on the battle. 31 Propertius opens the poem by calling his audience to a sacrifice and requesting a good omen for the rites. Just like Tibullus in 2.5, the poet has set his panegyric in a religious context at the actual temple on t he Palatine. Vergil and Tibullus had Aeneid 7.704 70, 2.5.6 10). 31 Aeneid 8.671 713 and for Ode 1.37.


54 Propertius makes his model for this elegy clear as he intends to rival Philetas of Cos and the Cyrenaen Callimachus, cera Philiteis certet Romana corymbis /, et Cyrenaeas urna ministret aquas (3 4). 32 Propertius hopes to produce a Bacchic poem ( corymbis ) in the style of Philetas. the shaggy, epic crown of Ennius. 33 Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona: mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua, ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris, Umbria Romani patria Callimachi! 61 64 Propertius, while claiming to seek epic praise through the epic Muse Calliope, is in fact creating a new genre bending style of elegy that he calls Bacchic poetry and resembles the elegies of Callimachus and Philetas. While he insists he is writing a Bacchic poem in the style of the Hellenistic poet, Propertius c alls on Calliope, the Muse of epic poetry, Musa, Palatini referemus Apollinis aedem:/ res est, Calliope, digna favore tuo (11 12). 34 This poem will approach the topics he had refused for so long with his earlier recusationes As he closes his invocation, P ropertius like Tibullus 2.5 compares himself to a seer ( vati) as he prepares to construct his historical poem, (10). Propertius unlike Tibullus has no problem mentioning the emperor in his panegyric since he is hymning Augustus himself and not Messalla Cor vinus, Caesaris in nomen ducuntur carmina: Caesar/ dum canitur, quaeso, Iuppiter, ipse vaces (13 14). The thirteen years recusationes While the audience sees 32 cera certet corymbis 33 Fox (1996) 146 147 defines the poetry of Bacchus as less grandiose than epic but more serious than elegy. 34 A lthough Propertius mentions Calliope many times in his four books of poetry and often merely as a stand in for the whole company of the nine Muses (1.2.28, 2.1.3, 3.2.16, 3.3.38, and 3.3.51), in this instance he clearly intends the reader to view her in he r capacity as the Muse of epic poetry since he mentions his epic topic (temple of Apollo Palatinus) in the previous line.


55 Tibullus 2.5 as a panegyric for Augustan pea ce, Propertius 4.6 contains genuine praise for the man behind the age, Augustus. Callimachus expresses praise to his patron Ptolemy in the Hymn to Zeus (85 90), which shows Propertius a way to coordinate his elegiacs with a panegyric. 35 Like his predecessor s Vergil and Horace, Propertius draws up the battle as a contest between the luxurious and effeminate easterners and the honorable and brave descendants of Romulus and accepts the imperial memory of this battle. altera classis erat Teucro damnata Quirino, pilaque femineae turpiter apta manu: hinc Augusta ratis plenis Iovis omine velis, signaque iam patriae vincere docta suae. 21 24 the Trojan Aeneas, ( Teuc ro Quirino ). The Julian clan had claimed an association with Aeneas since at least the dictatorship of Julius Caesar. 36 pedigree and suggests that his royal lineage made him fated to overcome these eastern hordes and become sole ruler of Rome, altera classis erat Teucro damnata Quirino,/ pilaque femineae turpiter apta manu Propertius, like Vergil and Horace, makes Apollo victory, yet unlike his predecessors his Apollo addresses the young Caesar and predicts his victory before the battle. Propertius specifies which incarnation of Apollo aided Augustus calling to mind the horrific image of th e plague bringing Apollo from Iliad 1. 35 Miller (2009) 226 Hymn to Apollo 36 Zanker (1988) 35, figure 27a shows a denarius minted by Julius Caesar in 46 B.C. depicting Aeneas carrying his father Anchises and the palladium out of burning Troy. Figure 27 b. shows a denarius minted by L. Regulus in 42 B.C. that also depicts Aeneas carrying his father, who in th is image is holding the palladium Augustus succeeded in connecting Aeneas with all the Alban Kings and Romulus creating the belief that he and his family had been destined to rule Rome since the earliest origins of the city.


56 non ille attulerat crines in colla solutos aut testudineae carmen inerme lyrae, sed quali aspexit Pelopeum Agamemnona vultu, egessitque avidis Dorica castra rogis, 31 35 He takes pains so the audience knows th at it is Apollo the epic destroyer and not Apollo the elegiac musician who aided Augustus. The audience would recall that in Tibullus 2.5 the poet called on Apollo the musician, who had hymned Zeus after his victory over the Titans, qualem te memorant Satu rno rege fugato/ Victori laudes concinuisse Iovi (9 10). Tibullus fearing a resurface of strife invokes the peaceful god of poetry and not the god who wreaked havoc on the Greek camp. Writing several years later, Propertius had enough distance from the civ il wars that he could confidently laud Augustus for truly ending the civil wars and ushering in a period of about the civil wars while Propertius embraces these deta ils as the last violent events before a new age. If Propertius had not yet convinced his audience that this panegyric to Augustus was Rome, makes it clear that this e seeks to validate aspects of Augustan propaganda such as his descent from Aeneas and Romulus, o Longa mundi servator ab Alba, Auguste (37), his supremacy over other great heroes, Hectoreis cog nite maior avis (38), and that his divine right to rule had been destined since the first founding of Rome under Romulus, quam nisi defendes, murorum Romulus augur/ ire Palatinas non bene vidit aves (43 44). Apollo conspicuously addresses the future empero r as Augustus though he would not take that title until the first settlement in 27 B.C. 37 37 Syme (1939) 313.


57 clearly it is Propertius and not Apollo sup porting the dynastic agenda of Augustus. At the conclusion of the poem, Propertius is drinking the night away and waiting for Apollo to bring back the sun, sic noctem patera, sic ducam carmine, donec/ iniciat radios in mea vina dies (85 r at the time extended to the very movements of celestial bodies. 38 The Augustan peace allowed Propertius like Tibullus the freedom to write his elegies and stand aloof from politics with few repercussions. Propertius 4.6 then stands as a true panegyric for Augustus and the secure age of peace his victory at Actium secured for all. Propertius 4.9 gives an etiology for the Ara Maxima and the Forum Boarium through a t ook his cattle, Hercules stopped at Rome on his return to Greece. Vergil presents this in Aeneid 8 when Aeneas meets Evander at Pallanteum, a small Arcadian settlement on the site of future R ome (184 305). Upon his arrival the Arcadians are celebrating a f estival to Hercules. Evander tells Aeneas how Hercules passed through Latium and decided to water his cattle and rest in Rome. He then comes in contact with the cattle thief and monster Cacus, who had troubled the Arcadians for some time. Hercules kills Ca cus to the delight of the Arcadians and celebrates with a festival. aetion confirms archaeological evidence that the cult of Hercules was one of the old est foreign cults in Rome and was concentrated in the area around the commercial center called the Forum Boarium. 39 Hercules, a foreigner, makes a stop in Rome and joins the Roman 38 The state ment recalls the quote of Cicero preserved in Plutarch that accused Caesar of seeking the unnatural power to control time, ( Life of Caesar 59.6). 39 Cornell (1995) 68 73 suggests that the myths surrounding Evander came about to ex plain the similarity of the Lupercalia and the rites of the Arcadian god Zeus Lykaios. Likewise, while archaeological evidence says nothing about a hero like Hercules, it does confirm that from an early period Greek merchants brought their religious cults


58 pantheon. The story explains the syncretism of foreign cults brought by merch ants at Rome. Like economic occurrence, the integration of foreign busine ssmen into the Roman economy. If the asylum at Rome attributed to Romulus has any historical accuracy, it seems to be that Rome had a relatively open policy on immigration when compared with its neighbors. 40 concentration on the Forum Boarium, h istorically associated with trade and foreign cults, emphasizes the immigrant contribution to Roman history just as he did in 4.1, 4.2, and 4.4 when he presented portraits of other foreigners who came to Rome like Evander, Aeneas, Horos, Vertumnus, Tatius, and even our Umbrian poet. At the beginning of 4.9, the narrator places the audience in the Velabrum between the Forum Romanum and the Forum Boarium, qua Velabra suo stagnabant flumine quaque/ nauta per urbanas velificabat aquas (5 6). In his attempt at p atriotic poetry, Tibullus also mentions the watery Velabrum as a navigable waterway in the early city, At qua Velabri regio patet, ire solebat/ exiguus pulsa per vada linter aqua (2.5.33 34). Both Propertius and Tibullus refer to this ancient waterway to c current status as one of the busiest areas in the city lying as it does between the Forum Romanum and the Tiber River. The Velabrum now connects the political center of the Roman world with with them upon arriving at the port in the Forum Boarium. Another theory suggests that Hercules is an assimilation of the Phoenician god Melqart brought to Rome by Phoenician traders. Regardless, archaeological and literary evidence agree that the Forum Bo 40 Livy explains that the founders of cities often claimed later that the variegated rabble which had city during early periods of open immigration were actually chthonic people deinde ne uana urbis magnitudo esset, adiciendae multitudinis causa uetere consilio condentium urbes, qui obscuram atque humilem con ciendo ad se multitudinem natam e terra sibi prolem ementiebantur, locum qui nunc saeptus escendentibus inter duos lucos est asylum aperit. 1.8.5


59 t he trading district. The reader may recall that the shrine to Vertumnus lie s near the Velabrum ( Vicus Tuscus 4.2.50). Propertius gives a short account of the confrontation between Hercules and Cacus (7 16). 41 I mentioned before talented story tellers like the Homeric bards prided themselves on their ability to expand or compress a narrative. 42 When Hercules arrives, Rome is the grassy, untouched area on the Palatine, venit ad invictos pecorosa Palatia montes (3). Although he presents a brief narrative, Prope rtius depicts Hercules as a cultural hero much like Vergil paints Evander and Aeneas. Hercules like these two heroes introduces Rome to a new and foreign culture. While Evander brought Arcadian rites and Greek religion and Aeneas introduced superior milita Rome. These heroes bring a continuous stream of new ideas. Aeneid Propertius paints Hercules as an epic man of quick action who dispatches of Cacus in a mere three lines of learning the whereabouts of his stolen cattle. nec sine teste deo: furem sonuere iuvenci, furis et implacidas diruit ira fores. Maenalio iacuit pulsus tria tempora ramo Cacus, et Alcides sic ait: 'ite boves, 13 16 Th is brief narrative contains course and violent language. Hercules kicks down ( diruit ) the rough ( implacidas ) doors of Cacus ( furis ) and pummels him to death with his club ( ramo use of the word branch ( ramo ) reminds the audience of the early d ate of this event. The men of ancient Rome did not carry manufactured swords like their descendants in the A ge of Augustus 41 Compare with Vergil (8.184 305) and Ovid ( Fasti 1.543 586). 42 Lord ( 1960)


60 but rather employed modified tree branches as cudgels. Likewise, they did not adorn their homes with smooth, pre cut doors but made u resembles that of an epic poem, yet Propertius has compressed the story into a few short lines in a playful, Callimachean manner. oes but an amalgam of all the comedic traits of Hercules as presented throughout Greek literature ( Frogs Alcestis ). 74 line poem (16 20, 33 50, and 67 70) but with far less dignity than the reader would expect of an epic hero. 43 Cacus, et Alcides sic ait: 'ite boves, Herculis ite boves, nostrae labor ultime clavae, bis mihi quaesiti, bis mea praeda, boves, arvaque mugitu sancite Bovaria longo: nobile er it Romae pascua vestra Forum.' 16 20 The verb ( sancite ) suggests that the cows are acting as priests consecrating the area as a new temple precinct. 44 ty of the Forum Boarium in the A ge of Augustus ( nobile Ro mae Forum ). One cannot help but think that this etiology is a parody Aeneid In book 8 Evander gives Aeneas a whirlwind tour of old Rome commenting on the ancient significance of places know n for very different reasons in the Augustan age. Hercules further confirms his role as a comic character when he seeks out the hidden grove of the Bona Dea. While the narrator 43 Richardson (1977) 4.9, Debrohun (2003) 120 sees this speech by Hercules as comic exaggeration following the violent death of Cacus and sees bucolic ove rtones because of the repetition of boves Tara Welch (2005) 122 verba minora deo (32), undermine the 44 Richardson (1977) 4.9.19.


61 suggests that his thirst is the cause, dixerat, et sicco torquet sitis ora pala to,/ terraque non ullas feta ministrat aquas (21 45 Clearly, the laughter of young women and not his need for water draw s him to the grove, sed procul inclusas audit ridere puellas (23). 46 Propert ius now continues his comic narrative as the hyper masculine and epic Hercules breaks into the elegiac space of the Bona Dea sanctuary. Propertius indicates to his reader that we are entering an elegiac setting with his diction. sed procul inclusas audit r idere puellas, lucus ubi umbroso fecerat orbe nemus, femineae loca clausa deae fontesque piandos, impune et nullis sacra retecta viris. devia puniceae velabant limina vittae, putris odorato luxerat igne casa, populus et glaucis ornabat frondibu s aedem, multaque cantantis umbra tegebat aves. 23 30 First we hear that girls are laughing, inclusas audit ridere puellas Next, the narrator sets the location in a sacred grove ( lucus ) with fountains ( fontes ). The women live in a primitive hut ( putri s casa ) and poplar trees ( populus aedem ). Naturally, birds flock to this serene location. This locus amoenus seems appropriate to an elegiac love scene. Unfortunately for Hercules, men may not enter the shrine or participate in these feminine rites, impune et nullis sacra retecta viris Having set the scene, Propertius returns to his description of the rather boorish Hercules, huc ruit in siccam congesta pulvere barbam,/ et iacit ante fores verba minora deo (31 32). Hercules lik e heroes of old has a beard that at the moment is dry and 45 Tara Wel ch (2005) 124ff sees the lust, slavery to an eastern women, and thirst of Hercules as Antonian qualities 46 Richardson (1977) 4.9.22 points out that there was no dearth of water in the city since one could drink from the Tiber if necessary. Tara Welch (2005) 128 129 notes that Hercules enters the sanctuary deliberately despite knowing its restrictions against men.


62 stiff with dirt. His life of activity leaves him little time for proper grooming and makes interactions with women difficult at times despite his sexual appetite. The narrator freely admits that his speech that follows is not appropriate of an epic hero let alone a god. The verb iacit indicates a level of carelessness and misunderstanding that he is addressing the softer sex. Upon addressing the women in the sanctuary, the epic hero Hercules using ma sculine boasts rather than charming, elegiac speech in his attempt to gain access to the Bona Dea sanctuary find s his female audience unwilling to compromise. audistisne aliquem, tergo qui sustulit orbem? ille ego sum: Alciden terra recepta vocat. quis facta Herculeae non audit fortia clavae et numquam ad vastas irrita tela feras, atque uni Stygias homini luxisse tenebras ? 37 42 In the speech he brags that he is known the world over for his deeds amongs t which he recounts supporting the earth for Atlas, killing huge wild beasts, and stealing Cerberus from Hades. His language, however, contains diction inappropriate for wooing women especially those who shun men. Such women have no use for epic language ( facta fortia clavae irrita tela ). Realizing his speech may be intimidating to these women, he switches to an elegiac topic, his service as a young serving girl to Omphale. sin aliquem vultusque meus saetaeque leonis terrent et Libyco sole perusta com a, idem ego Sidonia feci servilia palla officia et Lydo pensa diurna colo, mollis et hirsutum cepit mihi fascia pectus, et manibus duris apta puella fui.' 45 50 Again, the reader notices a change in tone as Hercules contrasts his harsh epic appea rance ( saetae leonis, hirsutum pectus manibus duris ) with the language of elegy ( palla pensa colo


63 mollis puella ). Just as he changed clothes and served as a female slave to Omphale, he has altered the language of his speech to persuade his female audi ence. Unaccustomed to the subtleties of charm, our epic hero fails in his attempt at elegiac persuasion, and the priestess kindly reminds him no men may enter the sanctuary. Hercules now reverts to his true nature and uses epic force to bring down the doo r, sic anus: ille umeris postis concussit opacos,/ nec tulit iratam ianua clausa sitim (61 62). His great force conquers the door while his overwhelming thirst will drain the whole river, ( exhausto flumine Hercules chooses to commemorate t his victory with a monument rather than his slaughter of Cacus. His four line speech gives the much awaited aetion for the Ara Maxima and explains why 70). Propertius 4.10 explains the aetion for the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius and its three trophies, the spolia opima nunc Iovis incipiam causas aperire Feretri/ armaque de ducibus trina recepta tribus (1 aetion is unusual as no Roman had won the spolia opima since Claudius Marcellu s in 222 B.C. Marcus Licinius Crassus killed the enemy king of the Bastarnae Deldo in single combat in 29 B.C. but was denied the spolia opima because his rep ublican Rome that by 29 B.C. would no longer be rewarded with this greatest trophy. poet began to contemplate contemporary events at Rome. 47 I see 4.10 as a genu ine panegyric to Roman discipline that recognizes that the rise of Augustus as princeps denies ambitious Romans the highest military honor of the old republic. Thus, the Augustan peace came at a huge price, the loss of the individual honors that motivated the Romans of old. 47 Richardson (1977) 4.10


64 While I would never use the term anti Augustan to describe Propertius or any of the poets of the Augustan age given the contemporary conditions of patronage, I cannot help but think the y in some way. Augustus, whose shadow stands over all the poetry of this period, never mastered the arts of a great commander. He not only fell ill at inopportune times but lacked the militaristic vision of his great uncle. 48 This celebration of old Roman v irtue and the glorification of the winners of the spolia opima reveal princeps While military men like Romulus, Cossus, and Marcellus governed and captured glory in old Rome, under Augustus military distinction is reserved for o ne man alone who never distinguished himself in any real way during his many years at war. 4.10 stands out as a panegyric to the lost system of individual rewards that invigorated but eventually destroyed the republic. As Propertius approaches this nation al monument, he reminds himself that with these etiological elegies he is attempting something never done before in Latin outside of Tibullus 2.5; namely to give epic praise in elegiac couplets, magnum iter ascendo (3). Of course, he is also playing with the topographical setting of the monument since he must ascend the great slope of the Capitoline to arrive at this temple. The chance to attain greater glory that comes with a difficult task motivates Propertius, sed dat mihi gloria vires:/ non iuvat e fac ili lecta corona iugo preference for the ivy of Bacchus (61 62). Here he assures the reader he still remembers his programmatic project for the book. The narrator transitio ns seamlessly from discussions of his own prize ( corona ) to Romulus, the first man to capture the spolia opima through the use of the 48 Syme capture Octavian, who was mysteriously moved before the battle. This episode remains a mystery and required apologies from later imperial supporters.


65 noun palma (5), a branch awarded to first place winners in poetic competitions. Just as Tibullus relates himself to the n ew priest ( sacerdos 2.5.1) and the seer ( vates 2.5.114), Propertius praise to poet and subject at once whether the subject is a man (Messalinus in Tibullus 2. 5) or a to glorify both his homelands Rome and Umbria. As his poetry rises, his poems honoring the city gain greater glory for Rome, the city of his new life, a nd his birthplace Assisi. ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris, Umbria Romani patria Callimachi! scandentis quisquis cernit de vallibus arces, ingenio muros aestimet ille meo! 4.1.63 66 of the opimian spoils, introduces a dominant subject of 4.10 and an important theme to Roman identity, military discipline and its accompanying gore, imbuis exemplum primae tu, Romule, palmae huius, et exuvio plenus ab hoste redis (5 imbuis non sanguine sicca suo (12). panegyric to M essalinus. The distance from the battle of Acti um and prosperity of the early A ge of August u s allows Propertius to give graphic details of violence without fear of alienating his audience. When Tibullus wrote 2.5 around 20 B.C., I suggest the poet found th e civil wars too recent to give any images to the violence. Propertius in 16 B.C. after numerous recusationes composes not just an aetion life, severe military discipline. The military di scipline of the Romans seems to be the most


66 common trait attributed to them by foreigners. 49 Horace 3.2, published about 7 years earlier, Propertius 4.10 follows Hor while seeking poetic glory for the poet like bards in the Homeric epics. 50 As I mentioned before, 4.10 is a panegyric to a way of life that has changed under the principate. Military men can no longer earn the spolia opima and will soon lose the right to obtain even triumphs for their victories. 51 Propertius shows the distance between the time when Romulus won his spolia opima and his own age by comparing two Romes, Acron Herculeus Caenina ductor ab arce,/ Roma, tuis quondam finibus horror erat (9 10). So insignificant was town was rather small and irrelevant in the Augustan age. He paints Romulus as a hardened military commander with tremendous endurance and success because he grew up in poverty and hardship, Urbis virtutisque parens sic vincere suevit,/ qui tulit a parco frigida castra lare (17 18). 52 parens urbis reminds the audie 49 Plutarch discusses the respect Pyrrus had for the Roman commitment to militaristic discipline. 16.7 50 In the Iliad Achilles acting as approaches his tent, (9.189). Demodocus appears as a blind bard in the Odyssey and sings of the quarrel between Achilles and Odysseus (8.62ff). 51 The emperor Augustus granted t riumphs to commanders as he saw fit. Cornelius Balbus was the last non imperial commander to receive a triumph in 19 B.C. 52 portrait of Catili ne, corpus patiens inediae algoris vigiliae, supra quam quoiquam credibile est ( Bellum Catilinae nullo labore aut corpus fatigari aut animus uinci poterat. caloris ac frigoris patientia par; cibi potionisque deside rio naturali, non uoluptate modus finitus; uigiliarum somnique nec die nec nocte discriminata tempora Ab Urbe Condita 21.4.6


67 who would be named pater patriae in 2 B.C. and was accustomed to victory but not through a lifetime of military training. de ath. As I said before, he does not avoid exploring the violence and gore that accompany Iovi (15 16). Sacrifice in the an excess of gore. Propertius gives a religious significance to the example and brings the reader back to the sight of these troph ies and the true subject of the poem, the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. The sacrifices of the soldier in battle secure a literal sacrifice to their god as payment for the glorification and security of the hero. Turning to the second example, Propertius wil l use the same graphic language to characterize battle but will again contrast the poverty of old Rome with its present splendor. The Tolumnius around 426 B.C. Propertius st resses the poverty of early Rome when conquering Veii iugera from Cora (24 26). Veii on the other hand contained the curule chair. 53 The chair denotes royalty in Etrur ia and suggests the opulence of Veii at this time in the fifth century B.C. In 30). In reporting the death of Tolumnius, the poet once more paints a bloody scene that he punctuates with religion, di Latias iuvere manus, desecta Tolumni/ cervix Romanos sanguine lavit equos (37 53 According to Livy Romans adopted the curule chair of the Etruscans for their magistrates. me haud paenitet eorum sententiae esse quibus et apparitores hoc genus ab Etruscis finitimis, unde sella curulis, unde toga praetexta sumpta est (1.8.3).


68 fated by the gods to win this contest, and the severi lavit ) the violence in detail. His panegyric will not obscure the reality of warfare. In his final narrative, Propertius characterizes t he Roman enemy as foreign. In his first two his troops across the Rhin e and into northern Italy in 222 B.C. By the year 222 B.C., Rome had conquered much of the Italian peninsula and defeated Carthage in the First Punic War. While the city was about to enter a most dire struggle for survival against Hannibal, Rome was a majo r power in the western Mediterranean. Propertius characterizes this distant threat as foreign unlike immigrants, he cannot avoid glorifying Rome in a poem on the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. To close as to render such thoughts primitive. The Gauls, on the other hand, were foreign in language and culture. Propertius spends much effort depicting the Gallic chieftain as foreign. He throws the Gallic spear ( gaesum ) from his chariot ( rotis ). The heavy spear of the Gaul and his use of chariot warfare seemed primitive to Romans, who used the lighter pilum and fought in a more disciplin ed styl e through the use of maniples. 54 Likewise, Virdomarus wears the Gallic necklace ( torquis ) and pants ( bracas foreign especially the bracae since the Romans thought of their togas as an essential ind ication of their identity. 54 pilum or light throwing javelin and his use of manipular warfare.


69 By analyzing Tibullus 2.5 and Propertius 4 in the previous two chapters, I have sought to explain how each poet has fashioned his own legendary Rome while establishing the origins of genre bending in Augustan poetry. I have then examined the consequences of these depic tions for Roman identity in the A ge of Augustus. The occasional nature of Tibullus 2.5, a panegyric expectations than Propert own versions of early Rome and alter the dialogue on Roman identity.


70 CHAPTER 4 ELEGIAC LEADERSHIP I N THE FASTI: JANUS, HERCULES, AND THE FA BII ation of the epic centered form of Roman identity manipulation, I argue, results in the creation of a new model for Roman leadership that emphasizes elegiac charac teristics such as patience, forethought, and cunning. This discussion requires that I mark certain passages as epic, elegiac, or a combination of the two to show the giac), the nature of the entry (a historical or mythological aetion for a monument or festival), and the political consequences of the narrative. In this way Ovid reveals to his audience and Germanicus in particular the advantages of his elegiac model of l eadership built on elegiac virtues like patience, forethought, and cunning over epic qualities like strength and haste. Janus On his entry for January 1, Ovid interviews the god Janus, to whom Ovid dedicates the and duties. 1 As the first character in the poem, his role is vital to the success of the project, and Rome. His dual sided nature reflects the binary tension of the elegiac couplet itself, which contains one line of hexameter and one of pentameter. 2 Janus and the elegiac couplet are 1 Green (2004) 89 288 discusses the different conceptions of Janus that ancients had. The god seems to have performed many tasks from the simple duty of a doorkeeper to having complete control of time and beginnings. 2 Taylor and Holla nd (1952) 137 142 argue convincingly that Janus by the time of Augustus had become associated displayed the Fasti Capitolini on his arch. The y also note that the words arcus and ianus are often used appears more logical. Syme (1979) 192 Aeneid portrays Bellum in chains Horace and Ovid depict Pax as the god to be enclosed and protected. Newlands (1995) 6 oth


71 iac nature showing him as a patient and clever leader for the city. Like the elegiac couplet, Rome has binary diversity as both a city of Mars and Venus, love and war, epic and elegy, gravity and Fasti will play with this 3 Thus, Janus, as an elegiac leader, is the first in a long list of characters in the Fasti whose sagacity and patience will be shown to have served Rome better than the reckles s, warlike, and epic demeanor of its other leaders. 4 In his conversation with Janus, Ovid alters the temporal boundaries of the universe by linking the Roman Janus with the Greek god Chaos as the poet simultaneously seeks to replace Roman time through the Fasti mixing and matching of Greek and Roman elements, however, reveals cracks in the foundation of Augustan ideology and its attempts to present Augustan Rome as the logical consequence of etiological project. Pasco Pranger (2006) 21 sided nature marks a historical point when many were looking both b ack to the republican past and forward to the Augustan succession. The nature of an imperial successor forced the populace to recognize the stability of the new imperial system and the remoteness of e anxiety caused by the prospect of succession cf. Annales 1.4 1.5. Green (2004) 89 288 observes that Janus as teacher resembles the didactic stance of much of the Fasti couplet containing as it does one quick and versatile line of hexameter stopped only briefly by a caesura followe d by a slower pentameter with its strongly expressed diaresis Cf. Halporn (1963) 3 Janus the two faced god represents the binary perspective Fasti Although the Fasti follows in the tradition of Propertius 4, Ovid has narrowed 4 I use the term charact er to refer to the gods and mythological, legendary, and historical figures that appear throughout the Fasti While these characters represent markedly different periods and characteristics of Roman history, Ovid allows each to contribute to his discourse on Rome. It is through his multifaceted approach to Roman history and identity that Ovid offers his opposition to the Augustan ideology, which attempted to unify Roman and Greek history so as to present Augustus as the logical and perfect culmination of hu Aeneid and the temple of Mars Ultor illustrate the imperial propaganda as the syncretism of Greek and Roman culture.


72 the struggles for supremacy amongst all the major powers in the Mediterr anean throughout history such as Troy, the Greek city states, and Carthage. 5 Ovid ponders the lack of a Greek parallel for Janus, quem tamen esse deum te dicam, Iane biformis/ nam tibi par nullum Graecia numen habet (89 90). 6 Like the Fasti Janus has no Gr eek parallel. 7 Janus conjures up the god who appears to the poet as he is composing. The conversation Aitia The poet has couched his etiologies for January in the authoritative words of the oldest Latin deity, who immediately compares himself to the G reek god Chaos, the first deity mentioned temporally in the Theogony Metamorphoses (103 104). 8 Through the comparison to Chaos, Ovid simultaneously links his new poem to the whole history of Greek literature and his own most recent work ( Metamorphoses ) while giving it a distinctly Roman flavor since Janus and the Fasti have no Greek parallels. 5 etches 6 King (2006) 66 antagonism between the appearance of universal order under the imperial system and the actual incoherence of much of Augustan policy. For a specific discussion of the incoherence of Augustan ideology, see my discussion of the entry on the Ara Pacis 7 Bmer (195 7 ) 90 notices that it is a typical posture of the Rom an poets to ascribe Greek origins to many things and Ovid is no exception 8 Syme (1978) 34 proposes that Ovid was writing the Fasti between 2 B.C. and A.D. 4 before taking a break to write the entirety of the Metamorphoses between A.D. 4 and 8. If his sup position is right, we ought to view the works as set pieces on time. Barchiesi (1991) 6 7 notices that tempora Metamorphoses will directly lead to his Fasti where he makes tempora the first word in his elegiac calendar. Feeney (2007) 169 follows up on this by noticing that linear and cyclical expressions of time are never completely separated. In my opinion, the epic Metamorphoses takes a diachronic approach to all of human history while the elegiac Fasti although diachro nic in scope concentrates mostly on Roman affairs while incorporating several scenes from Greek mythology where they have influenced Roman time. Unlike Heinze (1919) I do not see any great difference in the narrative technique between his epic and elegiac poems and follow John Miller (2002) 188 189, who believes that comments more properly befit a comparison of narrative in Vergil and Ovid.


73 Throughout the whole exchange, Ovid presents Janus as an elegiac leader with the friendly countenance assures the poet that he may ask whatever questions he wishes with no fear, dixerat: et voltu, si plura requirere vellem/ difficilem mihi se non fore pactus erat (145 146). Likewise, Ovid uses the language of didactic poetry when descr ibing the knowledge Janus has shared with him, 'multa quidem didici (229). 9 In his interview the god recalls his reign over the Roman people, one even 10 tunc ego regnabam, patiens c um terra deorum esset, et humanis numina mixta locis. nondum Iustitiam facinus mortale fugarat (ultima de superis illa reliquit humum), 247 250 The adjective patiens while applied by the narrator to the earth seems more appropriate to the god hi indication of the safety and peace of the early Romans, nil mihi cum bello: pacem postesque tuebar/ et', clavem ostendens, haec ait arma gero (253 of his peaceful reign recalls for the audience the Greek topos of the golden race. During the A ge of Augustus, Roman poets use the topos of the golden age as a point of departure for discussing the Augustan revolution. 11 Would this great cultural movement taking place around them restore 9 Mille r (1980) 204 214 notices that Ovid incorporates many personae which are not entirely didactic into his didactic poem as he plays the role of the vates (poetic seer), Callimachean scholar, panegyrist, and witty narrator. For instance, Millers points out tha t Ovid often turns from the etiology of a ritual to directing the participants in the ritual. Green (2004) 229 sees Janus as a representation of the didactic poet, who is teaching his pupil Ovid. 10 Green (2004) 249 250. Justice is traditionally listed as th e last deity to abandon man ( Eclogue 4.6, Georgics 2.473 474, Metamorphoses 1.149 150) and her departure suggests a break in communication between men and the gods. 11 W orks and Days when the bard discusses the deterioration of five metallic stages before arriving at our own present iron age (109 200). Hesiod does identify the golden race with the reign of Kronos but makes it clear that Kronos was still holding sway in heaven and the Titanomachy had not yet


74 Italy to a lost form of idyllic peace or some golden age? While Ovid does not view the Augustan city as a return to some lost utopia, he does prefer the sophistication and progress of his own age to that of the past. He doe s, however, long for a leader imbued with his elegiac virtues believing such a man more capable of governing the city than the epic warrior. 12 After answering several questions from Ovid, Janus begins to retell the story of Tarpeia and the Sabine assault on the citadel as an aetion for his temple in the forum. The temple commemorates his aid to the Romans when they held off Titus Tatius and the Sabines. By the time of the composition, both Livy (1.11.6ff) and Propertius (4.4) had offered their own ac 13 Ovid chooses to treat the story again but from a different this golden race with the reign o f Saturn in Italy that occurred after Jupiter expelled his father from heaven. While Augustus fancied his restoration of Rome as a rebirth, he never explicitly used the term saeclum aureum He did, however, celebrate secular games ( ludi saeculares ) in A.D. Vrbem neque pro maiestate imperii ornatam et inundationibus incendiisque obnoxiam excoluit adeo, ut iure sit gloriatus marmoream se relinquere, quam latericiam accepisset (Suetonius 28.3). The Augustan poets in responding to the princeps Rome under the Augustan principate, ( Eclogue 4, Carmen Saeculare Tibullus 1.3.35 48, Tibullus 2.5.19 38, and Metamorpho ses 1.89 112). 12 Brenk (1980) 81 97 shows that Vergil alters the Hesiodic image of a golden race from his first reference to the aurea gens Aeneid while focusing on Aeneas relates in fact the impact of the proscriptions and civi l wars of the triumviral period on the Italian people. Galinsky (1981) 196 197 suggests that while Ovid sees rustic period of Saturn, whi ch itself was not immune to greed (1.193 194). Wallace Hadrill (1982) 19 22 notices that e. Eclogue 4 optimistically sees the return of Justice to earth and a revival of the reign of Saturn in 40 B .C. when Antony and Octavian avoided civil war through the pact of Brundisium. By the publication of his Georgics in 29 B.C., Octavian has wo n the civil war, but his death c ould once again ignite a war. Finally, the Aeneid show ge of Augustus will indeed be an age of gold. Wallace Hadrill (1982) 27 suggests that Ovid turns the theme on its head by a greeing that the A ge of Augustus is an age of gold, except not for its purity but rather its obsession with greed ( Ars Amatoria 2.277 278, Fasti 1.191ff). Papaoannou (2003) 686 687 sees no references to a golden age in Propertius 4 but suggests that both Tibullus and Propert ius believe in a natural decay of civilization. 13 trust in its citizens to such an extent that even the enemies of said state have no regard for traitors. Propertius (4.4) in some way mitigates us, she willingly trades the safety of her community for a chance at romantic love. I give further treatment to Propertius and version s in Chapter 3 of this project. Fox (1996) 160 165 sees Propertius 4.3 and 4.4 as a pair to be considered together. Both poems revolve around the elegiac concept of militia amoris In 4.3 Arethusa, the wife of a she deserves to be reunited with her husba nd because of her faithfulness. In this way Propertius blends the elements


75 perspective. He will present the whole tale through the experience of Janus, who as an old Latin god can properly place the account in its historical frame. Livy give s several explanations for her only as a fickle guard ( levis custos ) The adjective levis is common in elegy and recalls the elegiac lover Tarpeia from Propertius 4.4. 14 Ovid will alter the story by putting the narrative in the mouth of Janus, who emphasizes not only his commitment to Rome in her time of danger but his eleg iac craftiness. Janus says that Juno offered help to the Sabines by removing the locks from the gate to the citadel. This elegiac god uses his craftiness and forethought, cum tanto veritus committere numine pugna/ ipse meae movi callidus artis opus (267 28 6), to avoid a direct confrontation with Juno. 15 By throwing sulphur in the river and creating fog, he helps the Romans protect their citadel. When confronting a superior deity, Janus has wisely pursued a well craft ed and less risky approach that turns out of elegy ( militia amoris ) with the expectations of war ( arma ). In 4.4 in favor of love but wishes to use warfare to acquire her erot ic object. 14 Forms of levis, leve are found throughout elegy, which is the elegiac gravis The following are just a few of the appearances of the adjective in Roman elegy: Propertius 1.3.33, 1.3.43, 1.9.32, 1.10.18, and 2.1.49; Tibull us 1.1.73, 1.7.44, 2.5.89, 2.5.96; and several hundred instances of the adjective throughout the corpus Ovidianum 15 Aeneid (1.1 into the world of full fled ged epic. In book 2 of the Aeneid Venus informs Aeneas that Juno controls the gates of hic Iuno Scaeas saeuissima portas/ prima tenet sociumque furens a nauibus agmen/ fe rro accincta uocat (2.612 614). Here in the Fasti Ovid compares the Sabine attack on Rome to the fall of Troy, yet this time the diligence and craftiness of the elegiac god Janus protects Rome from the savage anger of Juno. Feeney (1984) 179 194 indicates that the reconciliation between Jupiter and Juno in the Aeneid (12.791 842) is not complete since Vergil wishes to leave the door open for Annales Clearly, Ovid is showing h er opposition to Rome in a period (the 8 th century B.C.) prior to her complete reconciliation with the city after the Punic Wars. In other words, both Vergil and Ovid are mapping themselves onto the Ennian tradition by presenting the struggle against Carth


76 Sabine war emphasizes the elegiac foresight and craftiness of the first elegiac leader to appear in the Fasti Hercules In the blurred binary of the Fasti Ovid presents several characters as both elegiac and epic bending poem, a project aimed at composing epic material in elegiac couplets. The cross entry for the Lupercalia falls into this category. 16 During the entry for the Carmentalia the Cacus. In his second appearance, Hercules is the cross dressing lover and slave of Omphale (2.305ff). 17 2 of the two Hercules forces his reader to reconcile the grandiose monster slayer with this cross servitude to Omphale is a classical paradigm of gender reversals. According to the myth, Hercules was forced to serve a s a slave to Omphale, the queen of Lydia, for one year as a 16 The cross dressing Hercules appeared previously in Propertius 4.9. Therefore, it will be helpful to consider on February 15. Spencer (2001) 259 that Propertius 159 notices that characters can alter their identities in Propertius 4 by cha nging their wardrobes. Thus in Propertius 4.9, Hercules during his conv ersation with the old priestess transforming himself from epic hero to exclusus amator to female slave momentarily takes on the role of the poet himself, who given his servitium amoris feels inclined to redefine his own place in Roman society by creating a suitable identity. I believe that both Propertius and Ovid make use of the cross dressing Hercules as an intersection between the epic and elegiac worlds. He is not only the most reno wned Greek hero but has also suffered a form of servitium at the hands of a woman. Through the manipulation of this Hercules, both Propertius and Ovid illustrate the importance of both arma and amor to Roman identity while giving cover to themselves for th e preference of elegy over epic. 17 Hercules, one of many contributors to early Rome, makes several appearances in the poem. In two entries Ovid retreats his victory over Cacus (1.543 586, 5.603 dresses in the present pa ssage (2.305 364) but also shows up in the last entry for the poem in the temple of Hercules of the Muses (6.797 812). Galinsky (1972) 126 132 sees Hercules as an early founder figure that predates Aeneas. He sees a consistent s Aeneid to make Aeneas as integral to the development of Rome and Italy as Hercules was to Greece. For instance, Vergil consistently uses the term labor a term synonymous with Hercules, to describe p rogrammatic statement at 1.10


77 punishment for killing a certain Iphitus. 18 Thus, Hercules the most epic and masculine of heroes falls victim not only to love but real slavery. The details of this myth mimic the mask of the elegi ac poet who often speaks of his servitium amoris to a dura domina 19 dual representation of Hercules corresponds to the binary nature of not just elegy but Rome itself, simultaneously a city of war and love. When Ovid begins his entry for the Lupercalia he seeks to explain the aetion for the celebration. He asserts that Evander brought it to Italy as a way to honor Lycaen Pan of Arcadia now the Roman god Faunus (2.269ff). He next considers why the spectacle involves nudity since naked run ners strike women with a strap to promote fertility (303 304). He gives two reasons, attempted rape of Omphale. An historic assessment of this story may help p in the appropriate light. The most infamous historical occurrence of the Lupercalia took place in February of 44 B.C. just a month before the assassination of the dictator perpetuus Julius Caesar. During the ceremony Antony acted as o ne of the nude runners and later offered Caesar a diadem which the dictator refused three times in accordance with the reaction of the crowd. 20 Given this sce Lupercalia When one considers that Augustus had decided to abolish and later revive the Lupercalia the political implications of this 18 Trachiniae 69ff, Propertius 3.11.17 20, and Propertius 4.9.45 50. 19 Debrohun (2003) 159 160 suggests that Propertius uses the example of Hercules and Omphale to explain his servitium amoris to his mistress at 3.11 .17 20. If a woman could enslave the greatest of all heroes, how could Propertius, a mere poet, overcome a similar temptation? 20 In his second Philippic, Cicero narrates the transactions of that infamous Lupercalia in which he describes Antony as looking p ale and nauseous apparet esse commotum; sudat, pallet. Quidlibet, m odo ne nauseet, faciat quod in/ porticu Minucia fecit 2.87.4).


78 festival come to light. It is possible that the association of the festival w and eventual death persuaded Augustus to abandon it for a few years before retooling it as an imperial celebration. 21 rape of Omphale. In th is narrative Faunus spots Omphale as she walks with Hercules and desires her. 22 Ovid uses elegiac diction ( incaluit ardor capillis and sinu ) to indicate that the coming scene is one more appropriate to elegy than epic. vidit et incaluit, 'montana' que 'numina', dixit 'nil mihi vobiscum est: hic meus ardor erit.' ibat odoratis umeros perfusa capillis Maeonis, aurato conspicienda sinu: 307 310 Just as soon as our narrator begins his elegiac tale, the epic Herculeae manus threaten to overwhelm the February 5, we can see how the self conscious poet takes great pains to make overly epic characters look out of place in his elegiac poem. He must control these epic men so that th ey do not topple his meager elegiac couplets. 23 Ovid quickly ensnares the epic characteristics of his 21 Suetonius discusses the aboliti on and revival of certain republican festivals, nonnulla etiam ex antiquis caerimonis paulatim abolita restituit, ut Salutis augurium, Diale flamonium, sacrum Lupercale, ludos Saeculares et Compitalicios. Lupercalibus uetuit currere inberbes, ( Augustus 31. 4) A.W.J. Holleman (1973) 260 268 indicates the princeps may have altered the ceremony in an attempt to shame unfertile women. I agree with Holleman that Lupercalia to make himself a Hellenistic king. Augustus must have disbanded the festival until he could find a way to repackage it to fit his new imperial model. 22 King (2006) 201 notices that utrum and the ambiguity of hic versus causes confusion as to whethe erotic target is Omphale or Hercules. I would point out that the i scans long suggesting rather than hic ; however, Ovid is being intentionally ambiguous. The build up to the attempted rape of Hercules is meant to highlight the confusing natu re of this iocus antiquus in which Hercules, the most epic of all heroes, becomes an object of male bending project. Will they step back in horror like Faunus w hen he thinks he is touching the sleeping Hercules (339 342), or will they embrace it and laugh like the characters who mock Faunus (355 366)? 23 Galinsky (1972) 128 153 illustrates how Vergil modeled much of his characterization of Aeneas on Hercules as h labores Galinsky sees the depictions of Hercules in Propertius 4.9 and Fasti (2.305ff) as anti Augustan.


79 hero with an elegiac and effeminate parasol ( umbracula ), and gives a prelude to the complete elegization or emasculation of Hercules that will soon unfold. 24 Throughout the passage, the narrator will struggle to confine this massive epic hero in his small elegiac meter. Ovid also gives an elegiac backdrop to the sleeping quarters for Hercules and Omphale, which are carved out of living tufa rock and contain a flowing stream, antra subit tofis laqueata et pumice vivo/ garrulus in primo limine rivus erat (315 316). 25 knowing that this sto ry is lighthearted ( traditur antiqui fabula plena ioci ) recognizes that the tranquility of this locus amoenus will not be shattered by violence. The narrator has already informed the reader that the story has a humorous and not tragic ending. Faunus shall not be successful in his rape. Upon arriving at their sleeping quarters, Omphale and Hercules participate in a reversal of gender roles. Ovid describes how the Lydian woman dresses the Greek hero in her feminine refinement mixing epic ( instruxit ) and elegi ac language ( cultibus ). 26 The cross dressing of skin, and quiver (325 326), and 24 Umbraculum is found in three other Augustan poems ( Eclogue 9.42, Tibullus 2.5.97, and Ars Amatoria 2.2 09). In Eclogue 9 uses it in the sense of a naturally shady place under a tree. Cicero ( De Legibus 3.14.16, Brutus 38.1) and Varro ( De Re Rustica 1.51.2) agr ee with the Vergilian connotation. 25 Rothwell (1996) 829 854 suggests that Vergil, Tibullus, and Propertius make very different use of the site of ome in Aeneid 8 emphasizes the historical progress of the site from Hercules to Augustus. Rothwell (1996) 834 notes that Propertius has very little use for natural scenes in most of his poems. When he does mention natural sites in book 4, he often paints t hem as brutal and bleak. His depiction of the Capitoline hill in 4.4 makes Rome a barren place full Fasti the violence of rape often shatters t he beauty of the natural surroundings that are its backdrop. Cf. Rape of Lotis (1.395ff), Rape of Callisto (2.153ff), Rape of Omphale (2.305ff), Rape of Lala (2.583ff.), and the Rape of Rhea Silvia (3.9ff.). Ovid does not set two of his rapes in a natural setting, namely the rape of Lucretia (2.779ff) and the Rape of the Sabines (3.179ff). 26 The Homeric bard of the Iliad hieros gamos when she seduces Zeus allowing Poseidon to lead the Gre eks in a counter attack against the pressing Trojans and drive them back from the ships, (books 13 15). His description is a mock arming scene. cf. Armstrong (1958)


80 the blending of epic and elegiac diction in the passage mimic the blending of genre in the Fasti as the Ovidian narr Herculean size breaks through her dainty clothes (320 324). 27 In elegy poets often expend great efforts to describe the refinery of their lover, and the Ovidian narrator, like the elegiac speaker, gives a long list of the clothing Omphale puts on Her cules including a girdle ( zonam ), a tunic ( tunicarum ), bracelets ( armillas ), and shoes ( vincla ), 28 dat tenues tunicas Gaetulo murice tinctas, dat teretem zonam, qua modo cincta fuit. ventre minor zona est; tunicarum vincla relaxat, ut posset magnas exseruisse manus. fregerat armillas non illa ad bracchia factas, scindebant magni vincula parva pedes. 319 324 ( relaxat ) the clasps of her tunic, breaks ( fregera t ) her bracelets, and splits ( scindebant ) her shoes. When Omphale and Hercules go to sleep, Faunus makes his approach. The narrator calls Faunus an adulterer ( adulter ) and refers to his boldness ( audet ), a characteristic of epic haste. Faunus seeks to vio late the elegiac mistress but will instead confront the epic resistance of 340) mimics the behavior of 27 50 in w hich he attempts to gain entrance to the Bona Dea sanctuary. When the description of his epic labors fails to placate the priestess, he recalls his service to Omphale when he dressed as a Lydian slave. As Debrohun explains, Hercules fails because he is not a manner in which his epic body overwhelms the elegiac refinery. 28 Propertius 1.2, Amores 1.14, the Medicamina Facei Femineae and th e Ars Amatoria 3.133ff all spend numerous luxurious refinement of his mistress. Propertius defends his choice of elegy over epic to Maecenas by expl aining that his girl and not Calliope or Apollo inspires his poems. He even suggests his whole book could be made of Coan silk, a popular fabric for the elegiac mistress (2.1.1 6).


81 approach es, he comes armed with an epic sized erection, et tumidum cornu durius inguen erat (346) but takes an epic sized fall from the bed ( alto lecto ) when Hercules resists his force. The laughter directed at Faunus reflects his misplacement since he br ought epic violence to an elegiac tale. The environment of the narration is so confusing that Faunus has mistaken the epic hero Hercules for the elegiac mistress Omphale. How better for a narrator to illustrate the confusion of genre in his own verses than the elegiac land expectation that views the acquisition of honor through battle and political office as the only redeeming path for an appropriate Roman male. Ovid long ago rejected that convent ion in favor of the Heliconian Muses. He chose tuta otia ( Tristia 4.10.39 40) over the fortia arma of the forum, (4.10.17 18). This decision to cultivate secure peace rather than seek honor and office pervades the whole Ovidian corpus from the first lines of the Amores to book 1 of the Fasti since he often feels the need to defend his choice of lifestyle by comparing it to a preference of genre. 29 antiquus iocus will not only elegize the epic hero Hercules but threaten to bugger him as the narrator t akes the reader right up to the point of making Hercules a catamite before finally relenting. His choice reflects an interest in controlling epic characters through elegiac diction and in this way illustrating the value of an elegiac perspective. As the re ader of the Fasti 29 If we accept the opinion of Syme (1978) 24 that verses (1.284 285) refer 17) book 1 of the Fasti Amores to the Fasti sought to defend his choice of lifestyle and by extension his preference of genre.


82 knows, Hercules is serving as a slave to a foreign woman. In the ancient world, the free born man saw slavery as a complete loss of dignity and humanity. Obviously, Hercules has lost a great deal of dignity, but he has not endured the ult imate humiliation: the role of catamite. While free to play the part of the active partner. In Athens a citizen could in theory lose his citizenship for playi antiquus iocus will take the reader right up to the line without crossing it. Ovid labels Faunus an adulterer, a much maligned moniker in Augustan morality, and depicts him attempting to dishonor a venerated hero. Ovid, however, will pull back at the last moment before Faunus buggers the most hyper masculine and epic hero of mythology and a son of Jupiter. In the end Ovid does not allow elegy to do sexual violence to its fellow genre, epic. The Fabii illustrates the advantage of elegiac leadership by contrasting the destructive epic speed of the Fabii with the successful patience and forethought of their descendant Fabius Maximus Cunctator. 30 In composing his entry for February 13, Ovid makes the first of two specific references to the gens Fabia one of the most ancient and noble families in Roman history. On this day in 479 B.C., 306 members of the gens Fabia fell during an ambush by the Veeintines near the Cremera River. During the high period of the gens Fabia (485 479 B.C.), the family held seven consecutive consulships. In his description of the 5 th 30 Har ries (1991) 153 Newlands (1995) 90 flagrantly advertises his intention much of the poem. I, too, believe Ovid shows his commitment to expand generic boundaries throughout the poem and especially in book 2 where he treats the conferment of pater pat riae on Augustus, the fall of the Fabii, the cross emphasizes his preference for the patience and cunningness of this elegiac leader, who is so dif ferent from his epic ancestors.


83 century Fabii, Ovid indicates that this one family controlled the resources and bore the burden of the entire city, una domus vires et onus susceperat u rbis would find the Julian family as a convenient allegory for the Fabii since the Julio Claudian emperors often passed down imperial power as if it were an inheritance. 31 He asserts, likewise, that any of the Fabii had t he capacity to serve as military commander ( dux ), e quis dux fieri quilibet aptus erat (2.200). 32 Ovid returns to the issue of imperial haste near the conclusion of the poem when he advises Caesar (presumably Augustus) to be mindful of the disaster at Lake Trasimene and to avoid committing rashly to battle if the auspices forbid it (6.763ff). While Ovid includes ancestors of his friend Quintus Paullus Fabius Maximus in the Fasti the story relates a negative example intended to show the dire consequences of rash, epic behavior when confronted with elegiac forethought and strategy. 33 Ovid emphasizes haste throughout the narrative. The Fabii quickly arrive ( celeri passu ) at the swift flowing Cremera River, Cremeram rapacem (2.205). In the first engagement again st the Veiintines, the virtue and speed of the Fabii overwhelm the enemy (207 212). 34 They build a camp and attack the enemy with great force ( valido Marte ). Ovid adds a Homeric simile about Libyan lions to solidify the hip (209 210). The Veiintines find it beneficial to use treachery ( insidias ), a tactic that requires forethought ( parat ) like the actions of the cunning 31 Historiae sub Tiberio et Gaio et Claudio unius familiae quasi hereditas fuimus (1.16.5). 32 The discussion about the military prowess of each Fabius may remind a recusatio imperii ( Annales Carmentalia (1.531 536). Syme (1978) 28 29. 33 Ovid addresses two of his Epistulae ex Ponto (1.2, 3.3) to a cer tain Quintus Paullus Fabius Maximus, the suffect consul of 45 B.C. known later as a patron of literature, (Juvenal 7.95). Syme (1978) 135 155 is an entire chapter dedicated to examining the evidence for Quintus Paullus Fabius Maximus. Cf. Harries (1991) 15 6 connection to the Fabii. 34 Harries (1991) 154 157 discusses the epic style and diction of this passage and notes that the speed of the Cremera River matches the swiftness of the Fabian attack.


84 Janus in book 1 (2.214). On the other side, the Fabii continue with their epic strategy as they fill th e valley with their adherents like a flooding river and cut down whatever they see without fear (219 224). The narrator has compared the battle between the clever Veiintines and the quick and courageous Fabii to the war of elegy and epic taking place in hi s verses. At this point the Ovidian narrator feels compelled to directly address the Fabii in epic style. 35 He asks why despite their good birth ( generosa nobilitas ) they are proceeding so rashly, quo ruitis, generosa domus? male creditis hosti/ simplex no bilitas, perfida tela cave (225 226). 36 The couplet seems to offer a hint; the Fabii while courageous and quick are not particularly sophisticated or clever ( simplicitas ). Even if the actions of the Veiintines seem devious ( fraude ) and the tactics of the F abii fitting of manly courage ( virtus ), the deception of the enemy proves fatal to the epic Fabii. The narrator describes the last stand of the Fabii with a Homeric simile about a dying boar that injures the dogs chasing him (231 232), which illustrates th e futility of epic courage in the face of treachery and foresight. The epic Fabii, fittingly described as descendants of Hercules (237 238), left one young Fabius at home from whom descended Fabius Maximus Cunctator, a man revered at 35 Often at emotional junctures epic narrators will address their subject in the second person (apostrophe) turning from objective to subjective narration. Edwards (1987) 37 38 defines apostrophe as a direct address by the singer to postrophe shows his sympathy for the characters chosen. The bard makes use of apostrophe most often at points of tension involving sympathetic characters. With a few exceptions, only three characters in both Homeric poems receive apostrophes; Patroclus ( Il iad 16.692 693, 16.787, 16.812 813, and 16.843), Menelaus ( Iliad 4.127ff, 4.146, 7.104, 13.603, 17.679ff, and 23.600), and Eumaeus (8 times in the Odyssey The string of apostroph es in Iliad 16 builds up to the emotional death of Patroclus that concludes the book. Given the epic nature of this passage, I see no reason to expect Ovid to use apostrophe in a way inconsistent with the Homeric bards. For a further discussion of apostrop he in epic cf. Block (1982) and Bergren (1982). 36 Variations of the phrase quo ruis appear throughout Latin literature. There are occurrences in the following works: Aeneid 2.520, 4.449, 12.313; Propertius 4.1.71; Heroides 13.131, 16.123; Metamorphoses 9. 429; and the Thebaid 8.338. Perhaps the most famous appearance is in book 2 of the Aeneid when Hecuba advises Priam not to attempt a foolish attack on Neoptolemus, ut uidit, 'quae mens tam dira, miserrime coniunx,/ impulit his cingi telis? aut quo ruis?' i nquit (519 520). Farney (2007) 16 17 explains that long enobled families like the Fabii ( generosa ) could expect high commands and public office as a right of birth during the republic. By naming the Fabii, an old and noble gens Ovid has brought to the su rface a major issue for the nobility under the principate; namely that the princeps now controlled all access to political and military honor. While Augustus did reward members of ancient noble families with consulships and commands, he reserved many of th e highest distinctions such as triumphs and the right of tribunician power for his family. cf. Syme (1939) 490 491.


85 Rome for his cautious and effective strategy against Hannibal. Although his policy of refusing battle and slowly exhausting the Punic supply lines proved effective, his tactics angered many of his contemporary Romans. Just as the elegiac poet must constantly defend his choice o f genre and lifestyle, masculine pride and cultural expectations forced Cunctator to justify his seemingly undignified strategy to his political opponents. Thus, Cunctator becomes the historical embodiment of the clever and patient elegist by defeating his more capable epic opponent with strategy. In this chapter I have sought to analyze how in Fasti 1 and 2 Ovid manipulates his dressing, and the epic haste of the Fabii in order to show the value of elegiac ch aracteristics like patience, cunning, and forethought have better


86 CHAPTER 5 FROM MORTAL TO GOD: ROMULUS Fasti to sing about the division of times t hroughout the Latin calendar (1.1 2), his audience would expect multiple appearances by 1 struggling as a young man to demonstrate pietas My discussion will examine the precedents for the character of Romulus. Ovid like his republican predecessors gives a complicated presentation arious leaders who have assumed the task of ruling 1 3 (preface to Book 1, Lupercalia Quirinalia ,) conspicuous for his virtus, into the pious king and loyal brot her of the slain Remus in books 4 and 5 ( Parilia and Lemuria ). Pietas, once a Fasti one of the hallmarks of the elegiac leader. Romans often used Romulus as a foil for contemporary leaders during t he republic. 2 Ovid and his Roman predecessors reveal a complicated character. Sometimes writers present him as a great warrior king and largely positive figure who earned divinity through his actions on earth. 3 1 him more often in his Fasti (1 Fasti gives invaluable details about how his audience viewed not only the character of Romulus but the nature of successful leadership at Rome. 2 Historiae Marcus Aemilius Le pidus, one of the incoming consuls for 78 B.C., calls Sulla a scaevos Romulus and his reign a tyrannidem (1.55.6 27). The adjective scaevos can mean anything from left handed to ill omened. In this context Aemilius means something closer to sinister, from sinister the other Latin adjective for left. Republican orators then could conjure negative and positive Romuli to fit the necessities of their current situation since his legacy was quite ambiguous. In this instance Romulus represents the just Roman leade r and the foil to the tyrannidem to describe his reign rather than dominatio which appears several lines later. 3 Ennius ( Annales 71 91), Cicero ( De Legibus 1 .3 and De Republica 2.6 12), and Livy (1.7 and 1.16) emphasize that


87 Yet in other accounts authors present him as a fratricide and tyrant whom the senators may have torn apart when they could no longer tolerate his autocratic nature. 4 The initial strife between Romulus and Remus culminating in the death of the latter fits very well into the Roman understanding of the city in the first century B.C. when civil wars took place on and off for 60 years until the battle of Actium Thus, in the age of Augustus the Roman audience would immediately associate Romulus with their current prince, Augustus. So once again we must keep Augustus in the forefront of our mind as we evaluate the writings of Augustan age writers (Livy, Fasti particularly in the works of Ennius ( Annales 1.71 91), Cicero ( De Legibus 1.3 and De Republica 2.6 12), Livy (1.7 and 1.16), Horace ( Ode 1.12 and Epistle 2.1.5), Vergil ( Aeneid 8.342), and finally Ovid himself ( Metamorphoses 14.805 828) 5 I will concentrate on the narratives that concern Ro (events covered in the Fasti parts of the Fasti : the preface to book 1 (1.27 42), the Lupercalia (2.359 474), his apotheosis during the Quirinalia (2.475 532), the Parilia (4.721 862), and the Lemuria (5.419 493). leader at any time. Therefore, a contemporary of Ovid would no doubt think of Rom 4 Livy (1.16.4) briefly mentions the version in which the senate tears Romulus apart and even suggests a possible reason for it by refer encing his 300 bodyguards ( Celeres ) and the tension that existed between the senate and the 498) but quickly moves away from it to the speech of Proculus Iulius. Thus, the details of th 5 For my comments on Romulus in Propertius see chapter 1.


88 91) is the oldest extant treatment of Romulus a nd the founding of Rome. 6 Curantes magna cum cura tum cupientes Regni dant operam simul auspicio augurioque. Solus auem seruat. at Romulus pulcer in alto Quaerit Auentino, seruat genus altiuolantum. Certab ant urbem Romam Remoramne uocarent. Omnibus cura uiris uter esset induperator. Expectant ueluti consul quom mittere signum Volt, omnes auidi spectant ad carceris oras Quam mox emittat pictos e faucibus currus: Sic expectabat populus atque ore timeba t Rebus utri magni uictoria sit data regni. Interea sol albus recessit in infera noctis. Exin candida se radiis dedit icta foras lux Et simul ex alto longe pulcerrima praepes Laeua uolauit auis. simul aureus exoritur sol Cedunt de caelo ter quattuor corpora sancta Auium, praepetibus sese pulcrisque locis dant. Conspicit inde sibi data Romulus esse propritim Auspicio regni stabilita scamna solumque. places Romulus on the Aventine hill (76) during the augury contest. Likewise, he puts Remus, whom we usually find on the Aventine in Augustan age accounts of the augury, on an unnamed hill ( monte ). 7 later writers, who 6 The area around the Aventine was the sight of the secession of the plebs in the fifth century B.C. that ignited a hundred or more year struggle for plebian rights in the city. Wiseman (1995) 107 113 believes the early myth placed Romulus on the Aventine while Remus was on a small mount across from the Aventine, the Mons Murcius named after the goddess Murcia, who had a shrine below in the Circus Maximus where it was necessary to slow down to remores or slow birds of augury. Wiseman sees the development of the myth of the twins as a dramatic creation of the fourth century B.C. to ex plain the conflict ad carceris oras ) and a chariot ( currus ) as a clear indication that he is placing the two precisely where Wiseman sees them as Ro mulus occupies the Aventine and Remus an unnamed mons 7 places Romulus on the Palatine and Remus on the Aventine instead of an unnamed hill that Wiseman (1995) 107ff identifies as the Mons Murcius (Livy 1.7.1). We know that during the age of Augustus, the emperor maintained two huts of Romulus, one on the Palatine and one on the Capitoline (Vitruvius 2.1.5). Scholars have explained the presen ce of the two hills in different ways. Balland (1984) 74 sees the placement of a hut on the Capitoline as an


89 describe a future king who cheated during the augury contest (Dion. Hal. Ant Rom 1.86.3 4, Plutarch Rom 9.5). While he does mention the anxiety of the observers ( omnibus cura viris ore timebat ) he downplays its significance by compa ring it to the nervousness of the audience before a chariot race ( ad carceris oras ). Their apprehension resembles more closely the excitement of anticipation than real fear. On the appointed day, only Romulus receives the augury and the divine right to rul disagreement as to whom the augury was revealed. Romulus rightfully won the kingdom because he alone received an augury on the Aventine Hill. For Cicero the apotheosis of Romulus and his deification are the keys to understanding Romulus as an epic hero, and Ovid will treat the apotheosis in a similar fashion. Cicero, in his De Legibus (composed between 54 and 51 B.C.) mentions the apotheosis of Romulus during a hypothetical dialogu himself. The three discuss the veracity of certain legendary tales about the Roman kings. {MARCVS} respondebo tibi equidem, sed non ante quam mihi tu ipse responderis, Attice, certen longe a tuis aedibus inambulans post excessum suum Romulus Proculo Iulio dixerit se deum esse et Quiri num uocari templumque sibi dedicari in eo loco iusserit, 1.3.5 10 attempt by Augustus to downplay the loss of significance the Capitoline hill underwent because of his building projects (temple of Apollo Palatinus ) and renewed emphasis on the Palatine. Edwards (1996) 37 concurs suggesting that the hut on the Capitoline smoothed over the loss of religious functions on the Capitoline. Rea (2007a) 100 105 believes that the Capitoline retained much of its religious sig decision to place a hut near the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (guarantor of the republican empire) as an attempt to connect Romulus with the political and religious significance of the Capitoline since this hill preserved associate himself with Romulus and Jupiter Optimus Maximus through the placement of two huts while at the same time di minishing the significance of both Romulus and Jupiter by putting increased emphasis on Aeneas and Apollo.


90 While Cicero may not recognize these events as actual facts, he does affirm many details about 8 He reports that Romulus appeared to Proculus Iulius and told him to establish a cult to Quirinus, the name of the now deified Annales we do not know how he described concentrate on the same events (f that the earlier accounts emphasized, even including similar details such as the reference to Proculus Iulius. fo r Roman prose writers and Romulus appears as a wise ruler, who was elected by a forward De Republica ). In this work Cicero, through the mouths of Laelius, Scipio Aemilius Africanus, and many others, discusses the development of the Roman constitution. At the start of book 2, Scipio account Scipio credits Romulus with much soph istication and foresight regarding his plan for the city. In particular Scipio gives Romulus credit for choosing a site near but not on the sea since maritime cities experience an adulteration of culture and are prone to revolution (2.6 7). Therefore, Rome building a city. Likewise, he attributes the creation of the senate to Romulus as well when after the death of Titus Tatius he once more ruled without a colleague. Scipio is d efinitive in asserting Romulus ruled by the consent and authority of the senate and earned his deification from a 8 Fox (1996) 7 Cicero and the other participants do not draw a strong distinction between true and false accounts in the De Legibus since the dialogu e is not properly an historical work.


91 sophisticated people in a literate culture, as opposed to a band of primitive fools (2.17). 9 He likewise confirms the story that the deified R omulus appeared to Proculus Iulius and demanded a temple at Rome and the new title Quirinus (2.20). This is an important point since it proves that narrative t origin. De Legibus and De Republica are meant to assure his audience that Romulus rightly earned his deification through illustrious deeds and service to the early state. Yet several years later Cicero would find the elevation of the dead dictator Julius Caesar to the status of god incompatible with his understanding of human mortality and Roman religion ( Philippics 1.13). H ere the reader notices that while a Roman noble of the 1 st would not endure such sacrilege in his own lifetime. This exception makes it all the more clear that Cicero accepted on the grounds that the early Romans were not primitive people subject to wild superstition (2.17 18). Therefore, Cicero will not accept the divinity of Caesar on the grounds that his earthly deeds have not earned him such a distinction and not because he doubts the possibility of mortal deification. Such was the portrait of Romulus during the republic. While certain accounts of his death at the hands of the senate existed, we find in the works of Ennius and Cicero the same basic narrative that Livy and his successors use. 9 Scipio seems to be thinking of his contemporaries (in the 2 nd Cicero seems to give a completely different version of the Romans here than his successors in the A ugustan age, who often contrast the primitive world of their ancestors to the splendor of Augustan Rome ( Aeneid 8, Propertius 4.1, Fasti 1.85 284).


92 The transition from Republic to Empire caused Roman writers to consider once more what it meant to be a Roman and how this small city on the Tiber had come to rule t he whole of the Thus, although Livy begins his Ab Urbe Condita covers the early affairs of Romulus and Remus demon strates how Romans generally considered 10 republican examples, the historian moves at rapid speed through the regal period t aking a mere book to cover what Varro reckons to be around 244 years. Livy professes a desire to reach more recent events that he knows his audience will better enjoy while admitting that trying to trace the history of city over seven hundred years present s a unique challenge. res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut quae supra septingentesimum annum repetatur et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creuerit ut iam magnitudine laboret sua; et legentium plerisque haud dubito quin primae origines proximaque or iginibus minus praebitura uoluptatis sint, festinantibus ad haec noua quibus iam pridem praeualentis populi uires se ipsae conficiunt: ego contra hoc quoque laboris praemium petam, ut me a conspectu malorum quae nostra tot per annos uidit aetas, tantisper certe dum prisca [tota] illa mente repeto, auertam, omnis expers curae quae scribentis animum, etsi non flectere a uero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset. 1.pr. 4 5 ly inhabitants appear as heroes with epic and rash tendencies. Despite this Livy paints Romulus and the remaining kings besides Tarquinius Superbus in a mostly positive light. For Livy the precarious nature of the early state requires the hasty, primitive, and even brutal tactics of these men in order to achieve security and the future prosperity of Rome. In other words, Livy sees 10 It is true that the Greek Evander had a settlement on the site prior to this time, but his city known as P allanteum has no true connection to the city of Rome named for its founder from Alba Longa.


93 these primitive characteristics as the marking of virtus the most important Roman virtue for empire building. While Livy dedic ates 13 chapters to Romulus, I wish to narrow the focus to those events later retold by Ovid in his Fasti 16). Livy is known in his histories to cite more than one accou nt of death. In the first account, Livy explains that the two brothers determine who will be king through an augury of birds. His version of the story offers some am biguity as to whether Romulus justly attained the Roman kingship or not. Six vultures come to Remus first, but Romulus sees twelve, priori Remo augurium venisse fertur, sex voltures; iamque nuntiato augurio cum duplex numerus Romulo se ostendisset, utrumqu e regem sua multitudo consalutauerat (Livy 1.7.1). The ambiguous augury leads to a dispute between the two factions as one group claims to have won because Remus saw his birds first while the other faction contends that the greater number that appeared to Romulus should ensure his kingship. The disagreement leads to a struggle in which someone kills Remus, tempore illi praecepto, at hi numero auium regnum trahebant. Inde cum altercatione congressi certamine irarum ad caedem vertuntur; ibi in turba ictus Rem us cecidit (1.7.2 death and least of all Romulus. The struggle leads to violence, and Remus dies. Nevertheless, this account creates the possibility that Romulus never rightly earned the crown since Remus saw the b irds first. Livy takes no sides when reporting the event and leaves the question in doubt.


94 der had a 11 violating his law. Here Romulus exhibits rash behavior and appears to be mor e concerned with virtus than pietas immediately, volgatior fama est ludibrio fratris Remum novos transiluisse muros; inde ab irato Romulo, cum verbis quoque increpitans adiecisset, Sic deinde, quicumque alius transiliet moenia mea," interfectum (1.7.4). In this second account, Romulus not only kills the playfully harmless Remus ( ludibrio ), he swears to give the same fate to anyone who tries to breach his walls like an epic hero in th e Aeneid or the Iliad boasting over a dead enemy. 12 people and keep his word than allow his own brother to live without punishment. For Livy Romulus represents the early Rom virtus over all other virtues including familial pietas These men made no exceptions in cases of morality, and their honor meant more to them than their own relatives. This account reminds the reader of another early Roman in the Ab Urbe Condita, Manlius, who chose to kill his own son rather than make an exception when he disobeyed a military order and won the battle (8.7). Livy and Ovid depict 11 Livy and Ovid reference this alternate account without giving it full treatment. Livy points out that Romulus was much more popular with the soldiers and the co mmoners than with the senatorial class (1.15.8). In the same passage, Livy says that Romulus kept a bodyguard of 300 men called Celeres by his side at all times. While he does not Fas ti (4.836ff and 5.469 474). There is little doubt that Octavian shied away from taking the name Romulus because of the existence of alternative versions where Romulus kills his brother and drives the Senate to assassinate him when that body can no longer t olerate his military dictatorship. 12 In Homeric poetry heroes often boast over the dying body of their enemies such as Hector when he kills Patroclus ( Iliad 16.830ff) and Achilles upon fatally wounding Hector ( Iliad 22.331ff). In the Aeneid Pyrrhus gives a similar boast before he dispatches Priam (2.547 550).


95 these ancient heroes as confronting the same dangers; however, Livy would likely deem the behavior of epic characters in the Fasti appropriate for early Romans, who had to contend with him in the Fasti ; they glorify virtus at the expense of pati ence, piety, forethought, and cunningness. 1.16). After narrating the 1.15), Livy must confront the various accounts of his death. He precedes the haec ferme Romulo regnante domi militiaeque gesta, quorum nihil absonum fidei diuinae originis diuinitatisque post mortem creditae fuit, non animus in regno auito reciperando, non condendae urbi s consilium, non bello ac pace firmandae. ab illo enim profecto uiribus datis tantum ualuit ut in quadraginta deinde annos tutam pacem haberet. multitudini tamen gratior fuit quam patribus, longe ante alios acceptissimus militum animis; trecentosque armato s ad custodiam corporis quos Celeres appellauit non in bello solum sed etiam in pace habuit. 1.15.6ff Like Cicero Livy expresses the opinion that his contemporary Romans should not be incredulous s honor given the strength and security he brought to the new city. Livy, however, includes one small detail that may undermine this portrait of Romulus, namely that he enjoyed much greater favor with the military and the commons than the senatorial class. He even mentions Romulus surrounded himself at all times with 300 bodyguards known as the Celeres Perhaps, it was this added trait of a tyrant that brought the senators in conflict with Romulus. 13 The Senate, however, did not have the same affection for R omulus that the people did. The reader must retain this detail when he confronts the possibility in the next chapter (16) that Romulus was murdered. Livy lauds Romulus for his 13 The use of personal bodyguards is often the first step taken by one seeking to turn an oligarchy into a tyranny. Aristotle in his Athenian Constitution says that Peisistratus, described as an extre me democrat (a leader popular with the people and not the nobles much like Romulus), faked an attempt on his life in order to persuade the assembly to allow him to maintain a large group of bodyguards. With this force Peisistratus took the acropolis and na med himself tyrant of Athens (14.1 2).


96 achievements while admitting that his popularity did not spread to all Romans an d particularly to the most powerful of them, the senators. In chapter 16 Livy discusses two accounts surrounding the apotheosis of Romulus. According to the common version, Romulus disappeared while reviewing the army in a portion of the Campus Martius cal led the Palus Caprae. his immortalibus editis operibus cum ad exercitum recensendum contionem in campo ad Caprae paludem haberet, subito coorta tempestas cum magno fragore tonitribusque tam denso regem operuit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstulerit; nec deinde in terris Romulus fuit. 1.16.1 Throughout his account Livy insists Romulus ascended into the sky and merited the title of god. admits a story circul ated at the time that the senate in anger had torn the king apart. fuisse credo tum quoque aliquos qui discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguerent; manauit enim haec quoque sed perobscura fama; illam alteram admiration uiri et pauor praesens nobilitau it.et consilio etiam unius hominis addita rei dicitur fides. 1.16.4 Livy argues that this account did not take hold because by and large the Romans greatly admired Romulus and wanted to believe he had become a god. He suggests in this way that the veracity Romulus and Proculus Iulius had not devised a scheme ( consilio ) that lent credibility to the story us had a significant impact on the legacy and ultimately the apotheosis of Romulus. During this encounter the deified Romulus ordered Proculus to inform the Romans that so long as they remembered their warlike nature, Rome would grow to be the capital of t legacy may not have maintained a mostly positive nature during the Republic. The poetic portraits of Romulus prior to the Fasti as composed by Horace, Vergil and


97 ascendency to the kingship. 14 name Romulus six times ( Ode 1.12.33 2.15.10, 4.5.1, 4.8.24, Carmen Saeculare 47, and Epistula 2.1.5) 15 In 1.12 Hor ace gives a panegyric to Augustus by comparing him to heroes and republican figures from the past. Romulus appears only once and with no real distinction from the others named. 16 Horace is using this list of great men to build to his crescendo, Augustus. Al though he does not elevate Augustus above these other men as Ovid does with his panegyrics in the Fasti Horace makes it clear that Augustus is greater by ending his list with the current prince and calling on the gods to grant him a peaceful and successfu l reign on earth. The poet is Ovid will do just that in his panegyrics. ter encomia to great men and assures Augustus that Romulus, Hercules, Dionysus, and Castor and Pollux never found satisfactory poets to hymn them justly for their deeds (5 10). They had to wait for death to rece ive appropriate honors. Of course all five of these mythological characters were mortals who earned divine honors. Clearly, Horace is consoling Augustus and giving his own recusatio as to why he is not the right poet to compose for Augustus the encomium he deserves. In this way Horace leaves the door open for a future poet to properly eulogize and praise the emperor. 14 While Horace will make several references to Romulus in connection with Augustus, he does not feel comfortable referring to the emperor as a god. The uncertain nature of the Roman state during the early years of Aug prevented even the most loyal of poets (Horace and Vergil) from knowing whether he would successfully develop a stable imperial model that could preserve the new era of peace. Horace mentions the battle of Actium once ( Epistulae 1.18.61) while Vergil mentions Actium three times ( Aeneid 3.280, 8.675, and 8.704). 15 The deified Romulus, Quirinus, is mentioned twice as well ( Ode 3.3.15, Satire 1.10.32). 16 He is grouped with Numa his usual counterpart, the Tarquinii, and Cato the younger (33 36). The group does not show any real consistency since Cato was not a king like the others.


98 Romulus takes on a similar role in the Aeneid appearing only four times (1.276, 1.292 the focus is on (1.257 future including references t names Remus as a fellow lawgiver to his brother Romulus, cana Fides et Vesta Remo cum fratre Quirinus/ iura dabunt (292 293). Clearly, Vergil means to show the princeps as the final and logica l development of Italian politics by placing him at the culmination of the list. Like the Augustus. Thus, like other Augustan writers, Vergil makes Romulus out a s a less sophisticated foil to the great Augustus. In book 6 Anchises gives a prophecy of Rome to his son Aeneas in the underworld. He shows him many future and great Romans including Romulus, quin et auo comitem sese Mauortius addet/ Romulus, Assaraci qu em sanguinis Ilia mater/ educet (777 779). In these lines Vergil merely names Romulus as a son of Mars, founder of Rome, and lists several of his achievements (777 784). In this passage Vergil again ties the whole history of Rome together through the Troja r Augustus. 17 In the Aeneid the pietas of Aeneas surpasses the virtus of Romulus. 17 Papaoannou (2003) 680 701 notices that Vergil makes Evander the original founder of Rome and a duplicate of Aeneas since both are cultural heroes and models of leade


99 Romulus occurs in book 8 when Evander gives Aeneas a tour of his settlement known as Pallanteum (306 369). One of these places is the Lupercal on the Palatine, hinc lucum ingentem, quem Romulus acer asylum/ rettulit, et gelida monstrat sub rupe Lupercal/ Parrhasio dictum Panos de more Lycaei (342 343). The Vergilian narrator gives 18 gn at the expense of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the increased interest in Aeneas and the tragic memories 19 nd function in the new imperial age. Metamorphoses (14.805 828) changing only a few minor details. 20 father, approaches Jupiter and requests that he honor hi s old promise to deify either Romulus or Remus since Romulus has made the Roman state sufficiently strong to survive (14.805 815). 21 After Jupiter agrees, Mars flies down to earth on his war chariot and carries off Romulus, who is begins the process of reconciliation between the Greeks and Trojans and that the customs and mores of ancient Pallanteum in the Aeneid coincide nicely with traditional Roman ideology and morality wh ich emphasized frugalitas pietas and labor 18 I have already mentioned that Augustus set up two different huts of Romulus, one on the Palatine and the other on y, but the emperor had to find ways to make use of the warrior king without conjuring up fratricide. 19 including many of the institutions surrounding Jupiter and Romulus. 20 and Holl accurate, knowing that the Roman people would associate Hersilia with Livia Augustus may have conceived of program. 21 Dumzil (1970) 246ff Jupiter, Mars, and Quirinus formed the original archaic triad.

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100 dispensing justice to the people on the Palatine Hill (14.818 824). The reader notices two things Senate or this mysterious Proculus Iulius. Instead, Mars, much like Venus in the Aeneid a pproaches Jupiter and requests a divine favor for his son. In other words the narrator of the Metamorphoses indicates that the Olympians themselves made Romulus a god and not a group of primitive Romans confused by his disappearance and then persuaded by t he patrician Proculus Iulius. His narrative suggests that only the gods can deify a man at the end of his life. This notion of divinity sharply contrasts with the concept in Augustan Rome, where Augustus made his adopted father a god and established priest s and flamines for the cultivation of his own image. 22 Palus Capreae in the Campus Martius to the Palatine Hill (14.822 823) reflects the renewed interest in the Palatine hill during the reign of Augustus. 23 While the Capitoline had traditionally Palatine reflects a development during the reign of Augustus when the princeps had turned t he 22 Metamorphoses 15.760 flamines in his lifetime cf. Annales 1.10.25 26 23 A ugustus in fact maintained two huts to Romulus as he constructed a second on the Capitoline Hill (Vitruvius 2.1.5). Balland (1984) 75 believes that Augustus placed another hut on the Capitoline so his reappropriation of Romulus and the Palatine Hill did no t appear too strong. He also believes Livy, Horace, and Vergil wished to avoid associating Augustus too closely to Romulus and thus never mentioned the Romulean hut near the princeps .C. Octavian sought to connect himself with Romulus by renovating the Lupercal and buying a house next to the hut of Romulus on the Palatine. Although he considered adopting the name Romulus, he settled on Augustus when he saw the negative consequences of bearing the royal name of a fratricide, (Suetonius Life of Augustus 7.2). Edwards (1996) 37 thinks that the omission of Capitoline Hill. Rea (2007a) 100 105 believes that the Capitoline retained much of its religious significance in the (guarantor of the republican empire) as an attempt to connect Romulus with the political and religious significance Augustus wished to have it both ways, encouraging the people to associate Romulus with his house on the Palatine and yet connect his martial legacy to the Capitoline Hill.

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101 personal patron, Apollo Palatinus. 24 attempts to associate the power of the Capitoline with his house on the Palatine without seeming to disturb Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the guarantor of the very empire over which Augustus saw. 25 While he may have rejected his name, Augustus saw the advantage of incorporating new imperial system. Augustus, however, knew that he could not associate himself too closely with a royal fratricide that may have died at the hands of an angry senate. This version of the story sounds much too close to the events of 44 B.C. when an incens of epic of leadership depicted by Romulus in books 4 and 5 of the Fasti which balances virtus with pietas Romulus in the Fasti While Romulus as founder of the city will make multiple appearances in the Fasti Ovid from the epic personification of virtus early in the poem (1.29 44, 2.363 378, and 2.475ff) to the pictur e of elegiac piety in the later narratives (4.845 848 and 5.419 493). In this way Ovid will not only re 24 101ff. 25 The presence of two Romulean huts in the age of Aug ustus, one on the Capitoline and the other on the Palatine, shows the confusion contemporary Romans had about the origins of their city. Recall that when Evander gives Aeneas a tour of Rome in the Aeneid Vergil pays close attention to both the Palatine and Capitoline. The narrator tells the audience that Romulus will restore the Palatine as a shrine to Lycaen Pan (8.342 343) while Evander describes the Capitoline as a holy site to Jupiter himself (8.347 354).

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102 transform the epic pietas of the Aeneid into an elegiac virtue. The reader Romulus follows the personification of virtus one of the two virtues (the other being pietas ) from which Romans y for the Roman people to personify these virtues in the first two kings of Rome, Romulus ( virtus ) and Numa ( pietas project, Romulus will stand as a dual character himself (epic and elegiac), for while he will show elegiac piety in bo oks 4 and 5 he will also play the epic foil to the elegiac Numa in the early books. These multiple dualities parallel the binary nature of the elegiac couplet and the typical depiction of Rome as the city of Mars and Venus. Augustus sought through the ima gery of the Ara Pacis to associate himself with both kings and their complementary virtues. 26 In the Fasti Ovid is not so subtly hinting that he values the piety of his leaders over their prowess in war ( virtus ) just as he prefers the amor of his elegies to the arma of epic. 27 Fasti privileges piety over manliness at every turn and sometimes to Parilia and Lemuria Romulus is conspicuous more for his piety than his epic courage. Thus, Ovid gives a complicated of leaders Rome has experienced over the years, some more concerned with virtus and others with pietas If Ovid wishes to make Romulus this kin d of two fold leader of a binary city, he must simultaneously embody virtus and pietas the chief virtues of Rome. 26 elebration of the Ara Pacis (1.709 724). 27 Green (2004) 27 44 points out that this opposition between Romulus and Numa mirrors the tension between arma and arae in the poem since Romulus made his name through warfare while Numa gained fame for his piety. I would promised a work on religion ( arae ) and not war ( arma ), Caesaris arma canant alii: nos Caesaris aras/ et quoscumque sacris addidit ille dies (13 14). Cf. Hinds (1992) 112 124, Barchiesi (1997) 111, 175 176, Gee (2000) 41 47, Littlewood (2002), and Pasco Pranger (2002).

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103 During his preface to book 1, Ovid gives some introductory details about the calendar in the fashion of a didactic teacher. 28 His discussion l which the poet ascribes to Romulus and Numa. Here our Ovidian narrator will make Numa out as the more competent and pious of the two. Ovid declares that Romulus established a ten month calendar for the city (2 7 ignorance. As Ovid states, Romulus made his name for acts of war and not his administrative accomplishments, scilicet arma magis quam sidera, Romule, noras/ curaque finitimos vincere ma ior erat (29 30). 29 Ovid then offers several explanations to Germanicus as possible excuses husbands for as many months (33 36). 30 According to the Ovidian narrator, Romu lus named the first two months of his calendar after Mars and Venus since the former is the father of the king himself and the latter the mother of the whole race. 31 The king then named the third month (May) 28 Ovid had taken on the role of didactic poet in several of his previous poems including the Ars Armatoria the Medicamina Fac iei Femineae and the Remedia Amoris Miller (1992) 11 12 suggests that we should not consider the Fasti a didactic work because Ovid does not make consistent use of this technique picking up and dropping off the persona of the didactic teacher throughout the poem. Newlands (1995) 52 57 calls the poem didactic but notices that as Ovid recognizes the uncertainty of the knowledge he hopes to present he appears more as the skeptical student than the confident teacher. I agree with Green (2004) 27 62 that while poem his cursory treatment of these didactic details indicate his desire to move quickly beyond the basic functions of the calendar to his own presentation of Roman time. 29 Green (2004) 29 Ovid sets up a dichotomy betwe en sidera and arma Julius Caesar and Augustus will ultimately fix the calendar through the use of astronomy ( sidera sidera recall his two programmatic statements (1 2, 13 14) where he proposes to sing of the movement of stars ( signa ) and the altars of Caesar ( arae ) but not his conquests in war, ( arma ). Cf. Hinds (1992) 115 116, 120ff, and Gee (2000) 21 65. I see his references to sidera arma and arae as a sophisticated debate on genre. While arma belong to war epics, stars pertain to didactic epics like the Works and Days Phaenomena Ovid is declaring up front that his Fasti will attempt to blend not just war epic and love elegy but many elements from subgenres within both epic and elegy. 30 G error relegation to Tomis, ( Tristia 2.207) and suggests that Ovid is seeking sympathy from his audience by attributing some rational to the mistake of Romu lus. 31 Green (2004) 39 The more common etymology for April was from ( aperto ) since Romans considered this month throughout the Fasti to pres ent Rome as a city of binaries, most commonly as a city of love and war. His interest in

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104 after the older men ( maiores ) and the fourth mont h (June) after their younger counterparts ( iuvenes ) but gave numbers alone to the remaining six (41 42). 32 Finally, Ovid closes his Numa, who adds two months to the begi nning of the calendar, at Numa nec Ianum nec avitas praeterit umbras/ mensibus antiquis praeposuitque duos (43 religious piety. Thi s reference to Numa is the first in a series of entries of the Fasti in which 33 assumed the role of pious leader. Lupercalia Romulus makes his second appearance in th e poem during the entry on the Lupercalia While Romulus will continue to dominate the rest of the entry for February 15 as Ovid moves from a single legendary occurrence of the Lupercalia to the aition for the actual site of the Lupercal I will restrict m y comments here to the narrative about the cattle raid, (2.359 380) and the aition for flagellation at the Lupercalia (2.432 442). 34 Upon giving a Greek aition for nudity at the Lupercalia (2.303 358), Ovid adds Roman reasons ( causas ) to his Greek aition ( 2.359 360). Although he will give Roman aitia the Venus stems from his long standing relationship with her as a love poet. If Ovid fails to make Venus as important to Rome as Mars, he will fail in his effort to raise elegy to the status of epic. 32 Green (2004) 42 Ovid does not mention that Augustus by this time had renamed mensis quinctilius and mensis sextilis July and August respectively. Hinds (1987) 137 n. 23 and Feeney (1992) 15 19 see a constant effort on part to postpone celebrations of these imperial months until he comes to them accordingly. 33 Green (2004) 43 Caesar and Augustus used astronomy to establish their m ore accurate calendar reforms of the first century B.C. 34 I do not think the aition for the Lupercal offers anything to a discussion of how Ovid depicts Romulus as a leader.

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105 Callimachean couplet that begins this passage (359 aitia as equally valid contributions to the understanding of the Roman festival, and thus undermine the purely Italic associations. 35 Callimachean language suggest that despite his Roman topic he is still thinking of G reek antecedents. 36 He makes another programmatic statement and asks the Muses to add Roman causes to the foreign (Greek) aition he has just given. 37 He follows with a statement on Callimachean aesthetics, inque suo noster pulvere currat equus (2.360). 38 Ovid paths and roads never before explored: 35 t of aitia throughout the Fasti gives the impression that each of them function as equally valid sources of knowledge for the calendar. 36 While it is true that Roman poets often invoke the Muses, their association with Greek poetry and especially epic give s a Greek coloring to this Roman story. Ovid is straying from his promise (1.1 2) to sing of Latin time and creating a Roman history in which people of many cultures elevated Rome from a stopping place on the Via Salaria to the longest lasting empire in th e classical world. 37 Fox (1996) 197 believes this programmatic statement marks a transition from mythological to historical narrative since in this Roman story Romulus and Remus are carrying out the sacrifices to Faunus which the narrator mentioned earli er in the entry. I suggest that the reader cannot help but treat both accounts as historical because Fasti ,which relies on the mixing and matching of different aitia in many entries, creates confusion and makes little distin ction between mythological and historical stories. Gowing (2005) 9 10 explains that Romans viewed history as a refashioning of the past in an attempt to give it meaning to the present. By this definition, Augustan age readers would regard all these narrati ves in the works of Vergil, Horace, Livy, Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid as historical. 38 Propertius had used an equine metaphor in his programmatic statement when announcing a new style of poetry blending epic and elegy, sacra deosque canam et cognomina prisca locorum:/ has meus ad metas sudet oportet equus (4.1.69 70). Fox (1996) 197 198 argues that the reference to horse imagery introduces a more epic tale o greater topics shows his versatility as an elegist turning smoothly from one style of narrative (Greek to Roman or epic to elegiac) to another.

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106 Fr. 1.26 32 keep your Muse delicate. And I give you this command; tread where the wagons do not go and do not drive your chariot where there are the same footprints of others nor the while Ovid has altered his to that of a horse ( equus ) mark out his own new path in the dust ( suo pulvere ). Thus, as Ovid prepares to add Roman causes to his Greek aitia through this Callimachean reference the poet reminds his audience that the Fasti is a Callimachean project that intends to take Latin elegy to places it has never before approached. While Ovid will give Roman causes throughout the rest of this entry, the informed reader will look to see how he blends these Greek and Roman elements. Through out the actual narrative of the cattle raid, Ovid emphasizes the epic speed of the event as the whole story lasts a mere fourteen lines: 39 Romulus et frater pastoralisque iuventus solibus et campo corpora nuda dabant. vectibus et iaculis et misso ponder e saxi bracchia per lusus experienda dabant: pastor ab excelso 'per devia rura iuvencos, Romule, praedones, et Reme', dixit 'agunt.' longum erat armari: diversis exit uterque partibus, occursu praeda recepta Remi. ut rediit, veribus stridentia detrahit exta atque ait 'haec certe non nisi victor edet.' dicta facit, Fabiique simul. venit inritus illuc Romulus et mensas ossaque nuda videt. risit, et indoluit Fabios potuisse Remumque vincere, Quintilios non potuisse suos. 365 378 39 n book 1 Livy covers the whole history of Rome from Aeneas to the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus in one book and therefore must maintain a vigorous narrative pace. Robinson (2011) 359 as a parallel to the simplicity

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107 He, never theless, portrays Romulus not as some epic brute but a competitive young man, whose care for his community causes him to stop his private exercise routine and help his fellow herdsmen as soon as the threat to the city emerges. Ovid places the cattle raid o n the day of the Lupercalia when the Romans were making their customary offerings to Faunus (361 362). No sooner has our narrator given his audience a Roman context than he interjects a reference to Hellenistic athletics by depicting Romulus and Remus enga ged in nude exercises characteristic of a Greek gymnasium (365 368). 40 The shout of a shepherd interrupts their exercise, and Romulus and Remus learn thieves are carrying off some of their cattle (369 370). The adjective devia require him to leave behind the paths created by Livy, Vergil, and Propertius in order create his own lasting celebration of Roman identity represented in his mind by the same series of binaries that hold together his beloved elegiac couplet. As soon as the twins learn o f the theft, they set out unarmed because the process of arming themselves would give the thieves a head start, longum erat armari (371). Each youth takes a group of followers and goes his own way, Romulus with the Quintilii and Remus with the Fabii (371 3 72). The narrator having just begun the story reveals the outcome immediately and wraps 40 Notice that the twins and their friend are employing contemporary implements of exercise found throughout the Greco Roman world; either levers ( vectibus caestibus javelins ( iaculis ), and discuses ( saxi ). For discussions of Roman anxiety over the Hellenization of Rome cf. Polybius 31.25.2 5, Cicero Tusculan Disputations 4.70, and Catherine Edwards (1993) 22 24, 80, 92 97, 102 103, and 203 204. According to King (2006) 200 201, Romans saw the activities of the gymnasium predilection for extravagance and luxury and feared objectifying the men by exposing the nude Roman man to male or female audiences. I see Roman anxiety over the influence of Greek customs as a natural consequence of the Roman feeling of inferiority in the presence of Greek culture.

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108 the whole account up in a mere six more lines (373 378). 41 Remus and the Fabii retrieve the cattle and take the meat from the sacrifice as their spoils. As Remus takes h is portion of meat, he gives a laconic statement similar to Hercules in Propertius 4.9 when he inaugurates the Forum Boarium (16 20) declaring that only the victor deserves to eat the meat, atque ait haec certe non nisi victor edet (374). 42 Upon returning Romulus finds out that Remus and his men have prevailed and consumed all the meat. While Ovid paints Romulus as disappointed ( indoluit) his laughter ( risit ) could suggest that he is not a sore loser if Ovid does not mean to foreshadow the rift between Ro Parilia (4.721ff). 43 At the end of his entry on the Lupercalia Ovid gives an aition for the Lupercalian rite of fertility in which runners strike women with leather straps (4 29 452). Here our narrator presents us with the king Romulus, rather than the young man illustrated earlier in the entry (365 380), and for the first time in the poem he depicts Romulus as a man in crisis, the true test of any s representation of him reveals a weak Romulus incapable of protecting his people without divine aid, much like Aeneas in the early books of the Aeneid In the end the Roman people find the help they need from Juno Lucina, who tells them to whip their wome n with goat leather straps to promote conception (435 442). 41 Hexameter 371 is completely spondaic except for the fifth foot drawing out t he discussion of their preparation. Hexameters 373 and 375 are completely dactylic save for the last foot giving great speed to the first half of the ys throughout his first book. 42 43 good lose r cf. Heinz (1919) 29, Duval (1972) 208, Fantham (1983), 190; Schilling (1960) 114 and Barchiesi (1997) interpretations would make more sen question is whether Ovid intends the reader to see Romulus here as deceptive or as a good sport. Recall that in Homeric epic, people laugh at the failures or shortcomings of others. In e expense and never laugh with them.

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109 short speech, full of self pity: quid mihi clamabat prodest rapuisse Sabinas Romulus (hoc illo sceptra ten ente fuit), si mea non vires, sed bellum iniuria fecit? utilius fuerat non habuisse nurus. 431 435 He complains that the rape of the Sabines was useless if it brought war ( bellum ) but no long term security ( vires ). His self pity reminds the reader Aeneid when upon encountering a storm at sea Aeneas loses control of limbs ( soluuntur membra ), groans ( ingemit ), and gives a long speech in which he bemoans his own fate and longs to have died at Troy with th e other great heroes (92 101). 44 imperils the whole mission since it could cause his crew to lose confidence in not just their leader but their task. Romulus like Aeneas has resigned himself to failure at the first sign of o pposition. While crises naturally cause emotional responses, the elegiac leader must restrain his passion and think of his subjects. The choice of Aeneas and Romulus to voice publicly their fears could bring about a grave crisis of confidence in their subj ects, who like their ruler may now find resistance futile. Roman people accomplishes an end to the suffering as they call upon Juno Lucina, monte sub Esquilio multis i ncaeduus annis Iunonis magnae nomine lucus erat. huc ubi venerunt, pariter nuptaeque virique suppliciter posito procubuere genu: cum subito motae tremuere cacumina silvae, et dea per lucos mira locuta suos. 44 silently wishes for her own death yet hides her tears from the crew (3 .595 response to the death of Remus at the hands of Celer (4.845ff).

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110 'Italidas matres' inquit 'sacer hircu s inito.' obstipuit dubio territa turba sono. 436 442 grove ( venerunt and procubuere ) emphasizing the public nature of this solution. The people, not Romulus, consult the goddess for a solution. We may compare this to the depictions of the pious Numa who twice in the Fasti consults the gods on behalf of himself and in an attempt to aid his suffering people (3.275 398, 4.629 676). In this passage the people and not their king are the pious ones genuflecting in the sacred grove near the Esquiline Hill to await the response of Juno. Thus, this rite of the Lupercalia belongs to the foresight and piety of the Roman people and not the acts of one man, whether he is Ro mulus or more appropriately Augustus, who briefly outlawed the festival. 45 illustrates the popular aspect of the festival. 46 Quirinalia icant consequences for the new pater patriae Augustus, whom Ovid casts as the most epic character in the Fasti and whose deification seemed all but assured to Ovid and his contemporaries once the emperor obtained this title in 2 B.C. The comparison between Romulus and Augustus makes the emperor once more aware that 45 Suetonius discusses the abolition and revival of certain republican festivals, nonnulla etiam ex antiquis caerimonis paulatim abolita restituit, u t Salutis augurium, Diale flamonium, sacrum Lupercale, ludos Saeculares et Compitalicios. Lupercalibus uetuit currere inberbes, ( Augustus 31.4) A.W.J. Holleman (1973) indicates the princeps may have altered the ceremony in an attempt to shame unfertile wom en. I agree with Holleman that Lupercalia himself a Hellenistic king. Augustus must have disbanded the festival until he could find a way to repackage it to fit his new imperial model. 46 The elegists Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid often privilege the private over the public and the individual over the the senate or any individual man. Throughout the poem Ovid will seek to orient his narratives back toward the popular festival and avoid some of the more heavy aspects of the imperial rites.

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111 Quirinalia a festival for the deified Romulus. 47 mention of the princeps his shadow lurks over the section as it does in so many portions of this poem. It is the coming deification of Augustus that would be most in the mind contemporary readers. The reader may recall that Ovid has used Romulus as a foil to the emperor Augustus in his panegyric to the princeps for receiving the pater patriae on February 5. In that passage Augustus, the most epic of characters in th e Fasti bests the ancient pater patriae in every possible way. 48 Quirinalia (1.16ff) and his own previous attempt ( Metamorphoses 14.805 828) to create an integrated version of the mention the Quirinal hill, the site of the festival, and his choice once more to treat the apotheosis of Romulus forces the reader again to consider their own contemporary Romulus, Augustus, a 49 coming deification throughout this passage since Ovid has in this poem already shown Romulus, now the deified Quirinus, to be inferior to Augu stus in every way (2.119 mortal deeds so dwarf those of the deified pater patriae the reader can expect the princeps to receive soon his share of divinity. After all the senate had deified his great uncle after his murder 47 Robinson (2011) 475 ccording to legend actually took place in July. Thus, Ovid has moved the date of the apotheosis. Likewise, Robinson points out that some Romans thought Romulus was buried in the Forum Romanum near the lapis niger (Horace Epode 16.11 14 and Porphyrio at Epo de 16.13). In this tradition Romulus neither reached heaven as a god nor died at the hands of the senate. 48 Although Romans granted Marcus Furius Camillus this same honor for saving Rome from the Gauls, Ovid makes Pat er Patriae Ab Urbe Condita Metamorphoses (14.805 828). entry for February 17. 49 Ovid refers to Augustus as a god while still living several times in his poetry ( Ars Amatoria 1.203 204, Metamorphoses 15.760 761, and Tristia 1.1.20, 1.2.3 4, and 1.3.37).

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112 in 44 B.C., an five year reign as sole ruler of the Roman world grossly surpassed the three year efforts of the dictator perpetuus The confusion of our narrator as to the origin of the name Quirinus continues a trend in the Fasti of offering multiple c ausae for each Roman festival or monument; a technique that makes let alone one man. 50 Playing the role of the antiquarian, our Ovidian narrator begins the entry with a discussion of the etymology of Quirinus, the deified Romulus, and offers three possible reasons for his name (477 480). 51 Perhaps, Romulus acquired the name because he had won his fame with a spear or cures in Sabine. Or was it that the Romans, known by ward as Quirites, gave their first king this name? Of course it could be because Romulus brought the Sabine town of Cures into the Roman community. At this point our narrator has made it clear he has little interest in the true origin of the name. In f act he will never mention anywhere that the festival Quirinal, said by Varro ( De Lingua Latina 5.158) and Martial (5.22.4) to have been sacred to an 50 Robinson (2003) 609 says the Ovidian narrator of the Me tamorphoses skillfully weaves together the many narratives in the epic poem in a way that showcases his strength and keeps the audience guessing where he will turn next in his narration. In contrast, the narrator of the Fasti often complains that the conte nt of the calendar restrains his own ability whether intentional or not undermine the potential authoritative voices in the poem (Janu s, Mars, Venus, the narrator himself) and allow the reader to build his own Rome from the multiple causae offered up by the Ovidian narrator. The result is that Rome appears a rich matrix of many elements and is many things to many people. Robinson (2011) 475 the entry for February 17 as a way of mocking any Romans who might believe this story of the deification of the mortal Romulus. He does admit, however, that the Qui rinalia and Festa Stultorum fall on the same day and thus 51 Edwards (1996) 37 sees the omission of references to the Palatine hut of Romulus as an effort by writers friendly to Augustus (Livy, Ho race, and Vergil) from becoming entangled in the many different versions of early Rome. By contrast Ovid relishes the chance to blur these distinctions and create his own Rome, a city built on virtus but preserved through the pietas and foresight of her ru lers.

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113 old form of Jupiter. Not much is known of the real Quirinus. 52 He formed one third of the early Capitoline triad (Livy 8.9.6), received the third offering of the spolia opima mounted by Claudius Marcellus ( Aeneid 6.859), and functioned as a sort of peacetime Mars, Quirinus autem est Mars, qui praeest paci et intra civitatem colitur: nam belli Mars extra civitatem templum habuit (Servius at Aeneid Italic gods like Quirinus had become by this point of the Augustan revolution. As Ovid turns to the actual tale, he alters some of the details of his previous account. 53 Metamorphoses 14.808 815, Fasti 2.483 488), the account in the Fasti unlike its pa rallel in the Metamorphoses not only explicitly references the death of Remus as a motive for deifying the remaining brother but makes the bold claim that Romulus means so much to Mars that he makes up for the loss of Remus, redde patri natum: quamvis inte rcidit alter/ pro se proque Remo qui mihi restat erit (485 486). If Romans typically associated the death of Remus with their own civil wars, the Roman reader would take this as a reference to the devastation of the recent civil wars. By taking this point a step further, the reader comes to the unnerving conclusion that Romulus (Augustus) has eliminated all concedes the losses of the civil war as a necessary sacrific e for the greatness of Romulus and by extension the city itself. 54 apology for the impending deification of Octavian, a man responsible for countless atrocities not 52 Dumzil (1970) 261ff sees Quirinus as a sort of peacetime Mars who had many of his attributes re appropriated by other deities and became associated simply with the deified Romulus much like the ancient Greek god Enyalios, whose name eventually bec ame nothing more than a personification of Ares. 53 He now sets the apotheosis near the Palus Capreae as Livy has it. Nevertheless, as in the previous version, Mars approaches Jupiter and requests that the king of gods receive Romulus into the Olympian cano n. 54 For a further discussion of the blood sacrifice that brought about the pax Augustana see my comments below on the Ara Pacis

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114 just in his youth but again chariot coming for the new pater patriae the first man to build a temple to the war god inside what was always considered his city. 55 Fasti successively pushed the complicated image of the epic Romulus to the periphery and established Apollo and Mars as the new protectors of his imperial model without showing disrespect to is epic model of leadership without being associated with a possible fratricide like Romulus or undermining too publicly the cult of Jupiter, the original guarantor of the Roman Empire. he wishes to embrace the legacy of king Romulus. 56 Throughout the poem Ovid has depicted a series of epic leaders (Jupiter, Mars, Romulus, and Augustus) with which to contrast his elegiac counterparts (Janus, Numa, Fabius Maximus Cunctator, and Romulus aga in) and thereby offer evidence of what constitutes successful leadership. Since the nature of his power over the city has no parallel in republican Rome, the emperor must accept that his principate resembles most the reign of Romulus, who like the princeps exerted a monarchic hold over the city and for his efforts received the title of pater patriae and divine honors. While Ovid does follow a traditional version of this story by including the patrician gens cannot help but remind the reader of the current Julian monarch, who hoping to leave a stable government knows he must yoke the 55 Dumzil (1970) 206 explains that early temples to Mars remained outside the city. Quirinus took up the civic functions of Ma 56 Book 2 contains by far the strongest emphasis on leadership of any book in the Fasti The Ovidian narrator ders besides Romulus and Augustus, such as the Fabii, the Tarquinii, and Brutus.

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115 Roman people to his own family through religious worship in the vein of a Hellenistic king. 57 As a Hellenistic king, he cou ld expect deification during his own lifetime and a lasting legacy. Following the actual apotheosis of Romulus, Ovid like Livy (1.16ff) and unlike his previous attempt ( Metamorphoses 14.805ff) presents his readers with the rumor that senators had murdered Romulus, luctus erat, falsaeque patres in crimine caedis/ haesissetque animis forsitan illa fides (497 498). The narrator quickly disposes of that notion by presenting the case of Proculus Iulius, a man who claims he met the deified Romulus on the road bac k from Alba Longa (499 512). 58 It is as if the Julian gens knowing the necessity of deification to their future success have sought to procure the honor for another man centuries ahead of time. 59 The inclusion of Proculus Iulius, nevertheless, assures us tha t Ovid still cannot avoid Augustus in the Quirinus on the hill and es tablish yearly honors to him (511 512). Again, the narrator has had no intention of discussing the Quirinalia and its relationship to an ancient cult site on the Quirinal. To our Augustan narrator, Quirinus as the deified Romulus has important consequences for their own leader and new pater patriae but little to do with an ancient Sabine god of the Quirinal. 57 Robinson (2011) 498 suggests like Cicero ( De Republica 2.20) that the senate put forth Proculus Iulius to cover up their murder of Romulus. 58 In a twist of irony, a Julian i adoptive father as a justification for his entire revolution. 59 Dumzil (1970) 248 add ition by the Julian gens occurring around the beginning of 1 st century B.C. at the earliest. In this way a Julian

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116 Parilia It is during the entry for the Parilia and development from epic to elegiac leader. 60 This change in character will continue to develop in book 5 when Romulus will piously establish the Lemuria to honor the death of his brother. If the model of Roman l eadership from epic to elegiac and simultaneously put elegy on equal 862). 61 Likew ise, Ovid is not the first to treat the Parilia as the founding of Rome; Livy had given two accounts of the tale in his Ab Urbe Condita some twenty or more years previously (1.7.1 3). 62 Fasti often in dicts its epic heroes; they are hasty and violent men with no time for thoughtful reflection. 856) follows his previous section on fire leaping tends that mere 60 In his entry for April 21, Ovid must sing of the Pa rilia an ancient and pre Romulean feast of purification for sheep and shepherds in honor of the pastoral goddess Pales. This day, however, had become associated with Parilia of 753 B.C. Dumzil (1970) 380 381 insists that Pales is a goddess and that confusion over her gender comes from the confusion of the Roman goddess with an Etruscan god named Pales, an agent of Jupiter. Fantham (1998) 721 862 points out that Propertius mentions the Parilia 20) and again when describing 75). By this point in the Augustan age, his Roman audience would expect O vid to connect the Parilia with the more important event of that calendar day, Parilia and Romulus. 61 Fantham (1998) 721 862 believes Ovid divides the narrative in to four parts: the purification of sheep and shepherds (4.721 782), the aition for fire leaping at the celebration (783 806), the founding of Rome and death of Remus (807 856), and a patriotic prayer for Roman supremacy (857 862). I will refer to the last two sections only since the first two sections do not pertain to Roman leadership. 62 Ennius gives an account of the auguries sought by Romulus and Remus upon the founding of the city ( Annales 77 96). s his birds first while Romulus receives an augury twice as large. In the aftermath the gangs of both men hail their leader as king, and a fight breaks out. During this altercation Remus dies. Livy also gives the alternative story that Romulus killed his b rother Remus because he had mocked the size of the lowly walls of his new city.

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117 ipse locum casus vati facit: Urbis origo/ venit; ades factis, magne Qu irine, tuis (807 808). Ovid acts as if he has no control over the information he disseminates in his calendar, as if the sheer number of details and causae have overwhelmed our narrator and made him unreliable. His comments remind the reader of his earlier trepidation when embarking on a panegyric to Augustus the pater patriae (2.119ff), yet no Callimachean poet as accomplished as Ovid ever allows himself to flow aimlessly from one topic to another. Notice his use of vates a word for a soothsayer that carr ied an ancient religious significance that Vergil and his fellow Augustan poets revived as a term of sophistication for their style of poetry. 63 While fitting all the details of such an important day into this entry is a difficult task, the narrator is purp osefully creating confusion here so that the reader can see Rome for what it is; a city that over a 700 year period rose from a meager salt town to the narrative celebrates these nameless and lesser known contributors so as to reveal that the greatness of Augustan Rome does not belong to one man or even one family. 64 It is for this reason he focuses much of the entry on the festival itself (721 806) and not the cont roversial 856). -unlike his other narratives that seem hostile to Romulus (1.27ff, 2.119ff) -that Remus recognized his br other as the victor of the augury and rightful king of Rome. He also 63 Cf. Newman (1968) for the use of vates in Augustan poetry. 64 Miller (1991) 108 Amores 3.13) dep the countryside. The narrator in the Fasti on the other hand shows a greater interest and appreciation for these simple rustic rites much l ike Tibullus.

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118 removes Romulus from blame by naming another man, Celer, as the actual killer and calling Remus rash for his actions. In his version the two brothers agree to settle the contest with an a 'nil opus est' dixit 'certamine' Romulus 'ullo/ magna fides avium est: experiamur aves' (4.813 emphasizes that Remus accepted Romulus as the rightful winner and founder of Rome, sex Remus, hic volucres bis sex videt ordine; pacto/statur, et arbitrium Romulus urbis habet (4.817 Romulus places in charge of the walls and tells to kill any one who dares ( audentem ) to cross the walls: hoc Celer urget opus, quem Romulus ipse vocarat, 'sint' que, 'Celer, curae' dixerat 'ista tuae, neve quis aut muros aut factam vomere fossam transeat; audentem talia dede neci.' 4.837 840 Ovid makes it clear that anyone who dares to jump the walls ( audentem ) must die. Romulus gave walls but breaks the law by jumping over the wall, quod Remus ig norans humiles contemnere muros coepit, et 'his populus' dicere 'tutus erit?' nec mora, transiluit: rutro Celer occupat ausum; ille premit duram sanguinulentus humum. 4.841 844 Here Ovid transfers the blame from Romulus to two different impulsive char acters, Celer and Remus. If Remus had not dared to jump the fence ( ausum ), Celer would not have killed him. On

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119 some of the blame to the impulsive guard. 65 Celer i s the negative epic hero in this account, but Remus receives blame for his own rashness and lack of concern for the law. After all he chooses makes no exception word regarding enemies. haec ubi rex didicit, lacrimas introrsus obortas devorat et clausum pectore volnus habet. flere palam non volt exemplaque fortia servat, 'sic' que 'meos muros transeat hostis' ait. 4.845 848 Aeneid, develops into a goo d leader during the Fasti The early actions of both call into question their capability as kings ( Aeneid 1.92ff and Fasti 1.29 44 and 2.475ff), but both in the end emerge as model leaders in their respective poems. Romulus does not want to alarm his peopl e and show weakness by weeping in public, a fact that reveals he has matured and no longer resembles the man who cried upon learning that the Roman women could not conceive (475ff). 66 Here he keeps his word and honors his brother with the appropriate funera l honors, at tamen exsequias; nec iam suspendere fletum/sustinet, et pietas dissimulata patet (4.849 850). His efforts to hide his grief fail though, and his piety shines through. Ovid has not treated Romulus in this passage as the reader might expect give n the description of other epic heroes and Romulus himself in the Fasti law, his concern for the people, and his piety. The reader feels empathy for the king, who must 65 Roman Antiquities 1.87.4 for another version that mentions a Celer. 66 must have occurred well a of the poem.

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120 put aside his own private wishes to care for the common safety of all. He makes no distinctions about his people based on class or kinship. Thus, Ovid humanizes Romulus by depicting the true his fraternal devotion in granting Remus burial honors despite his virtual treason. In this way and pious ruler. Lemuria For his entry on the Lemuria in May (5.419 49 approaching his parents Acca and Faustulus, Remus delivers a heartfelt speech in support of his that very day. 67 exculpate R omulus at the expense of Remus and the real killer Celer. In this story Ovid uses epic language to color Remus and Celer as hasty and cruel epic heroes respectively. On the other hand, the description of the dutiful Romulus paints him as an elegiac leader endowed with piety, much as Aeneas appears in the festival of the Vinalia (4.863 veloci ), however, suggests that the young man himself is partly to blame for his untimely death, Romulus ut tumulo fraternas condid it umbra/et male veloci iusta soluta Remo (5.451 ( audentem from the benevolent king Romulus. The adjective reminds t he reader of Celer, the real assassin, 67 Notice that Remus appears before his parents as they sleep much like the ghost of Hector in the Aeneid (2.268ff) and the ghost of Dido in the Fasti (3.639 ff).

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121 death. In his first words, Remus reminds his parents that he is one of their two sons, 'en ego dimidium vestri parsque altera voti,/ cernite sim qualis, qui modo qualis eram (5.459 460) Remus in this account once more admits that Romulus rightly won the augury contest, a detail qui modo, si volucres habuissem regna iubentes,/ in populo potui maximus esse meo (5.461 462). Ovid makes it clear to his readers that Romulus has won the distinction as king fairly and in a contest authorized by both brothers. when Remus says, quem lupa servavit, manus hunc temeraria civis perdidit. o quanto mitior illa fuit! saeve Celer, crudelem animam per volnera reddas, utque ego, sub terras sanguinulentus eas. noluit hoc frater, pietas aequalis in ill o est: quod potuit, lacrimas in mea fata dedit. 5.467 472 temeraria and crudelem Remus even mentions that the wolf, the wild beast that suckled the twins, had a softer touch (m itior) than this cruel man. The term mitior has an elegiac ring to it and is often found in elegiac 68 pious and thoughtful king. After all, Remus says his brother poss esses equal piety ( pietas ) to himself and shed tears for his dead brother as a dutiful kinsman. Acca and Faustulus obey their 68 Conte (1994) 322 323 discusses how elegy with its emphasis on nequitia and servitium amoris to a domina at its heart develops in opposition to the life of the epic men who follow the mos maiorum Thus, words like mitis and mollis uncommon in epic ab ound in the elegiac world which glorifies in a life of self indulgence and leisure that allow time to pursue love interests.

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122 festival of the Remuria, later changed to the Lemuria, Romulus obsequitur, lucemque Remuria dicit/ illam, qua positis iusta feruntur avis (479 480). f Romulus in the Fasti and suggested elegiac, pious, and foresighted king by books 4 and 5. Likewise, Romulus acts as a foil to the most epic character in the whole poem Augustus, whom Ovid declares as more epic than emphasize that Romulus rightly earned the kingdom in the augury contest and merited divine honors for his great death in which the senate no longer able to tolerate his autocracy tears him apart during a meeting, yet Livy is sure to say the people disregarded this version out of admiration fo r the Fasti from epic warrior to elegiac king, the poet stresses that the elegiac Romulus and all elegiac leaders marked as they are by piety, foresight, and patience have served as much better models for leadership than the primitive and epic leaders depicted in the works of Ennius, Cicero, Livy, and Vergil. By creating his own elegiac hero and re Ovid raises the genre of elegy influential poet.

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123 CHAPTER 6 FROM MORTAL TO GOD: AUGUSTUS This chapter both evaluates the relationship between Ovid and the princeps and examines program for the Fasti 1 Ovid paints Augustus as the most epic of all characters in the Fasti insignificant elegiac couplets (2.119ff) and requires the voice of the great Homeric bard that Ovid protests he canno t properly channel. While one may be tempted to start an examination of the relationship between Ovid and Augustus in the princeps en Ovid was a of leisure like his friend Propertius and enc ouraged him to stand aloof from politics. In this way a corpora as not only defenses of their choice of lifestyle but also endorsements of the merit of elegiac virtues. The works of both poets offer competing 1 task. While many a gree that distinctions like anti and pro Augustan are much too simplistic, so too are our comparisons of Augustus to modern totalitarians like Hitler or Stalin. Any discussion of Augustan politics says as much about us in the modern world as it does the Ro mans. Ahl (1984 ) 192 208 advises that modern critics abandon the groundless notion that a writer could never safely criticize the emperor. Ahl points out that Quintilian states that the critical work need not even elude the emperor. The writer must, howeve r, account for two things. First, he must ould he anger the emperor. Regarding Augustan propaganda Wallace Hadrill (1987) 221ff explains that the most successful Kennedy (1992) 26 27explains that the Romans had Augustan ideology, they are also actively shaping and changing the ideology of the emerging principate. Thomas (2001) 75 Aeneid in an attempt to challenge the Augustan reception of the poem. Thomas notices that wh ile neither Turnus nor Dido speak during the little Aeneid Metamorphoses the narrator gives voice to their concerns articulating re volution was a huge success, and despite the ruthless proscriptions of his youth he so thoroughly incorporated his own family into the religious, social, and political fabric that out of a five hundred year old oligarchy he fashioned a monarchy that would survive for five centuries in Western Europe.

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124 images of words Ovid like Propertius contributed to the dialogue on imperial power and Roman identity through his writings rather than the interworkings of the senate. When Ovid was a young man, he received rhetorical training, the typical course of action before entering the senate. While he had an elegant and smooth style, his disregard for the order of events in his narratives hurt his ability as an orator. 2 Nevertheless, there is no hint that he could not have overcome such flaws and joined his peers in politics when Augustus offered him of quies 3 His decision to remain aloof from po litics likely irritated the emperor, who was eager to enfranchise noble men from provincial Italy as a sign of their faith and complicity in his political revolution. Following his departure from politics, Ovid like his fellow elegist Propertius made recus ationes explaining his preference for the elegiac genre. In reality, these recusationes his essentially apolitical nature, I propose that he was in reality u sing his passion for love poetry to justify a fundamental distaste for the political transformations of the Augustan age and their effects on Roman identity. 4 2 Seneca the Elder, who although ten years older than Ovid outlived him by over twenty years, records in his Controversiae a portrait of the young declaimer Ovid, whose elegant speeches though mostly prosaic renderings of verse often impressed his fellow students ( Controversiae 2.2.8). It appears, however, that during his rhetorical training Ovid had little interest in giving forensic speeches ( controversiae ) since he did not enjoy offering proofs ( Controversi ae 2.2.12). Frnkel (1945) 5 declamations; namely that despite his wit and charm he often neglects the sequence of events in his narratives. 3 In the Tristia Ovid tells us that he and his brother, who was older by a year, came to Rome to study law. After his clavus ) and forgo entry into the Senate believing he did not have the appropriate physical constitution for a political life (4.10.29 38). Cf. Syme (1939) 363 4

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125 Throughout the Fasti Ovid treats the princeps as not just an epic man but the most epic hero o f all time. Descriptions of Augustus will go beyond the traditional panegyrics to mortals and reveal that the weighty presence of the emperor, now pater patriae threatens to overwhelm of praise poetry, but Tibullus 2.5 and Propertius 4 showed Ovid a way to incorporate panegyric in an elegiac poem, a necessary element for a work on the Roman calendar. Fasti lacks sign ificant for the period when the princeps sought to obtain an adequate successor and preserve his new imperial state. 5 As Ovid composes his poem on the Fasti he cannot, even if he were in the words every aspect of Roman life and especially the organization of time. 6 If Augustus really is, as 5 Despite the misinformed notion of historical hindsight that Octavian successfully transformed into Augustus and neatly turned the republic into a principate, the princeps actually faced a fair deal of opposition throughout his whole anda that sought to depict the remaining republican opposition as illegitimate although it existed even after Actium when Octavian appealed to a republican constituency to support his new program and prevent future civil wars. Syme (1974) 4 5 refers to the grandsons as his heir leaving Tiberius to handle important matters with no possibility for advanc ement much like Marcus Agrippa in the past. Bowersock (1984) 169 185 explains that the problem of Augustan succession was tied effort to assure fu ture stability in that region, Augustus sent his heir apparents on tours of the east to showcase them. A round 2 B.C Tiberius left for Rhodes as Gaius, the new hei r apparent, was preparing for a campaign in Parthia. Southern (1998) 160ff explains that while Augustus may have felt very secure around 12 B.C. the death of Agrippa in that same year and the subsequent deaths of his grandsons Lucius (A.D.2) and Gaius (A.D 4) formed a series of disappointments that Augustus adopted Tiberius as his son, offered him potestas tribunicia for three years, forced him to ac cept his grandnephew as his subsequent heir, and granted Tiberius powers equal to the princeps when dealing with the imperial provinces (Suetonius Tiberius 15, 21). The question as to who would rule Rome had been answered. Now the Roman people had to prepa re themselves for their new monarch. 6 McKeown (1984) sees Ovid as an apolitical poet since he makes use of political activity less often in his personal elegies than his predecessors Propertius and Tibullus. While McKeown (1984) 174 acknowledges that Ovid erotic verses would have irritated the emperor since the princeps had hoped to reestablish a rigorous moral code, he does not see Ovid as a poet bent on Augustan opposition. Otherwise, McKeown suggests that Ovid would have included more politica l passages in his earlier poetry. Newlands (2002) 215 sees the incomplete nature of the Fasti

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126 Wallace Fasti 7 prior to 2. 8 Ovid duly includes Augustus in 6 important entries for the Fasti 9 He giv es four aetia for the titles including Augustus on January 13 commemorating the first settlement in 27 B.C. (1.587 616), one for pater patriae on February 5 in 2 B.C (2.119 148), another for his assumption of the chief priesthood ( pontifex maximu s ) on March 6, 12 B.C. (3.415 428), and one celebrating the conferment of imperator on April 16, 43 B.C. (4.673 676). He also gives aitia in two entries for important Augustan monuments, the Ara Pacis on January 30, 13 B.C. (1.709 astronomical mechanism, man rule and mon itored by bureaucratic often forei imperial calendar augmented his totalitarian regime. I believe Ovid avoided politics in his earlier poetry for two reasons. First, he does appear by his own admission less interested in the politics of the Augustan age than ot hers ( Tristia 4.10.1 40). Secondly, public themes like the imperial policy of the emperor are fundamentally incompatible with the personal nature of elegy proper. Once Propertius with his fourth book and Ovid with this Fasti found a way to construct etiolo gical elegy and capitalize on the great fame these political topics could grant their elegiac verse, they put aside their recusationes and began their innovative experiments to expand the potential of the elegiac couplet. 7 Wallace Hadrill (1987) 223 expla allow any poet, important as these men were to the spread of imperial propaganda, to remain completely apolitical. 8 I follow Herbert Brown (1994) 32, Syme (1978) 23, and Miller (200 9) 326 327 who believe the dedication to Germanicus in book1 replaced the original dedication to Augustus, which Ovid subsequently moved to the preface of book 2. Given the numerous post exilic additions to book 1 (Syme 1978 28 ff), I find no reason to sug gest he did not move the dedication from book 1 to book 2. Fantham (1985) 257 258 believes Ovid had always intended for his Fasti seeks civil incl usion for its author, and he sees the dedication to Germanicus as analoguous to a man naming his imperial patron on praescriptiones 9 Ovid also includes an entry on March 6 lauding Augustus for receiving the title pontifex maximus in 12 B.C. (3.415 428) a nd one on April 16 commemorating the conferment of the title imperator on Octavian in 43 B.C. for

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127 724) and the temple of Ma rs Ultor on May 12 in 2 B.C. (5.545 598). It now seems beneficial to Some scholars see the Fasti playful style was not suitable for adaption to Augustan ideology or since Ovid never had any intention of glorifying imperial policy. 10 Fasti a poetic attempt to present his own perspective on Roman history through the calendar, will lead to an analysis of how this poem affects Augustus, the agent behind new fasti and every other phase of Tristia 4.10. 5 6). I wish to steer the argument away from discussions of sincerity and back towards an a in Ovidian poetry. Metamorphoses 11 This panegyric (15.843 870), published while he was still composing the Fasti offers a unique 10 Herbert Brown (1994) 63 believes these passages are not only since re but even effective panegyrics. Wallace Hadrill (1987) 228 229, and Hinds (1992) see the Fasti as a failure at Augustan panegyric. Holleman (1973) 266ff Fasti nt of Faunus in the entry on the Lupercalia is just one example of poetic opposition in the poem. I would agree that Ovid does not share with Vergil and Horace any deep reverence for early Roman gods like Faunus, whom he presents as a Roman Priapus in his Greek aition for activities at the Lupercalia Fasti shows the poem, he believes that it is difficult t o separate the formal requirements of writing a calendar from the tensions present in Augustan ideology and discourse. 11 During the defense of his poetry to Augustus in the Tristia Ovid contends that other Augustan poets like Vergil ( Aeneid 4) had written material as salacious as his Ars Amatoria and yet escaped punishment. et tamen ille tuae felix Aeneidos auctor contulit in Tyrios arma virumque toros, nec legitur pars ulla magis de corpore toto, quam non legitimo foedere iunctus amor (2.1.533 536) This description of the epic as tuae Aeneidos indicates that although Vergil had composed the poem its association with imperial policy had virtually transferred literary authority from the poet to the princeps Aeneid had clear imperial con nections from the start, Ovid must have recognized that any attempt to treat topics of Roman identity would inevitably draw comparisons to the undergoing efforts by Augustus to create a new state. Armed with this self awareness, Ovid recognized that while he could not avoid Augustus in his Fasti he had to prevent the emperor from overshadowing his poetic authority. If we begin our discussion of the Fasti with Augustus, we deny Ovid poetic authority in his own poem, a necessary prerogative for even the lowl iest of poets. If Ovid failed to control the presence of Augustus, like Vergil he risked losing control of his own poetic legacy. One must wonder how felix Vergil might have been if he had lived to see his immensely complicated and sophisticated poem arisi ng as

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128 f panegyric in both works to see how the poet claims his own poetic immortality and re appropriates the greatness of Augustus for his present project. 12 While Ovid offers a comparison of Augustus to Jupiter as he does in the entry for January 13 ( Metamorpho ses 15.859 relationship with the princeps Augustus has elevated Rome beyond all previous attempts and rules over the earth just as Jupiter reigns in the sky (859 860). At such a time, any overt criticism of the emperor would put Ovid at odds with a popular regime and more importantly the whole future of power at Rome. Instead of offering direct opposition, the poet seeks to reclaim some of the princeps by comparison Augustus have no power over Ovid in his own poem, for neither can destroy the everlasting fame his Metamorphoses will acquire for its poet (871 874). Ovid assures us that his readership and fame will spread with the imperial state (875ff). T he poet, like the emperor, will leave a lasting legacy on Roman culture that will expand as quickly as the imperial regime. Ever confident in his poetic legacy, he brags elsewhere that elegy owes as much to him as epic does to Vergil, tantum se nobis elegi debere fatentur/ quantum Vergilio nobile debet epos ( Remedia Amoris 395 396). Thus, in this epic it did from the most traumatic period of Roman history reduced to a mere piece of propaganda. I have no doubt of corpus shows an artist cry ing out for the peace and prosperity necessary for the great literary projects produced in the age of Augustus. I do, however, question whether any poet especially one as talented as Vergil would have any interest in continuing to compose poetry if the com mon perception would be that he was not in fact the driving force behind his own poetry. Griffin (1984) believes that Augustus ability to coerce poets into writing clear panegyric for his family and him was not very successful during the early principate. Horace and Propertius both give recusationes for writing any sort of grand epic. While Vergil eventually takes up the task, he does so on his own great poet Odes written upon the request of the emperor, contains much more pan egyric than the first three books as Horace attemtps to praise Augustus and his step sons, Tiberius and Drusus. 12 Miller (2009) 324 331 suggests that on at least two occasions ( Ars Amatoria 2.493 510 and Fasti 1.1 26) Ovid re appropriates for his own eleg iac projects the imperial Apollo. Galinsky (1975) 30 refers to this Ovidian tactic as reductio ad amorem

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129 panegyric, Ovid not only controls the powerful figure of Augustus but co opts much of his imperial success for his own poetic legacy. I turn now to the elegia c panegyrics in the Fasti constitutional and grossly unnatural the first settlement of 27 B.C. by which Octavian acquired the title Augustus and more importantly retained imperium proconsulare without leaving the city of Rome. Through imperium proconsulare Augustus could retain his armies and control of the major prov inces (Spain, Gaul, and Syria) while still acting as a civil magistrate at Rome since he did not lose his imperium upon entering the pomerium 13 Pompey had functioned in similar fashion during the later years of the First Triumvirate when he commanded the S panish provinces from Rome and offered an important model for the princeps Imperium proconsulare constitutes one of the two sources on which the newly emerging principate rested. The second imperial prerogative potestas tribunicia granted during the seco nd settlement of 23 B.C., allowed the princeps to veto any legislation in the senate. 14 It was from these two sources Augustus and his successors derived the power to govern the empire. Thus, January 13 has important relevance to imperial ideology. While Ov ius 13 Syme (1939) 313 315 explains that the first settlement granted imperium proconsulare to Augustus, which made him simultaneously an imperator in char ge of the most important provinces and a civil magistrate. Syme (1978) 22 suggests that Octavian did not receive the title of Augustus until January 16, and thus Ovid has conflated the two dates in his Fasti 14 Syme (1939) 336 In the second settlement of 23 B.C., Augustus received both potestas tribunicia and imperium proconsulare over the whole empire, a concession that made the other proconsuls throughout the Roman world mere legates to the princeps

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130 Maximus and the example par excellence of the patient and elegiac leader, ensures tension Augustus, who was never a great military leader, surpass not one but all the men on this list? foresight and patience during the Second Punic War to execute a strategy of not committing to battle with Hannibal in order to starve the C arthaginians into abandoning Italy. Despite the effective and prevented Rome from more humiliating and exhausting defeats while the Scipiones in Spain developed a str As Ovid approaches this entry, he invokes religious language, Idibus in magni castus Iovis aede sacerdos/ semimaris flammis viscera libat ovis (587 588) much like Tibullus (2.5.1 2) and Propertius (4.6.1 2) in thei r panegyrics. Ovid turns immediately to the source of the celebration, Augustus on Octavian Caesar (589 590). 15 Ovid says that no man in Roman history had ever recei ved a title as great as Augustus, nulli nomina tanta viro (592), nor conquered as many people (599 nature of his reign than lauds him as a great leader. 16 At this point the nar rator goes through a long list of republican heroes and the aetia for their mortal cognomina (593 606). Unlike 15 Green (2004) 593 616 notes the difficulty in determ ining who the dux of line 613 and the heres of 615 are. Since we have seen later additions in book 1, I am inclined to agree with Green that the dux is Tiberius and the heres Germanicus. Therefore, Ovid revised this section after his exile. With that said, the confusion as to who is the program while re e principate. 16 the civic virtues promoted by Augustus, whom Ovid paints as no traditional Roman leader. Boyle (2003) 216 suggests that cogno men Augustus far from being traditional attempts to associate Octavian with a god.

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131 Octavian Ovid chooses to honor the republican system. 17 Amongst this list Ovid includes the more famous figures Scipio Africanus, the Metelli, Dru sus, Pompey, Julius Caesar, and Fabius Maximus. His choice to culminate the list with Fabius Maximus Cunctator indicates his close connection to the Fabii and his preference for the patient and elegiac leadership of Cunctator, who never let his pride overw helm his own judgment and guided Rome through its greatest disaster. The reader implicitly compares Augustus to all these heroes and while acknowledging his power finds him out of place amongst the hardy and diligent men of republican Rome. While rrative gives the basics of the entry and its origins, by lingering on the lengthy list of republican predecessors he once more reorients the focus of the celebration away from one man and back to the glory of Roman history as a whole. 18 The emphasis on rep ublican history leaves the reader nostalgic for a time when Rome had many great leaders and contributors rather than one. 19 Much like Propertius 4.10, this panegyric to Augustus indirectly reminds the reader that despite his titles Augustus was never a grea t military commander like his uncle and the other republican leaders mentioned. Likewise, the power given to him surpasses all things mortal and seemingly brings him into potentially sacrilegious territory, sed tamen humanis celebrantur 17 Tacitus mentions that after the consuls Hirtius and Pansa had died during the siege of Mutina Octavian marched on Rome with their consular legions and forced an unwilling Senate to name him consul ( Annales 1.10.10 11). 18 Ovid here employs an elegiac tactic found also in Propertius 4 and the Metamorphoses in which the poet takes an inclusive approach to his history and allows a myriad of voices to contribute to the poetic p roject. This elegiac technique allows the poet to offer his own resistance to the new emerging state, whose preservation required the princeps to re appropriate the collective virtues of the republic for his own person. Cf. Fears (1980) 98 109. In Properti us 4 foreigners, astrologers, gods, soldiers, and women all offer different contributions to the whole that is 1 st century B.C. Rome. Throughout his Metamorphoses Ovid takes up familiar stories from new perspectives. For instance, while the poem contains a little Aeneid in books 13 and 14, Ovid gives little attention to Aeneas himself Aeneid His treatment of the cycle shatters the coherence of ogical stories into books 13 and 14. Through this broken narrative style, Ovid presents Aeneas for what he is; one of a long series of important mythological and historical characters responsible for the eventual successes of the Augustan age. 19 Republican suggests that Rome could have resisted Alexander the Great and his Macedonian army better than the cities of Greece and the east since the city had so many great men with which to confront one superior general ( Ab Urbe Condita 9.17 19).

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132 honoribus omnes/ hi c socium summo cum Iove nomen habet (607 608). 20 January 13 while appearing to honor Augustus portrays his reign as inconsistent with the history of government at Rome under the republic. Elegy, like the diverse city of Rome, stands a s the multifaceted genre by comparison to the exclusive atmosphere in epic. 21 princeps while revealing the extra constitutionality of his position, his entry for February 5 (2.119 148) celebrating the conferment of the title Pater patriae on February 5, 2 B.C. depicts Augustus as the most epic of all subjects surpassing even the brutal Romulus. 22 In order to properly 20 Fears (1980) 101ff explains that in the late republic dynasts like Sulla, Pompey, Caesar, and finally Octavian slowly attached to their own persons republican virtues like victor ia and libertas traditionally bestowed by Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the state as whole. This process, however, took many years. During the Antonine age, the Augustus was only particularly those of noble republican families, would have found some of his actions completely sacrilegious. Tacitus reports that s ome people thought Augustus had usurped honors properly due the gods alone by requiring that flamines and priests maintain images of him along the other gods in the temples, nihil deorum honoribus relictum cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli vellet ( Annales 1.10.25 26). 21 The heroic driven model of epic while attempting to create pan ethnic literature must focus on the deeds of the aristocratic heroes. Nonconformist characters like the iambic Thersites in the Iliad are treate d as outcasts in the epic world ( Iliad 2.211 the bow legged general preferred by Archilochus, Fr. 60 Nagy (1990) 17 suggests that the confrontation between Odysseus and Thersites ( Iliad 2.211 277) illustrates the ancient tension b associates him with the two great iambic poets Archilochus and Hipponax. Marks (2005) believes that despite his mistreatment Thersites belongs to the elite class. He explains that the Homeric poems do allow for some plethus or common people. Thus, epic whi le it is pan ethnic endorses the individual perspectives of the aristocrats alone. 22 Although late republican Romans viewed both Romulus and Camillus as patres patriae over Camillus drives home the point that Augustus while much gre common with republican leaders like Camillus, who legally obtained and preserved their imperia at the discretion of the Senate.

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133 ow the poet usually characterizes epic and elegy in his poems. In his corpus Ovid often marks epic as a heavy ( gravis ) meter while he sees the elegiac couplet as light ( levis ) and elegant ( decora ). 23 As Ovid begins this present panegyric, he calls this tit le the greatest honor recorded in the Fasti maximus hic fastis accumulatur honor (122), which by extension would make it the greatest honor ever obtained in Roman history. Instead of offering votive prayers, our narrator turns to Homer for inspiration, si nce if the poet wishes to properly laud his epic emperor, he will need the same strength and inspiration required to hymn Achilles, the greatest of all epic heroes (119 120). 24 Ovid like Propertius at 4.1.57 60 fears he lacks the talent to sing so epic a so ng, deficit ingenium, maioraque viribus urgent (123). The reader will notice that his modesty clashes with the bold pronouncements about his own poetic immortality that follow the panegyric to Augustus in the Metamorphoses (15.871ff). While in the panegyr ic that closes the Metamorphoses Ovid attempts to re appropriate statement about genre declaring that his meter cannot sustain the weight of his subject and th at Augustus requires hexameters for an adequate treatment, quid volui demens elegis imponere tantum / ponderis heroi res erat ista pedis (125 reopen the problem of the elegiac recusatio that Ovid appeared to have reconciled in book 1 (13 14). Here the epic weight ( ponderis couplets. The elegiac couplet can scarcely contain the epic Augustus and offers poor prospects as 23 In Amores 1.1 Ovid calls epic the heavy meter ( gravi numero ) and in Amores 3.1 a p ersonified image of Elegy, described as elegant at 10 ( decoris ), depicts her opponent Tragedy as composed of weighty words capable of crushing her, 'Quid gravibus verbis, animosa Tragoedia,' dixit,/ 'me premis? an numquam non gravis esse potes (35 36). 24 I follow the oral theory of composition for the Homeric poems (Lord 1960, Nagy 1979). Therefore, although I do single poet.

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134 a meter for this kind of panegyric. 25 weight discrepancy in the elegiac couplet caused by the alteration of the heavy but quick hexameter with the lighter and slower pentameter. 26 Before the narrator begins his twelve line comparison betwe en Romulus and Augustus (133 rules the heavens as pater deorum the emperor reigns over the whole earth as pater hominum (131 132). While the comparison seems relatively innocuous, upon reflection it creates an epic controversy. The great epic leader Augustus has risen to such ranks that he now threatens the titles of Jupiter, who throughout Greek and Roman epic receives the title pater deorum hominumque 27 Our narrator t urns quickly from these comments to his comparison of Romulus the first pater patriae and Augustus the most powerful ruler in the world. The uneven treatment 25 Cf. Wallace H adrill (1987) 228 229 and Hinds (1992). Some may wonder why Ovid would create panegyrics to Augustus in the Fasti bending poem on Roman history required him to cover many Aug ustan achievements. It is not so much that elegiac couplets are particularly inappropriate for panegyrics but rather that they are unable to sustain the sort of long narratives necessary to properly treat Roman history. 26 Halporn (1963)10 12 The hexameter line of the elegiac couplet tends to seem quicker than the pentameter since the hexameter line contains clean breaks within one metron ( caesurae ) while the pentameter must slow down to account for breaks between two metra ( diaereses ). 27 Cf. Fears (1980) 1 01ff for a great discussion of how the dynasts of the first century B.C. dealt with the image of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the protector of the Roman republic and her empire. We know that during the age of Augustus, the emperor maintained two huts of Romulu s, one on the Palatine and one on the Capitoline (Vitruvius 2.1.5). Scholars have explained the presence of the two hills in different ways. Balland (1984) 74 sees the placement of a hut on the Capitoline as an attempt by Augustus to downplay the loss of s ignificance the Capitoline hill underwent because of his building projects (temple of Apollo Palatinus) and renewed emphasis on the Palatine. Edwards (1996) 37 concurs suggesting that the hut on the Capitoline smoothed over the loss of religious functions on the Capitoline. Rea (2007a) 100 105 believes that the Capitoline retained much of its religious significance in the (guarantor of the republican em pire) as an attempt to connect Romulus with the political and religious significance that Augustus simultaneously sought to associate himsel f with Romulus and Jupiter Optimus Maximus through the placement of two huts while at the same time diminishing the significance of both Romulus and Jupiter by putting increased emphasis on Aeneas and Apollo.

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135 as th e narrator makes Augustus the greater and more active of the two at every point. In an accomplishments in the successive line of pentameter. This setup causes th e narrator to elegize Augustus in order to constrain this most epic of subjects in the light and narrow pentameter, Lupercalia 28 By placing Augustus in the pentameter line, he slows down the narrative to emphasize the strengths of the new pater patriae picking up speed in the next hexameter when he once more returns to the deeds of Romulus. Augustus bests the epic king Romulus at every point even while languishing in the slower pentameter. The narrator l gives a slower treatment to Augustus to show that a true refashioning of Rome like that of Augustus requires more time. While Romulus ruled over a small region in Latium, Augustus control s the whole world (135 136). Augustus has as much control over earth as Jupiter does in heaven (137). The sentiment like line 132 borders on sacrilege as Augustus is encroaching on the power of the chief god under whose protection the Roman republic grew. Romulus captured women for his city while Augustus forces them to pursue chastity (139 140). 29 Ovid continues to deification Augustus deified his own father Caesar (144). 30 Ovid presents Augustus as more 28 By placing Augustus and his deeds in the lin es of pentameter, the elegiac Ovid has once more attempted to re appropriate some of this Augustan greatness for his own poem. If he succeeds in his elegiac project, he will have presented an elegiac model of Roman identity to rival the epic centered parad Aeneid 29 Ovid may be suggesting this point ironically since Augustus took Livia from her husband Tiberius Claudius while she was pregnant, abducta Neroni uxor et consulti per ludibrium pontifices an concepto necdum edito partu rite nuberet ( Annales 1.10.20 22). 30 Augustus probably did not appreciate Ovid pointing out that he owed everything to his name and specifically his adoption by the dictator Caesar. This was not even the first time the poet had dared to do so, ne foret hic igitur mor tali semine cretus,/ ille deus faciendus erat ( Metamorphoses 760 761). Zanker (1988) 36 points out that Octavian made good use of the title divi filius and even minted a coin in 40 B.C. bearing both his likeness and the expression divi f

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136 powerful and epic than even the first king of Rome and reminds the audience that Rome has evolved a long way from not just the early monarchy but even the more recent republic. ugustus to his aetia for two very important Augustan monuments, the Ara Pacis and the temple of Mars Ultor. Like his treatments of the understanding how the princeps fits int Fasti song on the Ara Pacis emphasizes the peace of the Augustan age, the warlike details he adds return to t he golden age. Once more Ovid makes use of the elegiac tendency to exploit the dissonance between ideology and reality under the Augustan regime by depicting the pax Augustana in a novel way and avoiding idyllic scenes of peace presented in Greek poetry. 31 In his entry for January 30, Ovid commemorates the dedication of the Ara Pacis on this day in 9 B.C. The structure stands as the most visible symbol of the pax Augustana and consists of an altar surrounded by a wall enclosed in a set of larger walls. The inner walls contain images of sacrificed cow skulls called bucrania while the outer walls contain a number of reliefs showing processions of the senate and imperial family, Aeneas, Romulus, Remus, and the so called Italia or Tellus relief that depicts a sc ene of golden age ideality. Ovid gives the origin of this altar to peace at the outset of the entry, the victory over Antony at Actium, by presenting it in hymnic form and personifying the deity Peace, frondibus Actiacis comptos redimita capillos,/ Pax, ad es et toto mitis in orbe mane (1.711 712). His sixteen line passage never once mentions Augustus, the victor of Actium and dedicator of the altar. Like Tibullus 2.5 Ovid here praises 31 Green (2004) 2 34 236 suggests that Ovid alters traditional Greek motifs of an idealized peace by recalling the implements of war needed to preserve peace. It seems to me that Ovid is intent on pointing out the hardships required to preserve this new pax Augustana

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137 Augustan peace without reference to the man himself. 32 Besides the comment on Actium, the closest he comes to naming the imperial family is a vague reference to the descendants of Aeneas ( Aeneadae ) that seems to indicate the Romans at large and not just the Julian family. 33 After announcing the aition for Augustan peace (1.709 7 12), the narrator turns to a description of peace under Augustus. At this point Ovid mentions the many imperial policies necessary for preserving the princeps war and creating fear amongst your enem ies (715 718). This sort of activity while not constituting war properly is characteristic of the epic soldier, whose active life contrasts strongly with the sluggishness of the elegist. 34 arms mimics the incongruent images on the monument itself. 35 Multiple scenes around the altar depict cows; one resting comfortably in the Italia relief, another heading towards the sacrifice, and finally the bucrania decorate the inner precinct walls. The scenes seem to suggest that in order to produce peace for the cow, the cow itself must die. Upon considering the great loss of life that occurred during the civil war, the viewer may come to the unnerving conclusion that the Ara Pacis represents the blood sacrifice re quired to bring about the pax Augustana In other 32 I f ollow Gosling (1987) 336 poem to praise his patron Messalla and his son Messalinus, whose induction into the quindecimviri offers the anger Augustus since the emperor hoped that men of the leading families would adopt his own virtues. 33 One may recall that Lucretius calls Venus, Aeneadum genetrix ( De Rerum Natura 1.1). By extension, Romans from the city of Venus may be regarded as Aeneadae Boyle (2003) 263 sees ducibus (714) as a reference to the whole im successor. For Boyle, Ovid is pointing out the incoherence of the image of peace presented by the altar and the actual realities of the day at Rome. 34 Tibullus suggests he has no interest in the constant vigilance and preparation necessary for warfare and uses it as point of departure for explainin g his preference for elegy (1.1.3 4). At Amores 3.1.16, Tragedy calls Ovid the elegist a sluggish poet ( lente poeta ). 35 Green (2004) 709 722.

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138 words Augustan peace does not entail any return to a golden age but rather a step towards increased security that can only result from a strong imperial system. 36 While Ovid gives an artful epitaph to this Augustan monument, his concentration on the implements of war and vigilance needed to preserve the Augustan peace contrasts sharply with his elegiac model of leadership depicted throughout the poem, which values cunningness, patience, and forethought more highly than brute force. The career choices of Ovid and his fellow elegists, who preferred to pursue private, love poetry, clash profoundly with the imperial vigilance celebrated by Ovid in his entry for the Ara Pacis suggesting that while Augustus may rul e the world his model of leadership is not as effective as the one endorsed by Ovid in the Fasti 37 Like the Ara Pacis the temple of Mars Ultor had important purposes for Augustan show again how the poet will make use of imperial imagery. On May 12 Ovid gives an aetion for the temple of Mars Ultor (5.545 598). 38 not his arms, but the narrator cannot explain the origin of the Forum Augusti without explaining 36 Elsner (1991) 58ff has pointed out that the juxtaposition of the happy cow in the Italia relief and the images o f dead cow skulls reveal holes in Augustan ideology since the sacrifice of the cow prevents it from participating in the rought to fruition. Green (2008 ) discusses the changes in the Roman view toward animal sacrifice during the late republic especially among Pythagorean cults. One can see De Rerum Natura 1.62 78 and 5.1161 1203. He points out that the Augustan regime on the other hand presented an imal sacrifice as traditional and a sign of the great fertility of the Augustan age. 37 Cf. Tibullus (1.1.3 4) and ( Fasti 2.9 10) where both poets reject servitium militia e in favor of servitium amoris and servitium laudis respectively. 38 Suetonius specifi cally names three monuments when discussing the building program of Augustus, the Forum Augusti the temple of Apollo Palatinus, and the temple of Jupiter Tonans, publica opera plurima extruxit, e quibus uel praecipua: forum cum aede Martis Vltoris, templ um Apollinis in Palatio, aedem Tonantis Iouis in Capitolio (Augustus 29.1).

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139 how it was vowed. 39 At the time of the composition, the temple had become associated with two military actions. Before the battle of Philippi in October of 42 B.C., Octavian supposedly promised a te mple to Mars the Avenger if the god allowed him to defeat the armies of Brutus and Cassius. Besides the battle of Philippi, the temple had a connection to the return of arthia in 20 B.C. 40 By associating the return of the standards with the temple, Augustus is attempting to shift the temple from a monument of the civil war to a symbol of Julian power, and to give an historical justification to what was in effect an extra c onstitutional monarchy. In his depiction of the temple, Ovid will make use of epic diction to highlight the larger than mortal size of the complex, the fitting accent to a forum constructed by a man who portrayed himself as a living god. This imperial for um gives a complete visual representation of Augustan ideology, which sought to connect Augustus through Iulus to the whole history of rulers at Rome and stands as one of the most important monuments for Augustan propaganda (5.563 570). 41 Along the left por tico, the temple contained monuments to the great men of the Julian line (563 564). Opposite it appear the statues of the Summi Viri great men of the Roman republic (565 566). The two porticoes presented the whole lineage of power at Rome while the center of the temple contained a giant statue of Augustus in military garb. The temple clearly presents Augustus as not just one of the great triumphatores at Rome but the inevitable destiny 39 resemble the mocking tone he employs when speaking of war in Boo k 3. Boyle (2003) 210 believes that Augustan propaganda created the idea that Octavian made a vow to Mars Ultor before the Battle of Philippi. If he did, why did he wait so long to fulfill the vow? He made a vow to Apollo in 36 B.C. before his victory over Sextus Pompeius and managed to complete the temple of Apollo Palatinus by 28 B.C. 40 Newlands (1995) 88. 41 Zanker (1988) 210, Scheid (1992) 128

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140 of nearly a thousand years of Italian history. The enormous statue of A ugustus proclaims him as the greatest of all these men and the perfect culmination to Roman history. One can see why a poet like Ovid treats Augustus as a living god and one too grand for his meager elegiac couplets. The princeps in an attempt to legitimiz e his position with grand building projects had exceeded all mortal decorum. 42 By the later years of his life, Augustus had acquired every possible distinction and was in a sense a living god. 43 The temple of Mars towers above Rome just as the specter of Aug crush the individual voices of his elegiac poem. If these panegyrics to Augustus must match in verse the grandeur of his building program, this great distance between the epic and elegiac material will cause his genre bending experiment to perish utterly. In his first mention of the temple, our narrator through the use of the periphrastic in line 552 ( conspicienda ) describes the sanctuary as a structure that even the god Mars cannot afford to miss viewing. The depiction once more makes Augustus beyond mortal since his forum will impress even the Olympian gods. Mars is an all matches the size of the epic god, et deus est ingens et opus (5 53).The complex is so massive it could house trophies from the Olympian victory over the Giants, a frequent topic in Augustan poetry, digna Giganteis haec sunt delubra tropaeis (555). 44 The narrator then turns to the rld of Roman power (557 558). 45 The complex houses many statues of heroes: the narrator sees Aeneas burdened ( oneratum ) with the weight of his 42 Tacitus notes that some thought Augustus had gone much too far by allowing priests to maintain images of him in the temples during his lifetime, nihil deorum honoribus relictum cum se templis et effigie numinum per flamines et sacerdotes coli vellet ( Annales 1.10.24 26). 43 Ovid addresses him as a god on multiple occasions in his Tristia See for instance 1.1.20, 1.2.3 4, and 1.3.37. 44 Tibullus 2.5.7 Gigantomachy with clear associations to 45 entry on the Ara Pacis (1.715).

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141 father and the palladium, (563), the Alban kings (564), and Romulus carrying the spoils of the slain Acron. hinc videt Aenean oneratum pondere caro et tot Iuleae nobilitatis avos; hinc videt Iliaden umeris ducis arma ferentem, claraque dispositis acta subesse viris. 563 566 To review, the narrator has presented Aeneas enduring the fall of Troy, Romulus carryi ng the spolia opimia and countless other kings and republican leaders at the moments of their ultimate triumphs. He, however, has the temerity to describe the whole temple as greater because of the et visum lecto Caesar e maius opus (568). Can any one man really so greatly outshine the entire collection of summi viri enshrined in the temple that the Ovidian reader would consider the narrator reliable in this statement? I suspect not and for this panegyric to Augustus is intentionally overblown so as to match the couplets. 46 g reatness emerged as result of the constant efforts of diligent men and can never be reduced to the achievement of one man. 46 Compare the hyperbolic language in this passage from the Fasti Pharsalia in which the poet warns the emperor that when he becomes a star he ought not to lean to far toward eithe r pole lest his immense gravity topple the whole universe. aetheris inmensi partem si presseris unam, sentiet axis onus. librati pondera caeli orbe tene medio; 55 58 Bartsch (1994) 1 3 discusses how Roman audiences at spectacles often voiced their displ easure with the current go on stage and perform caused a reversal of roles. The audience now within the gaze of a performing emperor coul d no longer offer their applause based on the aesthetics of performance but like actors were forced to laud the reveals his displeasure with Augustu

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142 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION I have attempted in this project to analyze how Ovid alters the epic driven model of Roman identity that cryst ks to elevate the whole genre of elegy, establish himself as the elegiac equal to the epic Vergil, and thus emphasize his significant contribution as an elegist to the forging of a new elegiac identity for Rome. No project gave Ovid a better opportunity to treat Roman history and issues of Roman identity than the Fasti I have shown how Tibullus 2.5 and Propertius 4 proved to Ovid that he could tackle a poem on Roman political themes in his elegiac couplets without abandoning this notion of Callimachean aes thetics or undermining his credibility by appearing too deferential to the imperial family. Through a critical analysis of the origins of Roman elegy and its Callimachean aesthetic, I suggest that Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid all found ways to compose el egiac poetry on epic topics and even include panegyrics to the imperial family and friends. They succeeded in doing this without losing their credibility as elegiac poets, marked as they were by leisure and life in the pursuit of erotic thrills and standin g in opposition to the epic model of leadership promoted patron deity Apollo and celebrating the investiture of Messalinus never mentions the emperor himself givi ng thanks for the peace that followed Actium without naming its biggest proponent. His panegyric reveals a poet hesitant to speak of the civil wars and not fully prepared to leave off entirely from elegiac themes despite his intentions (111 114).

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143 My discu Fasti concludes that Propertius 4, like the Fasti, creates a Roman Aitia on various important city sites. In a typical elegiac characteristic, Propertius allows the Roman people and her mon uments to speak for herself. The poet shows the reader many different types of people including foreigners, astrologers, soldiers, women, kings, lovers, and farmers. In his presentation all these people contribute to what makes the city of Rome special or rather what constitutes Roman identity. His inclusive approach contrasts sharply with Vergilian epic where the narrator often speaks exclusively of aristocratic men. Readers of elegy in general will find that Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid all tend to emph asize the popular elements of festivals while downplaying certain elements of Augustan propaganda, which Syme and Holleman argue sought to keep women in their place while incorporating municipal men into the Roman aristocracy. 1 My analysis of the Fasti spe cifically examines the roles of 2 gods (Janus and Hercules) and one family (the Fabii) in the course of Roman history. The Janus narrative reveals a patient and elegiac god who ruled over a primitive period of peace and used his elegiac craftiness and fore thought to save Rome from the Sabine attack without directly confronting Juno, who was at model for how to approach powerful agents like a god or say a soon to be deified emperor. When handling such a powerful figure, one must use his wits and patience to show indirect opposition The story of Hercules and Omphale presented on the Lupercalia offers a parallel to the bending project. When Hercules and Omphale switch clothes, their actions are a 1 depicted by the elegiac poets where women and foreigners contribute to Rome Aeneid and Ab Urbe Condita helped codify this inclusive model.

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144 bending poem on the calendar. The narrator tries unsuccessfully to restrain the epic Hercules in his meager elegiac cou plets, but his massive body bursts through all where he attempts to restrain epic men and events in his elegiac couplets. As with Hercules, Ovid has trouble co nstraining Augustus and complains that his couplets lack the force to properly honor the princeps (2.119ff). The character of Hercules like Augustus threatens to topple his puny elegiac couplets. The Fabii offer a contrasting portrait and negative exemplum to the elegiac leaders presented in the poem. Unlike their descendant Cunctator, the rash actions of the Fabii lead to the destruction of the whole family and their attendants save one boy left at home, the ancestor of Cunctator. Ovid uses quick epic narr quickness which causes their downfall since they lack elegiac virtues like patience and cunning of which their descendant had plenty, quo ruitis, generosa domus (2.225). ransformation in the Fasti as he moves from epic brute to pious brother and contemplative leader. The transformation takes places across the poem as the epic and rash hero of books 1 and 2 becomes the pious brother Romulus who honors his dead brother with the Remuria particularly his deification foreshadow the imminent apotheosis of Augustus, who was at the time a god in all but name. 2 ole in the Fasti where 616) and another for the conferment of pater patriae (2.119 148). He also gives aitia in two entries for important 2 The narrator of the Ars Amatoria uses divine language to describe Augustus and his grandson Gaius as the youth prepared to head to Parthia in 2 B.C. (1.181 204).

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145 Augustan monuments, the Ara Pacis on January 30 (1 .709 724) and the temple of Mars Ultor on May 12 (5.545 598). Throughout the work Ovid characterizes Augustus as the most epic of men surpassing a whole list of republican leaders including Fabius Maximus Cunctator (1.593 606) and requiring the voice of a Homeric bard in order to properly honor this new Achilles (2.119 Ara Pacis dwells on implements of war and the peace duri ng the republican period. Finally, through exaggeration and hyperbolic rhetoric Ovid brings the epic characterization of Augustus to ridiculous heights by describing the grandeur of the temple of Mars Ultor. Like the temple itself, Augustus was a huge figu re in Rome and cast remove himself from a possible seat in the senate no doubt irritated Augustus who longed to bring in new municipal men to the Senate who w ould be loyal to him alone. In the end only Fabius Cunctator, Ovid must cloak his opposition to the imperial state in craftiness and forethought. If he wished to co B.C., he had to tread more carefully than his predecessors and co program without seeming to directly undermine it. Ovid in the Fasti seeks above all to create a Ro not the efforts of one man or his family. It remains to evaluate how effective Ovid was at altering concepts of Roman identity and aints, a poet can in fact use the elegiac couplet to construct Fasti does not pertain to the Fasti there exist many

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146 Fasti like the works of his elegiac predecessors tends to emphasize the popular aspects of festivals and monuments over the imperial associations. One may deba panegyrics to Augustus are, but such discussions are somewhat moot since Ovid had to deal with at its inception gained wide support once he proved he could maintain peace. It is not, therefore, Cunctator, and other elegiac characters in the Fasti he must use his cunning and patience to survive the legends and history, he seems to undermine imperial propaganda which seeks to persuade the people that this is the one and only path Rome was destined to take under Octavian Cae sar. The statuary at the temple of Mars Ultor connects Augustus with all the early origins of Rome from Aeneas to Gaius Caesar and the other republican commanders. The message is clear: Roman history has been building towards this most splendid age of Augu stus. Therefore, the elegiac concept of strength through diversity contrasts diametrically with the Augustus notion of Aeneid where only free men participate in the community. Likewise, the shield of Aeneas dep icts Augustus in the same manner as the images leadership as I suggest, the extant work we have leaves something to be desired. First, he promised twelve book composition of the Fasti and one notices passages in book 1 that he could not have constructed before A.D. 15 and more likely in A.D. 17. Thus, we must judge the success through the p eyes. In this case Ovid cannot claim a complete victory for an unfinished work. I doubt he gave

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147 up on the work because he could not sustain long narratives in elegiac couplets. He had faced that obstacle in every work but the Metamorphoses Perhaps, his isolation from Rome made his project impossible or at least deprived him of the passion to complete this national elegy. How can the poet properly influence Roman identity when he can never again see the city?

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148 LIST OF REFERENCES Texts Alton, E.H., Wor mell, D.E.W., and E. Courtney. 1978. P. Ovidi Nasonis Fastorum Libri Sex Leipzig Barber, E.A. 1960. Sexti Properti Carmina Oxford. Clark, A. 1916. Ciceronis Philippicae Oxford. Clausen, W.V. 1968. A. Persi Flacci et D. Iuni Iuvenalis Saturae Oxford C onway, R.S. and C.F.Walters. 1955. Ab Urbe Condita 1 5 Oxford __________________________. 1950. Ab Urbe Condita 6 10 Oxford. __________________________. 1950. Ab Urbe Condita 21 25. Oxford. Courtney, E. 1990. P. Papini Stati Silvae Oxford. Douglas, A.E. 1966. M. Tulli Ciceronis Brutus Oxford. Fisher, C.D. 1906. Cornelii Taciti Annalium Ab Excessu Divi Augusti Libri Oxford. __________. 1911. Cornelii Taciti Historiarum Libri Oxford Goetz, Georg and Friedrich Schoell. 1910. Supersunt; Accedunt Gramaticorum Varronis Librorum Fragmenta Leipzig Hkanson, Lennart. 1987. Oratorum et Rhetorum Sententiae Divisiones Colores Leipzig. Heraeus, W. and Iacobus Borovskij. 1976. M. Valerii Martialis Epigrammaton Li bri Leipzig. Ihm, M. 1908. C. Suetonii Tranquilli Opera Oxford. Jacobus, Carolus. 1998. Dionsysii Halicarnasei Antiquitatum Romanarum quae supersunt Stuttgart. Keil, Heinrich. 1889. Res Rusticae Leipzig. Kenny, E.J. P. Ovidi Nasonis: Amores Medicamina Faciei Femineae Ars Amatoria Remedia Amoris Oxford. Klingner, F. 1959. Q. Horatii Flacci Opera Oxford. Krohn, Friedrich. 1912. Vitruvii de Architectura Libri Decem Leipzig. Kurfess, A. 1957. C. Sallusti Crispi Catilina, Iugurtha, Fragmenta Ampliora Leipzig.

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149 Lloyd Jones, Hugh and N.G. Wilson. 1990. Sophoclis Fabulae Oxford. Luck, G. 1967. Tristia Oxford. Malcovati, E. 1962. Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti Operum Fragmenta Turin Martin, Joseph. 1969. T. Lucreti Cari de Rerum Natura Libri Sex Leipzig. Maurenbrecher, Bertold. 1893. C. Sallusti Crispi Historiarum Reliquiae Leipzig Murray, Gilbert. 1902. Euripidis Fabulae Oxford. Mynors, R.A.B. 1958. C. Valerii Catulli Carmina Oxford. ______________.1969. P. Vergili Maronis Opera Oxford. Oppermann, Hans. 1961. Aristotelis Athenaion Politeia Stuttgart. Pfeiffer, Rudolph. 1965. Callimachus 2 vols. Oxford. Stadtmller, Hugo. 1906. Anthologia Graeca Epigrammatum Palatina cum Planudea Leipzig. Postgate, John Percival. 1915. Tibulli Aliorumqve Carminum Libri Tres Oxford. Powell, J.G.F. 2006. M. Tulli Ciceronis De Re Republica De Legibus Cato Maior de senectute Laelius de Amicitia Oxford. Richmond, Jan A. 1990. P. Ovidi Nasonis Ex Ponto Libri Quattuor Leipzig. Rzach, Aloisius. 1967. Hesiodi Carmin a Stuttgart. Shackleton Bailey, David Roy. 1997. M. Annaei Lucani de Bello Civili Libri X Leipzig Sintenis, Karl Heinrich. 1881 1902. Plutarchi Vitae Parallelae Leipzig. Skutsch, Otto. 1985. The Annals of Q. Ennius Oxford Snell, Bruno and Herwig Maeh ler. 1987. Pindari Carmina cum Fragmentis Leipzig. Tarrant, R.J. 2004. P. Ovidi Nasonis Metamorphoses Oxford. Von der Muehll, Peter. 1998. Odyssea Leipzig. West, M.L. 1992. Iambi et Elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum Cantati Oxford. __________. 1998. Ilias 2 vols. Leipzig.

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150 Wilson,N.G. 2007. Aristophanis Fabulae : Tomus 2 Lysistrata Thesmophoriazusae Ranae Ecclessiazusae Plutus Oxford. Commentaries and Companions Bmer, Franz. 1957. Ovid Die Fasten 2 vols. Heidelberg. Camps, W.A. 1965. Propertius: Eleg ies IV New York. Easterling, P.E. and B.M.W. Knox. 1985. Cambridge History of Classical Literature Vol. 1 Cambridge. Fantham, Elaine. 1998. Fasti Book IV Cambridge. Galinsky, G.K. 2005. The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Augustus Cambridge. Green, Steven J. 2004. Ovid, Fasti 1: a Commentary Leiden. Murgatroyd, Paul. 1994. Tibullus: Elegies 2 Oxford. Richardson, L. 1977. Propertius: Elegies I IV Norman. Robinson, Matthew. 2011. Book 2 Oxford. Secondary Sources Ahl. F 1984 208. Iliad AJP 79: (4) 337 354. casa Romuli REL 62: 57 80. Barchiesi, A. 1991. PCPhS 37:1 21. __________. 1997a. The Poet and the Prince: Ovid and Augustan Discourse Berkeley Bartsch, Shadi. 1994. Actors in the Audience: Theatricality and Doublespeak from Nero to Hadrian Cambridge, MA Beard, Mary. 1987. PCPhS 33: 1 15. Arethusa 15: 83 108. TAPA 112:7 22. Bloom, Harold. 1973. The Anxiety of Influence: a Theory of Poetry Oxford.

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151 Segal (eds.): 169 188. Boyle, A. J. 2003. ome Victoria. Thought 55.216: 81 97. Conte, Gian Biagio. 1994. Latin Literature: A History Trans. Joseph B. Solodow. Baltimore. Cornell, T. J. 1995. The Beginnings o f Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars London. DeBrohun, Jeri Blair. 2003. Roman Propertius and the Reinvention of Elegy Ann Arbor. Dumzil, Georges. 1970. Archaic Roman Religion Chicago course des Lupercales chez Ovide Fastes 2.359 Caesarodunum 7: 201 217. Edwards, Catharine. 1993. The Politics of Immorality Cambridge. _________________.1996. Writing Rome: Textual Approaches to the City Cambridge. Edwards, Mark W. 1987. Homer, Po et of the Iliad Baltimore. Ara Pacis Augustae JRS 81: 50 61. Fasti: HSCP 87: 185 216. and the Composition of the Fasti PLLS 5: 243 282. Farney, G. 2007. Ethnic Identity and Aristocratic Competition in Republican Rome Cambridge. Favro, Diane. 1996. The Urban Image of Augustan Rome Cambridge. Thought 55 (216): 98 109. ANRW II.17.1: 3 141. CQ 34: 179 194. Si licet et fas est Fasti and the Problem of Free Speech under the Roman Poetry and Propaganda in the Age of Augustus 1 25. London. ___________. 2007. Berkeley.

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15 2 CPh 86.1: 36 41. Fox, Matthew. 1996. Roman Historical Myths: the Regal Period in Augustan Literature Oxford. Frnkel, Hermann F. 1945. Ovid : a Poet between Two Worlds Berkeley. Galinsky, Karl. 1972. The Herakles Theme: the Adaptations of the Hero in Literature from Homer to the Twentieth Century Oxford. _____________. 1975. : an Introduction to the Basic Aspects Oxford. Grazer Beitrage 10: 193 205. Gee, Emma. 2000. Ovid, Aratus, and Augustus Cambridge. EMC 31 (6): 333 339. Gowing, Alain M. 2005. Empire and Memory: the Representation of the Roman Republic in Imperial Culture Cambridge. Green, Steven J. 2008 Fasti Greece and Rome 55: 39 54. TAPA 139: 147 167. (eds.): 189 218. Halporn, James W. 1963. The Meters of Greek and Latin Poetry Indianopolis Fasti 2.193 CQ 41 (1): 150 168. Harrison, S.J. 2007. Generic Enrichment in Vergil and Horace Oxford. Heinze, Richard. 1919. Ovids elegische Erzhlung Leipzig Herbert Brown, Geraldine. 1994. Ovid and the Fasti: an Historical Study Oxford. Hinds, S.J. 1987. The Metamorphosis of Persephone: Ovid and the Self Consci ous Muse Cambridge. Arma Fasti Fasti 2): 81 112, 113 54. Lupercalia Historia 22 (2): 260 268. Jaeger, Mary. 1997. Ann A rbor

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153 Roman Poetry and Propaganda in the Age of Augustus 26 London. King, Richard J. 2006. Columbus. Littlewood, R.J. 2002. Feralia and Lemuria Latomus 60: (4) 916 935. Lord, Albert Bates. 1960. The Singer of Tales Cambridge, MA Lowrie, Mich le, 2009. Writing, Performance, and Authorit y in Augustan Rome Oxford Neikos : Thersites Odysseus and Achilleus AJP 126 (1) 1 31. Fasti Poetry and Politics in the Age of Augustus 169 188. Cambridge. Millar, F. and E. Segal. 1984. Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects Oxford. CJ 75.3:204 14. ____________.1982. ANRW II.30.1: 371 417. ___________. 1991. Frankfurt am Main. Fasti Arethusa 25: 11 31. Fasti : 167 196. Leiden ____________. 2009. Apollo Augustus and the Poets Cambridge. Nagy, Gregory. 1979. The Best of the Achaeans: Concepts of the Hero in Archaic Greek Poetry Baltimore. _____________.1990. : the Lyric Possession of an Epic Past Baltimore Nappa, Christopher. 2005. Ann Arbor. Newlands, Carole E. 1995. Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fa sti Ithaca Mandati Memores : Political and Poetic Authority in the Fasti Hardie, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Ovid 200 217. Newman, J.K. 1967. The Concept of Vates in Augustan Poetry Bruxelles

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154 TAPA 132: 21 27. Mnemosyne 55 (6): 680 702. Pasco Pranger, Molly. 2006. Founding the Year : the Poetics of the Roman Calendar Leiden Rea, Jennifer A. 2007 Scholia 16: 93 110 Fasti : the Quirinalia and the Feriae Stultorum (Ovid, Fasti 2.475 532) Aevum Antiquum N.S. 3: 609 621 Latomus 55 (4): 829 854. Scheid, J. 1992. "Myth, Cult and Reality in Ovid's Fasti ." PCPhS 38: 118 31. REL 38: 182 199. Scullard, H.H. 1980. A History of the Roman World: 753 146 B.C. London. Southern, Pat. 1998. Augustus London. Arethusa 34 (3): 259 284. Sy me, Ronald. 1939. The Roman Revolution Oxford. ____________. 1974. The Crisis of 2 B.C. Munich ____________. 1978. History in Ovid Oxford. AJPh 100.1: 188 212. Taylor, Lily Ross and Louise Adams Holland. 1952 Fasti CPh 47.2: 137 142. Thomas, Richard. 2001. Virgil and the Augustan Reception Cambridge. Wallace 36. stus and the Fasti Homo Viator : Classical Essays for John Bramble eds. Michael Whitby, Philip Hardie and Mary Whitby, 221 30. Bristol. Welch, Kathryn. 2011. Magnus Pius: Pompeius and the Transformation of the Roman Republic Swansea. Welch, Tara. 200 5. The Elegiac Cityscape: Propertius and the Meaning of Roman Monuments Columbus: Ohio State University Press.

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155 Wiseman, T.P. 1995. Remus: A Roman Myth Cambridge. Young, D.C. 1968. Three Odes of Pindar: a Literary Study of Pythian 11, Pythian 3, and Olymp ian 7 Leiden Zanker, P. 1988. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus Trans. A. Shapiro. Ann Arbor

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156 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Robert William Brewer was born in St. Louis, MO in 1982 to Monroe Frank and Barbara Jean Brewer. He has two older siblings, a b rother named Chris and a sister named Liz. Robert grew up in Florissant, MO until he turned 16 when the family moved to a more western portion of St. Louis County. He attended the Jesuit secondary school St. Louis University High in St. Louis and graduated in 2001. He then attended Xavier University in Cincinnati, OH where in 2005 he graduated summa cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts in the H onors Arts Baccalaureate, a Bachelor of Arts in classical h umanit ies, and a minor in p hilosophy. After graduation Robe rt enrol led in the graduate program in c lassics at University of Florida. He wrote his thesis on a Greek topic and received his Master of Arts in classical s tudies in 2007. During the summer of 2007, he attended a graduate seminar Iliad in th e Second Millenium B.C. at the Center for Hellenic Studies in Washington D.C. In 2009 he participated in the Classical Summer School through the American Academy in Rome. He receive d his Doctor of Philosophy in classical s tudies from the University of F lorida on April 27, 2012.