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1 THE ANTWER P POLYGLOT BIBLE (1572): VISUAL CORPUS, NEW WORLD SPAIN By PAMELA MERRILL BREKKA A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012
2 2012 Pamela Merrill Brekka
3 To Adam and Maggie, my magna opera : My life ambition and singular goal has been to serve you well, and with my whole heart. I wrote this for you. I hope you like it.
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost I wish to tha nk my advisor and mentor Elizabeth Ross. I have benefited immeasurably from her erudition, firm but gentle pedagogy and exacting standards. I am also most fortunate to have as my committee an exceptional group of scholars from a ran ge of disciplines this leggy project would not have been possible without them I extend m ost sincere and heartfelt thanks to Ma ya Stanfield Mazzi, Melissa Hyde, and Nina Caputo. Very special thanks go to Catherine Delano Smith, who despite her many obligations and the great ocean that separates us, kindly agreed to serve as my outside reader. With great gratitude I wish to ackno wledge that this research has been generously supported by: the Newberry Library, Chicago; the University of London, London Rare Books School, Antiquarian Booksellers ida, and the College of Fine Arts, School of Art and Art History, University of Florida. Many thanks go to Paul Needham of the Scheide Library, Princeton, AnnaLee Pauls of the Princeton University Library, Debra Madera of the Pitts Theological Library, Em ory University, and Jim Akerman and Bob Karrow of the Newberry Library, for their assistance and advice. I extend s pecial thanks to Peter Barber, Walter Melion and Richard Kagan for their magisterial insight and kind words in support of my thesis, and to Zur Shalev for directing me to several sources I would have o therwise missed. Warm regards go to Catherine Scallen and Marit Westermann for my early formation in Netherlandish art history I extend s incerest gratitude to my dear colleagues, friends and to my family, the inimitable Merrill clan ; this exhausting work would mean little w ithout their love, support, and Jobish patience Most of all, I thank my Moms, Miriam Merrill and Nancy Scott, whose wisdom, generosity and love of books have informed every aspect of my life. Their tireless support has made this late Renaissance dream a reality.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 11 The Antwerp Polyglot Bible ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 11 Organization of Dissertation ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 23 Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 24 2 LOCATING THE POLYGLOT IN ANTWERP AND MADRID: PRINTING, MAPMAKING, AND THE GEOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE ....................... 29 Printing, Mapmaking and He ................................ ........ 29 The Art of Cartography: Spatial Relationships and the Tensions between Regional and Imperial Perspectives ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 41 ............................ 59 3 ...... 71 Vision ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 71 Volume I: SACRORIUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS PRIMUS ................................ ................ 74 Volume II: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS SECUNDUS ................................ ..... 110 Volume III: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS TERTIUS ................................ ........ 113 Volume IIII: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS QUARTUS ................................ ..... 115 Volume V: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS QUINTUS ................................ ........ 118 Volume VI: SACRI APPARATUS PARTIUM, Primus tomus De verboru copia cotinet 122 Volume VII: SACRI APPARATUS PARTIUM, Secundus tomus De verboru copia cotinet ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 125 Volume VIII: SACRI APPARATU.S PARTIUM, Tertius tomus De copia rerum continet libros ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 127 4 INDIAN MAP AS A REFLECTION OF LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY RELIGIOUS CROSSCURRENTS ................................ ........... 230 5 CONCLUSION: LEGACY AND SHIF TING ENGAGEMENT/ DECONSTRUC TING THE POLYGLOT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 245 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 250
6 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 264
7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure P age 3 1 Vol. I, folio 3 recto Pietatis Concordiae ................................ ................................ ........ 151 3 2 Vol. I, folios 3 verso and 4 recto Pietas Regia and Arcani Consilii Apparatio .............. 154 3 3 Vol. I, folio 5 recto, Prfatio ................................ ................................ ........................... 157 3 4 Vol. I, folios 23 verso and 24 recto, Philippus with letters F and V ............................... 158 3 5 Vol. I, folio 26 recto, Rex Hispaniarum Utriusque Sicil Hierusalem ........................ 161 3 6 Vol. I, folio 28 recto, Philippo II Regi Catholico with letter V ................................ ...... 163 3 7 Vol. I, folio 30 verso, ................................ ................................ ... 164 3 8 Vol. I, folio 36 recto, Aliarum L itera rum a Pontifice ................................ ...................... 165 3 9 Vol. I, folio 3 6 verso and 37 recto Csareum P rivilegium ................................ ............ 166 3 10 Vol. I, folio 42 recto, Caroli IX. Galli R egis ................................ ................................ 167 3 11 Vol. I, folio 4 3 verso and 44 recto, Consilio Brabanti ................................ .................. 169 3 12 Vol. I, folio 49 verso and 50 recto, Ordo L ibrorum ................................ ........................ 170 3 13 Vol. I, p. 1, Quinque L ibri Moyse titlepage ................................ ................................ ..... 171 3 14 Vol. I, pp. 2 3, G enesis, 1:1 ................................ ................................ ............................. 172 3 15 Vol. I, pp. 182 183, Genesis, 50: 26 ................................ ................................ ................ 176 3 16 Vol. I I, folio 3 recto, T omus S ecundus frontispiece ................................ ......................... 177 3 17 Vol. II, p. 1, Prophet P riores titlepage ................................ ................................ .......... 178 3 18 Vol. III, p. 1, Sancti L ibri titlepage ................................ ................................ .................. 179 3 19 Vol. III, pp. 108 109, Judith, 1:1 ................................ ................................ ..................... 180 3 20 Vol. IIII, folio 3 recto, Domus Israel ................................ ................................ ............... 185 3 21 Vol. V, folio 3 recto, Tomus Quintus frontispiece ................................ ........................... 188 3 22 Vol. V, pp. 2 3, Matthum, 1:1 ................................ ................................ ....................... 189 3 23 Vol. VI, folio 2 recto, Lexicon G rcum ................................ ................................ .......... 194
8 3 24 Vol. VI, folio ultima verso, Thesauri Hebraic L ingu ................................ ................. 197 3 25 Vol. VII, folio 2 recto, Communes et F amiliares Hebraic ................................ .......... 199 3 26 Vol. VII, folio ultima verso, Hebraicorum Bibliorum ................................ ..................... 200 3 27 Vol. VIII, pp. 24 25, Phaleg and S hekel ................................ ................................ .......... 204 3 28 Vol. VIII, pp. 2 3, Tabula O rbis ................................ ................................ ...................... 205 3 29 Vol. VIII, pp. 9 10, Tabula T errae Canaan ................................ ................................ .... 213 3 30 V ol. VIII, pp. 14 15, Terrae Israel Omnis A nte Canaan ................................ ................. 214 3 31 Vol. VIII, p. 22, Arca Noe ................................ ................................ ............................... 215 3 32 Vol. VIII, p. 24, Tabernaculum A nterius ................................ ................................ ......... 216 3 33 Vol. VIII, p. 26, Tabernaculi I nteriori ................................ ................................ ............. 216 3 34 Vol. VIII, p. 28, Taberna culi E xteriori ................................ ................................ ............ 218 3 35 Vol. VIII, p. 30, Tabernaculi A bsoluti ................................ ................................ ............ 219 3 36 Vol. VIII, p. 32, xemplum ............................... 221 3 37 Vol. VIII, p. 38, Castrametationi s O rdo ................................ ................................ .......... 222 3 38 Vol. VI II, pp. 36 37, Templi Jerosolymitani A ntiqui ................................ ....................... 223 3 39 Vol. VIII, p. 39, Sacrae Aedis I cnographia ................................ ................................ ..... 224 3 40 Vol. VIII, p. 41, Templi Cum Porticu et Cellis Absoluta O rthographia ......................... 225 3 41 Vol. VIII, p. 7, Sacerdotis Antique S anctis ................................ ................................ ...... 226 3 42 Vol. VIII, p. 3, Antiqu Jerusalem ................................ ................................ .................. 228
9 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE ANTWER P POLYGLOT BIBLE (1572): VISUAL CORPUS, NEW WORLD SPAIN By Pamela Merrill Brekka May 2012 Chair: Elizabeth Ross Major: Art History The Antwerp Polyglot Bible (1572) sponsored by Philip II of Spain (r.1556 1598) comprised one of the most important book publishing projects in the later sixteenth century. It is richly illustrated with copperplate engravings, and includes the first known double hemispheric world map in a bible. Cartographically accurate in 1572, the map shows progeny to the New World, illustrating the theory that Amerindians w ere descendants of ancient Hebrews The Polyglot also presents among th e first known Netherlandish example s of engraved pictorial titlepage s in a liturgical work. This oversize eight volume bible was antiquarians, orientalists, theo logians and Hebraists. While recent scholarship on the Polyglot focuses on the singular contributions, erudition, ambitions and confessional allegiances of the personalities involved in its production, my research situates the Polyglot Bible within northern era print culture, and argues that the world map is best understood in the context of maps, il lustrations and typography that comprise a visual program ght volumes. The Polyglot was first and foremost a Biblia regia a
10 administrating his knotty web of dominions flowed from its ethnic and religious diversity. Above modeled after the universal Church. Philip intended his Polyglot to provide a standard for authoritative bibles published in the original languages, and to compete with the Ger man bibles flooding the ew, which employed spatial relationships as a mode of critical inquiry u nique to maps. Philip saw Madrid as the New Jerusalem, with the Escorial as the new Temple, and promoted this idea b y constructing an ancient Hebrew patrimony for his empire. To achi eve this, Philip became a self fashioned Josiah/Solomon/Aaron, protector of divine truth, architect and priest, whose Biblia regia united the disparate nations in one Yglesia universal a grand imperial scheme iconographically and comp ositionally staged ac ross the eight volumes of the Polyglot, and summarized on its world map.
11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Beyond its service to God and benefit to the Catholic Church, this bible will bring remaining so for many centuries, because this bible will be bought by Latin Christians, Greek Christians and Syrian Christians, w ho can read the Arabic, and by Jews, who can read the Hebrew and all will appreciate the great majesty and benefit of this work. Benito Arias Montano 1 The Antwerp Polyglot Bible Scholars agree that the Antwerp Polyglot Bible (1572) constituted one of the most ambitious and important publishing projects undertaken in later sixteenth century northern Europe. 2 Variously known as the Biblia sacra of 1569; the Biblia de Montano ; the Plantin Polyglot, and the Biblia regia the Antwerp Polyglot Bible is a monume ntal work, both physically and philologically, juxtaposing five ancient languages (also French, I talian and Spa nish ) and dozens of maps and illustrations, acros s eight massive volumes 3 It was sponsored by King Philip II of Spain (r.1556 chaplain, librarian and advisor Benito Arias Montano (1527 1598), and published in the Antwerp printing house of Christopher Plantin (1520 15 89). 4 Its production involved the collaboration of 1 Dems del servicio de Dios y provecho de la Yglesia universal, resulta tambin de aqu una gran gloria al real nombre de Su Magestad y a la estimacin y reputacin de su persona, la qual se estender por todo el mundo, y permanescer por muchos siglos, porque este libro ser comprado de christianos latinos, y de christianos griegos, y de christianos syros, que entienden las lenguas hebrea y chaldea y syriaca, y de todos los hebreos, que se han de afficionar a la magestad y gran provecho de la obra ff. 6 7; Baldomero Macas Rosendo La Biblia Polglota de Amberes en la Correspondencia de Benito Arias Montano (Huelva: University of Huelva, 1998), 72. 2 Benito Arias Montano (1527 1598): Biblical Scholarship in the Late Renaissance Princeton University, May 13 14, 2011. The date for the Antwerp Polyglot is variously given between 1569 and 1572. 3 The average page size is 28 x 42 cm. 4 Philip in a letter to the Duke of Alba dated 1568, explaining his choice of Montano to supervise the production of
12 collaborators were Catholics, Ca lvinists, Familists, and Christian kabbalists, who practiced a blend of Christianity and Jewish mysticism. 5 Plantin conceived the idea of a new polyglot bible in 1565, to update the famous Spanish Complutensian Polyglot of 1516), and initially sought Protestant German patronage. 6 With the Antwerp Iconoclasm of 1566, and rising religious tensions in northern Europe, Pl antin solicited the support of King Philip in an effort to save his press from closure on grounds of heterodoxy 7 Plantin was fortunate to have a good to the k ing flowed through him. Plantin was known in Spain as a skillful printer in possession of Hebrew type, a resource he had acquired from the family of the famous Venetian printer of Jewish books, Daniel Bomberg (1483 1553). After consulting his advisors in cluding Montano, Philip appro ved the plan to patron a new polyglot. The initial agreement stipulated that Plantin would provide the king with 129 editions printed on paper and 13 royal presentation copies printed on vellum; in return, Philip granted Plant in a monopoly on all printed Spanish liturgical Beneditto Arias Montano, nuestro criado y capelln, de cuya virtud, religin, fidelidad y erudion MS. Estoc. ff. 122 123; Rosendo 85. 5 See Robert J. Wilkinson, The Kabbalistic Scholars of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible ( Leiden and Boston : Brill 2007). Wilkinson iden hereafter. 6 Bernard Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972), 45 46. 7 Ibid.
13 8 Plantin was worried about rumors of his Protestant ties and his association with the spiritualist group, the Family of Love, so he secured a letter of recomme ndation for the king, and validated in writing his lifelong orthodoxy and devotion to the true faith. 9 Satisfied with the arrangements, Philip sent Montano to Antwerp in 1568 to serve as editor in rthodoxy. Montano was a Benedictine cleric admitted to the pr estigious Order of Santiago, chaplain and librarian He was a theologian and expert in oriental languages, particularly Hebrew, which he had acquired during his education in the 1550s at the progressive Hebrew opposition to the Lutheran heresy. 10 With the Protestant Dutch revolt, the aggressive military strategies of the widely hated Governor Genera l of the Netherlands, the Duke of Alba (1507 1582), and the implementation of the Limpiez a de Sangre in positions of authority, this was a period of heightened religious and political tensions in Europe and unprecedented conserva tism in Spain. Plantin was initially leery of this Spanish censor Philip had installed in his printing house, but the two quickly became trusted colleagues. Montano enthusiastically incorporated himself into the circle of scholars assembled by Plantin, a nd praised them for their erudition and devotion to the Catholic faith. 11 8 Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment ed. Magne Sb (Gttingen: V andenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, 2008), 775. 9 See Rekers 47. The Family of Love was a northern European spiritualist movement that promoted knowledge of God via personal, mystical experience. 10 Ibid. 2 3. 11 Ibid., 48. L. Voet, La Biblia Polglota de Amberes (Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria Espaola, 1973), 11 29, and E.
14 o known orientalist Guillaume Postel (1510 1581); Andreas Masius, and Jean Boulaese. These linguists were i nterested in uncovering the mystical truths hidden in ancient Hebrew and oriental texts, and their methods were in law, Franciscus Raphelengius (1539 1597), who was retained to 1541) modern Latin translation of scripture, which Plantin had intended to replace the traditional Vulgate. Masius contributed the Chaldean (Aramaic) paraphrase of the Targum that was juxtaposed with the Latin, Greek and Hebre 12 Biblia S acra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, Latine As a polyglot, it was organized so the various languages, taken from original sources, could be viewed side by side on the same page opening Antwerp, to 1572, and 1200 copies were printed. 13 The final product is a greatly expanded and a much altered interpretation of the Complutensian. Significantly, both Plantin and Montano wanted to replace the Vulgate, which was considered obsol ete by Hebraists and biblicist s, with t he new Pagnino translation. Philip adamantly refused. Redundant layers of sup ervision were employed by the Spanish crown to confirm the orthodoxy of every page of the Polyglot. L. Gmez Canseco, ed., Anatoma del Humanismo: Benito Arias Montano 1598 199 8 (Huelva: Universidad de Huelva, 1998), 181 200. 12 13 Schenker, 776.
15 Theologians from the University of Louvain were retained as censors and Montano regularly sent them proof sheets for review. Philip also insisted that Montano place his signature and monogram at the end of almost every book of the Polyglot, thus providing a seal of approval. Physically, the Antwerp Polyglot is a monume ntal work. It comprises eight volumes of about 700 pages each. The Old and New Testaments make up four and a half of the eight volumes, while the other three and a half volumes comprise thousands of pages of material beyond the sacred text. The Polyglot is richly illustrated with copperplate etchings, and includes titlepages, frontispieces, prologues, recommendations mandates letter s from Philip to his imprimatur dictionaries, a Hebraicorum Bibliorum a Greek New Testament, a Syr iac New Testament, the new Pagnino Latin translation, illustrations, treatises, architectural drawings, maps of the Holy Land, and a world map. Apart from editing the whole work, Montano was solely responsible for volume eight, the last volume of a three volume apparatus, the Sacri Apparatus Partium which contained the world map, maps of the Holy Land, Temple illustrations and architectural drawings. This is due in p of his copious correspondence during his tenure in Antwerp This is also the volume that incorporates the maps, their inclusion being remarkable f or the time period. Protestant bibles often included maps, but Cathol ic bibles only rarely did, and Spanish bibles never did. 14 Cartographically accurate for 1572, the double hemispheric world map, referred to here as Indian 14 See Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth Morley Ingram, Maps in Bible 1500 1 600 (Geneva: Librairie Droz S.A, 1991).
16 that the Amerindians were descendants of post diluvial Hebrews who migrated to the Americas via an Asian land bridge. 15 Numbers on the map key correspond to the families of Shem, Japheth and Ham, as delineated in the map keys, with settlements situated in the Old and New Worlds. The Polyglot also includes Holy Land maps, both pre and post conquest, common f eature in sixteenth century Geneva bibles, but never seen in Spanish Catholic bibles of the period 16 a laborer) and the most precious royal presenta tion copies, which Philip gave as gifts to the princes of Europe, were printed on vellum. 17 Of the 1200 printed, 600 copies were ultimately in circulation, as the rest may have been lost at sea. 18 d bring to his crown, as a theological and economic enterprise, the legacy of the Polyglot is problematic. This 15 For the Polyglot Indian y la Biblia Polglota de Amberes (1568 Colonial Latin American Review 19 (2010): no. 2, 231 245. For Sol The Jews and the Expansion of Europe to the West, 1450 1800 eds. Paolo Bernardini and Norman Fiering, 27 46. (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books 2001) 16 later si xteenth century before (1590) Zur ual Erudition: Imago Mundi 55 (2003): 63. For more on sacred geography see Alessandro Scafi, Mapping Paradise: A History of Heaven on Earth (London: The British Library, 2006), 288 291. 17 The Golden Compasses. A History and Evaluation of the Printing and Publishing Activites of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp (Amsterdam: Van Gend t, and New York: Abner Schram, 1969 1972). 18 There are varying accounts of the number lost at sea lost at sea in route from the Netherlands to Spain. According to Albert van der Heide, 600 copies were in circulation, while the rest were lost at sea on their way to Italy. E. Fernndez Tejero notes that a number of the Complutensian Polyglot bibles were los t at sea on their way from Spain to Italy, which sounds suspiciously like the Van der Heide account. See Rodney W. Shirley, Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps, 1472 1700 (London: The Holland Press Limited, 1984), 147; Van der Heide, Hebraica Veritas, Christopher Plantin and the Christian Hebraists (Antwerp: Plantin Moretus Museum/Print Room, 2008), Ariae Montani... De Mazzoreth ratione atque usu Biblia y Humanismo Textos, talantes y controversias del siglo XVI eds. N. Fernndez Marcos and E. Fernndez Tejero (Madrid: Fundacin Universitaria Espaola, 1997), 156.
17 became apparent shortly after the time of its comp letion in 1572. Montano was criticized for denying the authority of the Vulgate, which he op enly considered scholastic and obsolete, and for relying too heavily on J Hebraist biblicism was associated with a Protestant literalist approach to scripture. 19 The censors considered the Apparatus Called a judaizante by his detractors, Montano became a target of the Spanish Inquisition and was forced to defend the Polyglot in Rome. 20 W hile Gregory XIII ultimately is also because the massive edition had already been sent to press. Despite these difficulties, in d receive throughout 21 Research on the Antwerp Polyglot Bible has tended to focus on the individual contributions and personalities of Montano, Plant in and the diverse range of hands that contributed to the translation of th e sacred text. As scholars have noted, there is no in depth or comprehensive treatment of the Polyglot in any language. 22 This is not surprising, given the great size and scope of the Polyglot, and such an undertaking would at any rate need to be collaborative. The illustrations and maps in volume eight are typically examined as an autonomous group of works, structurally and intellectually isolated in the scholarly Apparatus 19 As a Hebraist, Montano believed that spiritual truths were hidden within the arcane Hebrew text. As a biblicist, Montano believed these t ruths could be uncovered by a close, literal reading of scripture. 20 This persecution would come to a head with the posthumous ban of Montano 1607. 21 Rekers 61 22 Wilkinson, ix.
18 and ne ver critically examined in relation to all the visual material (titlepages, frontispieces, letters and historiated initials) in volumes one through seven. The illustrations in volumes one through seven are rarely presented in their proper order or in rela tion to one another, which can lead to misinterpretation. The im ages (figural frontispieces) have also been treated separately. 23 The majority of current Antwerp Polyglot literature is historical, exegetical or philological. There does exist an excellent art historical catalogue that critically examines the Polyglot images, but it includes only a sampling. 24 text and illustrations in autonomous parts. The goal of this research worldview, as summ T hemispheric world map, when underst ood in context, can be described as an imperial map. This argument will be supported by a cr itical catalogue of ove r fifty images from the Polyglot in chronological order, with special attention paid to the world map. 25 This contribution will not only be an important resource for students of the Polyglot, but also shed light on the enigmatic nature of this visually complex ei ght volume work. The Antwerp Polyglot Bible was first and foremost a Biblia regia a monument to Philip, and as a reflection of his imperial aims, the pictorial program served a vital function. 26 Philip, 23 Karen L. Bowen and Dirk Imhof, Christopher Plantin and Engraved Book Illustrations in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 24 James Clifton and Walter S. Melion, Scripture for the Eyes: Bible Illustration in Netherlanish Prints of the Sixteenth Century exhib. cat. (New York: Museum of Biblical Art, 2009). 25 High resolution digital images from the Antwerp Polyglot Bible courtesy of The Scheide Library, Princeton. 26 and Inmhof, 84 102.
19 King of Jerusalem (a title he inherited) sought to present himself as an Old Testament monarch and to promote Spain as a New Jerusalem, with the Escorial as the new Temple of Solomon. 27 This political and religious self agenda to the authority of the sacred text. As King Josiah who restores the book of the Law, Philip intended the Polyglot to serve as a paradigm for printed bibles published in the original languages, and to compete with th e Protestant bibles flooding th e sixteenth centu ry European book market. This research will as verse empire, can be associated with the manipulation of spatial relationships as a mode of critical inquiry unique to maps and cartographical material. In a world made bigger overnight by the voyages of discovery conquest and exploration the expression of spatial relatio nships as reflected in the cultural habits of mapping and collecting, became an important phenomenon that helped sixteenth century Europeans conceptualize their new Indian an idealized 28 t to construct an ancient Hebrew patrimony for Spain, as the New Jerusalem. This research suggests the P world map extends that authority from Europe to the New World. 27 Adam Beaver Modern Spain, 1469 PhD diss. (Harvard University, 2008) passim For more on Escorial architecture see George Kubler, Buildin g the Escorial (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982), 3 113. 28 Cosmography, 1450 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 1, ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 55 98.
20 state, to harness the 29 A dministratively, Philip employed a Ptolemaic chorographic geographic modality, which was the means by which he structured and categorized his imperial vision 30 views and regiona l maps were u sed along side continental maps. In doing this, ethnographically and culturally diverse regional dominions such as cities (rep resented by regional maps and views ), are bound together by a single sovereign and kingdom Spain (re presented by national and cont inental maps). A rhetoric of geography is at play here, an administrative tactic he Antwerp f work, reflects this chorographic geographic modality. The Polyglot employs both regional and continental maps of the ancient world, as well as ethnographic markers in the form of textual cues (e mpire, its plurality and also its ancient Hebrew patrimony. Above all, Philip sought religious hegemony in his culturally and ethnically diverse realm, which spanned multiple continents. This chorographic diversity is unified in the double hemispheric g eographic world map. Scholars describe the Antwerp Polyglot Bible as an enigmatic work th at defies summary explanation. Why, for example, would the Polyglot so prominently favor Masoretic Hebrew during a period of unprecedented antisemiticism in Spain, w hich led to the institution of the Limpie za de Sangre ? T Th at is, they had little 29 Barbara E. Mundy The Mapping of New Spain: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geogrficas (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2000), 1 Peter Barber and Tom Harper, Magnificent Maps: Power, Propaganda and Art exhib. cat. (London: The British Library, 2010), 36 37. 30 Mundy, passim
21 regard for the Church Fathers and medieval scholast icism as a hermeneutical model but instead preferred a close readi ng of the scriptural texts in their original languages Montano favored Hebrew, the Hebraica veritas above the other ancient languages as a foundation for natural philosophy, and consulted rabbinical literature including the Talmud (contemporaneously on the Spanish Index of banned books) for clarification of the sacred text. 31 volumes, the Old Testament takes up three and one half of the first four. Half of volume seven comprises a Biblia Hebraica printed from right to left, inc printed from right to left. Of the eight volumes, four are Hebrew books, not to mention the Hebrew dictionary and grammars, found in volume six. Visually and textually, Hebrew dominates the Antwerp Polyglot Bible, wh d to pedigree, and to validate Philip, King of Jerusalem, as the new Josiah, who preserves th e sacred Word, the Hebraica veritas Philip promoted himself as both king and priest, and his conflicts with Rome were well known. 32 He was consummately at odds with the papacy, and disseminated a version of Cathol icism that was fiercely conservative and stau nchly nationalistic The frontispiece of the Polyglot is dedicated to Philip as Josiah, who gives his Polyglot to the nations. Montano considered the Polyglot a summary of natural philosophy, and this encyclop edic bible, with its original scriptural sources, dictionaries and treatises, helped the Christian to know God by uncovering the arcane meanings hidden in the Hebrew text. The primacy of ancient Hebrew 31 The Index (An twerp: Plantin, 1570); The Newberry Library, Chicago collection; information on provenance taken from the Newberry curatorial files and evident by inscription inside front cover. 32 Geoffrey Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (New Haven and London: Y ale University Press, 1989), 47.
22 and by extension the ancient Hebrews is evident thro Philip the king and priest, the Old World and the New World, the Old Testament and the Ne w Testament, were united in the transformative sacrament of baptism. Baptism as a bridge between these two worlds is liter page illustration of the Baptism of Christ physically located between the Old and New Testaments at the beginning of volume five, a bridge in the literal middle of the Polyglot. The conflation of old and new, past an d present is thus linked to Spanish orthodoxy and hegemony of empire. In this way, Philip is the ancient Josiah, whose Biblia quinquelinge unites the disparate nations in one Yglesia universal summarized in world map. The Antwerp Polyglot is a Spanish Catholic bible published in Antwerp which was a hotbed of Protestant revolt. It was made by Hebraists and Protestant sympathizers, but sponsored by an ultra conservative king who supported unprecedented anti Semitic poli cies. It is a royal Catholic bible that has many of the characteristics of a Protestant edition, including maps and temple plans. It also favors the Hebrew language above the Vulgate. How does one approach such a subject? In order to examine the s visual corpus wi thin its cultural context it is important to consider a range of historical trends and geographic locations. These should include the geo political significance of printing and mapmaking in late sixteen th century Antwerp and Ma drid. It is also important to understand the role of maps as repositories of politically charged ideologies, and to see how such cartographical language w as used by both Philip and the Dutch rebels Ironically, the religious conflicts in Antwerp that led to t he preeminence of printing and mapmaking as artistic products were the same cultural forces that Catholic Hebraicism that was condemned for its ties to Protestantism, also allowed for the
23 served to promote his title as King of Jerusalem. Organization of Dissertation This dissertation includes f ive chapters total. Chapter 1 consists of this introductory m aterial. Chapter 2 is titled Mapmaking, and the Geography of Politi the cu ltural context that supports the primary ar gument of this research : rldview and religious/ political agenda. Locating the Polyglot in Antwerp, this chapter will explore cultural habits associated with global collections and oth Montano and Plantin were shaped by northern European printing and map making culture circa 1570, and drew from its vibrant sources. Later sixteenth century modes of representation ns, are central to the iconographical program of the P olyglot, which were presented in richly crafted and detailed copperplate illustrations and maps. Likewise, the play of spatial relations hips inherent to maps informed the structure of Pol yglot. Locati ng the Polyglot in Madrid, this chapter will also geographic im perial vision This play of spatial relationships reflected political tensions throughout his vast dominions and is mimicked in the Polyglot To u nify his realm, Philip promoted himself as the new Josiah/Solomon/Aaron. T his self fashioning is apparent i n the visual corpus and world map of the Polyglot, and also in for the Escorial. C hapter 3 of the Antwerp Polyglot present s a critical sections of text that are pictorially relevant Old Testament section for example, mimics a Masoretic division. Scholars have shown how the
24 served an exegetical purpose, interests. This research proposes an additional meaning am which is staged across all eight volumes, geo political concerns Chapter 4 Indian Late Sixteenth Century Religious the contextual significance of the world map in the and explain s its enigmatic inclusion in this Catholi creation of a Hebrew patrimony for Spain was extended to th e New World with the placement of Hebrew settle ments in New Spain and Peru. This world map therefore, can be seen as an binds artographic accuracy therefore, was imperative in what would have been recognized by audien ces as an up to date map of the New World. A model for this map is provided which was taken from an Italian Geographia scholars and is presented here for the first time. Chapter 5 is tit led This concluding chapter explores the ways in which the Polyglot maps and illustrations were viewed by different audiences, with Polyglot editions that had been deconstructed or rebound T Apparatus separately by Calvinist convert Rapheleng i us. In Catholic collections, conversely, the Apparatus was removed entirely, leaving an abstracted version of the original e dition in five volumes. Literature Review Benito Arias Montano (1972) is the standard introduction to Montano, and concerns the prima describes the Polyglot project as a disaster, and focuses on the persecution Montano received by its
25 publication. He also discusses both Plantin an he heretical group, t he Family of Love (Familists). 33 The Golden Compasses (1969 1972) is the principle monograph and is comprehensive in scope. 34 The first in depth biography of Plantin, Christopher Plantin (1960) has stood the test of time, and rem ains a basic source for students of Plantin Clair describes Plantin as having transformed the publishing industry in northern Europe, and highlights his important role as a typog rapher of foreign language books. Like Reke r on Montano, Clair includes entire chapter s devoted exclusively to the Polyglot and also t he Family of Love 35 A Holy Land for the Catholic Monarchy: Palestine in the Making of Modern Spain, 1469 w Jerusalem. 36 An important critical and often e ways in which for Montano, the Polyglot maps served as a primary vehicle for antiquarian expression. Missing tionship to the Spanish crown, including, for example, the items he acquired for Philip during his stay in Rome. A newly released publication by Shalev, Sacred 33 Rekers, Montano 1972. See also Luis Gmez Canseco, ed., Anatoma del humanismo. Benito Arias Montano, 1598 1998 (Huelva: Diputacin y Universidad de Huelva, 1998); Vicente Becares Botas, Arias Montano y Plantino: el libro flamenco en la Espaa de Felipe II (Len: Universidad Secretariado de Publicaciones, 1999). 34 Lon Voet, The Golden Compasses. A History and Evaluation of the Printing and Publishing Activites of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp (Amsterdam: V an Gendt, and New York: Abner Schram, 1969 1972). 35 Colin Clair, Christopher Plantin (London: Plantin Publishers, 1960). 36 Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2008.
26 Words and Worlds: Geography, Religion, and Scholarship, 1550 1700 (2012) includes his earlier article as a chapter, but also presents a broader treatment on the cultural role of geo graphia sacra in early modern Europe. 37 Shalev and Charles Burnett have also recently released the long ant icipated (2011) an important source for cartography of the period 38 Early modern scholarly interest in Ptolemy sets the stage for sixteenth century cartography, and this interest can be directly associated with the Polyglot world map. For maps in sixteenth century bibles, the authority remains Catherine Delano Smith and Elizabeth Morely Ingra Maps in Bibles (1991); the authors demonstrate that maps in bibles can be associated with the Protestant Reformation and specifically, the Geneva bible editions For the history of Renaissance cartography, David Woodward, ed., The History of Cartogr aphy V ol. 3 ( The University of Chicago Press, 2007), is the most comprehensive and up to date. Karen L. Bowen and Dirk Imhof in Christopher Plantin and Engraved Book Illustrations in Sixteenth Century Europe (2008) provide a critical discussion of some o f the Polyglot illustratio ns (but not the maps or Temple plans Bowen and Imhof see the Polyglot as a royal project, but do not extend that interpretation, as a general argum For an introduction to the Polyglot, the principle work is Federico Perez Castro and L. Voet, La Biblia Poliglota de Amberes (1973). Here, Castro describes the Polyglot as a 39 For an updated, critical study of the Hebra ist works 37 Leiden and Boston: Brill. 38 London and Turin: The Warburg Institute and Nino Aragno Edit ore. 39 Castro and Voet, La Biblia Polglota
27 published by Plantin and his milieu Hebraica Veritas (2008) is very important. It includes a few of the Polyglot pa ges and a discussion of the published Hebrew literature associated with Plantin Kabbalistic Scholars of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible (2007) explores the important philological contributions of the northern European Christi an kabbalists who collaborated on the Polyglot translations on the broader cultural phenomenon o f Christian Hebraicism in this period, and like Van der Heide, highlights the important role Hebraica veritas played in sixteenth century Northern European intellectual thought. The Bible in Print: Netherlandish Bible Illustration in t he Sixteenth Century (1997) is a comprehensive source for Netherlandish bible prints. 40 Rosier reveals that of all the bibles produced in the region during this period, only Pla which utilized copperplate etchings rather than the standard woodcut s, includes a complete set of illustrations throughout the Old Testament and New, organized as a series. The most recent art Scripture for the Eyes (2009). Th e catalogue presents an exegetical interpretation of most of the e Holy Land maps. Clifton and Melion promote a close reading of scripture in order to understand the illustrations, and also rely on Pl Tabularum in Regii Bibliis depictarum brevis explicatio Der Spanische Humanist Benit o Arias Montano (1527 1598) und ke Kunst (1991) is an important source 41 40 Rosier, The Bible in Print: N etherlandish Bible Illustrations in the Sixteenth Century trans. Chris F. Weterings, 2 vols. (Leiden: Foleor, 1997) 41 Sylvaine H nsel, Der spanische Humanist Benito Arias Montano (1527 1598) und die Kunst, Spanische Forschungen d er Gorresgesellschaft, 25 (Minister: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1991), 24 52.
28 that the Polyglot front and that Montano was influenced by Vitruvian theories
29 CHAPTER 2 LOCATING THE POLYGLO T IN ANTWERP AND MAD RID: PRINTING, MAPM AKING, AND THE GEO GRAPHY OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE Here one could see Faith, Candor and Obedience take Antwerpia by the hand, and present her most submissively to our Prince Philip. And he appears to take her with his hand in a most friendly manner. And all of the various pe rsonages beside him appear to cast most favorable glances at her. C. Grapheus 1 a 1568 In 1568 Antwerp needed her king, and the king needed a Polyglot it was the perfect been the financial and artistic capital of the Netherlands, but the Wunder jahr of 1566, related iconoclasms, and the much feared arrival of the Duke of Alba in 1567, marked a terrible economic turmoil, made worse by widespread fam ine in the Lowlands. During its golden age earlier in the century, Antwerp had been a hotbed for the production of Protestant literature, but and his own safety. Wh 2 Upon review by the Council of the Inquisition in 3 From the beginning, the polyglot project was understood by Philip to be an updated edition of the internationally famous Complutensian Polyglot Bible, which had been dedicated to his famous 1 Accou De seer wonderlijcke schoone Triumphelijcke Incompst, van den hooghmogenden Prince Philips Blijde Incompst Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek: Court, State and City Ceremonies 49 (Zwolle: Waanders Uitgevers, 1999), 47. 2 Clair, 59. 3
30 Spanish forebears, Isabella and Ferdinand. Having his name associated with such a project could have many significant, and positive, political ramifications. To produce such a complex bible edition required a range of specialties and resources that only 1568 Antwerp could offer: the Officina Plantiniana largest printing houses, and Plantin was an expert typographer proficient in a range of oriental type. Plantin also had the resources, in a faltering scholars do contradictions. The Polyglot was dedicated to Philip, and his presence is quite literally perceived throughout volume one, which includes his name on dozens of pages. More importantly, the paramount to Plantin and ultimately, the Polyglot was approved by Rome and circulated only because it was project. Fifteenth sixty eig ht was a difficult year in the history of Antwerp, but it was not always so. Antwerp circa 1550 was a thriving financial and cultural center, with one of the largest seaports in the world, having risen to prominence earlier in the century as headquarters for the Portuguese spice trade. It was an international hub for merchants, trading Spanish silver from the New World, silk imports from Italy, luxury textiles and paintings from Brussels and elsewhere. It had a population of 100,000 people, making it one of the largest cities in Europe. In the sixteenth century, Antwerp had the first official open art market, and works of art were pand a year round art fair for which the city was intern ationally famous. 4 Easel paintings were the most popular artistic 4 For the Antwerp pand see Dirk Ew Art Bulletin 62 (1990): 558 584.
31 product in the first half of the century; printed images would later take the fore, associated with the growing book publishing industry. 5 Illustrated books, an art form for which Antwerp became well houses of Christopher Plantin and also Hieronymus Cock (1510 1570), whose Antwerp shop, aux Quatre Vents was among the most important in Europe. 6 Antwerp was a metropolis known for its international character, and Michael Limberger has argued that the city participated in a 7 Netherlandish art biographer Karel van Mander, writing in 1604, enthusiastically described the economic and artistic achievements of early sixteenth century Antwerp: The renowned and splendid city of Antwerp, which owes its bloom to trade, has succeeded in attracting to itself from all over the most important representatives of our art, who have also taken themselves there in great numbers, because art stops gladly in the vicinity of riches. 8 A 1515 print with a view of Antwerp advertised the city in a similar way: An tverpiae Mercatorum Emporium : Antwerp, Emporium of Merchants. 9 5 Peasant Scenes and Landscapes: The Rise of Pictorial Genres in the Antwerp Art Market (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 17. 6 Totius Mundi Emporium a Centre for Vernacular Bible Translations, 1523 The Low Countries as a Crossroads of Religious Beliefs ed. Arie Jan Gerlderblom, et al. (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2004), 9 31; see also Timothy Riggs and Larry Silver, eds., Graven Images: The Rise of Professional Printmakers in Antwerp and Haarlem, 1540 1640 exhib. cat. (Evanston: Northwestern U niversity Press, 1993). For Hieronymus Cock, see Timothy Riggs, Hieronymus Cock, Printmaker and Publisher (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1977). 7 Urban Achievement in Early Modern Europe: Golden Ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London University Press, 2001) 39; This idea has been contested, see Limberger, 40. 8 Het Schilder Boeck (Haerlem, 1604), f. 219; see Larry Peasant Scenes and Landscapes: The Rise of Pictorial Genres in the Antwerp Art Market (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 16. 9 Antwerp: Story of a Metropol is exhib. cat. (Brussels: Bibliothque Royale Albert Ier, 1985), 154.
32 international climate held appeal for French bookbinder turned printer Christopher Plantin. Plantin moved from Paris to Antwerp in 1548, and in a letter to Po pe Gregory XIII, he explained in my opinion no town in the the international atmosphere at the market, the availability of raw materials, and the ready supply of intelligent labor. 10 At the height of his printing activities in the 1570s, Plantin had sixteen presses, twenty compositors, thirty two pressmen and three proofreaders. 11 Located in the Duchy of Brabant, Antwerp was a province in the Spanish Netherlands that Philip II inherited from his father Emperor Charles V in 1555. Research on the Antwerp Polyglot tends to underplay the significance of Antwerp as a Spanish dominion. 12 The reasons fo r this are understandable. The period after 1565 in the Lowlands was traditionally seen as a transitional period of artistic decline, marked by religious and political turmoil, including the related iconoclasms. The internationally famous Antwerp panel painter Pieter Bruegel the elder (b.1525) died in 1569, the historical moment when the hated Duke of Alba was at the height of his influence in the Netherlands. 13 Peter Paul Rubens ( 1577 1640) would not rise to prominence in Antwerp until 1609, the year that also marked the beginning of the Twelve Years Truce, and a temporary end to 10 Van der Stock, Metropolis 59. 11 Urban Achievement in Early Modern Europe: Golden Ages in A ntwerp, Amsterdam and London New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 241. 12 Specifically by northern European and American scholars; for the newer trend, see 1549 Antwerp Blijde Incompst 36, in Nederlands Kunsthist orisch Jaarboek: Court, State and City Ceremonies 49 (Zwolle: Waanders Ui tgevers, 1999). 13 The Duke of Alba (1508 1582), who was responsible for the Council of Troubles, also known as the Council of Blood, was governor of the Netherlands under Philip II from 1567 1573.
33 religious conflict in the North. Montano, on his arrival in Antwerp in 1568, noted with grief the des truction caused by the Iconoclasm of 1566: During the beginning of the rebellion these miserable peopl e set fire to an abbey which was reputed to be the most richl y endowed with fine old books. My bowels were torn with compassion when I saw the miser y that had befallen these regions through the fault of a few, who were the authors of their own misfortune as well as of the common damage and disturbance. 14 Significantly, Montano appears to show no sympathy for the Protestant rebels. Before the 1566 ic onoclasm Antwerp was a thriving market for panel painting in Northern Europe, and art erness. 15 While we have no e must have been influenced by the terrifying climate in which he lived. 16 Pieter Aertsen (1508 1575) was also one of known artists mid centur y, and his altarpieces were among the liturgical imagery destroyed in the Antwerp Iconoclasm of 1566. Art historians have shown the ways in which the dynamic social and economic climate in mid century Antwerp shaped the new subjects and genres developed b y Aertsen and his pupil Joachim Beuckelaer (1533 1574), and also the impact the wars of religion and Spanish revolt had on their later productivity. 17 In the 1560s Aertsen moved from Antwerp to Amsterdam and stopped producing religious imagery. This move by 14 Montano in a letter to Philip II dated July 6, 1568; Memorias Real Academia Historia Vol. VII (Madrid, 1832), no. 26 hereafter Carvajal ; Rekers, Montano 15. 15 Nadine M. Orenstein, ed., Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Drawings and Prints exhib. cat. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), 9. 16 Ibid. 17 Elizabeth Alice Honig, Painting and the Art Market in Early Modern Antwerp (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), 44, 100. For Aertsen and the social and economi c climate of Antwerp circa 1550; see also The Art Bulletin 86 (June 2004): no. 2, 277 300.
34 Aertsen reflects the beginning of a mass exodus of artists from Antwerp, when the general population steadily shrunk from 100,000 in 1565 to 42,000 in 1585. 18 The shifting art market in Antwerp was also felt by Beuckelaer, who on his deathbed in 1574, complained that he could not earn a proper living in Antwerp as an artist. 19 The Dutch revolt in 1566 has traditionally marked the beginning of the decline of Antwerp, economically and culturally, in part because thousands of artists and merchants fled th e city. 20 While traditional modes of panel painting (for which Flanders had been internationally famous) were in decline, printed books with maps and illustrations rose to prominence as the most important art form of the later sixteenth century. In 1609 the German chorographer and from metalworking, becoming a major art form in the northern lands; in his description of the late sixteenth century Antwerp publishi ng houses, he criticized the use of stock engraved 21 Northern Europe had a long history of printmaking, and can be associated in the sixteenth century with Refo rmed literature and new print ed bible editions. Significantly the cultural and political environment associated with the Reformation led to a decline in panel painting and the eventual d ominance of the print medium. Earlier, i n the fifteenth century, pr ints were popularized in northern Europe as a reproducible medium suitable for playing cards and inexpensive single leaf images of saints. In the later fifteenth century printing was raised to a high art by engraver Martin Schongauer (1448 1491), who spe cialized in highly detailed and 18 The population would rebound in 1615, with a total of 61,000; see Lim berger, 43. 19 Honig, 44, 100. 20 Limberger, 53. 21 Landau and Parshall, 354.
35 finely crafted historical subjects. While painting was considered a higher craft than printmaking, a distinction was also made between the art of engraving, associated with luxury metalwork, and woodcut prints, which becam e commonly used for book illustrations. T he woodcut became tied to book printing in the second half of the fifteenth century, because it was adopted as the most effective means of illustrating texts using movable type. 22 The r easons for this are practical Both woodcuts and movable type are a relief process in printing; intaglio engraving on a metal plate requires an opposite process. 23 Woodcuts were also less expensive to produce than metal plate prints. More prints could also be pulled from one woodblo ck than from one plate. The wars of religion played an important role in the sixteenth century northern European woodcut print market, and the printing press was used to great advantage for the dissemination of Reformed ideologies. Painters such as Luc as Cranach the Elder (1472 1553), a close friend of Martin Luther, produced woodcut illustrations for pamphlets and broadsheets to promote 24 Passional Christi un Antichristi (1520) includes twenty six woodcut prints juxtaposing scenes from the life of Christ with those of the Antichrist, identified as the Pope. One example shows Christ Expelling the Money Changers together with The Pope Selling Indulgences 25 The images take up three quarters of the page, and each includes a par agraph of text below. Sixteenth century Protestant bibles printed in the vernacular often featured woodcut images to illustrate the text, and Cranach produced images for Luther bible 22 David Landau and Peter Parshall, The Renaissance Print: 1470 1550 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1994), 2. 23 Ibid., 3. 24 For recent scholarship on Cranach, see B odo Brinkmann, ed., Cranach exhib. cat. (London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2008). For a magisterial exposition of Cranach in particular and Reformation art in general, see Joseph Leo Koerner, The Reformation of the Image (London: Reaktion Books Ltd, 2004) 25 See Giulia Bartrum, ed., German Renaissance Prints: 1490 1550 exhib. cat. (London: British Museum Press, 1995), no. 181, 177 178.
36 editions published in Wittenberg. 26 The widely circulated Geneva Bible o f 1560 included woodcut illustrations and maps of the Holy Land. From 1520 to 1558, Antwerp and Amsterdam became the leading centers for the manufacture of bibles with woodcut illustrations. 27 In Antwerp, printmaking and book publishing were associated a be practiced without guild membership. 28 Free of guild regulations, the two crafts were linked and could more easily be pursued in collaboration. This situation changed in 1558 when Philip magistrates to impose guild membership on these illustrated, printed books. 29 W oodcuts dominated printed bible editions be fore 1570. T he use of e ngraved images in b ooks developed along somewhat different lines. 30 Until 1570, engraved book illustrations had been primarily used for higher end printing projects requiring highly detailed, finely crafted prints: portrait series, luxury emblem books (with engraved rather than moveable type), scientific treatises with illustrations, cartographical and architectural works, and anatomical studies. 31 nd maps in a bible. 32 26 Rosier, 14 15. 27 As demonstrated by Rosier, passim 28 See Clifton and Melion, 17. For more on printed books and pri publishers in Antwerp (1442 Printing Images in Antwerp trans. Beverley Jackson (Rotterdam: Sound & Vision Interactive Rotter dam, 1998), 28 representing painters and sculptors, because, it was argued, they used ink admixed with oil and varnish liquids used for pain ting. In an Antwerp magistrate court decision of 1495 it was concluded that book printers and illustrators use special ink for printing not associated with liquid used for painting. As a result of this decision, book printers and book illustrators workin g with paper and ink were free of guild restrictions from 1495 to 1558. 29 Clifton and Melion, 17. 30 Landau and Parshall, 3. 31 Ibid. 32 Bowen and Imhof, 99.
37 Printed books featuring maps became best sellers in sixteenth century Europe, and later sixteenth Geographia was widely available in the early sixteenth century, published throughout Europe and translated into German, French, Italian and other languages. 33 Earlier manuscript editions were produced after the rediscovery of Ptolemy in the fifteenth century, and th e sixteenth century printed editions were published in a range of sizes and languages, both woodblock and engraved, and with continually updated world maps. Sebastian Mnster (1489 (1495 1552) editions of the Cosmographia we re also widely known and expounded Ptolemaic concepts, with maps and illustrations, in its exposition of the origin of the world Theatrum Orbis Terrarum the first early modern atlas, was intended to replace the outdated Ptolemy editions, and can be associated with later sixteenth 34 Published by Plantin, the 1570 Theatrum a landmark in mapbook production, highlights the ascendancy of Antwerp as a leading European publishi The most important artists and workshops in later sixteenth century Antwerp worked under the auspices of the king, including Ortelius, who dedicated the Theatrum Orbis the Indies and Spain, the most distinguished monarch of th e whole world and of all ages. 35 33 Geography in Print: 1475 Geography in the Renaissance eds. Zur Shalev and Charles Burnett (London: The Warburg Institute and Turin: Nino Aragno Editore, 2011), 91 120. 34 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 1 ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2007), 611 621. 35 The dedication reads: D. PHILIPPO AVS TRIACO CAROLI V. AVG. ROM. IMP. F. INDIARUM HISPANIARVMQVE, ETC. REGI, OMNIUM AETATUM ET TOTIVS ORBIS AMPLI SSIMI IMPERII MONARCHAE, ABRAHAMVS ORTELIVS ANTVERPIA NVS ED. CONSECRATQVE; Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1570).
38 Antwerp as editor of the Polyglot. Ortel circle, being given the title of Geographus regius in 1575. Plantin, among the most prominent short, Antwer p circa 1568 was the premier book publishing center of northern Europe, and Philip II sponsored its most important projects. Philip also facilitated the friendships and collaborations that brought these projects to life. Among these projects was the Antw erp Polyglot, the largest and most ambitious printed bible project in history. Antwerp had the right combination of resources, technologies and royal u nit ed by a motivating desire Whatever their private views, goals and ambitions, Plant in and Montano wanted the Polyglot to promote Philip in a way that would please him United by similar motivations, t hese two men were also responsible for t he acquisition and production of 36 connection with Reformers and heter o /or heterodox Elizabeth Eisenstein has explained this seeming paradox. activities as a ; the creati on of such mixed businessmen represented a 37 The socio economic culture of late sixteenth century Antwerp was politically and religiously 36 see Aubrey F. G. Bell, Benito Arias Montano (Humphrey and Milford: Oxford University Press, 1922), 10 18. 37 Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 199. For e Voet, La Biblia Polglota 11 33; Clair, 23 36 and passim ; and Rekers, 70 104.
39 complex and as a merchantile center, the mixed range of languages and ethnicities made 38 Plantin began his printing business in 1555 with support of Hendrik Niclaes, founder of the Family of Love. He later formed a partnership with several known Calvinists, but dissolved this association in 1567 on the arrival of the Duke of Alba in the Netherlands. 39 Between 1562 and 1566 Plantin also had agents involved in the production of vernacular bibles in K ampen and Wesel. 40 It appears, however, that once Plantin formed a contract with the king in 1568, these heterodox activities ceased, and he swore (in writing) While the mixed international culture of Antwerp f acilitated the release of heretical works from the 1520s to the 1560s, it was a risky business. Some of the publishers who successfully produced and circulated suspicious books worked clandestinely, while others were tried for printing unorthodox material and sentenced to death. 41 location for the production of the Polyglot. Mid century Venice had been the center of Hebrew book production until Pope Julius III imposed a ban on Hebrew literature there in 1553. 42 After that point, Antwerp with the support of Charles V, became the capital for the publication of 38 Waterschoot, 239. 39 Ibid. 241. 40 Ibid. 41 Antwerp printers Adriaan van Berghen, Jacob van Liesvelt and Frans Fraet were all sentenced to death between 1542 and 1558 for circulating heretical literature; see Waterschoot, 235 236. 42 Van der Heide, 85. For more on the reception of Hebrew literature and Christian Hebraism in the sixteenth century, see Amnon Raz Church and Hebrew Literature in the Six Hebriac a Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe eds. Allison P. Coudert and Jeffrey S. Shoulson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 125 158.
40 printer grew after h is acquisition in 1562 of a set from the type cutter Guillaume Leb. 43 Plantin published a range of Hebrew material, including Hebrew bibles and grammars, and he served both the Jewish and Christian Hebraist markets. While seventeenth century Amsterdam is better known for its religious tolerance and large immigrant Jewish population, Antwerp in 1571 had on record eighty five Jewish families and seventeen bachelors. 44 This was a small number relative to the overall population of Antwerp, but significant giv en the banishment of Jews from entire principalities such as Spain and England. Plantin collaborated with a Jewish convert to Christianity, Johannes Isaac Levita (1515 1577), a professor of Hebrew at Louvain University, on several Hebrew language texts in Grammatica Hebraea of 1564; Levita later contributed to the Polyglot. 45 Given the difficult antisemitic climate of six teenth century Europe both Plantin and Montano had m Christians than with practicing Jews. 46 Both did, however, have access to rabbinical texts and exegesis, and it is known that Plantin had obtained a Hebrew Talmud (on the Spanish Index of banned books) for 47 An ardent l traditions 48 43 Biblia Hebraica of 1 566, for example, was purchased by Jew ish clients; see Van der Heide, 86 87. 44 Dean Phillip Bell, Jews in the Early Modern World (Lanham and Boulder: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2008), 50. 45 Van der Heide, 86. 46 For the very complicated issues around Jewish conversion and the definition of converso in early modern Spain and Europe, see Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2002). 47 See Eisenstein, 206. 48 Ibid. The Masoretes were a group of 6 th to 10 th century Jewish scholars who standardized the Hebrew Bible and developed a vocalizing point system for the text. There are no vowels in Hebrew, and a concern that proper vocalizatio n of the language would be lost in time led to the addition of vocalization. Sixteenth century antisemitical Christian authorities such as Wilhelmus Lindanus (1523 1588), Bishop of Rurmond, promoted ancient sources for biblical texts over the medieval Mas reliance on Rabbinical sources see Rekers, 56 66.
41 Scholars have argued that the notion of Concordia mundi was developed in the late sixteenth century, and that Plantin, Montano, and their circle were associated with the 49 resonance in a that valued world maps. Plantin was a Frenchman settled in Spanish Antwerp, and his printing house never Officina Plantiniana located at the sign of the Golden Compas ses, presented a kind of microcosm of circa 1568. The Art of Cartography: Spatial Relationships and the Tensions between Regional and Imperial Perspectives R ulers used la rge maps in a range of important ways. 50 At Hampton Co urt in the 1540s a single mappa mundi chapel was meant to convey a message of conventional royal piety. 51 More often, large maps in palaces were intended to glorify the ruler in obvious ways. 52 Room size maps, specifically fresco maps in Italy, tapestry maps in the North, and large parchment maps in England, were popular subjects for both civic and imperial interior decoration schemes the ideal Renaissance alignment of art, science and p ower. Large maps could be used to promote imperial power, and also assert regional identity in civic settings. In the 1560s the Antwerp magistrates ordered a series of tapestries for the new town hall, Views of towns along the Scheldt ; th e scenes were 49 Eisenstein, 206. 50 Peter Barber and Tom Harper, Magnificent Maps: Power, Propaganda and Art exhib. cat. (London: The British Library, 201 0), 22. For Italian fresco maps as political and religious propaganda, see Francesca Fiorani, The Marvel of Maps: Art, Cartography and Politics in Renaissance Italy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2005). 51 Barber and Harper, 23. 52 Ibid., 2 4.
42 ch orographic renderings of the cities between Middelburg and Antwerp. 53 Cityscape views were an ideal way to promote local identity and autonomy, and as a consequence, the Antwerp tapestries disappeared from the town hall during the Spanish Fury of 1576. Emperor Charles V (r.1519 1558) used large tapestry maps to promote imp erial messages, including the important political union between Spain and England. He ordered his recently completed tapestry series The Conquest of Tunis (1554, Patrimonio Nacional, Palacio Real, Madrid), hung in Winchester 54 During the reign of Henry VIII, a giant world map on parchment hung in the Privy Gallery of Whitehall Palace. It was d escribed as a lar 55 A display of arms was an important demonstration of power, and the associations here with Henry and the House of Tudor would have been obviou s. Philip II had map rooms, which included large scale versions of chorographic cityscapes he had commissioned of his realm, and the throne room at the Escorial incorporated wall Theatrum Sixteenth century mapmaking was a politically charg ed activity indeed. Rulers commissioned maps for a host of reasons: to facilitate military campaigns; for exploration; to claim or survey their territories, and for purposes of self promotion. 56 The best known Italian examples in fresco, all created betw een 1560 and 1584, are the Galleria delle Carte Geografiche 53 Guy Delmarcel, Flemish Tapestries (Tielt: Lannoo Publishers, 1999), 177. 54 Thomas Campbell, ed., Tapestry in the Renaissance: Art and Magnificence exhib. cat. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2002), 268. 55 Barber and Harper, 40. 56 I bid.
43 in the Vatican, the Sala del Mappamondo in the Farnese Palace (Caprarola), and the Stanza delle Mappe Geografiche in the Palazzo Vecchio (Florence). 57 These map rooms served, respectively, as a all with public viewership. 58 Thus encapsulating their audiences, these highly mediated interior spaces conveyed rather bold political and religious messages. The Galleria delle Carte Geografiche for example, was intended to promote Italy as the second Holy Land, and the stanza in the 59 Imperial mappers were, above all, sensitive to the needs of their royal sponsors. An anecdo te sheds light on the way Gemma Frisius (1508 1555), mapmaker to Emperor Charles V, eschewed cartographic accuracy in order to satis mapma traditional projection favored the Mediterranean but making the Mediterannean smaller meant making Spain smaller. While Frisius, who worked for the king of Spain stuck with projection 60 Later in the representational rules became somewhat more rigid. Modes of assem bly did remain fluid, however, and mapmakers such as Ortelius borrowed freely from both established and new cartographical models in attempts to construct the most relevant and interesting maps. 61 57 For more on these three rooms see Barber and Harper, 20 23. 58 Barber and Harper, 23. 59 Ibid. 60 Andrew Pettegree, The Book in the Renaissance (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2010), 288. 61 For Ortelius, see Robert W. Karrow, Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century and Their Maps: Bio Biographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago: Speculum Orbis Press, 1993).
44 Ortelius, a pupil of the famous cartographer Gerard Mercator (1512 1594) acknowledged that the maps in his Theatrum were taken from known designs. 62 The Theatrum was produced for a consumer market, and provided as much known geographic information as possible. It consisted of an up to date world map, and maps of countries, regions and islands. Ortelius retained a certain flexibility in his methods of assembly with world maps, expediency was weighed in equal measure with scientific accuracy. As an international bestseller p atlas reflected a new, broad, cartographic literacy. F or every class of viewer, mer chant, intellectual and prince a map was not si mply a geographic record. It was a visual product which served as a repository for high ly charged social, pol itical and religious meanings. In the later sixteenth century, a map of the world would have ha d special significance for a princely audience, as ower is 63 W ith the discovery of the New World, the governments of Spain and Portugal 64 This leads one to ponder the nature of im pe hat is apparent, it is a nebulous label. As Matthew Edney argues, there is no good definition for ome degree of inequality, subordination, and cultural 65 posses and 62 Abraham Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Antwerp: Plantin, 1570), ff. 4r 6v; Ortelius gives tribute to the 6v. 63 James R. Akerman, The Imperial Map (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 1. 64 Akerman, 2. 65 The Imperial Map ed. James R. Akerman (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 12.
45 66 Most importantly, imperial maps are only effective if their meanings can be a ctivated by the viewer. In the later sixteenth century, world maps became objects of such fascination that the cultural p henomenon amounted to a mania the ability to 67 68 A map is, above all, a visual representation of spatial relationships (real or imagined) between locations indi cated on the map, and also between the ma In a world made bigger overnight by the voyages of discovery and exploration, spatial concepts helped sixteenth century viewers princes and merchants alike, to conceptualize their new world in different, and meaningful ways. This was the cultural milieu in which the Antwerp Polyglot maps and views were created. The argument that sixteenth century Europeans organized and assimilated information spatially is supported by the popular cul interest in the natural or tangible world is tied to notions of place the object in the collection becomes a surrogate for a location on the map. The concept of de wereld binnen handbereik or h aving sixteenth century cabinet collections, and it incorporated cultural habits in common with the attendant map mania 69 es as visualized on 66 Edney, 12 67 Ibid 68 Edney, 26. For early modern viewing experiences tied to the invention of pri Northwestern University, 2001. 69 See D e wereld binnen handereik : Nederlandse kunst en rariteitenverzameli ngen, 1585 1735 exhib. cat. (Amsterdam: Amsterdams Historisch Museum, 1992).
46 world maps reflects a new era of empire building, colonization and trade. As new information 70 Around 1570, imported New World exotic a including objects such as conch naturalia were displayed in private cabinets by European collectors such as Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522 1605), cousin of Pope Gregory XIII (p.1572 1585). Aldrovandi and his erudite circle collected and displayed a range 71 Eclectic collections were associated with Renaissance science, travel, discovery and ethnographic interest in ne wly discovered peoples all issues central to later sixteenth century humanist discourse and to make a comprehensive study of New World naturalia 72 Philip declined, giving the t ask to his court physician, but 73 Wealthy armchair travelers, pilgrims and potentates alike, a lso collected and admired world maps, which they physically contextualized as part of their global collections, as the premiere collectable novelties of their age. Vicarious travel, using maps and collections as a 70 Edney, 17. 71 Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1994), 17 47. 72 Findlen, 314 315 and 356 357. 73 Philip gave the commission to Francisco Hernandez whom he sent to Mexico f rom 1570 1577; see Mara M. Portuondo, Secret Science: Spanish Cosmography and the New World (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2009).
47 spatial aid, was associated with real travel, both contemporary and his torical. M aps used for meditation were associated with the real journeys of holy men in ancient times. 74 Naturalists such as Aldrovandi eagerly consumed literature on the voyages of discovery and exploration, and identified themselves with fabled expl orers such as Columbus. 75 As with geographical knowledge, understanding and categorizing systems in nature was a fundamental characteristic of a classical Renaissance education. Philip himself was a model of all these activities and with had one of the greatest, most eclectic collections in Europe; these included rare birds, exotic plants, ancient coins, medals, and a 14,000 volume library with volumes in Arabic and Hebrew. 76 Like Aldrovandi, Benito Montano was obsessed with encyclopedic co llections that quantify the natural world, and saw scripture, specifically the book of Genesis, as a summary of natural philosophy. 77 Naturae historia which he considered his magnum opus consumed his intellectual attention later in life. It is encyclopedic in nature, and was intended to fill three great volumes It remained unfinished at the time of his death and was published posthumously by Plantin in 1601. For Montano, scripture was the basis for a true understanding of nature, and experi ence, observation and experimentation could be used to validate scriptural principles. 78 Montano argued that the source of everything in nature could be derived from 74 Ad ductum itineris et dispositionem mansionum ostendendam : Meditation, Vocatio n, and The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery: Place and Culture in Northern Art 57 (1999). 75 Findlen, 314. 76 Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1986): no. 1, 130 131. 77 Renaissance Quarterly 63 (Winter 2010): no. 4, 1106 1150. 78
48 Hebrew translations. Montano believed that Hebrew etymologies, above all the other oriental languages of scripture, encoded the true prisca sapientia 79 As a guide for the contemporary Christian, the Naturae historia ordered nature into spatial relations hips that conflate both place and time In other words, the sacred truths plummed from arcane Hebrew scripture could be used by the contemporary Christian to frame an ordered life This last great work by Montano, wledge, presented a culmination of his progressive Hebrew education at the University of Alcal in the 1550s, together with his activities as a collector. During his stays in both Rome and Antwerp, Montano purchased maps, books, and s behalf. 80 Montano was also engaged by Philip in the 1560s to purchase 81 Encyclopedic c ollections, such as the monumental one envisioned by Philip for the Biblioteca regia were mimicked on a diminutive scale in the cabinets of private collectors in the late sixteenth century. Cabinet collections that encapsulated the natural world or wunder kammen included oddities, precious materials and crafted objects valued for their artifice far away. The connection between the cabinet and the distant land was a way of ordering spatial Sacred Words and Worlds: Geography Religion and Scholarship, 1550 1700 (Lieden and Boston: Brill, 2012), 27. 79 80 1564 as a member of the Spanish delegation to the third session of the Co uncil of Trent, and again in 1572 to defend the Polyglot before the Papal court. 81
49 relationships, and these relationships can be associated with colonization in the era of exploration. S pecial collections filled with natural wonders and exotic objects had long held princely associations; for the Burgundian courts, a nd later the Hapsburgs, they represented nobility and wealth, and the conquest of America expanded the vocabulary of wonders. 82 In the impress foreign visitors 83 1467) collection morisque dancers in Eastern garb. 84 With the voyages of exploration, what had been the aspirational colonialism of the Burgundian courts transformed into real domination by the Hapsburgs. 85 The expanded vocabulary of wonders, together with vastly expanded territories, required new epistemolo gies and systems of organization. motivating factor in sponsoring new cosmographies was an administrative need to know and understand the New World and acquire an ethnographic understanding of its peoples anding ( the New World) with mathematical precision and the New World into a new universal cosmography. 86 I n a similar way, later sixteenth century print collectors were forced to develop new sys tems of organizing large, eclectic amounts of material. 87 82 Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature (New York: Zone Books, 2001), 108. 83 Daston and Park, 102. 84 Ibid., 101 102. 85 Ibid., 108. 86 Mara M. Portuondo, Secret Science 62. 87 Harvard University A rt Museum Bulletin 2 (Spring 1994): no. 3, 7 36.
50 late Renaissance Europe required new systems for the ordering human knowledge. 88 P eter P arshall points to two popular modes of encyclopedism as models for organizati onal strategies: Cosmographia for example, is text based, the cabinet incorporates physical specimens and artifacts. Unlike cabinets, texts provided a ical environment and material culture of a 89 In a printed book spatial relationships transcend place and time, and are associated with myths of origin and patrimonial constructs. The obvious advantage of print materia l is that hypothetical spatial when they are defined by authoritative text juxtaposed with contrived visual artifacts ( i.e. illustrations). Printed illustrated books have a propagandistic advantage by their uniformity of me ssage, and in the larger size of their target audience. Unlike a cabinet, a book can be cloned in multiples. For Philip, the Antwerp Polyglot reflected the cosmography of his empire in eight massive volumes a cosmology he wanted to promote. As Portuond S ixteenth century Spanish royal cosmographers went beyond satisfying personal curiosity. (For them) it meant organizing and presenting information about the new discoveries in a manner that served the empire effectively and provided utilita rian results as gatekeepers of firsthand cosmographical knowledge of the newly discovered lands, Spanish royal cosmographers were the first to wrestle the 90 Illustrated books, unlike most cabinet collections, physically traveled, and while objects in cabinet collections can be rearranged, shuffled and reordered, bound illustrated editions were meant to be viewed in a particular sequence. 88 Parshall, 25. 89 Ibid., 24. 90 Portuondo, Secret Science 59.
51 It is wide ly accepted that p rints and printed books produced in the southern Netherlands and sponsored by the Spanish crown were central to concepts of early modern globalization. 91 Prints and printed books could be easily carr ied, and the Antwerp print and book m arket is largely responsible for this process of global exchange. P aper collections make great propaganda, and when printed volumes include didactic pictures bound together in a particular program of the Polyglot was ideally served by the print medi um. At least six hundred copies of the Polyglot were in circulation throughout Europe and possibly the New World. Theatrum with thousands of copies in print, facilitated the proliferation of new world concepts and their at tendant play of spatial relationships, as the Theatrum world. T he geographically themed Theatrum oriented Civitates orbis terrarum 92 Both, not just one or the other, were a must for any late Renaissance library. While the Theatrum is an atlas with maps the C ivitates is a series of views that show individual towns in detail. When used together, they composed the ideal Ptolemaic scheme. In earlier traditions, as exemplified by the T O map in Jean Mansel, La Fleur des Histoires (Valenciennes, 1463), profile an d a e rial perspectives had been combined. Asia, Europe, and Africa are shown in plan from above, while Shem, Japheth and Ham, together with the topographical details, are shown in profile. The science of surveying and new mathematical principles that deve loped in the sixteenth century led to the separation of 91 Werner Thomas and Eddy Stols, eds., Un Mundo Sobre Papel: Libros y Grabados Flamencos en el Imperio Hispanoportugus, siglos XVI XVIII (La H aya: Acco Lovaina, 2009). 92 Pettegree, 289.
52 geographic and chorographic modes. Sixteenth century audiences, however, still thought it important to consider them in tandem. 93 In the sixteenth century, maps, globes and other cartographical materi al became widely popular subjects in Northern art. While royal patrons used maps of all kinds as expressions of imperial power, maps and cartographical material were also used by artists to assert regional identities. Both Svetlana Alpers and Walter Gibs on have discussed the important relationship between mapmaking and painting in Northern art. 94 And scholars including Samuel Edgerton and Angelo Cattaneo argue that interest in Ptolemaic projections coincided with the development of perspectival systems in the Renaissance. 95 Above all, R enaissance humanists puzzled over geography and chorography, when Ptolemy himself restricted his Geographia to geographical representations. While not ions of a mapmaking mentality have traditionally fostered a great deal of debate among art historians it is undeniable that there existed in northern Europe a ma p aesthetic, or a taste for cartographic material both geographic and chorographic. M aps, landscapes and chorogra phic views were all important modes of representation in the North in the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. David Buisseret argues that fifteenth century Netherlandish A r tists like the Van 93 Pettigree 290. 94 See Walter S. Gibson, Century Flemish Painting reprinted in Art and Cartography: Six Historical Essays ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 51 96. 95 Mappamundi to Christian Empire: The He ritage of Ptolemaic Art and Cartography 10 50; Zur Shalev and Charles Burnett, eds. (London and Turnin: The Warburg Institute an d Nino Aragno Editore, 2011); for a contrary view on Mappings ed. Denis Cosgrove (London : Reaktion Books Ltd, 1999), 90 108.
53 Eycks and the Limbourg brothers had begun to delineate rural and urban scenes with hitherto and, eventually, of a profusion of maps of country and town. 96 The most influential painters in the history of Northern art, including the Limbourg Brothers (a.1400 1416) Jan van Eyck (a.1395 1441) and Albrecht Drer (1471 1528) also made maps. 97 The artist Pieter Pourbus (1510 98 Painter Hans Holbein the younger (1497 1543) contributed detailed figural surrounds to printed world maps and is commonly associated with the marriage of art and cartogr aphy in sixteenth century northern Europe On one example, the Mnster world map of 1532 Holbein designed elaborate bo rders with ethnographic figures, exotic animals and richly detailed landscape vignettes. 99 Apart from his ornamental contributions to ac tual maps, Holbein also included maps and cartographic material as subjects in his paintings. His double portrait of the French Ambassadors (1533, National Gallery, London), for example, includes both a terrestrial and celestial globe, as well as instrume nts required for navigation. Lisa Jardin and Jerry were intended to reflect the elite status of the sitters by their association with esoteric knowledge the i 96 David Buisseret, ed., Monarchs, Ministers and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 1. 97 For Limbourg Brothers map of Rome, see Rob Dkers and Pieter Roelofs, The Limbourg Brothers: Nijmegen masters at the French Court, 1400 1416 exhib. cat. (Antwerp and Amsterdam: Ludion, 2005), 199; for Drer, see for example Giulia Bartrum, ed., Albrecht Drer and His Legacy: The Graphic Wo rk of a Renaissance Artist (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 194. 98 Alpers, 62. 99 Mnster, Sebastian and Holbein, Typus Cosmographicus Universalis (Basel, 1532); Shirley, Mapping of the World 67. For other Holbein contributions to map surrounds, see for example the map boarders ascribed to Holbein and Urs Graf (1485 1527) in Sebastian Mnster and Willibald Pirckheimer, Geographia Universalis (Basel, 1540).
54 100 They argue that the 101 R eferences to Hapsburg imperialism are intentionally missing or skewed o n the terrestrial globe; the route marking sponsored expedition is not shown 102 Holbein painted the globe from a known model produced by Gemma Frisius in 1535 to commemorate 103 shows the Hapsburg imperial eagle flying over the city of Tunis, which had fallen to Charles V earlier than summer. 104 None in Ambassadors The proper loca tion in France. 105 Significantly Holbein used cartographical clues organized spatially in a painted collection, separating the information between imperial and regional interests in order to promo te the concerns of the partron. An important point to consider here, as in the case of the French Ambassadors is the impact that imperial versus local ideologies had in the lives of the painters and sitters involved. 100 Lisa Jardine and Jerry Brotton, Globa l Interests: Renaissance Art Between East and West (London: Reaktion Ambassadors see Susan Foister, Ashok Roy and Martin Wyld, exhib. cat. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2008). 101 Jardine and Brotton, 55 57. 102 Ambassadors Globe (c. 1526, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Jardine and Brotton, 56. 103 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 1 ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2007), 135 173. 104 Jardine a nd Brotton, 56. 105 Ibid.
55 If terrestrial globes were associated with imperial incentives, it seems logical that regional maps and chorographic views could likewise be used in order to assert regional id entities. Ptolemy for their precise relationship 106 More than locating place Civitates views solidify time the city vi ew and its key monuments create a time signature, a specific historical moment that a l iving resident viewer could identify with. Kagan has shown how chorographic views of cities came to the fore in the North at the same time cities in Flanders and elsewhere were asserting their autonomy. 107 And as Alpers has argued, there is a structural re lationship between engraved View of Delft (1660, What painted and printed views have primarily in common is the sense of local or regiona l Fall of Icarus (1558, Brussels, Muses royaux des Beaux Arts) is organized like his Bay of Naples (1556, Galleria Doria, Rome), but unlike Naples no specific location is overtl y identified. Yet g iven the stereotypical peasant, Dutch carrack it can be identified as a Netherlandish port, perhaps Antwerp. This composition shows a large harbor with ships and a four masted Dutch carrack, the long distance mai nstay of the merchant fleets, across a long, curv ed horizon, described by Gibson as a world landscape. In the foreground is a monumental, idealized peasant, plowing a tiered patch of earth. Barely discernable is the tiny figure of Icarus, who has crashed into the water to the stern of the carrack, his legs flailing in desperation. Ethan 106 Cosgrove, 24. 107 Kagan, 115 135.
56 Kavaler interprets this painting as : the plowman is the archetypal laborer, who evokes the authority of nature and is a symbol of patie nce and 108 Larry Silver associates the ship in the painting with Antwerp industry, trade and prosperity. 109 Lyckle de Vries sees the painting as a literal interpretation of Ecclesiastes: . 110 In 1554 Bruegel began to design prints for his friend Hieronymus Cock, whose death in 1570 after 1570 engraver Philip Galle (1537 well known painters, including Bruegel, Frans Floris (1517 1570), Italian masters, and compositions attributed posthum ously to Hieronymus Bosch (1450 1516). Cock also published large imperial maps sponsored by Philip II, including a 1553 wall map of Spain (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, Weimar). 111 Cock was the only known publisher of large wall maps in the Netherlands during this period, and in 1562 he printed a map of America (Library of Congress, Washington D.C.), made in collaboration with Diego Gutirrez (1554 1569). 112 Large wall maps featuring whole countries and continents were typically royal incentives, and thes e maps would 108 Ethan Matt Kavaler, Pieter Bruegel: Parables of Order and Enterprise (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 76. 109 Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek: Pieter Bruegel 47 (Zwolle: Waanders Uitgevers, 1997), 124 153. 110 Fall of Icarus Netherlands Qu arterly for the History of Art 30 (2003): no. 17. 111 ca. The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 2, ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The U niversity of Chicago Press, 2007), 1300. 112 Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress 6 (May 1949): no. 3, 18 20.
57 Fall of Icarus was painted, the new guild restrictions were imposed on Antwerp book publishers and printmakers by the Spanish crown, and religious tensions between th e Netherlands and her Spanish overlords were mounting. 113 Charles V had lived in the Net of Antwerp before mid century, and favored a Flemish court. The painter Herri met des Bles (a. 1510 1560) glorified Charles V in a wor ld view landscape that incorporated a seaport and cartographical themes. The Landscape with John the Baptist (Cleveland Museum of Art, c. 1540), shows John and his followers on a bank to the left of a seaport situated against a world view landscape the lo ng, curved horizon stretching into the far distance. On the shores of the seaport, John baptizes Christ. The presence of Charles V is identified by a royal barge with the Hapsburg eagle prominately displayed on canopy of honor located at the stern of th e ship. The dove of the Holy proximately of the Hapsburg royal barge to the sacred event validates Charles divenly given authority. Charles was associa ted w and in Spain, he was criticized as too Flemish. Conversely, Philip II had a notoriously stinted relationship with his Netherlandish citizens and presented himself as the consummate Spaniard. Philip inherited the Netherlands i n 1555, so this translation of power would have been strongly felt at the time of Icarus see his Icarus as a painting that employs cartographical langu age to present a geopolitically 113 For 1558 guild restrictions see Van der Stock, Printing Images 39 56.
58 charged anti Spanish image that asserts regional identity over imperial 114 painting, which was an earlier work that employed a nearly identical setting, can be seen conversely as presenting a pro imperial sentiment. The idealized peasant, as argued by Margaret Carroll, was used to promote Netherlandish iden a 115 In this new age of shipping and industry associated with foreign powers, the peasant here w ould represent the important role of the industrious farmer as the most important resource in a pre Hapsburg agrarian based Netherlandish economy. The peasant was Trs Ric hes Heures du Duc de Berry (1410, Muse Cond, Chantilly). On the March calendar page, for example, an idealized peasant in the foreground calmly and methodically plows a patch of land. The image is divided into two zones: the fore and middleground rep resent the Netherlandish land based economy from which the Duke of Berry generated his wealth. The castle of Lusignan at the horizon, shown in profile, represents the princely powers. The Trs Riches Heures includes a printed map of Rome, and one could a rgue the patches of land in March (as employed seen from above with strongly delimited borders, thus employing the graphic language of cartography as seen in t he Limbourg map of Rome. Alternatively, the castle, which fills the horizon, employs a chorographic mode, and its boundaries are indiscernible. The fields are shown in their entirety and arguably symbolize the countryside in general, associated with 114 For mor e on Bruegel and anti Painting and Politcs in Northern Europe (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008), 64 87. 115 Art History 10 (September 1987): no. 3, 289.
59 peas ant labor. Notions of the land and peasant labor would take on special meaning in the 116 Icarus plows a patch of land expressively delineated by strongly o utlined tiers of earth rendered in a graphic mode. Like the fields in March the land is overtly delimited and shown in plan. The limitless horizon in Icarus a worldview, may be associated with the broad, overarching power of the aristocracy the Spanish monarchy which dominated the voyages of discovery and exploration to the New World. The Dutch carrack in the middleground speaks to contemporary Antwerp, and the role of merchant trade and industry in a changing world. It is also recognizable as the typ e of ornamentation used on sixteenth century double hemispheric world maps. In this composition, the size relationships associated with maps (eg., geographic outlines are larger than ornamental ships) are inverse, perhaps symbolically. Scholars have puzz protagonist of the Icarus foreign territory of which he knows little, who separates himself from the wi sdom of his likable language, and the tension between geog raphic and chorographic modalities, in order to assert with pride Netherlandish regional identity in a world of change, now governed from Spain. NON SUFFICIT ORBIS he history of the world upon which the sun never set. It included Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands and Franche Comt; most of the Italian peninsula, Milan, Sicily and Sardinia; Tangier, Guinea, Angola, Mombasa, and Mozambique in 116 Carroll, 289.
60 Africa; Estado da India, M alacca, and Moluccas in the east, and Mexico, Florida, the Antilles, Peru and Brazil in the New World. He was also the titular King of Jerusalem, a title Charles V ceded to him in 1554 on the occasion of his marriage to Mary Tudor. The Ottoman Turks cont fantasy. In 1565 Philip sent Queen Elizabeth I of England a narrative of the failed Ottoman siege of Malta a story which expounds the honor and divine privilege o f the Christian knight. D espite their sometimes profound political and religious differences, Philip was attempting to 117 In 1570 Philip was t League, created to break the Turkish stronghold in the western Mediterranean. 118 After a defeat at Cyprus, the League won the Battle of Lepanto off the coast of Greece, and was disbanded in 1573. The title ancient titulus Philip certainly promoted. Together with the many real titles Philip held, in 1581 he acquired the throne of Portugal, thus linking the two great monarchies of t he Iberian grandfather King Ferdinand the Catholic and your grandfather King Manuel of Portugal, is now linked int o one, since you are lord of 119 Other iconography commissioned for the entry defined Philip as Miles Christi 117 A Companion to Tudor Literature ed. Kent Cartwright (West Sussex: Blackwell Publishing L td, 2010), 49. 118 Stanford J. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Volume I: Empire of the Gazis, The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 178. 119 Parker, 4.
61 world: Asia, Africa, Europe and America . 120 new gilded bronze medal (Museu Numismtico Portugus, Lisbon) was cast which depicts a portrait bust of Philip on one side, and a globe mounted by a horse on the other, with the motto: NON SUFFICIT ORBIS 121 Philip welcomed the notion of a universal monarchy. In 1586, the motto and globe were incorporated into the royal arms of Spain. 122 Managing his knotty, far 123 Despite his many challenges, Philip was an effective administrator, maintaining cohesion in his unwieldy empire. Juan de Solrzano Pereira, a seventeenth century Spanish jurist, explained that there were two models in which a ruler could naturalize foreign territories. 124 The first way established kingdom such was the case with the Spanish Indies which became incorporated 125 The second way was known as aeque principaliter in which the foreign polity was treated as distinct, preserving its own laws, customs and privileg es of the government in Madrid. This was logical in regions that were perceived to have no e xisting 120 Fernando Checa, Felipe II: Mecenas de las Artes (Madrid: Nerea, 1992), 271. 121 Parker, 4; t 122 Ibid., 5. 123 76. 124 J. H. Elliott, Spain, Europe & the Wider World, 1500 1800 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009), 7. 125 Ibid.
62 by allowing these long established European communities to retain their laws and customs, they 126 eeism was an inescapable feature of composite monarchies (through a) degree of benign neglect, local elites enjoyed a measure of self 127 This situation was challenged by developments in the sixteenth century, the most dangerous being the religious division of Europe. Aggressive religious nati ertain that God willed confessional uniformity in his dominions, his overseas empire with its rich resources and newly baptized indigenous populations, was seen as 128 Philip, like other rulers of his time, was interested in mapping his empire, a nd means to sponsor mapping projects and patronize cartographers o n a level nearly unparalleled in 129 Between 1560 and 1578, Philip commissioned several major geographical projects. Netherlandish artist Anton van den Wyngaerde (1525 1571) was hired to construct a series of chorographic views (1563, O esterreichische Nationalbibliothek) of all the major Spanish cities. For this project, Van den Wyngaerde was commanded by Philip to physically travel around Spain and record the towns from life. Earlier views of cities, such as those in the Nuremberg Chr onicles 126 Elliott, 8. 127 Elliott, 10 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 2, ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2007), 1069 1094. 128 Elliott, 13; that is, newly baptized by 1550. 129 Mundy, 1; Monarchs, Ministers and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe ed. David Buisseret (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 129.
63 eye view was an effective perspective for including the most visual information about a city in one picture. In an era before skyscrapers, helicopters and photography, h owever, such perspectives were not pract ical for images recorded outdoors from actual views, are shown from a slight elevation, and employ a panoramic format. 130 This chorographic project ultimately con sisted of at least sixty two views of over fifty Spanish cities. 131 That they were realistic depictions of actual actual power, and he translated these chorographic Another geog raphical enterprise, the Relaciones geogr ficas (1578 1584) consisted of government questionnaires to be sent to every town in Spain and the New World, requesting the questionnaires sent to New Spain were associated with surveys in preparation for a new map of the New World. 132 While the questionnaire project was underway, Philip also sponsored a map of Spain (1585, Library of the Monastery of El Escorial) from his principle cartograph er Pedro de Esquivel, an expert surveyor and professor of math e matics at the University of Alcal de Henares. 133 and accurate description ever to be undertaken for any province since the crea tion of the 134 It was mythologized 130 131 Ibid. 132 Ibid., 130; Mundy, 11 27. 133 134 A ccording to Felipe de Guevara from Comentarios de la pintura
64 the so called Escorial atlas, a series of twenty one region al maps that surveyed the whole peninsula. These are the largest European maps of their time to utilize detailed ground surveys. 135 visible the two natures of his Spanish 136 Mundy describes the Escorial map of the Iberian Iberian kingdom, and a reflection of his attempt to use maps in order 137 The late Renaissance scientific rationalist approach led to a Euclidian Albertian model in mapping, which was expressed in uniform geometric projections, and is the guiding force behind b oth these maps and views. 138 employed Albertian linear perspective. 139 In both approaches, man defin es his relationship to the world by his ability to measure it: Both sets of geographic material employ concepts of the built environment inside embra cing contours of the lands 135 136 Mundy, 3. 137 Ibid., 1, 3; for more on Philip and mapping as a means of controlling nationalism versus regionism, see John M. Renaissance Quarterly 53 (Winter 2000): no. 4, 1122. 138 Headley, 4. 139 Mundy, 4.
65 140 The geographic sixteenth c Civitates Orbis Terrarum Theatrum 141 century European audience? 142 Arguably, it can be associated with sixteenth cent ury notions of empire, and the tensions between regional and imperial perspectives. As Kagan points out, Van den Consequently, his Spain was a collection of indep 143 political perspective would have been more broadly defined the regional maps and if individual politi es used chorographic views in an attempt to assert their regional autonomy, not pictured as autonomous and competitive cities, but as a continuous and politic ally 144 Most of all the body of the nation outlined on the map suggests the body of the king, as th in all its cultural diversity, it is held together by his person, his inheritances, hi s administration and his conquests. 145 140 Mundy, 4 5. 141 Ibid. 5. 142 Ibid. 143 Kagan, 128. 144 Mundy, 7. 145 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 1 ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2007), 661 679.
66 ographic chorographic approach, with an attendant p lay of spatial relationships, as a critical mode of exposition. Space relationships associated with bound aries were a trope in the art, ceremony and graphic la nguage 146 Before entering the cit 147 ith a series of triumphal of the arches. 148 the earth and the depths of the sea by 149 Mark ancient founding myth is counterposed against another; one embodiment of power and identity resonates across the square with another (thus) identity and power are negotiated through the expediencies of place . 150 In other words, power and identity resonate across place and time. The chorographic geographic modality employed in the Polyglot imagery can be omote Spain as th e new Holy Land with Madrid as the navel of his multi cultural world empire, and the Escorial its towering umbilicus. 151 This play of 146 Meadow, 40 48. 147 Ibid., 47. 148 Ibid., 58. 149 Ibid. 150 Meadow, 59. 151 Edgerton, 48 50.
67 when he moved the capital o f Spain to Madrid, which is situated in the geographical center of ge nealogy was constructed. 152 this regard was the Polyglot . 153 Philip used historia sacra vision of the physical Holy Land that was more detailed, more v ivid, and more accurate than any other vision yet achieved by the developing discipline of historia sacra It would not be far fetched to say that they also brought the Holy Land under Spanish control. As is well known, Philip was one of the first Europe an monarchs to appreciate the extent to which cataloguing, surveying, and collecting the knowledge and objects of his empire could be used not only to make better tactical decisions, but also to make better propaganda the terrain, peoples, and histor y of the Holy Land would be transported to Spanish soil . There, they would be retooled as the building blocks of a Spanish national identity in which Spain became a new Holy Land a literal new Jerusalem. 154 the first complete edition of the works of Isidore of Seville. 155 Central to this national genealogy 156 Montano, who was closely associated with the Escorial project 152 Beaver, 108. 153 Ibid., 16. 154 Beaver, 16 17. 155 Ibid., 15. 156 Jernimo Prado (1547 1608) and Juan Bautista Villalpando (1552
68 157 To achieve his end, Phi lip had to establish a Hebrew patrimony for Spain, and intention to use the Polyglot as a vehicle for demonstrating the centrality of geographical knowledge to b 158 Abdias, showed him that the topography of the Holy Land could also yield unanticipated insight into the genealogy of modern Spain and that certain toponyms mentioned in Abdias refer red to places on the Iberian Peninsula; Spaniards, therefore, could prove their direct lineage from the ancient Israelites. 159 kneyed hypothesis about Old Testament geography became a foundational legend of Spanish historiography to answer 160 The Polyglot favors the Hebrew language (as did Montano ), and this is visually apparent as an expression of the Escorial can be associated wi patriarchs. The regional maps of the Holy Land and Jerusalem, a metaphor of Madrid, are 157 Beaver, 14. For more on the iconography of the Escorial library, see Checa, 380 387. 158 Beaver, 109 110. 159 Abdias was a minor prophet who wrote the shortest of the minor prophetical books. It describes the fate of Edom (a region south of the Dead Sea whose people are descendants of Esau) which is destroyed by thieves and former commentary on Abdias was published in Commetaria in duodecim prophetas (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1571); s ee Beaver, 112. 160 Beaver, 112 113.
69 shown over time, from pre to post conquest. The chorographic city views of, for example, the Domus Israel in volume Hebrew ish patrimony by its signs and names. The double hemispheric world map, as a Spanish empire each of his dominions quite literally on the map century dominions is emphasized in volume one by Philip letters to kingdoms in his realm, written in the vernacular of that region and signed by the king. Philip sought religious hegemony in his diverse dominions, and attempted to use Christianity as a unifying principle. With the New World as a sion Indian this validates the authority of the New World Viceroyalties. This geopolitical worldview is demonstrated on the double hemispheric world map, which describes the sons of Noah crossing from the Old World to the post diluvian paradise washed clean by the flood. Philip promoted a brand of Cat holicism that was founded in antiquity, fiercely orthodox, supported by antiquarian modes of inquiry, and above all, Spanish. The preeminence of the Catholic faith in the face of its Protestant enemies was justified by its Hebrew ish origins, that is, its great antiquity. The authoritative sacred text of the Polyglot was the ideal vehicle for such a program, magisterially presented across eight monumental, richly illustrated volumes. Philip famously said he would rather rule over no kingdom at all than a kingdom of heretics. Of all states were the cause of the most anxiety during
70 produced for her king a Biblia regia w hich would unite the disparate nations in one universal Ynglesia 161 the world remaining so for many centuries by Latins, Greeks, Syrians, and all Jews, who would appreciat e the great majesty and benefit of this work. 162 was enough. 161 From Antwerp triumphal entry; see Meadow, 53. 162 Chapter 2, note 1, above.
71 CHAPTER 3 A CATALOGUE OF THE A NTWERP POLYGLOT BIBL Lest you think that anything pertinent to the splendor of this regal work had been omitted, illustrations, artfully engraved in copper, have been included in the appropriate places. Benito Arias Montano 1 Overview of the 8 Volumes: The Polyglot as a Cosmography of The most striking characteristic of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible is how little of it comprises a bible. The Christian Bible proper, that is, the Old and New Testament books organized canonically from Genesis to Apocalypse, makes u p four and one half of the eight volumes. The balance comprises letters, maps, dictionaries, discourses, archeological details, architectural drawings, weights, measures and histories. The result is something more like a bible within an encyclopedia or c osmography. As Anthony Grafton points out in New Worlds, Ancient Texts: The Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery century) readers had a keen appetite for encyclopedic works which summed up between two covers all the intellectual dis 2 Theatrum Humanae Vitae (Basel, 1565) which was an encyclopedia of all human knowledge is an example of such a work Naturae Historia (Antwerp: Plantin, 1601) 3 T he cultural practice of compiling collecting and categorizing, 1 In qua de totius operis usu, dignitate, & apparatu ex ordine differitur Ne vero quidquam, quo d ad regii plane operis splendorem pertinere videbatur, praetermissum existimes: singulae tabulae, aere artificiose celatae, suis locis insertae sunt Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine Vol. I (Antwerp: Plantin, 15 72), fol. 18r. 2 Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts: The Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 1992), 13 14. 3 Zwinger may have owned the Polyglot edition currently held by the Pitts Theological Library, Emory University Historia published posthumously.
72 arguably applied to Philip more than any other European prince. 4 During the flowering of sixteenth century humanist scholarship in Europe, sacred scripture remained the primary authoritative source and was central to European cosmologies. The canonical texts in their original languages, moreover, presented a treasure trove of philological information from which a scholar such as Montano could draw in order to support a range of polemical arguments. These authori tat ive works, specialists manipulated logic ally to efficiently construct whatever structure of doctrine he might need 5 Th e Antwerp Polyglot Bible, without question, is an exposition of sacred scripture drawn from the ancient languages. But unlike the earlier Complutensian Polyglot, the text is also embedded within a framewor k of commentary, illustrations and maps that present a strong imperial imperative. The sacred text is the author cosmology of empire is constructed if Reformers could hail sola scriptura as their lodestar for universal truth, the argument goes, so could Philip. Such treatment of canonical texts 6 The Polyglot employs such a compositional structure, in which the commentaries, illustrations he sacred text. Plantin also manipulated a range of textual elements in order to visually highlight specific areas of text. The meaning of the illustrations and maps (when viewed all together and in order) is 4 Philip II and the Escorial: Technology and the Representation of Architecture exhib. cat. (Providence: David Winton Bell Gallery, Brown U niversity, 1990), 8. 5 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 1 ed. David Woodward (Chic ago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2007), 469 476. 6 Ibid., 27.
73 elucidated by the historical context in which the Polyglot was made as presented in the discussi ons above First, the role of Antwerp as a bo ok printing center must be considered. This role was brought about, in part, as a result of the Protestant revolt and the resulting decline in Antwerp panel painting. as a book printing center can also be associated with northern Hebraism, literal approaches to scripture, and the availability of Hebrew type. To in the Pol yglot imagery (such as those Quadt von Kinkelbach criticized ). Second, the Polyglot visual corpus and organization needs to be considered within the broader cultural habits of c This accounts, in part, for the en c yclopedic structure of the Polyglot as well as choice and design of the ill ustrations and maps, which were b o rrowed from earlier designs. The popular use of cartographic language as a way of asserting regio nal identity in the Netherlands is also signifi cant, if conversely, the goal of the Polyglot is to use maps in order to assert imperial imperatives. world view, as well as his other map ping program and purpose as heavily influenced by the imperial agenda centered in Madrid. Finally, for an audience illiterate in Hebrew and Syriac, the illust rations and maps would have been readily appreciated. T he oriental type of these Semitic languages would hav e been understood visually national character What beginning of volume one. Plantin provides explicative essays on the illustrations, as well as a table of contents, so we know with certainty the order in which the images should be viewed 7 7 Some copies of the Polyglot have been bound with the contents out of order, or entire folios such as the world map are missing. Such is the case with the Pitts copy, in whic h the Baptism of Christ has been moved to volume VIII. Some of these inconsistencies will be treated in Chapter 5 below.
74 Volume I: SACRORIUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS PRIMUS Fig. 3 1 (vol. I, folio 3 recto). Pieter van der Heyden after Crijspijn van den Broeck (?), Pietatis Concordiae main titlepage, engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. Volume one of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible opens to three elaborately detailed folio sized s main titlepage which reads: Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine The four languages, Hebrew, Chaldean, Greek and Latin are shown each in a distinctive script and surrounded by a vegetal wreath. Plantin describes the in his Tabularum in Regiis Bibliis Depictarum Brevis Explicatio page essay toward the end of the introductory material in volume one. Plantin tells us that the four varie ties of leaves that make up the wreath symbolize the four languages of the polyglot: the palm symbolizes Hebrew; the willow, Chaldean; the olive, Greek, and the oak, Latin. Below this title, four animals rest in a semi circle around a feeding trough: an ox; a lion eating hay, and a lamb hall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with the kid, the calf and the lion and the sheep shall abide together and a little child shall lead them and the lion shall eat straw like the ox they shall not hurt, nor shall they kill in all my holy mountain, for the earth is filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as the covering waters of the 8 Plantin explains that the animals indicate different nations of people: Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and Latins who will one day live in obedience and Christian harmony as foretold by 8 DRV 11:6 9; Douay Rheims Version; DRV used throughout unless otherwise indicated. The DRV is the standard English transliteration of the traditional Vulgate.
75 9 The figures are enclosed by an architectural surround of Corinthian columns, l intel and pediment. The Holy Ghost is situated in effigy in the center of the arcuated pediment flanked by open books, the Old and New Testaments. 10 On the architectura l base is written: Church inscription on the face of the podium is Pla Constantia et Labore shown which is a hand with a compass. 11 imprese the running Archimedes exclaiming as e, the Use of Languages, and the Catholic 12 The titlepage was engraved by Pieter van der Heyden (1530 1575) possibly after Crispijn van den Broeck (1523 1591). 13 Van der Heyden was a famous Antwerp figuersnydere best known for his engraving s after Pieter Bruegel, including Big Fish Eat Little Fish (1557, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). 14 Van den Broeck, a successful 9 Imperioru in Christianae Religionis cultum & studium. Assyriorum enim & Persarum, nec non Grae corum & Latinorum nationes certis animantium imaginibus indicantur: quas omnes in Christi Regni obedientiam Montano, Biblia Sacra Vol. I, folio 45r. Castro and Voet describe the union of the animals as a symbol of the u La Biblia Polglota 9. 10 H nsel, 28. 11 Rosier, Netherlandish Bible Vol. 1, 81. 12 Clifton and Melion, Scripture for the Eyes 28; the translation is mine Asuncin Snchez Manzano, ed., Prefacios de Benito Arias Montano La Biblia Regia de Felipe II (Len: Universidad de Len, 2006). 13 Melion suggests Van den Broeck may have created the design; Ibid., 26. 14 A figuersnydere was a professional engraver hired by a printer to carve a design on a printing plate, typically after Printing Images 271; V an der Heyden was also referred to in period documents as a coperen plaetsnider
76 Antwerp peintre graveur was a pupil of Frans Floris and collaborated with Frans Pourbus, and may have rendered the design for this print. 15 This is the earliest known example of an engraved pictorial titlepage for a printed liturgical work produced in the Netherlands, and illustrations were rare in Catholic bible editions in the sixteenth century. 16 The Complutensian P olyglot f arms and a vegetal surround (F ig. 3 1a ), but the edition was not illustrated. 17 The Antwerp Polyglot Bible thus provides the early modern archetype for luxury printed roya l bibles. It was also intended to provide a new standard in biblical scholarship to counter 18 Montano describes this threat to Christian unity in y the power of which (the devil) corrupted many ingenious and judicious minds, destroyed innumerable souls, and 19 Montano expounds this threat at length in the Praefatio of the Antwerp Polyglot and says that n o age in the memory of man had been s o miserable and turbulent t his because of Christian Europeans drawn into error and alienated 15 See Van der Stock, Printing Images 278. 16 Bowen and Imhof, Engraved Book 92. For a survey of decorative titlepages in cartographic works s ee Rodney Shirley, Courtiers and Cannibals, Angels and Amazons: The Art of the Decorative Cartographic Titlepage (Houten: HES & DE GRAAF Publishers BV, 2009). 17 The Complutensian, also known as the Alcal Polyglot, 6 vols. (1517 1522, Alcal de Henares: Arnaldo Guilln), edited by Cardinal Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros (1436 1517), founder of the University of Alcal de Henares (Complutum). The titlepage reads, Vetus Testamentum multiplici lingua nunc primo impressum. Et imprimis Pentateuchus Hebraico Greco atque Chaldaico idomate. Adiuncta unicuique sua Latina intepretatione Testament now printed for the first time in multiple languages. The Gre ek, Hebrew and Chaldean languages are 18 Bowen and Imhof, 84. 19 commendatam, atque humanae sapientiae, prudentiae, & judicio omni (ut par erat) praelatam: postea perversarum interpretationum & depravationum exitiali veneno inspersit; cuius vi plurimorum hominum ingenia & judicia corrupit, innumerabilesque perdidit animas, ac denique Christianam misere perturbavit Rempubl Biblia Sacra Vol. I, fol. 12r.
77 from the Roman Church A s a result, Montano explains, one sees hatred, discord and many factions, like the nations of the pa st, scattered in different directions with divided families. 20 and so to counter the devil and inspired Philip II, the Catholic King of Spain, the most powerf ul prin ce, with earnest Christian piety for the good of our holy Church and the whole Republic to consider how the sacred books, ancient languages, and best translations might diligently be gathered and composed for the common welfare and tranquility of th e many nations divinely given to him and most faithfully received the pursuit of piety and pure religion is acknowledged to be the principal, greatest and strongest foundation for the establishment of the 21 In other words, Philip II via his Polyglo t brings peace and unity to the Christian world and therefore the many nations in his empire. It is important to note here that when Montano mentions Philip in the Praefatio capital letter s This unity among peoples described by Montano is visualized by the animals on the title page, 20 Nulla vero post hominum memoriam praeteritorum temporum aetate. majorem & nocentiorem hominum animis zizaniorum copiam. in hoc veritatis & sapientiae aruo, malignus ille spiritus disseminasse deprehenditur quam miserrima & turbulentissima hac tempestate, cum maximam totius Europae Christianorum partem, variis & grauibus erroribus ductam. atque ab Ecclessiae Romanae omnium catholicorum & legitimorum ministrorum capitis communi obseruantia abalienatam. odiis dissidiis, pluribusque fectis & factionibus, quam linguis olim gentes apud famosam illam Baylonem distinctae, dissipatae & in varia familias, atque adeo in varia studia diductae fuisse leguntur, misere distraxerit. & tandem seditionibus pene euerterit. e x quo quidem loco ac tempore tot tantasque discordias, contentiones, ac teterrima bella orta, & diutius, quam par esset, in orbe ter Montano, Biblia Sacra Vol. I, fol. 11r. 21 ministris, in id, quod expectari ac timeri poterat, diserimen, adduceretur;) eamque mentem Philippo II Catholico Hispaniarum Regi, & Principi p otentissimo, & Christianae pietatis studiosissimo, (iniecit, ut inter quamplurima consilia, quae pietatis, & divini cultus,) publicae utilitatis sacrosanctae Ecclesiae, ac denique totius Reipubl. (Christianae gratia, ab ipso prudentissime inita, fortissime suscepta,) felicissimeque sunt peracta, de sacris etiam libris, antiquis linguis, & earum optimis interpretationibus, qua fieri potest diligentia, (inter se collatis, excudendis, is etia deliberaret;) utpote cui inter plurimas ad commune salutem, & tranqu illitate multarum gentium, & nationum a se gubernandarum divinitus datas, & fidelissime susceptas curas, unum pietatis ac religionis purae studium, Monta no, Biblia S acra Vol. I, folio 14v.
78 which as Plantin describes, represent the Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and Latin s, that is, the primary faiths as represented by these major ethnic groups Jews, Muslims Eastern Rite Christians and Roman Catho lics. Hnsel argues that Montano took this a step further with an eschatological vision in which all will coexist in peace. 22 This would relate to the late sixteenth century notions of Concordia mundi unio christiana an ideal which found support among progressive biblical scholars as well as those merchants who considered religious tolerance to be beneficial to international trade in the port of 23 Hnsel points out that with the call to end the religious wars in the Netherl ands c a 1570, Philip II became a patron of biblical languages, and at the same time, took on the role of peacemaker. 24 Both Hnsel and Rekers arguments fall short. What scholars have failed to notice or discuss is the massive cannon guarding the seaport in the landscape behind the animals (Fig. 3 1b) which is a port filled with triple by Spanish milita my holy mountain, for the earth is filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as the covering waters and also the biggest guns. To the left and right of the port and gun are settlements nestled in the cliffs and hills. There is staffage in the middleground, figures holding walking sticks journeyin g along winding 22 H nsel, 30. 23 Rekers, 70 71. 24 H nsel, 30 31.
79 large cannon pointed out to sea. For Philip, Pietatis Concordiae would occur when all the nations of his empire and the world embraced the true faith by force if necessary. In 1566 that I bear in the maintenance and protecti on of my kingdoms, in the continuous war that I wage against the infidel, and in the defense of Christendom and the public cause of the Catholic 25 Montano was not calling for an ecumenical brotherhood of man per se but a unification of all pe ople through baptism in the true faith hat readers would be inspired to embrace the true religion by the wisdom hidden in the arcane text. To facilitate this oals were the same: peace and harmony among all people in the Roman Catholic faith as offered by Philip and exp ounded in his Polyglot. While Montano recommended close study of the original languages of the sacred text in order to uncover the divine wisdo m, it is likely that many sixteenth century viewers would have read only the Latin prefaces and admired the images. Physical examination of various Antwerp Polyglot editions indicates copious wear in the introductory pages and less in the body of the volu mes. 26 dictionaries in order to teach themselves Hebrew and Greek a challenging task even if it were 25 Parker, 92. 26 Such for example, is the case with the Pitts edition.
80 attempted. As with Henry III, educated Europeans could read Latin, a nd while some (such as Elizabeth I and Mary Stuart) were literate in Greek, very few could read Hebrew. The Antwerp Polyglot owned by the Pitts Theological Library ( Emory Unive rsity Atlanta) for example, is remarkably stiff in the Old Testament books, the pages in pristine condi tion and lacking marginal accretions It is clear these sections in this particular edition were never closely read. The Prefaces, however, have been copiously handl ed and include many marginal notes and presentation of such heady erudition (whether or not audiences were edified by it) would have promoted Philip as the source and benefactor of this wisdom, and ultimately, pious harmony Fig. 3 2 (vol. I, folio s 3 verso and 4 recto ). Pieter van der Heyden after Crijspijn van den Broeck (?), Pietas Regia (left) and Arcani Consilii Apparatio: The Pentateuchal Covenants (right), dedicatory f rontispiece opening engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm s Josiah in the personification of Pietas Regia or Royal Piety holding the Polyglot (Fig. 3 2a) and is the left side image of what I suggest is a two page frontispiece opening 27 The image of Philip as Josiah relates to the right side image of The Pentate uchal Covenants (Fig. 3 2b ), and there is no precedent in printed sacred books for such an arrangement of figural frontispieces. While Melion and Hnsel see a thematic connection in the frontispieces, the two images are never describ ed as a paired opening They appear, however, thematically, iconographically and compositionally paired. Plantin states that the image of Pietas Regia 27 These two images are never discussed together or as a paired opening. Bowen and Imhof incorrectly describe this the Pietas Regia iconografische verkenni De Gulden Passer 66 67 (1988 89): 195 200.
81 28 The personification of Pietas Regia is a bare breasted female, whom Hnsel suggests is taken from iconography of the goddess Diana. 29 In a more general way, this figure can be a ssociated with Northern Mannerism, a type of figural representation peculiar to the Netherlands in the later sixteenth century. More specifically, personifications were traditionally presents as idealized females in wet or revealing drapery. The figure is set against a barren landscape, but the light of divine wisdom shines on th dedicated to the Holy Trinity burns below the Polyglot, inscribed with D.P.F.SS. PATRUM 30 gnificant here given the narratives associated with the Forefathers on the facing illustration. which illuminates the old, and shines on the Polyglot containing both the Old and New Testaments. The inscription on the podium tells the reader that the image is dedicated to Philip II, Catholic King of Spain, who makes religious atonement by establishing renewed piety, as Josiah, King of Judah, is clear through the inscriptions on the cartouches, 4 Kings 22 and 4 Kings 23. Josiah ruled c a 600 BCE after a period of corruption in which the Temple was profaned by pagan worship the people had forgotten the sacred Word and tu rned away from God. Josiah became known for his important reforms, including the reinstitution of the Book of the Law, the renovation of the Temple of 28 Bowen and Imhof, 89. 29 H nsel, 31. 30 See Clifton and Melion, 29.
82 Solomon, and battling heresy by disbanding the cult of Baal. These three attributes are the primary way s Philip tried to promote himself: king, architect and priest. The large cartouche upon the step and made a covenant with the Lord, to walk after the Lord, and t o keep his commandments, and his testimonies and his ceremonies and to perform the words of this e kings of Juda had appointed to sacrifice in the high places . 31 us who remain must take grea ter care of Christendom, and if necessary we will lose everything in order to do what we should . 32 Philip stands on a podium holding a representation of the Polyglot in his left hand, with his right hand on a shield emblazoned with his royal coat o f arms. The inscription on the page of the open Polyglot is not mentioned in the scholarship, but is key to the interpretation of this image and its relationship to the facing page. It is from Deuteronomy e. a facs throne of his kingdom, he shall copy out to himself the Deuteronomy of this law in a volume 33 f the Law, and this passage from Deuteronomy has an important connection with King Josiah. As part of his reforms, Josiah ordered the Te mple to be purified and rebuilt; during construction a copy of the Law (which had been lost to the people) was found. Jews 31 4 Kings 22 23 passim ; 4 Kings 23:3 5. 32 Parker, 92 93. 33 uete
83 reiteration of the Words given in the first four books of the Pentateuch. A parallel is made here t. The Polyglot, as a new edition per se but a copy or reiteration of the Law using up to presentation and inculcation of the requirements of the covenant 34 According to Christian interpretation, the Deuteronomic covenant was fulfilled in Christ as prophesied in Deuteronomy 18:15 and revealed in Acts 3:22 oses said: A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you of your brethren, like unto me, him you shall hear And it shall be that every soul which will not hear that prophet The implication is that the kin 35 The connections between the old and the new covenants are important in relation to the Pietas Regia The Pentateuchal Covenants as we shall see. Pietatis Concordiae the Pietas Regia invokes military might as a fundamental weapon of piety. As Melion has pointed out, Royal Piety is crowned with an olive wreath, a symbol of the arts and sciences, and is handed a palm frond, a symbol of military triumph. 36 These attributes are associated with th e Palm tree to the right decorated with 34 Patrick D. Miller, Deuteronomy (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1990), 10; J. Gordon McConville, Dictionary of the Old Testament: The Pentateuch Vol. 2, eds. T. Desmond Alexander and David W. Baker (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2003), 182. 35 Note 33 above. 36 Clifton and Melion, 29.
84 trophies of war cuirass, helmet and weapons, and the olive tree to the right, covered with attributes of the arts musical instruments, tools, a painting of the Virgin and books. The inscription from 4 Kings 22 on the cartouche at the base of war trophy is a Josian reference to purifying religion by destroying heresy (the cult of Baal): OB DELETOS ARUSPICES BAAL. The cartouche at the base of the arts trophy, also from 4 Kings 22, is a Josian reference to rebuilding the Temple: OB TEMPLI SARTATECTA CURATA. The two goals that dominated unifying his empire by combating heresy, and building the Escorial. The close connection between the Escorial and the Temple of Solomon agenda is elaborated further in the trophy to the center left, a hand and sword, labeled AUT cepter and eyes 37 Protestant Dutch revolt) has been waged and sustained at the cost of so much blood will arrange things with His divine providence, either through war or negotiation so that the world 37 Ex altera parte, qua bellorum trophaea sunt, manus est in lapide titulari constituta, gl adium tenens, quae alterum Regis munus significat, hoc est, Iustitiae plenam & severam administrationem in eos qui publicam honestatem & pacem vel vi, vel iniuria inferenda, vel fraude facienda violant. Ex altero vero caduceus sive Regium sceptrum est, ocu lis adhibitis vigilantibus: hoc altera manu tenetur, quae in lapide etiam titulari constituta est. Haec vero imago Regiam sedulitatem, vigilantiam, diligentiam & constantiam significat in emendanda legibus, ac moribus adoranda republica. Illius partis insc riptio est, AUT GLADIO: huius vero, AUT VERBO. Nam vel hoc, vel illo modo (ut magis expedite pro rerum, personarum ac temporum ratione videatur) perpetuo Regem in gubernanda repub. attentum esse oportet Plantin, in Montano, Biblia Sacra Vol. I, folio 45r
85 38 are the restoration of the Word, rebuilding the Temple and battling heresy, which are the primary attributes of Philip promoted by the frontispiece imagery. The illustration facing the Pietas Regia is The Pentateuchal Covenants (3 2b), a detailed engraving with multiple narratives that present an exposition of the covenantal promises God flo 39 promise to Abram that his seed will be greater than the stars and posse ss the land; as Abram 18). 40 15) in he land wherein thou sleepest I will give to thee and t o thy seed. And thy seed shall be as the dust of the earth: thou shalt opening abroad to the west, and to the east, and to the north, and to the south The story in the center of the frontispiece is Jacob wrestling with the angel (Genesis 32:24 30). In 41 In the lower left, 38 Parker, 93. 39 Rosier incorrectly describes this upper 3), rather Jacob at Beersheba also comes after, not before he wrestles with the angel at Jabbok (Genesis 32:22 30) which is the central vignette; Rosier, Netherlandish Bible Vol. 1, 82. 40 Melion argues that this scene could be Jacob at Beersheba (Genesis 46:1 4); th e difficulty with this interpretation is that the illustration would then include three references to Jacob and exclude Abram entirely. 41 Genesis 32:30.
86 God speaks to Moses in the burning bush and promises to deliver his people from bondage (Exodus 3:4 midst of the bush, and said: I am the God of thy father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob I have seen the affliction of my people in Egypt, and I have heard their cry and knowing their sorrow, I am come down to deliver them out of the hands of the Egyptians, and to bring them out of that land into a good and spacious l and . To the lower right, Moses receives the tablets of the Law, and at the foot of the mountain in ll the people answered with one voice: We will do all the words of the Lord, which he hath spoken . 42 There is a key theme, never mentioned, that unites all these narratives: the relationship between nation building (multitude of offspring) and national land (the promised land). These notions of nation building are set within a physical structure, an architectural surround a kind of Domus Israel The vignettes are organized within a pedimented architectural framework suppo rted by Corinthian columns. T he columns are engaged at the top, but freestanding at the bottom. 43 Rosier sees this as a reference to the columns interpretation. When these separate inscriptions are put together, they read: VERE DOMUS DEI ISTA ET HAC PORTA CAELI th 44 Written on the architectural base are the The inscription does not reference Corinthians specifically, but Plantin tells us that this image 42 Exodus 24:3. 43 Rosier, Vol. 1, 82. 44 Psalms 118:130.
87 demonstrates the authority of the Pentateuch as it contains the promises of human salvation. 45 Montano believed that divine wisdom, as revealed b y Christ, was hidden in the arcane Hebrew of covenantal plan of salvation was hidden. It is visually significant therefore that the Hebrew narratives are conspicuously enclosed within an architectural frame. special meaning. The Escorial, a monastery, church, palace, library, art museum and royal mausoleum, was intended to house the largest Pietas Regia includes not only books and a sacred painting, but also carpentry and masonry tools. The mysteries of the old Law as revealed in the new are demonstrated by the pious king upon whose The plaque hanging above the architectural opening and below the Tablets of the Law reads: MULTIFARIAM MULTISQ. MODIS OLIM DEUS AD PATRES LOCUTUS EST. Hebr.I.: 46 The In his fulfilled. 47 Melion suggests that the angel who reclines on top of the pediment holding a chalice 45 Clifton and Melion, 30. 46 Hebrews 1:1. 47 ost salutem orbi aquis restituam Deus per angelus Noe alloquutus, in fide & spe salutis expectandae confirmavit, & promissi ac propositi sui repetitione & expositione animavit, sicut scriptum est, Statuam pactum Plantin, in Mont ano, Biblia Sacra Vol. I, folio 45v.
88 48 The cup of blessing is the third of four cups prescribed by the Passover liturgy. The third cup, as re ferenced by Paul, is the cup or blessing offered by Christ at the Last Supper. In this way, the animal sacrifices of the Patriarchs can be 49 Melion concludes that the allegory p 50 The allegory also has an important connection with Philip, the Law and the Temple. The Tablets of the Law physically adorn the architectural surr ound of The Pentateuchal Covenants top and center in the pediment. Recall that this is the location of the Holy Ghost in the pediment of the titlepage. The Tablets are also the subject of the last vignette, Moses on Sinai, in the lower shared in common. In Hebrew they were called the aseret hadevarim (Exodus 34:28) and in Greek, the Decalogue. They did not appear in Hebrew scripture as one clear set of prohibitions, but were variously given, both verbally and in written form, throughout the Mount Sinai narrative. They were only ten of six hundred thirteen laws, given to Israel in the Torah 51 The Ten Words were presented to Moses as the terms of the covenant that God made with his people (Exodus 34:28). The first five commandments were admonitions concerning the relationship between the people and God, and the second five were commands that directed the 48 Clifton and Melion, 31. 49 Clifton and Melion, 30. 50 Ibid., 31. 51 is the first five books of the Hebrew Bible: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy.
89 6. Having been exposed to the pagan cults of Egypt for four hundred years, God was concerned that 52 The context of the Second Co mmandment is this Egyptian point of reference that directly precedes it. 53 This is the narrative presented in the lower right hand corner o f the second frontispiece. After God established this covenant with Israel he promised to dwell among the people and gave Moses instructions for the construction of the Ark of the Covenant and its furnishings. God then gave Moses cultic and ritual laws c oncerning appropriate sacrifice and gifts to offer him, and also the nature of the priesthood. God then gave Moses the tablets of the mountain, the people (in their anxiety by his long absence) created a golden calf, fashioned by their gold earrings, and worshipped it. 54 became enraged and hurled the tablets and shattered them (Exodus 32:19). He burned the golden calf to powder, mixed it with water and made the people drink it; the sons of Levi then killed three thousand for their idolatry (Exodus 32:20 28). Moses interceded f or the people and God made a second covenant with them, written down by Moses on new tablets (Exodus 34:28). The 52 Exodus 20:2. 53 Exodus 24:3; the Commandments th e additional rul es given in the Mishpatim (Exod. 21 24:7) concern civil law and instructions governing sacrifice. During the Patriarchal period, which pre ceeded the period of Mosaic L a w, rules regarding sacrifice to God were discretionary (within reason). 54 The wearing of earrings in the West was a custom that originated in ancient Egypt; see Daniela Mascetti and Amanda Triossi, Earrings: From Antiquity to the Present (London: Rizzoli Intern ational, 1999).
90 is, the Ark of the Covenant, the Tabernacle, it s furnishings, the altars, rich textiles and dozens of all comprising a portable desert sanctuary a house for God. Thus the Hebrew covenant par excellence was consummated by an elaborate architectural project. Uri Rubin suggests that the Ark of 55 When viewed together, the meaning of the Pietas Regia and The Pentateuchal Covenants ssion to abolish heresy, rebuild the temple and make restitution for the Law mimics the activities of Moses during the period in Israelite history in which the nation is crafted. Philip, as King of Jerusalem modeled after Josiah, constructs a similar agen da for himself as visualized in the frontispiece imagery. Philip offers the nations a Deuteronomy of the Trinity supersedes the holocaust fires of the patriarchs. Philip redefines the Holy Land and builds the Temple, the house of God. The prototype for these activities the patriarchal journey to Canaan, its settlement and habitation are conceptualized in detail by Montano in the Apparatus maps, diagrams and archi tectural drawings (as will be discussed in the pages below). Angels are a recurring motif in the frontispiece opening as they speak to the Patriarchs and crown Philip. yglot in the hand of Pietas Regia is vividly illuminated in the Covenants narrative. The old Law is subsumed and honored in the new as Philip presents the Polyglot across both time and space. 55 See Uri olden Calf in Biblical and Isla Oriens Vol. 36 (2001) p. 198.
91 (presented over the course of many generations) is a symbol of peace and hegemony for Moses, pietas regia could promote unity among his own nations and like the obedient children at the foot of Sinai, by sword or by word, lead to pietatis concordiae in his empire. Fig. 3 3 (vol. I, folio 5 recto). BENEDICTI ARI MONTANI HISPALENSIS IN SACRORUM BIBLIORU M QUADRILINGUIUM REGIAM EDITIONEM, De divin scriptur dignitate, linguarum usu & Catholici Regis cons ilio, PRFATIO, t ype with stamped historiated initial I, folio 25 x 38 cm. The text of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible begins with this commentary by Montano one of his two lengthy prefaces in volume one. It immediately follows the three opening illustrations, and presents an explanatory essay on the dignity of scripture, the use of languages, and the authority of the Catholic King. The contents of this pre face are best described as a summary of the contemporary political context of the Polyglot and intended to shed light on the illustrations that precede it. It is important to note the voluminous nature of this preface by Montan o (discussed in the entries above), which is twenty eight pages long and unprecedented in any bible edition. Of additional interest here is the large, highly decorative surround such initials together with the large folio size are appropriate for a luxury printed book edition. volume one. While the designs for the initia strictly decorative, the initials associated with the passages authored by Philip include biblical
92 addressed to the Du ke of Alba, Governor of Belgium, includes an Annunciation to the Shepherds 56 Fig. 3 4 (vol. I, folio s 23 verso and 24 recto ) PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA REX HISPANIARUM, UTRIUSQUE SICILAE, HIERUSALEM, &c. Fi deli nobis dilecto Christophoro Pl antino Typographo Antuerpiensi, and PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA REX HISPANIARUM, UTRIUSQUE SICILAE, HIERUSALEM, &c. Venerabilibus devotis nobis dilectis Rectori, Decanis, ac Doctoribus filiae nostr Universitatis Louaniensis, type w ith stamped historiated initial s F and V, folio 25 x 38 cm. The salutations shown are two of twenty six letters presented in the introductory material of vo lume one of the Polyglot. The letter to the left in the opening (folio 23 verso) is titled, f Spain and both Sicily, Jerusalem and etc., to Our faithful t he five the true faith which is our place to protect . l F chosen for this page (Fig. 3 4a ) shows a Deposition with a cross and pieta grouping to the right of the initial. To the left is a monk proselytizing a Jewish figure, ethnographically identified by a beard and tall, pointy judenhut Such characterizati ons of Jews were common in Christian art of the period. Spain and its Hebrew ish heritage. Montano also emphasizes the utility of the Hebrew language in the Polygl ot for conversion of the Jewish reader. The letter on the facing page (folio 24 recto) is 56 Titled PHILIPPUS II. HISPANIARUM REX, f. 22 recto.
93 religion and singular na rrative of the Ascension (Fig. 3 4b ). The apostles are standing in the foreground to the left and the top of the frame. The iconography may be significant here, but these decisions on the part of a printer, particularly in a work this size, can be random and inconsistent. It is important to note, however, that when viewed within the context of the w hole work, the iconography and size of the initials earlier, the more elaborate historiated initials in the Polyglot are reserved for letters signed by Philip. In this instance, the Ascension is logically situated after and to the right of the Deposition with monk and Jew on the facing page. The Ascension is the climax of the Christian salvation narrative the promise of resurrection and eternal life being centr of the Christian faith to the non baptized. Philip exhaustively promotes himself as the great champion of this cause. In this period of Tridentine censorship and strict orthodoxy as promoted by Spain, the Louvain censors t ook on a special role for such an important sacred work. In this During this period there existed an anachronic tension between the authority of the ancien t Hebrew text and the living Jew. 57 This tension is expressed visually throughout the Polyglot. 58 Philip attempted to establish a Hebraic patrimony for Spain, supported in part by his book collections, map collections and building projects. Hebrew texts p layed a special role 57 For more on this see Steven F. Kruger, The Spectral Jew: Conversion and Embodiment in Medieval Europe Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christia nity (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1999). 58 ancient collections in the sixteenth century, see Alexander Nagel and Christopher S. Wood, Anachronic Renaissance (New York: Zone Books, 2010).
94 during this period, given the spiritual authority of the ancient language, as stated by St. Jerome, the Hebraica veritas 59 Among Renaissance humanists, important collections included actual antiquities such as ancient objects, artifa cts and relics, mixed together with psuedo ancient objects such as printed maps of the Holy Land and contemporary editions of ancient Hebrew texts. 60 This interest among collectors coincided with the flowering of sixteenth century Christian Hebraism. Abra movements borrowed ideas and literary forms from Biblical and post biblical Hebrew literature ; they renewed the old myth of the Jewish origins of philosophy and science, and endeavored to approp 61 For the Post Tridentine Christian, the problem with Hebrew lay in its transmission to Christian audiences from living Jewish scholars. In this regard, the Polyglot sets up a distinction between the authority of an cient text and the living Jew. Hebraica veritas takes on an ethnographic role as stand in for the Hebrew prophets and kings, the ancestors of Christ. The contemporary Jew requiring evangelization, however, is stereotypically depicted with floppy hat and long beard as in the historiated intial F. Sebastian Mnster (1488 1552 ) who gave a historiography of Christian Hebraism in the preface of his Opus Grammaticum Consummatum 59 For more on this subject see Hebriac a Veritas? Christian Hebraists and the Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe eds. Allison P. Coudert and Jeffrey S. Shoulson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004). 60 Ren aissance Quarterly 60, (2007): no. 1, 58 93. 61 Abraham Melamed in Hebraic Aspects of the Renaissance: Sources and Encounters eds. Ilana Zinguer, Abraham Melamed, and Zur Shalev (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2011), 3. From the sixteenth century Jewish poin t of view, Divine intentions which influenced the heart of many people in the lands of the gentiles to study the holy language and the books of I Studies in Jewish History and Literature II ed. Isadore Twersky (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 403 422.
95 (1542) illuminates this tension between the authority of the Hebrew text versus the living Hebrew: Among all these (Christian Hebraists) the Lord also created a certain Jew in Italy a man by the name of Elijah. Working against the wishes of the Jews, he compiled a book based on the best of Hebrew writers and called it Sefer ha Bachur In it he included the complete basic grammar . I could not believe my eyes! It filled me with delight and I felt that I was holding a treasure in my hands. Up to then I hadnot realized that all the schools throughout the Christian world and every scholar would welcome this master with open arms, who even today denies our Savior! 62 Fig. 3 5 (vol. I, folio 26 recto). PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA REX HISPANIARUM, UTRIUSQUE SICILI AE, HIERUSALEM, &c. Fideli nobis dilecto Christophoro Plantino Typographo Antuerpiensi, type with stamped historiated initial F, folio 25 x 38 cm. This letter is l beloved Christopher Plantin praises the Polyglo language bible closely associated with the archetypal and widely praised Complutensian. Here Philip validates his published true faith, are accolades repeated over and over in the introductory material of the Polyglot. The is explicitly stated in a letter to the Duke of Alba dated March 25, 1568, in which he praises their competence, good standing with the King Counsel and Inquisitor courts, virtue, fidelity, erudition, and their great service to Our Lord and to the Cathol ic Church 63 Both Montano and Plantin, who were entrusted with manufacture of 62 See Van der Heide, excursus 3. For more on this topic see, Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in M edieval Christianity (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1999). 63 Y teniendo entend ido que Christphoro Plantino conoiendo el grande serviio que se har a Nuestro Seor y Biblia y favoreser y ayudar con nuestra autho ridad y hazer esta offrenda a Dios y a su Iglesia Cathlica, nuestra madre. Para expediin de lo qual, con acuerdo de los de nuestro Consejo, havemos hecho electin de la persona del doctor Beneditto Arias Montano, nuestro criado y capelln, de cuy a virtud, religin, fidelidad y erudiin. MS. Estoc. ff. 122 123; Rosendo, 84 85.
96 the updated Biblia regia w ere promoted by the Spanish crown as champions of orthodoxy, whatever their private confessional tendencies or relationship with suspicious literature. 64 The pair was given other projects of a sensitive political nature as well. In 1569 Montano collaborated on the production of a new Index of banned books, and the Duke of Alba, on pher to oversee Flemish 65 This large initial F (Fig. 3 5a ) may reflect the nature of the text. It includes an elaborate vegetal design and two bearded, pointy capped figures ascending on hands and knees a stylized strapwork staircase left and right. Enshrined at the top suggest iconographic significance: the unenlightened simian postured figures ascend upward in order to lay hold of the spiritual treasure. Here, the Polyglot is the treasure uniting a scattered, unenlightened multitude. Fig. 3 6 (vol. I, folio 28 recto). PHILIPPO II. REGI CATHOLICO, ET MONARCHAE POTENTISSIMO, SACROSANCTAEQUE & DIVINITUS ACCEPTAE RELIGIONIS PROPUGNATORI ACERRIMO, PERPETUAM FELICITATEM, type with stamped historiated initial V, folio 25 x 38 cm. Battle of the Most Holy and Divinely Give n Religion . 64 There was a broad range of opinions presented on this subject by Montano scholars at the conference, Benito Aria Montano (1527 1598) Biblical Scholarship in the Late Renai ssance Princeton University, May 13 14, 2011; Guy as conceived as an Montano was not interested in religious polemic. Antonio Dvila Prez (University of Cdiz) argued conversly that Montano was a evidenced by his correspondence, with the Duke of Alba. Stephania Pastore (Scuola Normale Superiore) pointed out eca Cremades (Universidad Complutense) argued that Montano designed the program of six sculpted kings installed in the Escorial plaza, which 65 Rekers, 16; Rekers books.
97 by the Louvain censor Auginus Hunnaeus Machlinianus. The multiple letters in the Polyglot, prominently situated at the beginning of volume one, are examined here as a significant component of the b censorship, it was particularly expedient t censors. Any new translation of scripture was suspect, particularly a polyglot that included Hebrew and Chaldaic text. 66 Fig. 3 7 (vol. I, folio 30 verso). LIEUTENANT, GOVUERNEUR, & CAPITAINE GENERAL, type with stamped historiated initial T, folio 25 x 38 cm. written that the King has given Montano to print in this city in four languages . dated February 1570. While Latin would have been the conventiona l language used for all the letters in volume one, the Polyglot quite remarkably employs Spanish, French and Italian. The language used is appropriate to its recipient for the letter addressed to the King of France French is used, and so on. The conspicu ous blend of multiple early modern and ancient 66 See Rekers, 50; on this issue Montano was urged to collaborate with the Papal commission in Rome; Chaldean, associated with the Targum and wholy rabbinical, w as particularly suspect.
98 PRIVILEGIUM (folio 37 vers o). Philip opens this letter (in Spanish) with an itemized list of his many titles 67 Fig. 3 8 (vol. I, folio 36 recto). ALIARUM LITERARUM A PONTIFICE AD REGEM CATHOL. POST DISCESSUM ARIAE MONTANI EX URBE EXEMPLUM, type with stamped initial C, folio 25 x 38 cm. paragraph letter follows a three page motu propio written by Gregory XIII, signed and dated Rome, 1572. 68 greetings and apostolic benediction . multi by your of papal approval. This second one is antidotal in its narrative form, confirming that the pope saw the Polyglot with his own eyes, hand delivered by Montano on its completion in 1572. Fig. 3 9 (vol. I, fol io 36 verso and 37 rect o ). CAESAREUM PRIVILEGIUM, type with stamped historiated initial M, folio 25 x 38 cm. This two page letter comprises the imprimatur of Emperor Maximilian II. The words hority of the 67 DON PHILIPPE SEGUNDO, POR LAS GRACIA DE DIO REY DE CASTILLA, DE LEON, DE ARAGON, DE LAS DOS SICILIAS, DE HIERUSALEM, DE NAVARRA, DE GRANADA, DE TOLEDO, DE VALENCIA, DE GALIZIA, DE MALLORCA, DE SEVILLA, DE CERDENA, DE CORDOVA, DE CORCEGA, DE MURCIA, DE JAEN, DE LOS ALGARUES, DE ALGEZIRA, DE GIBRALTAR, DE LAS YSLAS DE CANARIA, DE LAS INDIAS, YSLAS Y TIERRA FIRME DEL MAR OCEANO: CONDE DE BARCELONA: SENOR DE VIZCAYA, Y DE MOLINA: DUQUE DE ATHENAS, Y NEOPATRIA: CONDE DE FOSSELLON, Y DE CERDANIA: MARQUES DE ORISTAN, Y DE GOCIANO: ARCHIDUQE DE AUSTRIA: DUQUE DE BORGONA, Y DE BRABANTE, Y MILAN: CONDE DE FLANDES, Y DE TRYOL, &c 68 Motu propio canonically define d as a particular type of papal letter that carries authority but is not conceived ex cathedra
99 auth or. The initial M is the largest too, at 5 cm square. The multiple approvals and approbations in volume one of the Polyglot, by the highest authorities in Christian Europe, present a seemingly unneccesarily gratuitous validation of the bible project, its sponsor, editor and publisher. The very large historiated M incorporates an angel blowing two horns. Fig. 3 10 (folio 42 recto) CAROLI IX. GALLIAE REGIS PRIVILEGII EXEMPLUM, type with stamped caligraphic initial C, folio 25 x 38 cm. This letter from the K ing of France is written in French and signed Par le Roy calligraphy. This font is only used in this section of the Polyglot for the French l anguage as seen in folio 40 recto. N ote that the titles a re Latin but the text is French The font style appears to be associ ated visually with this particular geographic region and culture, in what I propose is an ethnography of font. This is not a strict interpretation, but is loosely given and broadly applied throughout the Polyglot. The 6 cm square initial C is distinctive too it is a woodblock stamp that mimics a freehand calligr aphic design At the bo ttom of this opening left is the Censura, et approbation, Theologorum Parisiensium The fa cing page right (Fig. 3 10a ) is the Vene tian privilege, authored by Aloysius Mocenigo, the Duke of Venice. The salutation is given i n Latin, set off by monogram is given in a stamp. Fig. 3 11 (vol. I, fol io 43 verso and 44 recto ). PHILIPPI II. HISPAN. REGIS EX CONSILIO BRABANTIAE PRIVILEGI I EXEMPLUM (left) and DOCTORUM VIRORUM CARMINA ENCOMIASTICA (right) type with stamped initial P, folio 25 x 38 cm. Here Philip addresses the French speaking audience of Brabant, so the text of the document is French, and the distinctive Gothic style font range of contemporary languages is promoted here as elsewhere in the Polyglot. To the right of
100 Polyglot with the Hebrew language, printed by Plantin using the famous type he acquired from Daniel Bomberg. The Hebrew text is highlighted by a distinctive double columniation, commo facing page. The first Hebrew word at the beginning of the text on the upper right of the page is ht to left. While most readers of the have been fluent in Hebrew. The title would have evoked, however, well known songs of praise associated with ancient Hebrew v 51). In a publication of 1567, Index sive specimen characterum Christophori Plantini Plantin had praised Philip with a poem in Hebrew type taken from Hebrew scripture: Long live our lord the King. Peace be upon his offspring, his house and his throne for ever from the Lord. Let the Lord fulfill all his wishes and give him peace on every side and let his offspring inherit the gate of his enemies. Thou art the Lord, the realms of the earth are i n Thy hand. Look down from heaven upon Thy people and deliver it from Satan and evil in the days of our King, Thy servant. O ye kings, now be wise, be instructed judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. 69 The Index sive spe cimen characterum Christophori Plantini printed letters, was published for the sole purpose of impressing Philip with his excellent Hebrew type. nd eventually became his royal typographer, all in large part as a result of his acquisition of (and proficiency with) Hebrew type, punches and matrices. 69 Translated in Van der Heide, 155.
101 Fig. 3 12 (vol. I, fol io 49 verso and 50 recto ). ORDO LIBRORUM VETERIS TESTAMENTI (left) and SACRI AP PARATUS PARTIUM SERIES COMPACTORIBUS OBSERVANDA (right) type, folio 25 x 38 cm. Folios 44 verso to 47 verso include s a discourse by Montan o on the significance of the Syriac New Testament translation to the Syrian Christian reader, and praises the Eastern Church for providing the exemplar. While scholars such as Maria Portuondo and Theodor Dunkelgrn philology, it is important to repeat that Montano also saw these ancient languages as a way of Syriac New Testament, which he acquired from the late Venetian printer Daniel Bomberg via Charles (Karel) Bomberg. 70 The Univ ersity of Cologne authorities approve this Syriac the next page Folios brevis explicatio discussed earlier. was understood that the Antwerp Polyglot was intended to replace and supersede the p articulars, including a prologue and dictionaries. Folios 49 verso and 50 recto, which present a paired opening 71 ORDO LIBRORUM VETERIS TESTAMENTI IN PRIMO TOMO EST : GENESIS. EXODUS. LEVITICUS. NUMERI. 70 The exemplar passed from the Syrian Church to the Bombergs to Montano. 71 The Antwerp Polyglot does not exist in facsimile and original editions are hard to come by. As so many editions of Polyglot are disordered or incomplete, I have included this list as I know it will be much appreciated by students of the Antwerp Polyglot.
102 DEUTERONOMIUM. IN SECUNDO TOMO EST : JOSUE. LIBER JUDICUM. RUTH. REGUM I. II. III. IIII. PARALIPOMENON I. II. IN TERTIO TOMO EST : ESDRAE I. II. III. IIII. TOBIAS. JUDITH. ESTHER. JOB. LIBER PSALMORUM. PROVERBIA SALOMONIS. ECCLESIASTES. CANTICUM CANTICORUM. LIBER SAPIENTIAE. ECCLESIASTICUS. IN QUARTO TOMO EST : ISAIAE PROPHETIA. JEREMIAE. BARUCH. EXECHIELIS. DANIELIS. OSEE. JOELIS. AMOS. ABDIAE JONAE. MICHEAE. NAHUM. HABACUE. SOPHONIAE. AGGEI. ZACHARIAE. MALACHIAE. MACHABEORUM I. II. ORDO LIBRORUM NOVI TESTAMENTI QUINTUSTOMUS COTINET LIBROS NOVI TESTAMENTI, QUI SUNT: EVANGELIUM SECUNDUM MATTHEUM. EVANGELIUM MARCUM. EVANGELIUM LUCAM. EVANGELIUM JOHANNEM.
103 ACTA APOSTOLORUM. PAULI EPISTOLA AD ROMANOS. AD CORINTHIOS I. II. AD GALATAS. AD EPHESIOS. AD PHILIPPENSES. AD COLOSSENSES. AD THESSALONICENSES I. II. AD TIMONTHEUM I. II. AD TIMUM. AD PHILEMONEM. AD HEBRAEOS. JACOBI EPISTOLA. PETRI EPISTOLAE I. II. JOANNIS EPISTOLAE I. II. III. JUDAE EPISTOLA. APOCLYPSIS. SACRI APPARATUS PARTIUM SERIES COMPACTORIB US OBSERVANDA. PRIMUS TOMUS DE VERORUCO PIA COTINET : GRAMMATICAM HEBRAICAM CUM HEBRAICO DICTIONARIO. GRAMMATICA CHALDAICAM CUM SYROCHALDAICO DICTIONARIO. GRAMMATICA SYRICAM, CUM SYRO DICTIONARIO, SIVE SYRORUM PECULIO. GRAMMATICA GRECAM CUM DICTIONARIO GRAE CO. SECUNDUS TOMUS DE LINGUARUM EXERCITATIONE CONTINET : BIBLIA HEBRAICA VETERIS TESTAMENTI, CUM INTERPRETATIONE LATINA AD VERBUM INTERLINEALI, & VERBORUM RADICIBUS IN MARGINE. NOVUM TESTAMENTUM GRAECUM, CUM INTERPRETATIONE LATINA INTERLINEALI. HEBRAICORUM IDIOTISMORUM LIBRUM. TERTIUS TOMUS DE COPIA RERUM CONTINET LIBROS : JOSEPH, SIVE DE ARCANI SERMONIS INTERPRETIONE. JEREMIAS, SIVE DE ACTIONE. TUBAL CAIN, SIVE DE MENSURIS SACRIS, CUM TABULA AENEA SICLI IN SINE. PHALEGH, SIVE DE GENTIUM SEDIBUS PRIMIS, CUM T ABULA ORBIS IN FINE. CALEB, SIVE DE TERRE PROMISSE PARTITIONE, CUM TABULA TERRE ISRAEL IN FINE. NOAH, SIVE DE SACRIS FABRICIS, CUM TABULIS DECEM, HOC ORDINE: I ARCA NOE. II SACRI TABERNACULI ICHNOGRAPHIA. III SACRI TABERNACULI ORTHOGRAPHIA EX INTERIORI PROSPECTU. IIII SACRI TABERNACULI ORTHOGRAPHIA EX PROSPECTU EXTERIORI. V TABERNACULI ABSOLUTI &c. EXEMPLUM.
104 VI CANDELABRI, ALTARIUM, & ARCE SOEDERIS EXEMPLUM. VII CASTRAMETATIONIS ORDO. VIII TEMPLI JEROSOLYMITANI ANTIQUI, CU ATRIIS &c. ICHNOGRAPHIA. IX SAC RE AEDIS ICHNOGRAPHIA, & SCIOGRAPHIE PARS. X TEMPLI CUM PORTICU, CELLIS &c. ORTHOGRAPHIA AARON, SIVE DE SANCTORU VESTIMENTORUM &c. CUM TABULA SACERDOTIS DEPICTI IN SINE. NEEMIAS, SIVE DE ANTIQUE JERUSALEM SITU, CUM TABULA IN SINE. DANIEL, SIVE DE SECULIS C ODES INTEGER. INDEX BIBLICUS. HEBREORUM, CHALDEORUM, GRECORUM & LATINORU NOMINU PROPRIORUM. VARIARUM LECTIONUM CHALDAICARUM. VARIARUM LECTIONUM HEBRAICARUM, SIVE VARIARUM LECTIONUM GRECARUM. VARIARUM LECTIONUM LATINARUM. TABULA TITULORUM TOTIUS NOVI TESTAM ENTI The Old and New Testaments are contained in volumes one to five, and the three volume Apparatus labeled book one, book two and book three, are contained in volumes six to eight. The Apparatus was philosophically set apart from the sacred books as copia, but the entire Polyglot edition: the prologues, letters, Testaments and Apparatus were conceived and printed as a single work, as seen in the Scheide L ibrary (Princeton) copy, which retains early binding s The Old and New Testament books are orga nized according to the Catholic canon, but note that the Pentateuch is conspicuously set apart from the other Old Testament books, and bound together in the Primo Tomo or volume one. This mimics the arrangement of the six volume Complutensian in which vo lume one terminates with the end of the Book of Deuteronomy. Volumes two, three and four of the Polyglot comprise the balance of the Old Testament, and the New Testament is contained in volume five. There is a conspicuous contradiction between the actual arrangment of the material in volume seven, and the order of books in volume seven as listed here in the Ordo The contents of volume seven are listed as:
105 BIBLIA HEBRAICA VETERIS TESTAMENTI, CUM INTERPRETATIONE LATINA AD VERBUM INTERLINEALI, & VERBORUM RADICIBUS IN MARGINE NOVUM TESTAMENTUM GRAECUM, CUM INTERPRETATIONE LATINA INTERLINEALI. HEBRAICORUM IDIOTISMORUM LIBRUM The actual arrangement of volume seven is different from the Ordo : The Book of Hebrew Idioms is first, followed by the Greek New Testament, and last, the Hebrew Bible Old Testament, published from back to front like an orthodox Hebrew work designed for a Jewish reader. 72 In other words, the Hebrew Bible in volume seven of the Polyglot is bound like an audience. This inconsistency with the Ordo is not the result of a latent binding d ecision, as the books in volume seven were intended to be bound in this way. As we shall see later in this catalogue (plate 49) the title page of the Biblia Hebraica (last page of volume seven) highlights the title: BIBLIA HEBRAICA in a freestanding large font at the top of the page. The words descriptive int roduction. 73 Plantin was a respected publisher of Hebrew language books and bibles, and as Van der Heide points out, he served both a Christian Hebraist and Jewish market. 74 The most successful of these editions was his four volume Hebrew Bible of 1566 (Ro yal Library of Brussels) that included an elaborately detailed architectural frontispiece and text entirely in 72 Such is the arrangement in both the Scheide Library and Newberry Library copies both editions are in excellent condition and retain early bindings. 73 For more on the historical relationship between the Hebrew Bible and the Old Testament, see Magne Sb, e d., Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, 2008). 74 Van der Heide, 87.
106 Hebrew. 75 Fig. 3 13 (vol. I, p. 1) QUINQUE LIBRI MOYSE, Hebrew, Greek and Latin type within woodcut frame, folio 25 x 38 cm. This plate is the Pentateuch or Torah The title is given in Latin, Greek and Hebrew, but Hebrew dominates the page it is located at the top and in the largest type. The text is situated in an elaborate architectural surround, similar to the frontispiece Plantin used for his Hebrew Bible of 1566. The frame incorporates corinthian columns covered The architectural frame is highly detailed with strapwork, vegetal designs and Hebrew script, but no figures are used, in keeping with aniconic Jewish artistic tradition. 76 The Old Testament titlepages are in fact quite different stylistically from the oth er titlepages and frontispieces in the Polyglot in their lack of figural imagery. The Old Testament sections of the Polyglot in volumes one through four include a total of four frontispieces, which divide the Old Testament books into four sections. The o rder of books in the Polyglot is organized according to Catholic canon, but the frontispieces mimic the divisions of a Hebrew bible: Torah the Five Books of Moses; the Prophets, and Kethuvim the Writings. In order to accommodate the Catholic n umber and order of books, a fourth section is added a second Prophetae Posteriores or Later Prophets. The architectural frame for this titlepage was cut from one woodblock (Plantin Moretus Museum/Print Room, Antwerp) and was used for all four titl epages of the Old Testament. 77 75 Van der Heide ., 122, fig. 5a. 76 Much has been written on Jewish a niconia; see for example, Margaret Olin, The Nation Without Art: Examining Modern Discourses on Jewish Art (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2001). 77 MPM HB 8235, for photo see Van der Heide, 158. The format of the Targum at the bottom of the page was employed by the Complutensian.
107 Fig. 3 14 (vol. I, pp. 2 3 ) GENESIS, 1:1 20, Hebrew, Latin, italicized Latin, and Greek type with four large stamp initials, folio 25 x 38 cm. This two page opening shows the heavens and the earth . (Genesis 1:1). Regular pagination in the Polyglot begins here in the scriptural sections, and these pages are numbered 2 and 3. The polyglottal languages are organized into four columns. The text of Genesis 1:1 20 is given in three languages, Hebrew, L atin and Greek, with the Targum presented in a band at the bottom of the page. The column to the far left is the vocalized Hebrew with Masoretic accents. 78 To the right of the Hebrew on the Translatio Benedicto Hieronymus (Translated by St. Jerome). 79 To right of the Vulgate on the right page at the fold in italicized font is the Latin translation of the Septuagint. The column to the far right on the opening is the Greek Septuagint. In a band at the bottom of the left page is the vocalized Aramaic (Chaldean) text of the Targum. In a band at the bottom of the right page is the Latin translation of the Targum. T he Complutensian incorporates a tripartite divisi on of the text in which the distinctive as seen in Genesis 1:1 (Fig. 3 14a ). The Latin translation of the Greek is provided interlinearly in a smaller font, and the vocalized Hebrew of the Comp lutensian text does not include the Masoretic ac cents (Fig. 3 14b ). The s prologue the redeemed good thief) an d Hebrew on the left (the perfidic bad thief) as se en in Job 27:1 and 28:1 (Fig. 3 14c ). 80 These 78 Van der Heide, 161. 79 80 Quote taken from prologue by Cardinal Ximenes, Compl utensian Polyglot.
108 distinctions in the Complutensian prologue are made with the anthropomorphic understanding that the text itself is a stand in for persons. 81 The scriptural tex t of the Antwerp Polyglot, however, employs four columns roughly equal in width, each with a large, stylistically distinctive initial at the beginning of each sacred book. Unlike the arrangement of text in the Complutensian, the Hebrew is always situated to the right of the Vulgate on the page opening and the Greek to the le ft. A different font style or alphabet is recognizable in each of the four columns in the Polyglot the Latin translation of the Greek, for example, is italicized and therefore stylis tically different from the Latin Vulgate. The result is that each of the four columns of text is visually distinctive. If one were looking at rather than reading these pages, the differentiated font style and alphabets would be associated with different languages and therefore different cultural or ethnic groups that is, an ethnography of text would be understood. This concept can be associated with the anthropomorphosis of text as employed by the Complutensian. Montano was interested in proselytizing the four corners of the earth, and Philip, using the universal Church as his paradigm and modus operandi was interested in effectively administrating them. This four each animal (as descr ibed by Plantin) personifies different languages/cultural groups. This 82 With these socio religious employed in the Complutensian text seems logical. 81 According to early modern visual practice, in a two dimensional picture that employs figures, left and right are differentiated from the point of view of the figure on the page facing outward toward the viewer. 82 o Philip of 1567.
109 Fig. 3 15 (vol. I, pp. 182 and 183 ) GENESIS, 50:23 26, Hebrew, Latin, italicized Latin, and Greek type with stamp monograms and signature, folio 25 x 38 cm. This two page opening Genesis ends wit h a simple printed inscription, and stamp. Here, below the Latin translation of the Chaldean paraphrase on p Below this is written, c word al tilmid which 83 This text in Latin and Arabic is repeated in Hebrew and Arabic on the facing page to the left, below the Hebrew text of Genesis 50:26. Here, quite extraordinarily, Finis libro Genesis ; Ex Regis Cathol ici etc. is written in Hebrew. Below this is the facing page, his initials are given in Hebrew from right to left: mem, alep, bet. To the left of this is Montano al tilmid The mandates and approvals are given at the end of every scriptural book in the Polyglot, a reflection of the heightened orthodoxy and skepticism of this Tridentine period (there is no equivalent in the pre Tridentine Complutensian signature and seal assures the reader (as well as the Inquisitorial censors) that the translations are oriental languages. These constructed, self imposed ethnic identifiers would have also helped to create an ecumenical connection with the Semitic audiences Montano hoped to evangelize. 83 Van der Heide, 161.
110 Pages 184 to 743 co nstitute the balance of volume one and include the books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronom y. Volume II: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS SECUNDUS Fig. 3 16 (vol. II, folio 3 recto) Jan Wierix after Crijspijn van den Broeck (?), The Israelites Crossing the River Jordan with the Ark of the Covenant frontispiece, engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. Israeli tes Crossing the River is the engraved frontispiece for all of volume two of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible, which includes the books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings and Paralipomenon. It shows the transportation of the Ark of the Covenant across the Jordan ri ver as described in Joshua 3:13 whole earth shall set the soles of their feet in the waters of the Jordan, the waters that are beneath shall run down and go off: and those that come f rom above shall stand together upon a heap (and) the waters that came down from above stood in one place, and swelling up like a mountain, were seen afar off (and the priests) stood girded upon the dry ground in the midst of the Jordan . As Walter Melion has pointed out, Joshua is presented in the front middleground 84 God then instructed the tribes to gather twelve large stones from the riverbed to be placed in the camp as a sign Joshua also 85 The image here depicts a conflated version of these events. The figures in the foreground gather and carry large stones, and a monument of stones is situated in the riverbed behind the ark. The tents of the Israelite camp can be seen left and right on the banks. A mountain of water rises in the 84 See Clifton and Melion, 113; see also Hnsel 33 34. 85 Joshua 4:1 9.
111 artist Jan Wie rix ( 1549 1618?) with his monogram IHW (JHW) to the lower left. The work is inscribed with a quote from Hebrews 2:2: QUI PER ANGELOS DICTUS EST SERMO FACTUS EST FIRMUS subject of the wor k, Crossing the River Jordan is appropriate as the illustration directly precedes the book of Joshua. The New Testament inscription from Hebrews, however, can be related to a theme highlight ed throughout the visual material of the Polyglot. 86 Hebrews was written to the Christian community of Palestine, that is, a community of baptized Hebrews The Douay Rheims prologue to this epistl St. Paul wrote this Epistle to the Christian s in Palestine, the most part of whom being Jews before their conversion, they were called Hebrews. He exhorts them to be thoroughly converted and confirmed in the faith of C hrist, clearly shewing them the pre of the new law over the old. He commends faith by the example of the ancient fathers . 87 Plantin explains the significance of this image in his : The Old Testament memorializes the promissa terrena (terrestrial promises) which foreshadow the heavenly kingdom; the early covenants, fulfilled by the promised land, confirm hope for salvation so long as the Hebr ews persist in belief and obedience. 88 This frontispiece illustration is followed by a three page prologue by Montano on the use of the Targum in the Polyglot. He explains that there were three extant versions of the Targum the Babylonian, Jerusalem and Onkelos and of the three, the Jerusalem Targum is 86 Melion associates this passage with the exegetical tradition in which Joshua prefigures Christ; see Clifton and Melion, 87 88, note 51. 87 Fir st published by the English College at Douay (1609) and the English College at Rheims (1582): The Holy Bible, Douay Rheims Version, Translated from the Latin Vulgate (Baltimore: John Murphy Company, 1899). 88 Clifton and Melion, 31.
112 the most celebrated authority. Montano validates the inclusion of the Targum in the Polyglot, as it helps to clarify the sacred mysteries, and also because the eminent Cardinal Ximenes incorporated it int o the Complutensian. It i s important to note here that the University of Alcal de Henares during the period in which Ximenes was compiling the Complutensian Polyglot had a more liberal approach to Hebrew studies than the hyper orthodox environment of the Tridentine 1570s. 89 The Targumim were Aramaic (Chaldean) translations or paraphrases of the Hebrew Bible composed around the first century CE. Aramaic was a commonly used language, and such translations of Jewish scripture were needed as Hebrew was no lo nger widely understood among Palestinian Jews during that diasporic period. Fig. 3 17 (vol. II, p. 1). PROPHETAE PRIORES, Hebrew, Greek and Latin type within woodcut frame, folio 25 x 38 cm. This image is the titlepage for the books that constitute the major prophets in the Catholic canon: Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Kings 1, 2, 3, and 4, and Paralipomenon 1 and 2. This titlepage is almost identical to the titlepage for QUINQUE LIBRI MOYSE and the same woodcut surround was used for all four titlepages in the noted, Jewish (in their aniconic lack of figural ornament and large Hebrew text) in relation to the other full page images in the Polyglot. It is i mportant to note that In other words, Torah (the Five Books of Moses), Prophets and Writings. The Prophets in the Polyglo t are of books. In a Hebrew bible, all of the prophet books, major and minor, are combined under the 89 For more on the re ception of Ximenes and the Council of Trent, see Wilkinson, 12 13.
113 head titlepage s in the Polyglot emphasize the Torah/Prophets/Writings division of books. This organizational methodology, enhanced by these visually striking titlepages, mimics an authentic Hebrew bible. Volume III: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS TERTIUS Fig. 3 18 (vol. II I, p. 1). SANCTI LIBRI, Hebrew, Greek and Latin type within woodcut frame, folio 25 x 38 cm. Shown here is almost identical to the other Old Testament frontispieces and emp loyed the same woodblock used for the frame surrounding the text. The title is given in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, but the books in a Hebrew bible. The Holy Book s include Esdras, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus. Fig. 3 19 (vol. III, pp. 108 and 109). JUDITH, 1:1 11, Ita licized Latin, Greek and Latin type with stamped initials A and E and wrapped te xt, folio 25 x 38 cm. This is the opening to the book of Judith, which presents a remarkable shift in the arrangement of the Polyglot text. Judith is among the canonical books in a Catholic bible, but is excluded from Jewish and Protestant editions. It is among the Old Testament books for which the Hebrew is not presented. As Ximenes explains in the Complutensian (Fig. 3 19a ), there was no authoritative version of this work available in Hebrew among the extant manuscripts, so the He brew translation is not used. Even so, Ximenes concludes, it is among the holy books approved at the Council of Nicaea, and both women and men are to required to s tructure the Judith text differently the Vulgate remains in the center of the page opening with Greek and an interlinear Latin (transliteration of the Greek) to the left and right. Like the Complutensian, the Antwerp Polyglot includes only Latin and Gree k in the book of
114 Judith as well. In the Antwerp Polyglot, however, the Septua gint dominates the center of each page. It is known that the Complutensian favors the Vulgate, as we have seen. Montano and Plantin, however, defer to the oldest available sour ce for Judith the Greek Septuagint. Because the Greek with interlinear Latin transliteration requires more page space than the Vulgate, Ximenes included a repeating filler of upper in Judith 1:1 7 and 2 :1, 3:1 (Fig. 3 19b ). The Polyglot employs a much more complicated printing arrangement than the practical solution employed in the Complutensian. In the Antwerp Polyglot, the Vulgate is printed in a column along the centerfold of the page opening left and right. The Septuagint is featured in the center of each page, with the italicized Latin translation of the Greek (rather than interlinear placement) toward the outside of the page, left and right. Like the Complutensian, the Vulgate column is shorter in some sections of Judith than the Greek and italicized Latin. Rather than use filler Os, as seen in the Complutensian, the Polyglot text is wrapped around the Vulgate toward the centerfold of the page. This wrapped arrangement of text, see n also in Judith 7:9 12 (Fig. 3 19c) and 11:1 13 (Fig. 3 19d ) is remarkably similar to the unique wrapped text commonly used in contemporary printed editions of the Jewish Talmud. 90 This type of wrapped text is associated with Daniel Bomberg, as seen in his printed edition of the Babylonian Talmud (Venice, 1528). 91 I t is i nteresting that Plantin did not solve the spacing issue in Judith using the same type of filler employed by Ximenes. One could argue that the Hebrew origin of the book of Judith, which lacked a Heb rew language exemplar, is being visually promoted here by the use of Talmudic wrapped text. The 90 For an example see Van der Heide, 22, ill. 2. 91 Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book (Leid en and Boston: Brill, 2008) 92 105. Van der Heide argues that Bomberg did not devise this layout, and it was commonly used Latin manuscripts and Iberian Hebrew incunabula, see Ibid., 85, note 157.
115 absence of Hebrew type in Judith (as an Old Testament book) would have stood out. That Judith was eliminated from the Protestant canon, and was not included i n the Jewish order of prophetic books, supports the use of wrapped text here as an ideological choice, and not merely a practical printing decision. Volume IIII: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS QUARTUS Fig. 3 20 (vol. IIII, folio 3 recto). Jan Wierix a fter Pi eter van der Borcht (?), Domus Israel frontispiece, engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. The Domus Israel is the frontispiece for volume four of the Polyglot which contains th e starting with Isaia h, and including Baruch (Fig. 3 20a ), Daniel and Machabees (Fig. 3 20b 92 It is a birds eye view of a walled, well ordered and manicured vineyard set within a wild, unmediated landscape (the biblical wilderness described in Ge nesis) that extends far into the distance. Figures labor productively within the vineyard, and there is a watchtower and winepress in the center between organized, leafy rows of vines. This is not harvest time, and there are no grapes present in the imag e. The figures tend to the foliage, some with long stakes used to support and cultivate the hedges. As Walter Melion points out, the figures are shown in both ancient and contemporary dress. 93 More than this, the various figures are presented as ethnogra phic and religious stereotypes: there are figures with long beards and judenhuts ; monks with tonsures, and figures wearing turbans and exotic dress. These cultural groups, together with the bare legged, hatless figures in short tunics, cut across both geographic and temporal boundaries 92 As it is described by Plantin in Montano, Biblia Sacra Vol. I, folio 46r. See Clifton and Melion, 31 n light of Isaiah 5, from which it is clearly taken. 93 Clifton and Melion, 114.
116 for administrating it. The image promotes the ideal conflation of Ge ntile, Greek, Jew and Muslim and religious populations view) 94 The vertically oriented chorographic view is compositionally similar to the cityscapes in Civitates of 1572. Like the regional views in Civitates this image includes topographical details in mixed perspectives. This principality, the House of Israel which is the Vineyard of the Lord, is wholly shown, its boundaries delimited by a wall. The inscriptions left and right of the po rtal are ta ken from the prophet Isaiah: DELECTATIO PLANTATIONU DOMINI, and QUID ENIM DEBUI F ACERE VINEAE MAEA QUOD NO FECI? The image and inscription is a literal translation of Isaiah 5:1 4, 7: I will sing to my beloved the canticle of my cousin conce rning his vineyard. My beloved had a vineyard on a hill in a fruitful place. And he fenced it in and picked the stones out of it and planted it with the choices t vines, and built a tower in the midst thereof, and set up a winepress therein: and he looked t hat it should bring forth grapes and it brought forth wild grapes. And now, O ye inhabitants of Jerusalem and ye men of Juda, judge between me and my vineyard. What is there that I ought to do more to my vineyard that I have not done to it? For the vineya rd of the Lord of hosts is the house of Israel: and the man of Juda his pleasant plant: and I looked that he should do judgment, and behold iniquity: and do justice, and behold a cry. forget) the great and numerous obligations and burdens that I bear in the maintenance and protection of my kingdoms, in the continuous war that I wage against the infidel, and in the defense of Christendom and the 95 In volume one of the Polyglot, the Louvain censor King and Powerful Monarch, Champion in Battle of the Most Holy and Divinely Given 94 95 Written in 1566, see Parker, 92.
117 Religion hoped to cultivate order in his vas t realm. ted by 96 Montano suggested that King Philip, inspired by God, offered the remedy to this international crisis in the form of his Polyg pure religion is acknowledged to be the principal, noblest, and firmest foundation for the 97 The promissa terrena that is, the terrestrial (geographic) promise highlighted in The Israeli tes Crossing the River Jordan is fulfilled in the Domus Israel It political aspirations. Just as the ancient Hebrews settled ancient Spain (so Philip argued) the national contemporary empire. fulfilled an d perfected in the New Covenant. He explain attention, care and diligence. The image is not about outcome, but effective administration diligent care in preparation for the harvest 98 96 See Clifton and Melion, 34 35. 97 Cli fton and Melion 35. 98 Plantin, Tabularum 2: Quartus tomus Prophetarum scripta continet, qui variis legationum, vaticiniorum et actionum generibus Israelitarum populum divinae voluntatis cognoscendae, ac purae religionis colendae rationes docuerunt, atque in huiusmodi administrando munere multa eadem que gravissima multi ex illis pertulerunt. Quamobrem vineae Domini exercituum imagine hic tomus ornatur, cuius descriptionem ex Isaiae vaticinio, atque ex Evangelica lectione petere licebit. Est autem haec tabula argumento maximae solicitudinis, curae, ac diligentiae, quam Deus is Ecclesia sua excolenda, ornanda, amplificandaque ponit
1 18 Volume V: SANCTORUM BIBLIORUM TOMUS QUINTUS Fig. 3 21 (vol. V, folio 3 recto). Jan Wierix after Crispijin van den Broeck (?), Tomus Quintus frontispiece, The Baptism of Christ engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. The Baptism of Christ is the frontispiece for volume five, the New Testament volume of the Antwerp Polyglot. 99 opening of the Pietas Regias and The Pentateuchal Covenants in volume one by its inscription: NOVISSIME DIEBUS HIS LOCUTUS EST NOBIS DEUS IN FILIO, QUEM CONSTITUIT HAEREDEM UNIVERSORUM. Heb. i. (Hebrews 1:2) This is a continuation of the inscription in The Pentateuchal Covenants : MULTIFARIAM MULTISQ. MODIS OLIM DEUS AD PATRES LOCUTUS EST. Hebr. I. (Hebrews 1:1) Together the and in divers manners, spoke in times past to the fathers by the prophets, last of all, in these days has spoken to us by his Son, whom he hath appointed heir of all things . taken from Pau of the Polyglot. It is important to keep in mind that the Pauline corpus comprises not only this letter to the Hebrew community in Palestine, but also letters to a range of Gentile communities as Compositionally, The Baptism of Christ is iconographically and compositionally tied to other images in the Polyglot. It is organiz ed like Crossing the River Jordan both thematically and spatially. A river runs through the center of the composition, and figures are situated on the left and right banks. Just as the tribes gather large stones in the foreground of Crossing Christ demo nstrates his supremacy over the old Law by stepping onto a large stone in the same location in the foreground of Baptism The Baptism print is also associated with The Pentateuchal 99
119 Covenants volume one frontispiece opening by the location of the Holy Ghos t seen in effigy in the Pietas Regias The subject of volume, since the crucifixion was more commonly used as a visual summary of the Christian salvation narrative. Notions of baptism are alluded to elsewhere in the Polyglot, and the subject would have had special significance to Philip. In the face of the Protestant her esy, the image of ups: Christian, Jew, Muslim and New World Indian. Baptism was required for the enculturation and homogenization of all these groups. And in constructing a Hebrew ish pedigree for Spain, baptism was a required, transformative bridge. As archetype of the perfect Jew, Christ offered himself for baptism ac cording the will of the Father. Symbolically and geographically the Baptism of Christ literally situated, like a bridge, at the geographic center of the Polyglot between the Old an d New Testaments, and between the first four and last fo u r volumes. For Philip, defender of the faith and King of Jerusalem, baptism presented the link between Jew and Christian, the Old Testament and the New. Fig. 3 22 (vol. V, pp. 2 and 3 ) MATTHAEUM, 1:1 11, Syriac, it alicized Latin, Latin and Greek type with stamped initials L and B, folio 25 x 38 cm. This two page opening way similar to the Old Testament pages, with four columns prese nting the same passages in different languages side by side. Here in the opening of Matthew, Syriac is seen in the Po lyglot for the first time. It will be used throughout the New Testament gospe ls and epistles (Figs. 3 22a b ). The Syriac translation it situated on the far left of the two page opening with its Latin
120 tran s literation next to it. On the facing page, the Vulgate is placed to the left next to fold with the Greek Septuagint to the right. There is no Syriac script or translation in 2 Pete r (Fi g. 3 22c ), because no exemplum was available, so the four columns in the two page opening comprise just the Septuagint and Vulgate in two columns, with a continuation of the letter from one page to the next. Here, there was an attempt to mimic the four column/four language style used elsewhere in the Polyglot. To maintain visual continuity, the Greek is switched from left to right on the facing page, even though (as a continuation of the letter on the facing page) the text is different. Another interesting addition in the epistles is an A rabesque decorative banding not found elsewhere in Pol yglot. When thumbing through all eight volumes of the Polyglot, the viewer may have felt as though he had encountered a multi language, multi ethnic cosmography a history of the world and all its peoples in eight volumes. Indeed, there is some confusion in the period literature and correspondence over the actual number of languages employed in the Antwerp Polyglot. The titlepage to the entire edition states that four languages are employed: Hebrew, Greek, Latin and Chaldean. The Antwerp Polyglot is de scribed elsewhere in the literature, even in the prologue material in volume one, as incorporating five languages. In reality, the Antwerp Polyglot incorporates not only the ancient languages Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Chal dean and Syriac, but also Spanish, Fr ench and Italian. The across both geographic boundaries and also time. They conflate old and new, east and west, as a political aspi rations and concerns. Guy Lefvre de la Boderie (Guidoni Fabricio Boderiano) who was among the Christian kabbalist s working for Plantin, is responsible contribution i n an introductory letter. The Christian kabbalists believed that Syriac, like Hebrew,
121 contained arcane spiritual truths (that is, Christian orthodoxies) in the script and etymologies. 100 Syriac is among the ancient Semitic languages and is a western dialec t of Aramaic, believed to be the spoken language of Christ. Important early Christian texts were written in Syriac, and it is one of the languages associated with the development of medieval Arabic. Visually, it incorporates a distinctive calligraphic fl ourish that early modern European viewers would have associated with contemporary Arabic. With Hebrew, Greek and Syriac in the Polyglot, all of the Abrahamic religions were represented: J ewish, Christian, and Muslim In the Praefatio New Testament volume Guy Lefvre points out that the range of tongues after Babel alienated men from one another, and the Polyglot would be useful in assisting all men to become fellow citizens of the world 101 For Philip and Montano, like Lefvre, the primary ideological objective (as reflected in the Polyglot) was to bring all men under one orthodox Catholic Christian umbr ella. T he Christian kabbalists associated with Planti n lamented the non existence of a printed New Testament in Arabic, but were nonetheless committed to proselytizing Arabic speaking audiences. 102 And for non Arabic Arab ic titular King of Jerusalem he prayed for their conversion. Arabic had a related, but even more profound significance for the Christian kabbalists associated with the A ntwerp Polyglot They believed the discovery of both the New World and new cultures in the east were eschatological signs. Before the end, the Gospel had to be preached to all men, and they believed Arabic was 100 Wilkinson, x xi. 101 Ibid., 87; it is not clear which one language would be used. 102 Wilkinson, 78, and 76 92 passim
122 (the language of Christ) was chosen instead. 103 rs. 104 105 The last image in volume five, which comprises the end of the New Testament and Bible proper, 22d he Royal 106 Volume VI: SACRI APPARATUS PARTIUM, Primus tomus De verboru copia cotinet Fig. 3 23 (vol. VI, folio 2 recto) L EXICON GRCUM, Latin and Greek type with woodcut emblem, folio 25 x 38 cm. This is the first page of volume six and serves as a frontispiece to the Greek dictionary. It Apparatus. Executed in Antwerp by the Royal Typographer Christopher P one of four grammar dictionaries that comprise volume six of the Polyglot, and they are listed in the table of contents in volume one in the following way: Grammaticam Hebraicam cum Hebraico Dictionario. Grammaticam Chaldaicam cum Syrochaldaico Dictionario. Grammaticam Syricam, cum Syro Dictionario, sive Syrorum peculio. Grammaticam Grecam cum Dictionario Grco. Recall that Montano hoped that readers would avail themselves of the dictionaries in order to become familiar with the or iental languages. Montano and the Christian kabbalists believed sacred truths were hidden in the arcane text truths that could only be appreciated if read in the 103 Wilkinson, 78. 104 Ibid., 91. 105 Ibid. 106
123 original language. For the Antwerp Polyglot linguists, if Christ as logos is truth, the anci ent text itself, the actual words in the oriental tongue, held authority like icons in the Eastern Church akin to relics. Philip, in his largess, not only shares this sacred collection with the world, but he is also the divinely appointed arbiter of it. For Montano and the kabbalists, the dictionaries were philosophically tied (out of linguistic necessity) to the sacred text as few in Europe could read Hebrew, Chaldean or Syriac. It follows that the visual information, illustrations and maps presented i n all eight volumes were intended by the editor and publisher to be viewed together, as a program. In other words, volumes six, seven and eight do not present a mere appendix or copia schola but are integral to thi s eight volume work. Note that as with the Hebrew Bible in volume seven (mentioned ear lier and to be discussed below), the Hebrew dictionary in volume six is listed first in the table of contents, but is situated last in the actual volume. The Greek grammar and dictionary, listed last, is boun d first from the left side printing of the Hebrew grammar, from right to left, beginning at the ba Jewish book. The Syriac and Chaldean, also Semitic languages, are printed and bound in the same way. In a volume comprised of Greek (read from left to right) and Syriac, Chaldean and Hebrew (read from right to left) the pagination in volume six is incongruous and awkward. Starting from the beginning of the volume to the left, the Greek dic tionary and grammar is numbered pages 1 to 382. Page 382 is followed by a blank page that serves as a transition between the shift in pagination presented in this volume. The Greek dictionary is followed by a Syriac vocabulary numbered 55 to 1. This is followed by a Syriac grammar, numbered pages 60 to 1, and so on. The Syriac is organized in two columns to be read from right to left. This style of pagination and orientation from right to left is continued throughout volume six. An example of this can be seen
124 in a tw o page opening (Fig. 3 23a ) that shows page 1 of the GRAMMATICA CHALDA to the left (folio verso) and the last page of a three page preface by Montano in Latin to the right (folio recto). This preface by Montano is presented in italicized Latin printed and bound on pages organized from right to left. Following this section to the right in the volume is a Syro Chaldean dictionary with definitions given in Latin. The entries are organized into three columns per page from right to left. The complex pagination, columniation, and organization of cross referenced material and mix of languages present in volume six i s exemplified on a two page opening toward the back of the volume (Fig. 3 23b ). Fig. 3 24 (vol. VI, folio ultima verso) THESAURI HEBRAIC LINGU, Latin type with woodcut emblem, folio 25 x 38 cm. Shown here printed page furthest to the right in the volume. This titlepage mirrors the printed layout of the incorporates a disembodied hand with a compass drawing a circle; the compass device was adopted in association with the name of his Antwerp print shop, the Golden Compasses. An elaborately detailed animal and vegetal strapwork sur round frame s the image. This type of surround is found elsewhere in the Antwerp Polyglot and was commonly used in luxury printed Theatrum 107 The Complutensian included an appendix with dictionaries and grammars, so the Antwerp Polyglot essentially followed that model. Montano the theologian 107 Woodward, Art and Cartography 147 173.
125 complete encyclopedia of h 108 The images and copia scholia were necessary to illuminate the arcane text, and the Latin prefaces pri nted from right to left (Fig. 3 24a ) served to validate the authori ty of the oriental languages. With t he sheer volume of complexly org anized reference material and scholia included in the Antwerp Polyglot, one i s reminded of the type of encyclopedic books and collections sixteenth century literati craved Volume VII: SACRI APPARATUS PARTIUM, Secundus tomus De verboru copia cotinet Fig. 3 25 (vol. VII, folio 2 recto) COMMUNES ET FAMILIARES HEBRAICAE LINGUAE IDIOTISMI, Latin type with woodcut emblem, folio 25 x 38 cm. Volume seven contains three sections. They are itemized in the table of contents in volume one of the Polyglot in the following way: Biblia Hebraica Veteris Testamenti cum interpretatione Latina ad verbum interlineali, & verborum radicibus in margine. Novum Testamentum Grcum, cum interpretatione Latina interlineali. Hebraicorum idiotismorum librum. This is the t the first page to the left of the volume. Montano is credited with the authorship of this section, which comprises Hebrew pdated translation, but Philip refused: In the sample that Plantin sent us, the edition of Xantos Pagnino has replaced the Vulgate, which in the Complutensian Bible was next to the Hebrew text. Since it was decided that nothing should be altered nor delete d, you must inform Plantin of this, and you must see to it that the said Vulgate is put back and kept in the same place as in the Complutensian Bible, because of the authority it enjoys throughout the world of the Universal Church. Since it is the most imp ortant of all the versions, 108 Shalev, Sacred Words 58.
126 it would not be right to omit it from such an illustrious work, and it must be given prime importance. 109 Rekers points out: absurdity. He compromised and had the Vulgate as well as the Pagnino translation included in 110 For Philip, the universal appeal of the Polyglot superseded humanist erudition. In an arrangement also used in volume six of the Polyglot, the Hebrew idioms are bound at the interlinear Latin in situated in the center of this volume. Fig. 3 26 (vol. VII, folio ultima verso) HEBRAICORUM BIBLIORUM, Latin type with emblem stamp, folio 25 x 38 cm. T he titlepage for the Hebrew Bible is printed from right to left beginning at the near translation. Montano, Raphelengius, and Guy Lefvre together with his brother Nicolas, collaborated on this section. These scholars are credited as such on this titlepage, which also mentions that this work had been examined and approved by the Louva in censors. As with all of the scriptural books in volumes one to five, Montano (as well as the censors) signs the end of several books in this Hebrew translation, giving his name and Arabic monogram, as seen at the end of the Book of Malachi (Fig. 3 26a ) This seal of approval is not universally required or applied, as seen at the en d of the Book of Nachum (Fig. 3 26b ). Not e that unlike the Old Testament titlepages in volumes one to four, Hebrew type is not used on this page. Like the Apparatus diction aries and grammars, this 109 Philip II to Montano in a letter dated March 25, 1568: En la muestra que aca envoi Plantino habia puesto la edicion de Xantes Pagnino como habeis visto en lugar de la Vulgata, que en la impesion complutense esta junt o al texto hebraico. Y porque ha parecido que en esto no conviene que no haya mudanza, ni se altere ni quite lo de hasta aqui, direislo asi al Plantino y hareis que la dica edicion Vulgata se ponaga y quede en el mesmo lugar que esta en la Biblia compluten se, por la automas principal de todas las versions, no fuera justo que faltara ni se dejara de poner en una ora tan insigne, y en el principal lugar de aquella; Carvajal, no. 19 ; Rekers, 49. 110 Ibid.
127 translation was intended to engage non Hebrew reading audiences. The interlinear Latin was intended as a guide to the Hebrew. Montano believed that the Hebrew contained arcane truths in order for general audiences to properly und necessary. This Hebrew Bible includes a preface by Montano, printed in L atin from right to left (Fig. 3 26c ). Volume VIII: SACRI APPARATU S PARTIUM, Tertius tomus De copia rerum continet libros Fig. 3 27 (vol. VIII, pp. 24 and 25 ). PHALEG, Latin type with woodcut emblem, folio 25 x 38 cm. ete 111 This is the titlepage for Phaleg, or book of the first homes of the nations with their locations on the earth of the progeny of N oah after the flood and precedes a double hemispheric map of the world. Like popular contemporary cosmographies, maps, diagrams and illustrations accompany fifteen complexly detailed illustrati ons and cartographically accurate maps. Joseph, sive De arcani sermonis interpretatione known as the Arcano Sermone is the first book in volume eight, and sets the tone for the authoritarian Hebrew enthnographies elaborated therein. It is an exposition literally interpreted, the arcane language revealed sacred truths. The Louvain censors encouraged Montano not to include De Arcano Sermone they argued that it made the Ap paratus 111 Shalev, Sacred Words 31.
128 the language contained no vowels. 112 As indicated in the table of contents in volume one of the Polyglot, the books and images in volume eight are organized in t he following way, beginning with the Sermone : Joseph, sive De arcani sermonis interpretatione. Jeremias, sive de actione. Tubal Cain, sive de mensuris, cum tabula aenea fieli in fine. Phalegh, sive de gentium sedibus primis, cum tabula orbis in fine. Canaa n, sive de duodecim gentibus, cum tabula terre Canaan in sive. Noah, sive de sacris fabricis, cum tabulis decem, hoc ordine: I Arca Noe. II Sacri tabernaculi ichnographia. III Sacri tabernaculi orthographia ex interiori prospectu. IIII Sacri tabernaculi orthographia ex prospectu exteriori. V Tabernaculi absoluti &c. exemplum. VI VII Castrametationis ordo. VIII Templi Jerosolymitani antiqui, cu atriis &c. ichnographia. IX Sacre dis ichnographia, & sciographi e pars. X Templi cum porticu, cellis &c. orthographia. Aaron, sive de sactoru vestimentorum &c. cum tabula sacerdotis depitcti in fine. Neemias, sive de antique Jerusalem situ, cum tabula in fine. Daniel, sive defeculis codex integer. Index Biblicus. Hebre orum, Chaldeorum, Grecorum & Latinoru nominu propriorum. Variarum lectionum Chaldaicarum. 113 Variarum lectionum Grecarum. Variarum lectionum Latinarum. Tabula titulorum totius Novi Testamenti. 112 The Louvain censors to Mont ano in a letter dated July 22, 1570: Recipimus priorem partem Apparatus cui titulus De Arcani Sermonis Interpretatione, quae nobis utilis quaedam isagoge seu introduction esse videtur ad sacrarum litterarum intelligentiam Videtur nobis magis in rem et utilitatem christianae reipublicae futurum si seorsim extra opus illud regium excudatur, in exiguo aliquot volumine quod omnibus esse usui possit. Existimamus enim opus illud regium quod in maximam molem excrescent libris non prorsus necessariis non es se augmentandum et gravandum; Royal Library of Stockholm, Sparwenfeldt Collection; hereafter: MS Stokh.; a second letter from the Louvain censors to Montano, dated August 20, 1570, addresses the same concerns regarding the Arcani Sermonis: Quod ad Arcani Sermonis librum attinet, eum post ultimas nostras ad te litteras accuratius multo quam antea examinavimus, variisque et docti cum tanta interpretum copia et textu varietate si baneant Patrum commentaries facile eo libro carebunt. Indocti vero parum illius lectione ad intelligendum sacras litterars viderentur; MS. Stockh.; Rekers, 52. 113
129 The image facing the Phaleg titlepage shows a detailed representation of a shekel the silver coin and unit of weight used in ancient Israel. The image is signed by engraver Philips Galle, and is after a design by an anonymous artist. Shalev sees the shekel as a reflecti antiquarian interests, and Bowen and Imhof observe that it is an entirely new subject in biblical illustration. 114 In order to construct a Hebr ew patrimony for Spain, Philip had to prove that ancient Hebrews settled Iber i ion with early modern or living Jews was immaterial. If the Polyglot served as a type of paper collection or cabinet, simil ar to those described by Thomas and Stols, then it follow that the seemingly idiosynchratic inclusion of this ancient exotic shekel accurately rendered in detail served as a legitimizing artifact. 115 Fig. 3 28 (vol. VIII, pp. 2 and 3). Benito Arias Montano, Tabula orbis engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. Tabula orbis is an up to date double hemispheric world map intended to 116 It shows the New World (Fig. 3 28a) and the Old (Fig. 3 name, and is also in tro duced by a titlepage (Fig. 3 28c ) printed on th e back of the New World hemisphere that reads, ORBIS TABULA. BEN. ARIA MONTANO. AUCTORE. world map should be viewed in the tradition of late medieval T O Shem/Japheth/Ham maps updated graphy to the 117 Cartographically accurate for 1570, the map was taken directly from the double hemispheric world map in Girolamo Geography 114 e Shalev, Sacred Words 37 39; Bowen and Imhof, 95. 115 Thomas and Stols, 2009. 116 See Delano Smith and Ingram, 123; Shirley, no. 125, 147. 117 Delano Smith and Ingram, 123.
130 (Fig. 3 28d ), which was in turn modelled after Giacomo 118 The with numbered Noachic family g roups situated in the Old and New Worlds. The map includes conventional windheads, their names given in Hebrew. Around 1574, it became common on world maps to include personifications of the four this in keeping with the medieval tradition of associating the three fold division of the known world with the three sons of Noah. 119 And as J. B. Harley 120 He re, the continents are indicated not by personifications but by the Hebrew clans distinguished typographically As seen elsewhere in the Polyglot, typography serves as a stand in for ethnic groups, and this ethnography of type is eviden t in the map keys. T he three primary family groups, Japheth, Shem and Ham, are keyed on t he map with three different num erical styles. 121 delineated in the cartouche in the upper center of the map (Fig. 3 28e) are keyed using Roman numerals. The family o f Shem is keyed using Arabic numbers, as seen in the cartouches to the upper family, delineated in the bottom center cartouche, are keyed with upper case letters of the alphabet. 122 The names are given in both Hebrew and Latin so the reader can follow the legends 118 Giacomo Gastaldi, Ptolemeo la Geographia (Venice, 1548 ). The model for t world map, unaddressed by scholars, is demonstrated here for the first time. 119 120 J. B. Harley, The New Nature of Maps: Essays in the History of Cartography (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2001), 75. 121 Delano Smith and Ingram, 123. 122 Ibid.
131 and corresponding locations on the map. The distribution of the progeny of Noah as shown on this map is a literal representation o f Genesis 10:1 32: T hese are the families of Noah according to their peopl es and nations. By these were the nations divided on the earth a fter the that the New World continent was settled in post diluvial times by descendants of Shem. These groups passed from Asia to the New World via a land bridge of 1570 does not feature such a land bridge 123 Shalev has argued that interests as well as geographia sacra Montano was a serious scho lar and antiquarian to be sure, but he was also a high Maximillian II. continents are conceived as armo r on the body of the double headed eagle, the personification of the Ho ly Roman Emperor. T here was an important socio political concept in early modern Europe that associated the body of the monarch with his geographic poss essions. On a world map, by default, all of ever they may be) would be shown (Fig. 3 28f) For a prince with imperial ambitions, a map of the ap is dedicated to Philip, Catholic King, and dated 1571 (Fig. 3 28g) The map itself describes ancient geographic locations, but is tied to the present by the date as well as the ethnographic markers. While the world map presents an impressive view of P to consider the ancient Hebrew settlement of the world. Philip promoted the notion that ancient Hebrews settled Spain. Mont with this updated Ptolemaic world 123 Shirley, no. 122, 144 145.
132 map would have help Montano may ha ve self identified as a Spanish Jew in this section of the Polyglot as a means of self promotion or in an attempt to identify with his Jewish audiences, whom he hoped to prosyletize ead s Ben. Aria. Montano (Fig. 3 28c ). Montano was the location in Spain o surname and he associated his surname ce of mountainous geography is a key topographical Son of Aria Montano. It may also be signifi cant that Montano is given in Spanish, not Latin In 1586 Ortelius dedicated a map of ancient Spain to Montano, spoke of the great pleasure the map gave him, and that he carried it with him at all times. 124 Abbreviatio ns were common in early modern printing and Latin language manuscripts, but such truncations were typically made as a result of space limitations Such is not the case here, and the abbreviation, not seen els ewhere in the Polyglot, may be intentional. Wh ile this interpretation is strictly speculative, Montano would have recognized the possible double identification, as we have seen, including his Hebrew i nitials a nd Arabic monogram. Philip used both topographical and geographical maps to define and orde r his dominions, and viewer to chart and ther e by to participate in the sacred 125 Such is the case in the Polyglot. Following the world map but preceeding the maps of Canaan is a treatise 124 Theatru m Orbis Terrarum of 1590 (Antwerp: Plantin); the inscription reads: Summo theologo Dno D. Benecicto Ariae Montano: Viro linguarum cognition, rerum peritia, et vitae integritate mago: Abrah. Ortelius Amicitiae et observantiae ergo, DD.; for more see Shalev, Sacred Words 41 125 Clifton and Melion, 42.
133 by Montano titl ed 28h ) which details the migration of the ending with the twelve tribes of Israel and their arrival in Canaan. 126 w, their relationship to geographia sacra idealized scheme to model his empire after the universal Church with the new Holy Land/Jerusalem/Temple (Spain/Madrid/Escorial) as its navel. Indeed, the maps in the Polyglot follow a hierarchical scheme that becomes increasingly localized and specific: World, Holy old in light of Christian truth, is enhanced by the fig ural imagery in this section of the Polyglot. asleep in the boat as the storm rages. From a Christian perspective, the sleepin g Christ symbolizes the many travail s encountered by the children of Israel b efore they reach the Holy Land. Fig. 3 29 (vol. VIII, pp. 9 and 10). Pieter Huys(?) after Benito Arias Montano, Tabula terrae Canaan map, engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. This map shows Canaan before the Hebrew conquest. It serves as an illustration of he map shows regions 127 The map also coincides with the events det directly precedes 126 127 Shalev, Sacred Words Egypt. See also Eran La or, Maps of the Holy Land: Cartobibliogrpahy of Printed Maps, 1475 1900 ( New York: Liss, 1986 ), no. 45, no. 46, and no. 945.
134 Abraham and the children of Israel before the coming of the neighboring coun map of Can aan is modeled after a map he acquired in Italy during his participation at the Council of Trent. This and the other regional maps in the Polyglot are constructed much like topographical regional maps of the period with ornamentations including masted shi ps and 128 What Shalev is referring to are the place nam es in Hebrew. T his m ap is east oriented based on century editions of Ptolemy. 129 This easterly di rection is unlike Theatrum which is oriented north but is sim ilar in orientation to Jewish Holy Land maps of the period. 130 Fig. 3 30 (vol. VIII, pp. 14 and 15). Pieter Huys(?) after Benito Arias Montano, Terrae Israel omnis ante Canaan map, engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. follows and illustra division of the prom T he map shows Canaan proper, that is the land between the Nile and Sidon. 131 This Holy Land map is oriented east and detail, each station represented by a single round tent 132 The Red Sea crossing is marked by a double pricked line. 133 Montano emphasizes the extraordinary fecundity of the land, a geographical characteristic that was facilitated by its mountainous terrain. Shalev implies that 128 Shalev, Sacred Words 52 129 .Delano Smith and Ingram, 59. 130 Many thanks to Bob Karrow for pointing this out to me 131 Delano Smith and Ingram, 59. 132 Ibid., 60. 133 Ibid.
135 Montano ha Spanish region of his birth but does not clarify the significance of this connection Early modern Spanish chroniclers made direct parallels between Spain and the Holy Land, a nd Fray a land of milk and 134 Fig. 3 31 (vol. VIII, p. 22). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Arca Noe engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. s one of eight illustrations in volume eight of the Polyglot depicting sacred architecture. Here the body of Christ, that is the Christian Church, is associated literally with the Ark of Noah which housed the group of eight who were chosen to re populate the post diluvial earth. The proportions of the dead (or dormant) Christ exactly match the proportions of the Ark, the mathematical specifications of which were given in precise detail to Noah from God. This image that Greco Roman architectural designs were taken from the bi blical sources and archetypes which historically preceded them Montano promote s the study of biblical architecture, together with a close reading of scripture in the original languages (specifically Hebrew) and describes in great detail the three primary buildin g projects narrated in the Old Testament Tabernacl here existed a long tradition in Church scholarship dating back to St. Augustine (and earlier) body and the Ark and the Church. Hnsel argues that Montano owned a copy of Vitruvius and this illustration is modeled after Vitruvian theories which associate the perfect building with the proportions of a perfect man. These were widely know views shared by Italian Renaissance 134 Grace Magnier, Pedro de Valencia and the Catholic Apologists of the Expulsion of the Moriscos: Visions of Christianity and Kingship (London and Boston: Brill, 2010), 55.
136 artists and architects Shalev supports this idea. 135 It is not to be concluded, however, that ownin g Vitruvius meant Montano embraced 136 Montano had easy access to ion (one of the largest collections in Europe) so he had access to every important book in circulation at the time Montano was in fac t criticized in contemporary source s for his aversion to Vitruvius and current scholarship suggests that Montano was openly critical of ancient Greece and Roman philosophy 137 Montano makes it quite clear in the Sermone, Exemplar, and other trea tises concerning sacred architecture in volume eig ht, that the most enlightening descriptions of biblical edifices, geography, and cult objects is to be found, specifically, in the Masoretic Hebrew of the Pentateuch. As with his the ory on the double Peru, its twin nature in the found in Genesis. So too did Montano apply this philological method to his illustrations of the Ark of Noah, the Tabernacle and the Temple of Solomon. Montano beli eved that all Christian truths were hidden in the arcane Hebrew text of the first five books of scripture they merely needed to be uncovered. Fig. 3 32 (vol. VIII, p. 24). Pieter Huys after an anonymous art ist, Tabernaculum a nterius engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. F our stages of the Tabernacle depicted in the Polyglot: the early stage or plan, the exterior, the second exterior, and the ultimate exterior view The Tabernacle drawings are so detailed and tech nical in nature (as references for the student architect) that the images themselves appear a 135 Shalev, Sacred Words 66 136 Hnsel, 16. 137 Princeton Un iversity, 2011.
137 138 The plans for the Tabernacle and all its specifications were given by God to Moses As a practitioner of sacred archeology, Montano believed the monuments described in Genesis, including the Ark of Noah and the Tabern acle could be replicated from the plans as they are described in scripture. More than this, their significance is imbued with sacred meaning when translated from the arcane Hebrew, the language of God. Fig. 3 33 (vol. VIII, p. 26). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculi i nteriori engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. This engraving represents the first stage of Tabernacle construction and includes the often discussed but little understood anthropomorphized planks of wood (Fig. 3 33a) God commanded the upright frames of the t abernacle be constructed of acac ia wood, with twenty frames on the south side, and twenty frames on the north (Exodus 36:20 32) Shalev admits he ano m ay be referring to, but suggest s 139 T he anthropomorphized beams may not represent a Christian exegetical source, but a Jewish one. The image seems to be associated with the Sefer Charedim of 1550 in which rabbinical author R. Eliezer Azkari compares the human body to the Te mple of the Lord: sanctify your heart a 140 In this case, Montano presents a typology the relationship betwe en the body of the faithful and the Temple, prefigures the perfect body of Christ. Paul wrote that the body of the Christian is a member of 138 Biblia sacra Vol. VIII. 139 Shalev, Sacred Words 66, note 97. 140 66:27.
138 141 It is well known that Montano consulted rabbinical sources and he may h ave been familiar with the Sefer Charedim Furthermore, Montano seems to be highlighting the connection between the Ark of Noah, the Ark of the Covenant, the Tabernacle and the Temple of Solomon. What all four structures have in common, according to the Ark of Noah, then the Ark of the Covenant which was placed inside the Tabernacle and ultimately reposed in the Temple of Solomon. While more research is needed, it is tempting to language s presence (the Ark of the Covenant) is hidden in the arcane opening in volume one. According to Montano, these need to be plummed for the Christian truths hidden within. For the Christian, the the Covenant enclosed by the Tabernacle. Only the priests can enter, which is why the draperies as pulled back in drawing four, the Tabernaculi absoluti These truths are hidden in the Old Testament and revealed to the Christian. It is important to note that all three profile views o f the Tabernacle in volume eig ht featu re the anthropomorphized planks of wood. 142 Fig. 3 34 (vol. VIII, p. 28). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculi e xteriori engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. The Tabernaculi exteriori shows the second stage, the completed Tabernacle without its textile coverings, built according to the exact scriptural specifi cations The human figures seen 141 Corinthians 6:13 20. 142 Such images with hidden faces or anthropomorphisms were common in Hapsburg sponsored art of the sixteenth century and can be associated with artists such as Marcus Gheeraerts (1520 1590) and Giuseppe Arcimboldo (1527 1593); research on this topic in progress
139 on the interior wood beams a re seen here as well (Fig. 3 34a) Some of the figures are shown i n twisted perspective, that is, the torso in profile and the faces frontally or in three quarter view The wood beam base supports appear as anthropomorphic feet There is an obvious connection between the body of Christ and the Ark ( the new covenant hid the Tabernacle (locus of Hebrew worship during wanderings). Isaiah is quoted throughout the Polyglot and used by Plantin as a prophetic paradigm in his Tabularum explicatio in volume one Unlike Protestant bibles of the period which incorporate similar Tabernacle illustrations there is an additional meaning here when Ark and Tabernacle are viewed in the same context. For Montano, sacred archeology of the Old Testament pre figured and rev ealed hidden New Testament Christian truths. consider not; see, I am d (43:18 19) Christians relat ed this prophecy to Behold, I make all things new Such typologies w ere expedient for Philip, Christian king of Jerusalem, who wished t o recast the Old Testament and the Old Jerusalem in light of Christ the enfleshed Word and New Testament, Fig. 3 35 (vol. VIII, p. 30). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculi a bsoluti engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. Tabernaculi absolute shows the com pleted Tabernacle with its multiple textile coverings. The artist has left the outer draperies pulled back in part so that the viewer can admire the detail in which they were rendered This type of drapery esthetic, with multiple, deep folds of heavy drapery, was an admired eleme nt in northern European art of the period, and it is clear that the artist wanted to register here his mastery of this technique The textile layers are shown here as they are descr ibed in Exodus 26: twisted linen ; blue, purple and scarlet stuff with
140 im ages of cherubim, and drapery made of s hair. The goat skins are patched together, and one can see the stitch marks on the back side, which has been folded outward toward the viewer One is able to see a detail of the wood plank figures on t he inside view to the lef t (Fig. 3 35a) This may be a metaphor, illuminated elsewhere in the Polyglot: in a revealing/concealing way, the edifice (Ark, Tabernacle, and Temple) encloses the beauty of t he true presence of God. Renaissance artists including Raphael ( The Sistine Madonna c. 1514) employed a similar tactic with painted curtains in sacred imagery. The curtain surround, the artifice made by human simu ltaneously hidden and revealed within. In Sive de Tabernaculo, (v ol. VIII) Montano describes the Tabernacle in great detail, including the type of purple and red fabric that should be Montano introduc es himself as: Ben. Ariae Montani, Spanish Beza Bezaleel was the artist named in Exodus who built the Tabernacle. Here, Montano as editor and exegete, is the builder These architectural drawings of the Tabernacle are a common feature in earlier bible editions of the period (Fig. 3 35b ) T he A rk, Tabernacle, Temple and p riest illustrations in the Polyglot can be associated with woodcuts used to illustrate Robert Est 1540. The prototypes for these often repeated bible illustrations were ultimately derived from the Postilla litterali s super totam bibliam of Nicolas of Lyra (1270 1349) 143 Nicolas was a medieval Franciscan cleric and Hebraist who p opularized the earliest known exegetical illustrations of this kind in bibles. Just as Montano would do 200 years later, Nicolas consulted rabbinical literature including the Rashi (1040 1105). Nicolas promoted a literal reading of 143 See Walter Cahn itteralis of Nicholas o f Lyra, i n Between Judaism and Christianity. Art Historical Essays n Honor of Elisheva (Elisabeth) Revel Neher e ds., K. Kogman Appel and M. Meyer ( Leiden: Brill, 2009 ), 155 167; see also Bowen and Imhof, 93 94, ills. 3:18 and 3:19, 97 98.
141 scripture, and his Pos tilla had an important impact on Reformed theologians including Luther. were taken from this earlier Postilla tradition, but adapted by his contemporary, the Hebraist Fran ois Vatable (d.1547) The Estienne Vatable illustrations b ecame standardized as bible illustrations and were widely copied. 144 borrowed from this tradition but made alterations to suit the unique ideology of t he royal project The similarities to other bible editions can be related to a common literalist approach to script ure an interest Montano shared with his Reformed contemporaries. Fig. 3 36 (vol. VIII, p. 32). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Candelabri, A ltarium, & A rce engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. T he inclusion of Holy Land maps in the Polyglot was an unusual choice for a Spanish Catho lic bible of the period, as they are more commonly associated a Protestant literal reading of scripture The same is true of the Temple implements depicted here. Such illustrations, which include the lampstand, altar of holocaust, laver of bronze, mercy seat and shewbread, were commonly found in Protestant editions t ranslation based on 145 The same implements are shown here, but finely rendered in copperplate and situated in a landscape. Earlier editions including Vorsterman, typically showed the objects individually rendered in woodcuts. In the Polyglot, the copperplate engravings permitted a single grouping and landscape setting. As scholars have pointed archaeological impu 146 But more than this, Montano 144 See Bowen and Imhof, 94; Ruth Mortimer, Harvard College Library Department of Printing and Graphic Arts, Cataloge of Books and Manuscripts : Part I, French 16 th Century Books, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), no. 68; E. Armstrong, Robert Estienne Royal Printer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), 72 75. 145 Clifton and Melion, 109. 146 Ibid.
142 promoted a close reading of scripture in Hebrew Montano shares this herme ne utical impul se with Protestant biblical editors, but to a different end Like the shekel, th ese cult objects, together with the ancient biblical texts, served as part of a pseudo collection in paper which There were also evidence of Hebrew pedigree l Un Mundo Sobr e Papel The idea of a portable world or cabinet as a concept related to the Polyglot as propaganda his publications, particularly his scriptural emblem books, served as portable stadium or studiolo a virtual study and place of contemplation. 147 As 148 Concerning the ways in which the Polyglot illustrations and maps differ from their earlier wo odcut and Protestant counterparts, Bowen and Imhof make an extremely significant archeologically appealing display of cult objects, as well as architectural sections, flo or plans, and strengthened its a ssociation with the more exclus ive realm of finely illustrated scholarly studies 149 Fig. 3 37 (vol. V III, p. 38). Jan Wierix after Pieter van der Borcht, Castrametationis o rdo engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. T he Camp of the Israelites the camp as described in the book of Numbers 2 The tents are labeled and topologically organized according to the significance of the individual tribes. This contiguous arrangement is 147 Inventions of the Studio, Renaissance to Rom anticism eds. Michael Cole and Mary Pardo (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 73 107. 148 Philip II and the Escorial 9. 149 Bowen and Imhof, 99.
143 important as the order of the camp is given by God as a list. Judah is first, situated on the east side of camp (a t the bottom right, front), in the favored position. the top of the image in order to emphasize that east, the favored section of camp, is situated at the bottom. The Polyglot encampment is very close to the design found in Bible of 1540 Such i llustrations showing the desert camp is a tradition that stems from Nicholas of Lyra eye view The Polygl ot cam p follows s version, with a rectangular design. T he figures in the Polyglot image are presented in ethnographic dress, with beards and pointy headpieces and their w ell ordered encampment extends to the horizon. Such chorographically orient ed images can be associated with views of towns such as those found in Civitates Compositionally, the image is identical to the Domus Israel in volume four of the Polyglot (Fig. 3 20) eye views of towns have a parallel in painting and were popularized by the Antwerp artist Bruegel in the 1540s L ater sixteenth century literati had a broad cultural understanding of regional views and their cartographic yglot were engaged by contemporary audiences in conjunction with the geographical maps a practice endorsed by Ptolemy. T his view in particular would have had special resonance for Philip. It can be closely c.1625) P erspectiva general de todo el edificio of the Escorial San Lorenzo monastery, an engraving of 1587. 150 Philip began construction of the Polyglot. Perret, like 150 See Philip II and the Escorial 28.
144 Perspectiva is a horizontal rather than longitudinal view, it is compositionally almost identical to the Camp of the Israelites eye view and sur rounded by a rectangular enclosure. This enclosure is surrounded by a well ordered view of nature to the horizon, with small, undulating hills. San Lorenzo represented the heart of the new Temple in he Israelite encampment, the Ark of the Covenant within the Tabernacle, so too was the San Lorenzo basilica featured at the center of tabernacle in the sanctuary of the chapel. In both views, God literally dwells within an Domus Israel presented an idealized Camp of the Israelites is its Old Testament prototype. Fig. 3 3 8 (vol. VIII, pp. 36 37). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Templi Jerosolymitani a ntiqui engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. In the Templi Jerosolymitani antiqui is seen from above with its delimiting boundaries It is meant to be viewed in conjunction with the Temple elevation, as shown in the next illustration, in which both the plan and elevation are viewed together on one page. In ancient city planning the principle building or tower is located at the axis of the city plan; it serves as an umbilicus that communicates vertically with the heavens 151 It this case, the temple plan and temple elevation are visually linked and comply with a top ographical archetype a learned audience would have understood. The sacred character of th is elevation and plan relations for the Escori al. Fig. 3 39 (vol. VIII, p. 39). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Sacrae a edis i cnographia engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. 151 Edgerton, 17.
145 Here Montano refers to the Temple icnographia or plan, as contrasted with the Temple orthographia or profile. B oth the plan and elevation of the Temple are meant to be viewed in tandem The manipulation and understanding of perspectival systems were activities central to early modern h umanists, an d are applied here. 152 The detail in the upper right shows the colossal cherubim and palm trees which Solo mon was instructed by God to (1 Kings 7). A rchitectural renderings of the Temple were ubiquitous in early modern scholarl y works, and these images became more visually complex throughout the sixteenth century, as Ezechielem Explanationes of 1596. 153 D epictions of the Tem ple distinguished between Ezekie prophetic vision of an imaginary Temple (43:7) and the literal Temple of Solomon mentioned in Kings. Chr istian exegites described Ezekie the Temple as the architectonic embodiment of Christianity triumphant 154 drawings of the Temple, which he intended Temple drawings were taken, remarkably, from the Mishnah and Middoth, which describe the Temple and its environs in detail. 155 historicism, and for their blatant disregard for Ezekial and Vitruvius. 156 157 152 For more on perspec tival systems in the Renaissance, see James Elkins, The Poetics of Perspective (Ithica and London: Cornell University Press, 1994). 153 Pamela H. Smith and Benjamin Schmidt, Making Knowledge in Early Modern Europe: Practices, Objects and T exts, 1400 1800 (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2007), 250 254. 154 Ibid., 254. 155 Antiquitatum Iudaicarum of 1593. 156 Ibid., 259. 157 Ibid.
146 Fig. 3 40 (vol. VIII, p. 41). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Templi cum porticu et cellis absoluta orthographia engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. In the Templi cum portico the Temple tower serves as an impressive umbilicus when viewed in profile. tailed architectural renderings, and comparisons can be made comparisions between this drawing, conceived by Montano, and the design of the Escorial. 158 W e know from his court ch ronicler Fray Jos de Sigenza (1544 1606) that Philip preferred an architectural style for t he Escorial buildings known as estilo desornamentado 159 The Escorial, designed by 1597) and Ju an Bautista de Toledo (d. 1567), was built To honor his father without deviating from his own tastes, a circular crypt was built below the bas ilica sanctuary, crowned by a colossal colonnaded monstrance on the altar above. 160 Charles fashioned his reign after the emporers of Rome, while Philip promoted himself as Solomon The link between Philip and Solomon was promo ted in a range of ways, including a portrait of the king as Solomon. Solomon and the Queen of Sheba (St. Bavo Ca thedral, Ghent) was commissioned on the occasion of the chapter of the Golden Fleece held in Ghent in 1559. In this image, Philip is depicted in the guise of Solomon on his throne, and Sheba who freely offers herself to the king, is the personification of Flanders. 158 Philip II and the Escor ial 55. 159 George Kubler, Building the Escorial (Princeton: Princeton University, 1982), 127. Philip did not have a court biographer per se as he refused to commission a biography. He did, however, have many court chroniclers, cronistas del rey ; see Ri Princes and Princely Culture 145 1650 eds. Martin Gosman, Alasdair Macdonald and Arjo Vanderjagt, (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2005), 249 276. 160 Kubler, 13.
147 Fig. 3 41 (vol. VIII, p. 7). Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Sacerdotis antique sancti s engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. described in Exodus 39, include ephod, breastplat e and pomegranate trim on the skirt. The altar Two figures in classical garb lead a bull to slaughter in the middleground. T his image of Aaron was popularly used in other bibli c al editions, but here, there may be spec i fic references to Philip. 161 First, the priest is typically shown with hands up, or holding a censor, but this engraving is associated compositionally with the Pietas regias frontispiece (Fig. 3 2) When viewed side by side the figures mirror e ach other almost identically ( Fig. 3 41a) Designed as c ompositional quotation marks and pendants, they are also situated toward the very front and very back of the eight volumes. Like Pietas Aaron is set in a barren land scape with a flaming altar to his left. Both figures stand with symbols of sacrifice: shofars, kindling material and cutting tools. To ward the top of each tree hang the draped s kin of two rams. While the roof of the Tabernacle was m he composition of these skins is remarkably like contemporary representations of the Golden Philip promoted himself as priest/king, and this figure of Aaron is remarkably similar to a possible crypto portrait of Philip as St. Jerome with St. Augustine, painted by Alonso Sanchez Coello in 1580 (Basilica, Escorial). The figures are compositionally related, standing in a similar posture, and share the same facial features arguably those of Philip. The Jerome figure reads from a holy book propped on a n altar. I t is rare to find a painted subject that includes both 161 See illustration of Aaron, Biblia Sacra (Paris: Robert Estienne, 1540).
148 Jerome and Augustine. 162 Furthermore, Jerome is typically s hown translating, not reading, holy scripture, as he is here. The figure of Augustine, remarkably, holds a small model of the Escorial. s chrononicler piety, and preference to live as a friar among friars at the Escorial monastery. 163 As New Testament priest mercy not sacrifice . that is conversion and peaceful unity, by word rather than by the sword. Fig. 3 42 (vol. VIII, p. 3). Pieter Huys(?) after Peter Laickstein, Antiquae Jerusalem map, engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. was designed after a map by Peter Laickstein of 1566 which was reproduced in many e ditions. 164 one significant ch Laickstein depicted replaces it with the Temple plan as seen in 165 As King of Jerusalem, it is tempting to imagine that this This composition is alm ost identica l in every detail to Philip, titled Spanische Stdte 166 Philip chose a rugged, mountainous region just outside Madrid as the site of the Escorial just outside Madrid. The austere towered edifice set axially upon a stone, gridded plaza, and is situated in a level valley surrounded by low mountains. While 162 Kubler, Appendix 1. 163 Ibid., 13. 164 Shalev, Sacred Words 43. 165 Ibid., 47. 166 See Kubler, map no. 8 in appendix.
149 topographical plans are almost identical. 167 Samuel Edgerton s and cardinal orientation as a cosmological symbol; he explains the relationship between the His description is succinct and valid ates the argument put forth in this research : The most egregious microcosmic example of Renaissanc e astrobiology was the Escorial (with) the same threefold arrangement as in the temple of Solomon The whole vast complex sat upon a g rand gridded plaza (and Philip ) believed absolutely that it was his divine mission to extend the Christine empire to the farthest corners of the earth. Charles (had adopted the) em b lem of the Pillars of Hercules, but (Philip) dropped the word non as urgi (westward) beyond One may well imagine him meditating upon this challenge in h is great (library) fil led with ( editions ) of Ptolemy. In an age (so) conscious of visual metaphor, (Philip), as he stood in his vast Escorial plaza, must surely have imagined himself standing at the umbilicus of the world 168 Like an idealized map of Madrid with the Escorial at its center surrounded by the mountainous Castillian land is the visual The regions outside the walls are marked by three crosses on Calvary hill juxtaposed with the dead Judas hanging from a dead tree ( Fig. 3 42a). M l Rey, Madrid, mography and history of empire to th e present. T looks backward and into the future. It is both the prototype and 167 Kubler 42. 168 Edgerton, 48 49.
150 the capital of a peaceful, wel l administered dominion tha t is homogenous, fiercely orthodox Catholic and above all, Spanish.
151 Fig ure 3 1 Vol. I, folio 3 recto Pieter van der Heyden after Crijspijn van den Broeck (?), Pietatis Concordiae main titlepage Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey A) Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, titlepage, Alcal Polyglot 1517 1522. Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. FC211.51. B) De tail, Pietatis Concordiae
154 Figure 3 2. V ol. I, folio s 3 verso and 4 recto Pieter van der Heyden after Crijspijn van den Broeck (?), Pietas Regia (left) and The Pentateuchal Covenants (right) dedicatory f rontispiece opening Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) engraving, folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey A) Detail, Pietas Regia B) Detail, The Pentateuchal Covenants
157 Figu re 3 3. Vol. I, folio 5 recto BENEDICTI ARI MONTANI HISPALENSIS IN SACRORUM BIBLIORUM QUADRILINGUIUM REGIAM EDITIONEM, De divin scriptur dignitate, linguarum usu & Catholici Regis consilio, P RFATIO, p reface with stamped historiated initial I, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
158 Figure 3 4. V ol. I, folios 23 verso and 24 recto PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA REX HISPANIARUM, UTRIUSQUE SICILAE, HIERUSALEM, &c. Fideli nobis dilecto Christophoro Pl antino Typographo Antuerpiensi l etter with stamped historiated initial F (left) and PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA REX HISPANIARUM, UTRIUSQUE SICILAE, HIERUSALEM, &c. Venerabilibus devotis nobis dilecti s Rectori, Decanis, ac Doctoribus filiae no str Universitatis Louaniensis l etter with stamped historiated initial V (right), Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library Princeton, New Jersey A) Detail, letter F. B) Detail, letter V.
161 Figur e 3 5 Vol. I, folio 26 recto PHILIPPUS DEI GRATIA REX HISPANIARUM, UTRIUSQUE SICILIAE, HIERUSALEM, & c. Fideli nobis dilecto Christophoro Plantino Typographo Antuerpiensi, with stamped historiated initial F, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Je rsey A) Detail, initial F.
163 Figure 3 6 Vol. I, folio 28 recto PHILIPPO II. REGI CATHOLICO, ET MONARCHAE POTENTISSIMO, SACROSANCTAEQUE & DIVINITUS ACCEPTAE RELIGIONIS PROPUGNATORI ACERRIMO, PERPETUAM FELICITATEM, with stamped historiated initial V, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton.
164 Figure 3 7 V ol. I, foli o 30 verso LIEUTENANT, GOVUERNEUR, & CAPITAINE GENERAL, with stamped historiated initial T, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
165 Figur e 3 8 Vol. I, folio 36 recto ALIARUM LITERARUM A PONTIFICE AD REGEM CATHOL. POST DISCESSUM ARIAE MONTANI EX URBE EXEMPLUM, with stamped initial C, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572 ) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
166 Figure 3 9 V ol. I, folio 36 verso and 37 recto CAESAREUM PRIVI LEGIUM, with stamped initial M, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
167 Figure 3 10. Vol. I, folio 42 recto CAROLI IX. GALLIAE REGIS PRIVILEGII EXEMP LUM, with stamped initial C, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey A) Vol. I, f olio 42 verso and 43 recto CENSURA, ET APPROBATIO THEOLOGORUM PARISIENSIUM (left) and VENETI PRIVILEGII EXEMPLUM (right), type with stamped calligraphic monogram, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
169 Figure 3 11 V ol. I, folio 4 3 verso and 44 recto PHI LIPPI II. HISPAN. REGIS EX CONSILIO BRABANTIAE PRIVILEGII EXEMPLUM (left) and DOCTORUM VIROR UM CARMINA ENCOMIASTICA (right), type with stamped initial P, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
170 Figure 3 12. V ol. I, foli o 49 verso and 50 recto ORDO LIBRORUM VETERIS TESTAMENTI (left) and SACRI APPARATUS PARTIUM SERIES COMPACTORIBUS OBSERVANDA (right) Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
171 Figure 3 13. Vol. I, p. 1 QUINQUE LIBRI MOYSE, Hebrew, Greek and Latin type within woodcut frame, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
172 Figure 3 14 Vol. I, pp. 2 3 Genesis 1:1 20, Hebrew, Latin, italicized Latin, and Gre ek type with fo ur large stamp initials, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey A) Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, Genesis 1:1, Alcal Polyglot 1517 1522. Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. FC211.51. B) Francisco Xi menes de Cisneros, Genesis 25:1 Alcal Polyglot, 1517 1522. Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. FC211.51. C) Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, Job 27:1 Alcal Polyglot, 1517 1522. Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. FC211.51.
176 Figure 3 1 5. Vol. I, pp. 182 183 Genesis 50:23 26, Hebrew, Latin, italicized Latin, and Greek type with monogram stamps and signature, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
177 Figure 3 16. Vol. II, folio 3 recto Jan Wierix after Crijspijn van den Broeck (?), The Israelites Crossing the River Jordan with the Ark of the Covenant frontispiece, engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy o f Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
178 Figure 3 17. Vol. II, p. 1 PROPHETAE PRIORES, Hebrew, Greek and Latin type within woodcut frame, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
179 Figure 3 1 8. Vol. III, p. 1 SANCTI LIBRI, Hebrew, Greek and Latin type within woodcut frame, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
180 Figure 3 19. V ol. III, pp. 108 109 Judith 1:1 11, i t alicized Latin, Greek and Latin text with stamped initials A, E and wrapped text, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572), folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey A) Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros, Judith 1:1, Alcal Polyglot, 1517 1522. Phot o Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. FC211.51. B) Francisco Xi menes de Cisneros, Judith 1:7 3:1, Alcal Polyglot, 1517 1522. Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. FC211.51. C) Vol. III, p. 121, Judith, 7:9 12, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photo Courtesy o f Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey. D) Vol. III, pp. 130 131, JUDITH, 11:1 13 Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572). Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
185 Figure 3 20. V ol. IIII, folio 3 recto Jan Wierix after Pieter van der Borcht (?), Domus Israel frontispiece, engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. A) Vol. IIII, pp. 456 457, Baruch 1:1 Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) B) Vol. IIII, p. 129), Machabees 1:1 Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princet on, New Jersey
188 Figure 3 21. V ol V, folio 3 recto Jan Wierix after Crispijin van den Broeck (?), The Baptism of Christ frontispiece, engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
189 Figure 3 2 2. V ol. V, pp. 2 3 Matth um 1:1 11, Syriac, it alicized Latin, Latin and Greek type with stamped initials L and B Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. A) V ol. V, pp. 144 145, Mark 1:1 11, Syriac, italicized Latin, Latin and Gree k type with stamped initials M, P, I and A Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) B) V ol. V, pp. 216 217, Romans 16:12 17, Syriac, italicized Latin, Latin and Greek, with stamped initial F and arabesque banding Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) C) Vol. V, pp. 516 517 2 PETER 1:1, Syriac, ital banding Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) D) Vol. V, p. 567 PLANTINUS REGIUS PROTOTYPOGRAPHUS Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graec e, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photos Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
194 Figure 3 23. Vol. VI, folio 2 recto L EXICON GRCUM, Latin and Greek type with woodcut emblem, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) V ol. VI, p. 1 and facing folio recto, GRAMMATICA CHALDA with initial C Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) B) V ol. VI, pp. 4 3 VERBORUM ORDINES SUNT OCTO Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
197 Fig ure 3 24. Vol. VI, folio ultima verso THESAURI HEBRAIC LINGU, Latin type with woodcut emblem Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. A) V ol. VI, folio u ltima verso, BENEDICTO ARIAE MONTANO, Latin type with stamped initial Q Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
199 Figure 3 25. Vol. VII, folio 2 recto COMMUNES ET FAMILIARES HEBRAICAE LINGUAE IDIOTISMI, Latin type with woodcut emblem, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
200 Figure 3 26. Vol. VII, folio ultima verso HEBRAICORUM BIBLIORUM, Latin type with emblem stamp, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) V ol. VII, folio ultima verso, Maleachi 3: 10, Hebrew with interlinear Lat in, signature stamp and Arabic monogram stamp Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) B) V ol VII, pp. 153 152), LIBER CHABBACUC 1:1 (left ) and LIBER NACHUM 1:1 (right), Hebrew with interlinear Latin and stamped initials and Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) C) V ol. VII, folio type with stamp initial N Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
20 3 C
204 Figure 3 27 Vol. VIII, pp. 24 25, P HALEG, Latin type with woodcut shekel Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
205 Figure 3 28 Vol. VIII, pp. 2 3 Pieter Huys(?) after Benito Arias Montano Tabula orbis engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) Detail, western hemisphere, Tabula orbis B), detail, eastern hemisphere, Tabula orbis C) V ol. VIII, p. 1, ORBIS TABULA. BEN. ARIA MONTANO. AUCTORE Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photos Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey. D) Girolamo Ruscelli, ORBIS DESCRIPTO, Ptolemy, La Geograph ia (Venice, 1561). Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. Box Case Y642.P894 E) Detail, top center cartouche, Tabula orbis F ) Detail, Spain, Tabula orbis G ) Detail, dedicatory cartouche Tabula orbis H) Vol. VIII, p. 3, BENEDICTI ARIAE M ONTANI, CHOROGRAPHIA LIBER, Latin type with historiated initial F Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
210 E F
213 Figure 3 29 V ol. VII I, pp. 9 10 Pieter Huys(?) after Benito Arias Montano, Tabula terrae Canaan map, engraving Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
214 Figure 3 30. V ol. VIII pp. 14 15 Pieter Huys(?) after Benito Arias Montano, Terrae Israel omnis ante Canaan map, engravin g, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
215 Figure 3 31. Vol. VIII, p. 22 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Arca Noe engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
216 Figure 3 32. Vol. VIII, p. 24 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculum anterius engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey. Figure 3 33. Vol. VIII, p. 26 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculi interiori engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, G raece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) Detail, Tabernaculi interiori Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
218 Figure 3 34. Vol. VIII, p. 28 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculi exteriori engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) Detail, Tabernaculi exteriori Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey. A
219 Figure 3 35 V ol. VI II, p. 30 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Tabernaculi absoluti engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. A) Detail, Tabernaculi absoluti Photo s Courtesy of Schei de Library, Princeton, New J ers e y. B ) ERECTUM TABERNACULUM, Biblia Sebastiano (Basel, 1554) 327 330 Photo Courtesy of The Newberry Library, Chicago. Case folio C23.48554. A
221 Figure 3 3 6 V ol VIII, p. 32 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Candelabri, Altarium, & engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
222 Figure 3 37 Vol. VIII, p. 38 Jan Wierix after Pieter van der Borcht, Castrametationis ordo engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
223 Figure 3 38. Vol. VIII, pp. 36 37 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Templi Jerosolymitani antiqui engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm. Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
224 Figure 3 39. Vol. VIII, p. 39 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Sacrae aedis icnographia engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
225 Figure 3 40 Vol. VIII, p. 41 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artis Templi cum porticu et cellis absoluta orthographia Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm Photo Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
226 Figure 3 41. Vol. VIII, p. 7 Pieter Huys after an anonymous artist, Sacerdotis antique sanctis engraving, Biblia Sacr a Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) Pietas Regia and Sacerdotis Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey
228 Figure 3 42. Vol. VIII, p. 3 Pieter Huys(?) after Peter Laickstein, Antiquae Jerusalem map, engraving, Biblia Sacra Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine (Antwerp: Plantin, 1572) folio 25 x 38 cm A) Detail, Calvary and hanging Judas, Antiquae Jerusalem Photo s Courtesy of Scheide Library, Princeton, New Jersey.
230 CHAPTER 4 THE NEW WORLD INDIAN N OF L ATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY RELIGIOUS CROSSCURRENTS And it shall come to pass in that day, that the Lord shall set his hand the second time to possess the remnant of his people, which shall be left from the Assyrians, and from Egypt, and from Phetros, and from Ethiopia, and from Elam, and from Sen naar, and from Emath, and from the islands of the sea. And he shall set up a standard unto the nations, and shall assemble the fugitives of I srael, and shall gather together the dispersed of Juda from the four quarters of the earth Isaiah 11:11 12 I f flung possessions, then maintaining social order and cultural hegemony was his ultimate c oncern. Th is was no easy task given the religious crosscurrents which purview. These cultural concerns included: T he Protestant rebellion in the Ne therlands; the socio political and reli gious threat posed by the Turks; the heightened orthodoxy and antis emiticism promoted by the Spanish interpretation of the Tridentine council and perhaps most importantly, the lingering questions presented by the existence of previously unknown, unbaptized populations in the Americas. When looking at an up to date world map, the geographically minded Philip would have seen a summary of all these concerns. 1 C urrent Antwerp Polyglot Bible scholarship thus leaves l ingering questions regarding its world map. First, if maps are more commonly associated with the Geneva bible, and if sixteenth century Spanish bible s never included maps, then why does this Spanish bible feature several maps ? Second, is the enigmatic inclusion of a double hemispheric world map significant beyond its Apparatus ? 1 The History of Cartography Vol. 3, Part 1 ed. David Woodward (Chicago and London: The University of Chi cago Press, 2007), 382 400.
231 To address these questions, Shalev suggests that the Polyglot maps are not actually maps in a bible 2 rian hin a unified body of 3 While Melion has shown how Holy Land maps were used for vicarious pilgrimage and as meditational devices su ch a paradigm can not be applied to the Antwerp Po lyglot iven its unwieldy, oversized multi volume massiveness, it is unlikely that t he Polyglot would have been propped open and used in a private medi t ation al setting. T he Polyglot was sponsored in part as a Spanis h Catholic response to the wide circulation of Prote stant vernacular bibles in the sixteenth century northern European book market. This is a broadly accepted theory supported by Mathijs Lamberigts, A. A. den Hollander and others 4 If so, this would imp ly that the world map like the Polyglot itself, might incorporate some ideological agenda. On the origin of the map and its incep tion in the Bible, it has been observed that it was a ation at the tim e, but no one has offer ed a model or exemplum. 5 Montano was not a professional cartographer (although he did practice design. We do know that Montano owned maps and studied geography as part of his formal educat ion, which were standard cultural habits of the time. He spoke fondly of his schoolmaster Vasquez Matamoro who w as an experienced traveller who made careful observations of 2 3 Ibid 4 Mathijs Lamberigts and A. A. den Hollander, eds., Lay Bibles in Europe 1450 1800 ( Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2006). 5
232 6 As editor, Montano would have approved the twenty two engr aved illustrations for the Polyglot and oversaw their production. 7 Of the Polyglot maps the world map i s the most unusual While Holy Land maps were more widely circulated and familiar to sixteenth century audienc es, maps of the New World, its changing outlines and exotic peoples, became a topic of popular fascination. 8 Before the sixteenth century there were several dominant th eoretical models that attempted to explain 9 Along with the traditional tripartite division shown on T O maps and mappaemundi duplicated and inverted in another, antipodean, land. 10 Another theory posited that each of the four corners of the earth had equally sized landmasses, and that knowledge of these regions was 11 In 1507, Rhenish cosmographer Martin Waldseemller (1470 1520) 6 Biblia Sacra Vol. VIII; Shalev, Sacred Words 46. 7 Bowen and Imhof, 89. 8 There is a range of cultural and anthropogical research on this subject; see for example Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chic ago: The University of Chicago Press, 1991); Peter Mason, Infelicities, Representations of the Exotic (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1998); Benjamin Schmidt, Innocence Abroad: The Dutch Imagination and the New World, 1570 1670 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Bernadette Bucher, Icon and Conquest: A Structural Analysis of the Illustrations of de trans. Basia Miller Gulati (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1981), and J. H. Elli ott, The Old World and the New, 1492 1650 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1970). For mapping the Americas, see for example Seymour I. Schwartz, (Amherst: Prometheus Books, 2007); Alfred Hiatt, Terra Incognita: Mapping the Antipodes before 1600 (London: The British Library, 2008), and Seymour I. Schwartz and Ralph E. Ehrenberg, The Mapping of America (Edison: Wellfleet Press, 2001).. 9 s on European Maps and the Construction of Ethnographic Knowledge, 1506 Imago Mundi 61 (2009), no. 1: 126 127; see also Cosmographiae universalis libri Renaissance Studies 25 (2011) no. 3: 351 373. Davies provi des a good summary of the traditional theoretical models associated with the divisions of the earth ; s ee Davies, 352 353. The range of excellent scholarship associated with the history of the evolution of the world map is too copious to enumerate in detail here; Shirley Mapping of the World remains the standard source for an introduction and survey of this cartographic material. 10 Davies, 353. 11 Ibid.
233 the fourth part of the world to his double hemispheric map which was printed in hundreds of copies and widely circulated Sebastian Mnster, author of the best known and most popular sixteenth century editions of the Cosmographia (first published in 1544 ) was markedly discreet islands, part of a not attached to Asia or geographically associated with what he believed to be the tripartite division of the world. 12 This traditional view embraced by Mnster was Ptolemaic in orgi n, and the new world map in his Cosmographia (Basel, 1554) is followed know map of the oikoumene Like many cosmographers and cartographers of his day, Mnster 13 Mnster Cos mographia like most early modern cosmographies, is a work of descriptive geography, combining creat ion narratives with a natural history of the earth, together with mat hematical and scientific theorems physical geography, ethnography Like other learned men of his day Mnster believed the three pars of the world we re populated by the sons of Noah after the flood, as described in Genesis. Surekha Davies explains the case in cosmographical and geographical works in this period, no mention (by Mnster ) is rica fit 14 In ot her words, Mnster does not explain how Amerindians arrived on the island of America. Mnster describes indig enous Americans as ferocious cannibals as contrasted with the civilized people of Europe. 12 Davies, 353. 13 Ibid., 353 354. 14 Ibid., 353.
234 Such ethnographic constructions of Amerindians were based on Arist ot lian and late medieval treatises describing uncivilized, far away peoples as either savage or mo nstrous 15 The contemporary reader was to conclude from Mnster that Amerindians were less than human, and insignificant given their monstrous nature and non inclusion in Genesis. As Davies points out, Mnster would have been familiar with the widely circulated letters, journals and eye witness accounts of the conquest of Mexico and Peru ; yet he does not describe the cities of Tenochititl n and Cuzco nor their populations, whose advanced architecture and exoti c cultural habits had fascinated Europeans from the early sixteenth century. Mnster was a theologian, philosopher mathematician, Hebraist and astronomer It is inconceivable that his description of the Amerindians was the result of either ignorance or insouciance. The explanation, as Davies argues, is in the dedication of his Cosmographia to Emperor Charles V interest in the Moluccas and the spice island trade By sailing west the Spanish could engage in trade without breaking the with Asia, emphasizes the Spice Islands while limiting the geographical significance of America. 16 In his section on America, Mnster de emphasizes the Spanish conquests of Mexico and P eru (and its indigenous cultures) while emphasizing a model devoted to the earlier histories of the Iberian voyages of discovery. 17 Mnster political aims associated with trade routes to the Spice Islands orts the 15 Davies, 126. 16 Ibid. 357 For the ways in which the Spanish Portuguese geopolitical led to bad colonial Indian maps, see Neil The Imperial Map, Cartography an d the Mastery of Empire ed. James R. Akerman (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2009), 133 184. 17 Davies, 356.
235 political agenda of its sponsor Philip II. T he Antwerp Polyglot is encyclopedic in nature, including he earth in four pars together with an erudite and comprehensive exposition of sacred scripture, which was the primary source of cosmographic information for Christian scholars. The subject of the Antwerp hemispheric world map is the He brew settlements in the New World, and c ontemporary audiences would have made a connection between these ancient Hebrew settlements and the indigenous peoples populating the Americas. A s suggested by Isas Lerner, the origin of the New World Indians is an important theme in the Antwerp Polyglot but he does not make a connection to the foundational scheme supported by Philip, that Spain was settled by ancient Hebrews 18 Interestingly, Montano sited ancient Hebrew settlements in the New World (numbers 19, 21 and 22 ) only in locations under con temporary Spanish control Philip believed he was divinely destined to hold dominion over the New World and its indigenous peoples, and it was imperative that these populations embraced the true faith. The Spanish king described himself as the lone defender of the faith in the Christian world, and he promoted a parallel between his global empire and the universal Church. To this end, cartographically up to date material which reflected the four part division of the wo rld and was essential. The Viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru are delimited to the west by the Pacific Ocean, a geographic region which was less well known c. 1570 than the Atlantic side Ruscelli's map, which offers a good understanding of the size of the 18 Biblia Regia an Early American Borderlands Conference Atlantic Augustine, May 2010. See de Indios: los orgenes de los pueblos del continente americano y la Biblia Polglota de Amberes (1568 Colonial Latin American Review 19 (2010): no. 2, 231 245
236 the New World. also served to validate his esoter ic treatises have been validated by contemporary scientific observation. As indicated on the world map, n ote that Portugal was settled by the Hebrew tribe of Tubal, while (which means Spain in Hebrew) that is, Spain was settled in ancient times by Sephardic Hebrews who could 19 the three families associated with the New World are: Ophir, Jobab and Sephermos, sons of Shem numbered on the key 19, 2 1 and 22. Only South America and the southwest region of North America are linked to Hebrew settlements. gold, is in the region of southern California, a region which some mapmakers associated with Mexico. Observe that the west coast of the North American continent is linked to Asia; this facilitated the land migration from the eastern hemisphere to the wes t. With the discovery of the New World it was imperative that European Christians explain the existence of a new people on this seemingly isolated land human rac e to dwell on the entire surface of the earth, and he fixed the ordered seasons and the boundaries of their regions, so that people might seek God . ts 17) In the dedicatory inscription on the upper dedicated to King Philip the Catholic. Concerning Ophir, Montano wrote: and to the two regions of these lands separated by a long isthmus between; and t hese retained intact the name Ophir up to the times of Solomon and even afterward; but the name was shortly afterward reversed, and assigned to both portions of this region on their own; and so each part was called Pervaim or 19 As Nina Caputo has pointed out, this would have, theoretically, put Philip II in the embarrassing position of
237 Parvaim, using the pronunciati on of the dual number. 20 postulated by Montano, via a land bridge between Asia a nd America, called the Straits of Anian. 21 Significantly, the land of Ophir was the considered by some the legendary land of gold 22 Shalev states Peru theory not only asserted that the Hebrews knew the w orld in its entirety, it also proved Philip and his Escorial to 23 This observation cries out for explanation, but o n Phil ip, Solomon and the Escorial, Shalev does not elaborate. Ortelius, a friend of Montan Peru theory. Twenty one and twenty two on key indicate Jobab and Sephermos, respectively. According to Montano, the family of Jobab settled near the mouth of the Amazon, and that of Sephermos, in the interior of Brazil. In the mid sixteenth century, New World observers such as Diego Durn (1537 1588) argued that the Amerindians were of Hebrew origin, possibly descended from Noah or the lost tribes of Israel. 24 Franciscan missionaries including Andrs de Olmas (1485 1571) observed that the natives of Mexico and the Yucatn had sacrificial rites and cultural customs similar to those of the ancient Hebrew s. These ethnographic observations intrigued European scholars of the 20 Biblia Sacra Vol. VIII; see also Romm, 37 21 Romm, 37. 22 29; Romm argues that the personal name and the toponym are not necessarily related. 23 Sacred Geography 24 Fray Diego Durn, History of the Indies of New Spain ed. Doris Heyden (Norman and Londo n: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 3. For a near Lynn Glaser, Indians or Jews? To a Reprint of Manasseh Ben Israel, The Hope of Israel (Gilroy: Roy V. Boswell, 1973).
238 time. For Durn proof that the Aztecs were descended f rom ancient Hebrews lay in the simila rity they portray great periods of hunger, thirst, and nakedness, 25 Obs erving first hand the Aztecs in Mexico in 1581, found in the Holy Scriptures, I cannot help but believe that these Indians are the children of 26 Durn gives his proof : I wish to mention the rites, idolatries, and superstitions these people had. They made sacrifices in the mountains, and under trees, in dark and gloomy caves, and in the caverns of the earth. They burned incense, killed their sons and daughters, sacrificed them, and offered them as victims to their gods. They sacrificed children, ate human flesh, killed prisoners and captives of war. All of these were also Hebrew rites practiced by those ten tribes of Israel, and all were carried out with the greatest ceremony and superstit ions one can imagine. What most forces me to believe that these Indians are of Hebrew descent is their strange insistence in clinging to their idolatries and superstitions, for they pay them much heed, just as their ancestors did. As David states, in Psa lm 106, when the people were afflicted by God, they pleaded that He forgive them in His Mercy; but then they forgot and they sacrificed their sons and daughters unto devils. And shed innocent 27 Durn was an Indianist sensitive to Aztec culture and fluent in the Nahuatl language, but he Deit 28 In the conclusion of his Historia Durn wrote t hat the Aztecs did ultimately embrace the true faith took to it with love and willingness. After the Christian fathers had p reached to them, they 25 From Durn, 5. 26 Ibid., 10. 27 Ibid. 28 Durn 562.
239 29 Durn rejoiced in Aztec conversion as freedom from their and his contempary Bernardino de Sahag n (c.1499 1590) likewise sought their conversion. Sahagn also saw the link between the Aztecs and ancient Hebrews, and likened the fate of the Mexican I ndios to the Old Testament Jews He wrote : I shall have a people come against you I shall bring them down upon you from afar, a strong people and fierce, an ancient people skilled in war, a people whose tongue you shall not comprehend, nor shall you have ever heard the manner of their speech; in all, a strong and spirited people, lusting for the slau ghter. This people shall destroy you, your wives and children, and all that you possess, and they shall destroy all your towns and (buildings). This has happened to the letter to these Indians at the hands of the Spaniards; such was their ruin and destru ction and of all they possessed, that nothing is left of what they once were. 30 Sahagn was sympathetic to the destruction of Aztec culture, and Durn wrote that the history of 31 known map to use detailed cartography as a means of investigating historical anthropology. 32 While Romm see the significance of the mountain does include other physic al features, namely, rivers and coastal outlines. Some theologians had argued that the mountains scar r ed the earth as a reminder of sin, but Montano described mountains as topographically advantageous for the Israelite settlements, as it extended th e acre age of an area vertically; mountains he argued, also provide shade and help to regulate temperatures. While maps of this period typically include legend markers representing 29 Durn 562 30 Sahagn quoted in Miguel Len Portilla, Bernardino de Sahagn, First Anthropologist trans. Mauricio J. Mixco ( Norman : University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), 41. 31 Durn, 20. 32 James Romm, 37. A land bridge linking Asia and the Americas was not always used in maps produced around and after 1572; see for example Ortelius, 1570 and Cornelius Speculum Orbis Terre ( Antwerp, 1593 )
240 settlements, the orbis terrae d of its cities by the Biblical flood. The terrain on both sides of the Atlantic is almost identical in its descriptive elements. With this visual paradigm the newly discovered continents are thus incorporated into the Old World salvific plan. Indeed, a distinguishing characteristic of the Polyglot world map (as a repository of biblical information) is that it is free of cartographic markers that is, place names, signs and settlements. imperativ e of colonialization 33 It was imperative cartographically in an empty space. Indeed begins with a n empty virginal land, and differs from his contemporaries who argued that the Amerindians were descendants of the Lost Tribes, not the earlier sons of Noa h. T he Lost Tribes of the biblical narrative w ere ten tribes of the origina l twelve tribes who formed the Kingdom of Israel to the north of Judah. When this northern ki ngdom was conquered by the Assyrians c a 721 BCE, the tribes were dissipated and lost. In the apocryphal Second Book of Esdras found in the Vulgate, the author writes: T King Hos the river, and they were taken into another land. But they formed this plan for themselves: that they would leave the multitude of the nations and go to an even more distant region [2 Esd ras 13:40 41]. Significantly, the Pars Orbis can be associated with the period after the flood, n ot the much later Exodus. The Lost T ribes are delineated in the Hebrew book of Numbers which refers to the censuses taken of the Israelites 33 John Rennie Short, Cartographic Encounters: Indigenous Peoples and the Exploration of the New World (London: Reaktion, 2009), 18.
241 d uring the Exodus. Protestant bible makers popularly used maps associated with Exodus. 34 For the m, the Reformed Church was the n ew Jerusalem, freed fro m the bondage of sin. Contrarily, Montano emphasizes a time in Hebrew history hundred s of years earlier, before the period of slavery in Egypt. The Montano world map presents a topographically virginal period, free of settlements. Rather than looking t oward the promised land of Canaan, the Montano map looks back to the new prelapsarian period an earth after the flood free of sin and corruption. In this regar is distinctly Catholic, not Protestant. It also ties the purfying effects of the deluge to the sacramental cleansing of baptism an important theme in the Polyglot. The first known map in a bible was included in a 1525 Lutheran translation of the Old Testament, by the Reformed printer Christoph er Froschauer of Zrich. 35 The subject of the map is the Exodus, a popular theme among Reformers as the movement from 36 Hebrew scripture, with its focus on migration an d settlement, lends itself naturally to cartographic concerns, and the Paul narrative of the Christian bible, like its Hebrew forebears, reads like a travelogue. In the eyes of om Sp ain, Portugal and elsewhere was justified by their providential and consummate movement as highlighted in scripture. in preserving orthodoxy among conversos of Europe can likewise be associated with his desire to promote and preserve the true 34 Delano Smith and Ingram, XXIII. 35 The map is a reduced copy after Luca s Cranach; see Delano Smith and Ingram, 25 37. 36 Smith and Ingram, XXIV; maps of Canaan also became a popular Old Testament illustration in Bibles; see ibid. 53 70.
242 faith in the New World 37 For Christian Europ was a valid cultural phenomenon they would have associated with contemporary Jews By 1570 many European centers had expelled their Jewish com muniti es, and most Spaniards had never met or seen a professed Jew. in most printed texts 38 commonly same. T here was a general understanding among sixteenth century learned Europeans that the Amerindians were descen ded from the ancient Hebrews, and these ideas were coor borated by accounts given by New World observers It was witnessed, for example, that penile auto sacrifice was not unlike the Jewis h rite of circumcision. It was also noted that the Aztecs blew shell horns as part of the temple sac rifice, just as the ancient Hebrews used shofars 39 While the theory was widely accepted, the details of Hebrew migration to the New World r 40 Th is was a pressing issue that Montano may have attempted to resolve, and then visualize, on the world map. Without it, 37 Fo r more on early modern Spanish conversos and what Norman Roth describes as the converso Norman Roth, Conversos, Inquisition, and the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain (Madison and London: University Spectral Jew 163 207. 38 See Judith Laikin Elkin, Imagining Idolatry: Missionaries, Indians and Jews (Provide nce: John Carter Brown Library, 1992). 39 Jaime Lara, City, Temple, Stage: Eschatological Architecture and Liturgical Theatrics in New Spain (South Bend: Notre Dame, 2004), 68 69. 40 Romm, 34.
243 the whole of the Judeo Christian salvation narrative and by association, the Spanish Crown an d its policies would collapse Notions of empire are seen throughout the Antwerp Polyglot Bible, and the world map is Plan tin explains the image of Pietas Regia (Fig. 3 2) for example, Arias Montano in 41 Philip unites the nations in aptism was an imperial necessity, particularly for the Jews, whose ances tors, according to Philip, settled Iberia in ancient times. The New World natives, as reflected on rather than savages and thus required baptism rather than extinction. There was a theological controversy at the time over the value of evangelizing Indians. If they were less than human, they had no hope of salvat ion and should be exterminated. In this cultural context baptism took on a new significance. New World accounts reported that millions of Mexicans had received the sacrament by 1550. The Baptism of Christ (Fig. 3 21) frontispiece of the New T estament in volume five marks the p hysical center of the eight volumes literally the bridge between Old and New Testaments. Under different circumstances the Baptism of Christ would have been an unusual choice as a visual summary of the Christian salvati on narrative. In the context of the Polyglot, the choice of subject is ideal. supported great antiquity by its close association with ancient Judaism. For Philip, defender of the faith and King of Jerusale m baptism also presented the link between Jew and Christian, the Ol d Testament and the New. The link between Old World Hebrew and New World Native was also pol itically expedient. New Spain and Peru, as s 41 Bowen and Imhof, 89.
244 rather than aeque s principali te rs were intended to mirror the administrative structure and social composition of Spain. As a dominion of c onverts, the baptized Hebrew Indian ideally served this purpose Christopher Columbus (1451 1506) embraced and promoted the biblical significance of his Atlantic crossing that the Old Testament prophets foretold his voyage of discovery. 42 T o Columbus, the New World was best understood within the context of scripture, and the historical scheme of a Divine Providence that h ad determined the fate of humankind from the moment of 43 From th e point of view of the Spanish c rown, the Americas were a new Eden, and the Indians were biblical children of God a family of Hebrews who, like the Jews of Europe, were central called to conversion. Philip, King of Jerusalem, saw himself as the largest threats, the Ottoman Turks and the Protestant Reformers. His goal was to utilize cent ered in Madrid, the new Jerusalem, as a means to unite and maintain his leggy, rebellious web of dominions Maps, as potentially sophisticated visual repositories of geopolitical and religious truth, served the king to achieve this end. Philip was indeed the premiere European patron of cartographers 44 The great irony of course, is that during this period o f unprecedented antis em itism in Spain, Philip used ancient Judaism as a means of uniting his confessionally troubled double hemispheric Christian empire. In this context the Indian is best defined by its religious crosscurrents. 42 Libro de las profecia s reprinted in Romm, 33. 43 Romm, 33. 44 Ibid.
245 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION: L EGACY AND SHIFTING E NGAGEMENT/ DECONSTRUCTING THE POLYGLOT I am sending a letter to Zayas to be forwarded to you, but I foresee that the difficulties of the general situation may prevent the b undles arriving quickly. Indeed I notice that this year several are missing I hardly dare continue sending bundles of books to Zayas, because I know that this year several sent to you at his address are missing. Likewise I fear that sometimes they are hel d back by those to whom they have been given for dispatch. Christopher Plantin 1 If the Polyglot late sixteenth century religious and the Polyglot collaborators served as a microcosm of that universe. Philip attempted to use cartographic language in order to define and effectively administrate his global empire which comprised a confessionally diverse population roach is open to scholarly debate and the Po Len de Castro, a staunch rigorist, launched a vicious campaign a gainst Montano and the Polyglot Bible His goal was to have the Inquistor courts ban the Polyglot The matter was ultimately presented to Rome, and in 1576 the Congregatio Concilii concluded that had the bible not already gone to press, they would have c ondemned it without hesitation. 2 Montano was criticized for collaborating with rabbis on matters of Hebrew scripture, a nd indeed, view of bible scholarship (tended to) favor rabbinical ideas above those of the Christian Church 3 Phil ip responded to the complaints against the Polyglot in a letter to the Duke of 1 Plantin to Montano in a letter dated November 27, 1587, Correspondance de Plantin eds. Max Rooses and J. Manuel Denuc (Antwerp, 1883 1914), VIII, no. 1328; Rekers, 153. 2 Rekers, 60 61. 3 Van der Heide, 90.
246 4 After being called to Rome to defend the Polyglot, Montano sent a report to Philip in which he complained that his det ractors were generally ignorant; th ought the Talmud was a man; 5 Gregory XIII refer r ed the matter to the Spanish Inquisition, and the case was given to the Jesuit Juan de concluded that Montano quoted too freely from Jewish co mmentaries; should not have permitted 6 In gener al, Montano was criticized for devi ating t oo much from the Complutensian relying too heavily on the authority of rabbis and heretics and not showing enough respect for the Vulgate. 7 ultimately banned for a short time, and Apparatus was exclu ded from the Catholic privilege in 1576. Deemed unorthodox the Apparatus was in some cases separated volumes Raphele g i us a Calvanist convert, published the Apparatus in 1593 as a separate work, the Antiquitatum Judaicarum libri IX which he construed as an exegeti cal e x ercise in biblical literalism. 8 With this shifting reviewership, the Apparatus came to be seen as a kind of appendix to the Polyglot a separate, appended work. The Polyglot edit ion in the Harry Ransom Center 4 Letter dated March 17, 1572; Carvajal, no. 40; Rekers, 56. 5 Letter dated December 18, 1572; Coleccin de documentos inditos para la historia de Espaa Vol. 41 (Madrid, 1842 1895), 272. 6 Mariana to the Tribunal of the Inquisition in a letter dated Au gust 16, 1577, in Georgius Cirot, Mariana historien (Paris, 1905), 399; Rekers, 62 63. 7 Ibid., 93. 8 Leyden: Raphelengius, 1593.
247 ( University of Texas at Austin ) for example, is a conflation of volumes one through five from one original copy of the Polyglot combined with volumes six through eight from another. 9 Such mix and match groupings occurred ov er time as the Apparatus was variously removed, then reunited with, Polyglot editions. Apparatus has sometimes been treated as It should not be seen as copia scholia or as an appendix to the Biblia sacra Montano emphasized the impo rtance of the Polyglot in pros elytizing living audiences, and the Apparatus dictionaries were necessary, Montano argued, in order to read the original languages. Sixteenth but feared multiple new translations. 10 There were political forces in play, as we have seen, that By 1576 Montano 9 In editions of the Polyglot currently he ld by the Pitts the world map has been entirely removed. The Orbis Tabula is indicated in the table of contents in volume I ( Sacri Apparatus Partium Series Compactiribus ) but is not present in the edition. These pres umably expunged world maps are seen elsewhere in framed map collections. Such was the case in a 2010 map exhibit at the Princeton University Firestone Library: Envisioning the World, the First Printed Maps, 1472 1700 Here, a framed original copy of Mon period its original context completely lost. The Pitts has also been rebound, with major sections and illustrations repositioned out of order. The Baptism of Christ for example, is now the frontisp iece of volume eight; its meaning in this location is profoundly altered. The Pitts edition also has copious marginal handwritten gloss in the prefaces ber of the Zwinger family, possibly the encyclopedist Theodor Zwinger (1533 1588). His name is inscribed in the inside cover of volume one. This edition has hand colored illustrations, but the polychrome is not consistently applied to all the illustratio ns, which were hand dipped and accented in gold and silver, perhaps to mimic Carolingian medical doctor who was well known for his hand colored bot anical woodcuts. The pages of the Pitts edition may have been removed in order to be dipped and colored, which may account for its disordered rebinding. The world map could have been removed at that time, but it is difficult to know with certainty. The Zwingers were members of would have had no qualms about reordering the illustrations. The Apparatus maps and illustrations have appeared i n other contexts as well. They are presented in fresco on the walls of the San Giovanni Monastery library, Parma. While further research is needed, it is important to note in a cursory way the strong political ties between the Spanish Netherlands and Par ma in the sixteenth century. Margaret, Duchess of Parma (1522 9 of Parma, fought the Protestant rebels in the Netherlands and bec ame Governor General in 1586 10 Rekers, 65.
248 yearned for a return to his quiet life as an academic away fo r the royal court and politics He wrote to his friend Ortelius that he missed his learned friends in Belgium, but longed for the 11 Yet h e remained a favorite of the king and was called back to the Escorial to ser court librarian T he study of Hebrew was ultimately encouraged by the crown, and a college for biblical scholarship was founded at the Escorial in the late sixteenth century 12 Montano praised the Polyglot for the great glory and fame it would bring to the Spanish visual program, staged across all eight volumes and intended to be v iewed in relation to one another function Catholic Spanish orthodoxy In facilitat ing the constructi on of a Hebrew patrimony from Spain, academic rigour and Hebraism comple mented the political ambitions of his sovereign. But this was a delicate and complex balance of interests during a culturally challenged and geopolitical ly com plex period in history. A fter the deaths of its editor, patron and printer, t altered reception was associated with its new audiences I n c ases where the unorthodox Apparatus was removed the P olyglot existed simply as a multi language Biblia sacra in fi ve volumes. Such an abstracted edition may have been owned by the seventeenth century scholar Sor Juana Ins de la Cruz The Polyglot i s shown in a portrait 11 Letter dated February 28, 1576: Vix credi potest, mi Orteli, quam arctis charitatis vinculis tibi tuique similibus devinctus sim, quibus eo gravius premor quo longius a vobis absum, et quantum video ipsa tempo ris diturnitate et nodos angustiores fieri et me dolori ferendo minus fortem reddi sentio Nam quamquam hic inter amicos esse possim et viros doctos et mei studiosos, quibus me plurimum debere fateor, tamen necio profecto quonam pacto quod vobis carea m omni vitae suavitate privatus mihi esse videar Huius rei causa nihil aliud quam privatam vitam et ab omni externo netotio alienam cupio et opto et curo atque omnis in hoc sum ideoque quantum possum contendo liberari ab officiis auclicis ut si id im petrare possim quam primum me vobis hoc est mihi reddam. Ideoque hactenus meum in Hispania miter quamquam saepius vocatus distuli Hoc meum consilium tibi com missum non multis aperies etiam ex nostratibus Belgis, Hispanorum autem nulli, ne magis etia m impediatur. Habeo namque interturbatores et experior praecipue Hispano amicos et cogantos ac propinquos qui me apud se esse percupiunt et ne mihi copia meorum votorum ulla fiat, apud regem intercedunt pertinacissime. Epistulae Oretlianae ed. J. H. Hess els (Cambridge, 1887). 12 Further research is required to determine the nature of Hebrew studies offered at the Escorial; Rekers, 66.
249 of the nun (Miguel Cabrera, 1750, Museo Nacional Mexico City) with her classical library as the set ting. T Biblia de Montano is shown on the Biblia Montana but only in five volumes. 13 As Rogelio R uiz Gomar has pointed out, the Polyglot was one of the books that it is difficult to know with any certainty if Sor Juanita actually owned it. 14 What is significant would have been commonly known in e ighteenth century Spanish Catholic American collections as an abstracted five volume work A s a reflection of late sixteenth century religious crosscurrents, the Biblia regia entered history and thus stoo d Indian between space, between time, and 13 Rekers, 54. 14 Rogelio Ruiz Gomar, Painting a New World: Mexican Art and Life, 1521 1821 exhib. cat. Denver Art Museum ( Denver: Denver University Press, 2004), 210.
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264 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Pamela Mer rill Brekka received her BA in h ist ory from the Uni versity of Tampa and her MA in art h istory from Rutgers University, New Brunswick where she was advised by Mari t Westermann She has completed internships at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York and the Thomas J. Walsh Art Gallery, Fairfield Univ ersity. Ms. Brekka has taught a rt h isto ry as the instructor of record at The University of Tampa, University of South Florida and University of Flo lar, University of Florida. Ms. Brekka has received special training in infrared reflectography under the guidance of Molly Faries in a workshop hosted by the Princeton University Art Museum She has completed London Rare Book S the history of maps and mapping taught by Catherine Delano Smith Ms. Brekka also has a certificate in arts a dministration from New York University. Her research interests include early Neth erlandish art; Dutch art; the history of Jewish art; Renaissance maps, and the Jewish construct in early modern Europe. Ms. Brekka is the proud mother of two amazing child ren and lives full time in Florida