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1 ROMANTICISM, ORIE NTALISM, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY: GERMAN LITERARY FAIRY TALES, 1795 1848 By CLAUDIA MAREIKE KATRIN SCHWABE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012
2 2012 Claudia Mareike Katrin Schwabe
3 To my beloved parents Dr. Roman and Cornelia Schwabe
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my superv isory committee chair, Dr. Barbara Mennel who supported this project with great encouragement, enthusiasm, guidance, solidarity, and outstanding academic scholarship. I am particularly grateful for her dedication and tireless efforts in edi ting my chapters during the various phase s of this dissertation. I could not have asked for a better more genu ine mentor. I also want to express my gratitude to the other committee members, Dr. Will Hasty, Dr. Franz Futterknecht, and Dr. John Cech for their thoughtful comments and suggestions, invaluable feedback, and for offering me new perspectives. Furthermore I would like to acknowled ge the abundant support and inspiration of my friends and colleagues Anna Rutz Tim Fangmeyer, and Dr. Keith Bullivant My heart felt gratitude goes to my family particularly my parents, Dr. Roman and Cornelia Schwabe as well as to my brother Marius and his wife Marina Schwabe. Many thanks also to my dear f riends for all their love and their emotional supp ort throughout the years: Silke Noll, Alice Mantey, Lea Hllen, and Tina Dolge. In addition, Paul and Deborah Watfo rd deserve special mentioning who so graciously and welcomingly invit ed me into their home and family Final thanks go to Stephen Geist and his parents who belie ved in me from the very start.
5 TABLE OF CON TENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 6 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 9 2 ROMANTIC NOSTALGIA: LONGING FOR THE FAIRY TALE MORGENLAND ........ 31 3 BETWEEN BIEDERMEIER AND EXOTICISM: FANTASMATIC ESCAPES TO THE INTOXICATING WORLD OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS ................................ ......... 69 4 THE PLACE OF THE ORIENT IN THE QUEST FOR GERMAN NATIONAL IDENTITY ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 113 5 WOMEN IN KUNSTMRCHEN UNVEILED: COLONIAL AND EROTIC FANTASIES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 154 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 201 APPENDIX: EUROPEAN REPRESENTATIONS OF ORIENTAL WOMEN ......................... 206 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 208 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 219
6 LIST OF FIGURES Fig ure page A 1 The Grand Odalisque ( 1814) painted by Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres. .................... 206 A 2 Odalisque and Slave (1842) painted by Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres ...................... 206 A 3 Harem (1851) painted by Thodore Chassriau. ................................ ............................. 207 A 4 The Toilette of Esther (1841) painted by Thodore Chassriau. ................................ ..... 207
7 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ROMANTICISM, ORIENTALISM, AND NATIONAL IDENTITY: GERMAN LITERARY FAIRY TALES, 1795 1848 By Claudia Mareike Katrin Schwabe May 2012 Chair: Barbara Mennel Major: German My dissertation explores the relationship between Orientalism, German Romanticism, and national identity by examining German Kunstmrchen (literary fairy tales). In my study, I claim that literary fairy tales idealize the ancient Orient and reflect the Morgenland (morning land) as an exotic realm, in which the harmony between nature and spirit has been preserved and as a utopian fantasy world that is the home of poetry wisdom, and mystery. In this context, I question historical g eneralizations regarding Orientalism as a Western form of domination over the East. Specifically, I use German Kunstmrchen of the Romantic period to criticize literary w orks sinc e German Romantic tales shed a positive light on s Heinrich von Ofterding en (Henry Melck Maria Blainville (1812) and E.T.A. Der goldne Topf (The Golden Pot, 1814) to Wilhelm Mrchenalmanache (Fairy Tale Almanacs, 1825 1827 ), I show how Kunstmrchen with Orientalist mo tifs served as vehicles for fantasmatic e scapism during the Romantic era, became for the German
8 people against the economical meagerness of the time and reconfigured the idea of the Oriental woman
9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In einem chten Mrchen mu all es wunderbar, geheimnivoll und zusammenhngend seyn; alles belebt, jedes auf eine andere Art. Die ganze Natur mu wunderlich mit der ganzen Geisterwelt gemischt seyn . Das chte Mrchen mu zugleich prophetische Darstellun g, idealische Darstellung, absolut nothwendige Darstellung seyn. Der chte Mrchendi chter ist ein Seher der Zukunft . Alle Mrchen sind nur Trume von jener heimathlichen Welt, die berall und nirgends ist . Die Sieste des Geisterreichs ist die B lumenwelt. In Indien schlummern die Menschen noch immer, und ihr heiliger Traum ist ein Garten, den Zucke r und Milchseen umflieen [ In a true fairy tale everything must be marvelo us, mysterious, and connected; everything must be animated, e verything in a d ifferent fashion. The whole of n ature must be interwov en in a wondrous mann er with the entire spirit world . The true fairy tale must be at once a prophetic representation, an ideal representation, and an absolutely necessary representation. The tru e poet of a fairy tale is a seer of the future . All fairy tales are only dreams of that familiar world of home which is everywhere and nowhere . The siesta of the spirit realm is the world of flowers. In India the people still slumber and their sacred dream is a garden surrounded by lakes of sugar and milk.] 1 Novalis, Blt h enstaub Fragments 2 Inspired by Johann Wolfgang (1749 1832) Das Mrchen ( The Fairy Tale of t he Green Snake and the Beautiful Lily ) of 1795, German poet Georg Philipp Friedrich Freiherr von Hardenberg (1772 1801) alias Novalis, call ed for the a bsolute fairy tale, a canon of poetry, which comprises the universal integration of fantastic elements. 3 In his works the Romantic philosopher also spe aks of the principal duty of the fairy tale writer, which lies in the redemption of the world through a new Golden Age. Given the interest of the Romantics in the exotic Other and the longing for distant lands during the early nineteenth century it is not surprising that 1 Throughout this dissertation translations from the German or French are my own if they are not followed by page numbers referencing a published translation. 2 The quote was p ublished in 1798 in the literary journal Athenaeum Novalis, Novalis Schriften 2: 230 31. 3 Mrchen was first published in 1795 at the end of his collection Unterhaltungen Deutscher Ausgewanderten Die Horen (The Horae or Hours). The story revolves around the crossing and bridging of a river, which represents the divide between the outer life of the senses and the ideal aspirations of the human being.
10 many Kunstmrchen ( literary, original, or poetic fairy tales) of that period are inextricably intertwined with the Orient, as well as with specific symbols and motifs such as the Blue Flower, the her mit, the poet, the wanderer, the dream, nature, love, music, poetry, mystery, myth destiny, the supernatural, and the marvelous In this dissertation, I analyze these guiding themes of Romanticism in literary fairy tales written by Novalis Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder (1773 1798), Ernst E.T.A Hoffmann (1776 1822), Achim von Arnim (1781 1831), and Wilhelm Hauff (1802 1827) in connection with the Romantic movement whose followers associated the ancient Orient with the mythical origin of Western civilization. This disser tation investigates the relationship between German literary fairy tales of the Romantic period, the Orientalist paradigm and the formation of a German national identity My work contribute s to the understanding of the genre of the Kunstmrchen brings a new perspective to the scholarly discourses on Orientalism and Othering and sheds light on various philosophical, polit ical, and socio historic factors that influenced Romantic writers in early nineteenth century Germany. During that time, I argue, German authors used the genre of the Kunstmrchen to establish in versatile modalities, either through topo graphical, temporal, symbolical, cultural, or figure related references, a n idealized image of the Orient and within the parameters of Orientalis m, employed the literary fairy tale a s a space for criticism of the European colonial project Specifically Kunstmrchen served as a medium for Romanti c writers to create an a ll encompassing, transcendental poetry to codify the Orient as the sublime Ot her, to celebrate exotic escapism from reality and the rational mind to spread a nationalism infused German Volksgeist (folk spirit) but also to represent a critique of a utilitarian pro saic, bourgeois lifestyle, as well as a covert platform for satire and irony directed against German political system.
11 In this Introduction, I explain in more detail the terms German are fun damental to my research project I begin with answers to questions concerning the genre of the literary fairy tale. What are German Kunstmrchen and how do they differ from the traditional German Volksmrchen (folktales)? Who are the principal Romantic authors of German litera ry fairy tales? W hat are their m ost prominent productions that influenced the Romantic movement and inspired its followers ? Mrchen a term that is now commonly used as a synonym for the folktale category called the fairy tale, is in fact the diminutive form of the Old German word Mr or Mre meaning either a strange or mendacious story, short tale, saga, or message. There are certain characteristics specifically ascribed to the genre of the so called German Volksmrchen for example, indefinite specifications on tim einmal nce upon a time ) Unlike the saga s or legend s in the historical novel or drama the fairy ta le is not anchored historically. Fairy tales include talking animals and plants; fantasy figures such as giants, dwarfs, witches, sorcerers, a nd fairies; fantastical events that occur in every day life (for instance a mountain that opens up and reveals a treasure, a stone that turns into gold, or a ginger bread house in the woods); and they rely on a re petitive structure (e.g. a hero usually sol ves three riddles and there are oftentimes three siblings). Folk tales are easy to understand, have a simple structure, and a vividly pictorial style. In Volksmrchen und Volkssage ( Folk Tale and Folk Saga, 1961), Swiss folklorist Max Lthi describes the f dimens ional), depthless, and abstract (27 28). The characters of the Volksmrchen are usually of superficial nature, without spiritual or physical depth. While the folk tale derives from popular oral tradition, the literary fairy tale is an original invention Volksmrchen are passed on by word of mouth and may thus be changed,
12 reshaped, shortened, lengthened, or embellished at will by the person who relates the tale. In contrast, the author of the Kunstmrchen not only determines the style and contents of the tale d to the folktale and impacted by it, the literary fairy tale can incor porate influences completely foreign to the Vo lksmrchen (Davies 227). Kunstmrchen are usually more comprehensive and literarily more ambitious, frequently employ metaphors, and provide extensive descriptions of people and events. Unlike folktales, Kunstmrchen do not always have a happy ending. Furthermore, literary fairy tales are not exclusively written for children but are oftentimes intended for an adult audience that can appreciate the sophisticated linguistic level and comprehend the artistic intentions o f the author. According to Paul Wolfgang Whrl, author of Das deutsche Kunstmrchen (The German Lite rary Fairy Tale, 2003), the genre of the literary fairy tale is far too multifaceted to restrict it to only one specific type of Kunstmrchen : There are pha ntastische Novellen ( fant astic novels) Phantasiestcke (fantasy pieces), Nachtstcke (night pieces), Mrchennovellen ( fairy tale novellas ) Mrchenromane ( fairy tale novels ) Mrchendramen ( fairy tale dramas ) Mrchenkomdien ( fairy tale comdies ) Mrchen Satiren ( fairy tale satire s) Mrchenparodien ( fairy tale parodies ), Mrchenparabeln ( fairy tale parables ) Anti Mrchen ( anti fairy tales ) Wirklichkeitsmrchen ( realistic fairy tales ) Natur Mrchen ( naturalistic fairy tales ) and many more (2). Literary f airy tales transfigure or mimic artistic goals of stylistic elegance and philosophical purpose. The German Romantics created their own myth and mythology by adopting motifs and narrative styles fro m the Volksmrchen and integrating them into their artistic ally ambitious Kunstmrchen philosophies on poetry, the Romantics considered fairy tales to be the purest form of poetic
13 creation. They strived toward producing literary fairy tales that synthesized the worlds of reality and fantasy by mixing realistic with supernatural elements. While the hero of the folktale is accustomed to a magical environment and the occurrence of supernatural events, the more modern hero of the Kunstmrch en is usually astonished and amazed by the wondrous wo r l d that discloses itself to him or her. The German words wundervoll (wonderful) wundersam (wondrous) wunderbar (marvelous) and wunderlich (fantastical) all mark the miraculous transition into the re alm of fantasy and characterize strange happenings. Heroes of literary fairy Heinrich von Ofterdingen (Henry of Ofterdingen 1802 ), are driven by the unfulfilled desire and melancholic Sehnsucht (yearn ing/longing) for a higher truth to leave their homes and embark on a journey of knowledge, self awareness as well as emotional and spiritual maturation However, as the Kunstmrchen of Ludwig Tieck (1773 1853) show, the hero is often too unsettled and unstead y to find las (Davies 228). In contrast to the folktale hero of the Volksmrchen love and poetry are of essential importance for Der goldne Topf (The Golden Pot, 1814), the hero unites wit h his beloved at the end of the tale and, through this poetic bond of true love, is enabled to leave the real world behind and remain permanently in the realm of fantasy. Das Mrchen as s tated at the beginning of this I ntroduction, not only insp ired Novalis in his creation of Heinrich von Ofterdingen (including the embedded tale of Atlantis and Fairy T ale but was also one of the most influential contribution s to Early German Romanticism. Besides a syncretic blend of both Oriental ist and Occidental motifs, the cryptic narrative interweaves several myths about life, death and love The allegorical tale includes a river, a green serpent, a lily, a temple, a sacrifice, and a magical transformation, yet one which,
14 when the time is rip e, can be experienced by every human being. Similar ly to t he Romantic tropes of love, poetry, and music, which constitute a recurring Leitmotiv (guiding theme), nature is a principal topic that resurfaces frequently in German Kunstmrchen airy tales Der blon d e Eck bert (The Fair Haired Eckbert, 1797) and Der Runenberg (The Rune Mountain, 1804) portray Romantic heroes who in the attempt to fathom the mysteries of nature, ultimately fall victim to nature in the process. Based on their k ey con cepts of Waldeinsamkeit 4 (forest solitude), Wahnsinn (insanity), and the destructive dark rejoinders to the utopian romanticism of Heinrich von Ofterdingen poet in the making Heinrich the mine and the mountain represent poetic places and privileged Runenberg demonstrates that the mystical realm can be demonic as well as divine. In Der Liebeszauber (The Love Spell, 1811) and Der Pokal (The Goblet, 1812) Tieck blends w ondrous with realistic elements whereas in Undine (1811), Friedrich de la Motte Fouqu plays on the idea of the metamorphosis of the mermaid, either into a spring or in the sense of gaining a soul. German Romantic author E.T.A. Hoffma nn adopted the Orientalist motif of the green and integrated it into his allegorical fairy tale Der goldne Topf. elements. Contrary to the str ict limits of the fairy tale in the poetics of Enlightenment, where the marvelous could only occur in a well def ined space (e.g. the mysterious realm of the Orient enchanted forests) magical events can take place anywhere and at any time in Romantic Ku nstmrch en. In other words, specific spa ces and times, such as towns, well known regions, 4 The word Waldeinsamkeit probably invented by Tieck, encapsulates to this day the very spirit of German Romanticism. It implies the feelings of loneliness, melancholy, and solitude, which the German Romantic wanderer sought in nature.
15 and the daily life, were no t excluded from the influence of the wondrous The Romantic hero of Der goldne Topf for instance, experiences marvelous happeni ngs in the midst of the fantasies are firmly anchored in reality; however, the relations of reality and fantasy are different in each of his tales: Der goldne Topf depicts a happy ending where the hero and his beloved triumph in Atlantis, the world of poetry; the hero in Der Sandmann (The Sandman, 1816) is driven into madness and suicide by his imagination; and Meister Floh (Master Flea 1822 ) concludes with a rejection of fanta sy since the hero finds happiness in a Biedermeierian 5 idyll. nfluenced Adalbert von Chamisso (1781 1838), who s e Peter Schlemihls wundersame Geschichte places reality and the marvelous side by side In t he tale, the hero sells his shadow to the Devil in return for a bottomless wallet only to find that a man without a shadow is shunned by human society. Adelberts Fabel 1806), in contrast to Peter Schlemihl r eveals the influence of Novalis. Another important Romantic writer of German Kunstmrchen was Clemens Brentano (1778 1842) who produced two cyclical collections of literary fairy tales: the Italienische Mrchen (Italian Fairy Tales, written between 1805 1 811), an adaptation for children of tales from Italian fairy tale collector Giambattista Basile (1575 1632), 5 nineteenth century to the culture of German speaking Europe and Scandinavia from the period spanning the peaks of Romanticism and realism that is, approximately 1815 48. In this usage it referred to the simple, plebeian taste associated with the ; subsequently it has been applied also to the literature and musical culture of the era, and has even come to denote the mood of the entire socio historical epoch . It also was tinged with nostalgia for what was perceived to be an uncomplicated idyll of domestic comfort and family values that were lost with the arrival of the industrial revolutio 89). The name Biedermeier derives from the fictitious nave and unintentionally comic poet Gottlieb Biedermaier, lampooned in the Munich humorous weekly Fliegende Bltter as 1855. Biedermeier niversal) is compounded of bieder (worthy, honest, respectable) and Meier which (in various forms, including Meyer, Maier, and Mayer) is a common German surname (Garland 85). Elfriede Neubuhr adds: die Idylle, die Behaglichkeit, den kleinen Bereich des Huslichen liebte und in stiller Bescheidenheit und Selbstzufriedenheit domesticity, and wh o lived in quiet humility and self sufficiency) (8).
16 and the Rheinmrchen (Rhine Fairy Tales written between 1810 1812), a collection of four stories which combines an overarching tale of the heroic miller Radlauf with traditional legends of the Lorelei 6 and the river Rhine itself. Gockel, Hinkel, und Gackeleia (The Rooster, Hen and Little Cluck, 1838 ) a tale of Italian collection, combines hum an an d animal existence, symbolically expressed by the ani mal like names of the three protagonists who are of human shape but occasionally act like hens. The tale emphasizes the Romantic imag e of childhood and the en deavor to regain its heavenly state The Kunstmrchen has a vivid musicality to it and, due to the ir cheerful and merry tone the tales reflect an almost child like belief in the miraculous Together with his friend A chim von Arnim Brentano also published an anthology of German Volkslieder ( folk songs ) called Des Knaben Wunderhorn : Alte deutsche Lieder (The Youth Magic Horn, 1805 1808) which they dedicated to Goethe fairy tale novellas from 1812 Isabella von gypten Kaiser Karl des Fnften erste Jugendliebe ( Isabella of Egypt s First Young Love ), Melck Maria Blainville die Hausprophetin aus Arabien (Melck Maria Blainville, the House Prophet from Arabia ) and Die drei liebreichen Schwestern und der glckliche Fr ber (T he Three Loving Sisters and the Lucky Dye r) address es a number of political as pects such as national unity regarding the relationship of the people to their leader. A nother prominent exponent of German Romanticism, Joseph Freiher r von Eichendorff w rote poetry and literary fairy tales that drew upon motifs and figures of German folklore. His Kunstmrchen represent a transition to the conservative homely realism of the Biedermeier and love of the small and the 6 In German folklore, works of music, art, and literature, the Lorelei is a feminine water spirit, similar to mermaids, sirens, or Rhine maidens, associated with a rock on the eastern bank of the Rhine R iver near St. Goarshausen, Germany.
17 insignificant, a need to lavish care and attention, a joy in collecting things, and a deep respect for the workings of God as reflected in ever fairy tales Zwerg Nase ( The Dwarf Nosey, 1827) and Das kalte Herz (The Cold Heart, 1828) as well as Der Schatz (The Treasure, 1836 ), portray heroes of the middle c lass who experience a somewhat modest happiness. A t the end of the tale s the protagonists return to their bourgeois lives in a prosaic reality. move away from the artistic idealism of Romanticism toward a more realistic portrayal of life. The fact that German Kunstmrchen of the Roman t ic era vary si gnificantly in form composition and style, reflects the individuality of the ir writers and their diverse conceptions of the ideas central to German Romanticism But what is German Roman ticism? The question should not be reduced to : Who are the German Romantics? Before I turn to these questions, I will elaborate on the etymological origin of Romanticism What does th As Friedrich Schlegel pointed out in a letter to this brother August Wilhelm on December 1, Meine Erklrung des Worts Romantisch kann ich lang ist ( I cannot send you use it would be 125 sheets long) ( Kriti sche Friedrich Schlegel Ausgabe 53 ) 7 Wh en traced historically, the Ge rman word romantisch ( romantic ) derives from the French roman of which older forms are romans and romant These and similar formations go back to the medi e val Latin adverb romanice (Babbitt 3). Roman meant originally the various vernaculars derived from La tin. In German one still speaks of these vernaculars as ce languages). The word roman came to be applied to tales written in the various vernaculars, especially in old French, Italian, Span ish, Catalan, Portuguese and Pr oven al, which were developed from Latin. The 7 125 sheets equals 2000 pages.
18 t ales written in one of these romance languages came to be known as medieval romance or romaunt ( Seyhan, What is Romanticism 1). They were often compose d in verse and narrated a quest in which the element of fiction predominated over reality. T he Deutsches Wrterbuch ( German dictionary ) of the Brothers Grimm defines the term r omantisch (romantic) through a passage fro m a fifteenth century Latin man uscript: x lec tione quorundam r omanticorum i. e. librorum compositorum in gallico poeticorum de gestis militaribus in (Grimm, Romantisch ) ( From the reading of certain romantics, that is, books of poetry composed in French on military deeds which are for t he most part ficti ti ous) ( Babbitt 4 ). These vernacular books of epic poetry contained tales of chivalry, magic, and love, such as the tal es of King Arthur and his court. The Romanzen (romances), as they are still called, are the ancestor At the end of the seventee n th century the adjective romantisch (romantic, like a novel) appeared in Germany as an equivalent of the French word romanesque (novelistic) and the modern German romanhaf t (novelistic) Due to the picturesqu e, fanciful or adventurous subject matter, the connotations of the at first. Around 1800, the German noun Romantik the aesthetics of the novel the German Roman o f all romantic tendencies. German poet Johann Heinrich Voss ( 1751 1826) known mostly for literature and condemn it (Schulz 32 33). ticism proves difficult, as the definitio n of these subunits varies considerably from country to country. However, it is
19 customary to distinguish three phases in the years between 1795 and 1848 within German Romanticism : Early Romanticism ( Frhromantik ), which partially overlaps with the European cultural and literary movement of Weimar Classicism ( 1772 1805 ) start ing in the 1790s and last ing to about 1 805; High Romanticism ( Hochromantik ) with an onset around 1805 which continues until 1815 or 1820; and Late Romanticism ( Sptromantik ), which equals in parts the Restaurationsepoche 8 (Epoch of Restoration ) which begins around 1815 until 1848. Romanticism as a literary movement in Germany thus starts in the late eighteenth century T hroughout its period, the intellectual centers for Romanticism shifted from Jena to Heidelberg, Dresden Stuttgart, Berlin and Vienna Even though one generation dominated it on e can div ide because there were two distinct phases in the development and the movemen t. Among the Jena Romantics were the Schlegel brothers, August Wilhelm and Friedrich Schlegel (1767 1845; 1772 1829), Novalis, Wilhelm Wackenroder, Ludwig Tieck, Karolin e von Gnder r ode (1780 1806), Caroline Schle gel (born Michaelis, 1763 1809), and the philosophers Friedrich Daniel Ernst Schleiermacher ( 1768 1834) Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762 1814), Fri edrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling (1775 1812), and Johann Wilhelm Ritter (1776 1810). The Jena Romantics held no particular doctrine but rather an amorphou s set of ideas that marked a break with the rationalism of eighteenth century Enlightenment which they bemoaned as nonpoetic and materialist Although they did not reject rationality as s uch, the Romantics felt that the Aufklrung (Enlightenment) h ad mad any other nonrational way of apprehending the world (Heuvel 104). The Jena Romantiker (Romantics) moved aw ay from the canon of antiquity and, following their Romantic mentality, consciously set themselves off from th e intellectual traditions of the eighteenth century. The Roma n tics, who 8 The Epoch of Restoration is also known as the Biedermeierzeit (Biedermeier era) or Vormrz (Pre March) period.
20 tended to be young, embraced religious beli efs and the supernatural. T hey wanted to liberate th e inner self and explore, muse and speculate about the spiritu al realm, which, as they b elieved could not be grasped by rational emp i ricism Their restlessness and longing for eternity mirrors the ir search for the sense of all life, the purpose of the world spirit, and the connections betw e en the self and the universe The Schlegel brothers published the literary journal Athenaeum (1789 1800), which formulated this new Romantic self conception and the idea of a progressive Universalpoesie ( progressive universal poetry ) that encompasses all arts and sciences. The erman Romantics, living in Heidelberg, became more reactionary and na tionalistic than the Jena group and firmly rejected the frequently favorable view of the French Revolution held by the early Romantics The principal achievement s of the Heidelberg group lie in the field of pioneering studies in Germanic philology and folkore. Driven by a nationalistic sentiment that arose in reaction against France and its cultural dominance, t he movement found new appreci ation for old German literature and looked at Germ an folklore for a foundation for histori cal identity. In particular, Volksmrchen Volkslieder (folk songs), and Volkspoesie (folk poetry) seemed to contain a uniquely Germanic quality which was capable of reinvigorating an essential German spirit The Vo lksgeist with which one could identify, represented the essence of what it meant to be German and the Heidelberg Roman tics hoped to simplicity of the customs and the art of the German people Disappointed about the outco me of the French Revolution and given the defeat in the Napoleonic Wars the Heidelberg Romantics believed that they were standing on the threshold of a new era and that they were in a position to draft its founding myths, to forge the spiritual foundation s of a new Europe.
21 The most prominent representative s of the sec ond gen eration of German Romantics included Achim von Arnim, Clemens Brentano, Joseph von Eichendorff, Johann Joseph von Grres (1776 1848), Friedrich Creuzer (1771 1858), and Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm (1785 1863; 1786 1859) in Heidelberg ; Heinrich vo n Kleist (1777 1811) in Dresden; and the school of ( 1805 1808) with Ludwig Uhland (1787 1862), Eduard Mrike (1804 1875), Justinus Kerner (1786 1862), G ustav Sc hwab (1792 18509 ), and Wilhlem Hauff in T bingen and Stuttgart. E.T.A. Hoffmann, and two writers of French descent, Adelbert von Chamisso (1781 1838) and Friedrich de la Motte Fouqu (1777 1843) practically composed the literary wing of the Late Romantic movement in Germany with its center in Berlin. Spearheaded by E.T.A. Hoffmann and Ludwig Tieck, the literary sub genre of the Schauerromantik or Schwarze Romantik (Dark Romanticism) developed parallel to the Early Romantic period in Germany. This particular genre emphasizes the irrational, the grotesque, the gloomy, the morbid, the fantastic, and the melancholic For authors of Dark Romanticism, the world is dark, decaying, bizarre, and mysterious. While the Romantics believed reality to be pale and empty, the Dark Romantics thought quite the opposite. Life to the Dark Romantics was colorful, capricious, and contradic tory. Unlike the Romantics, the Dark Romantics ac knowledged the evil of man and the horror of evil. Hence their works depict the other side of Romanticism and are characterize d by a somb e r macabre, horrific, and satanic atmosphere. In their prose fictions, Dark Romantics favor G othic landscapes, ruins, haunted mountains and castles, mines and caves, dark for ests, moonlight nights, old monaste ries and crypts, natural phenomenons and tempests. Besides death, suicide, and decadence, frequent recurring motifs are th e night, the uncanny, the occult, and dar kness.
22 The interest of Schauerr omantik of human existence and the unfathomable contrasted sharply with the Aufklrung (Enlightenment) which had take n upon itself the task of illuminating darkness and shedding light. Fa ntasiestcke (Fantasy Pieces, 1814) and Nacht st cke civilization, with the unearthly, the demonic, madness and lawlessness as their focal point. I n his literary fairy tale Der Sandmann ( The Sandman 1816) and his novel Die Elixiere des Teufels Hoffmann developed the motif of the d oppelgnger the bifurcated self whose good and evil nature split into separate identities The l oss of the sense of reality, the destruction of individuality, reactions symptomatic of a failure of social integration. His tales such as Der goldne Topf reflect the Romantic notion of the alienated individual, the poet or the artist, who isolates himself from the urban, modern, bourgeois world of a materialistic society and retreats to the solitary or fantasy world of the mind Similarly to Der blonde Egbert and Der Runenberg show the desc ent into madness of characters who lose touch with reality. Among the various topics of the German Romantic interest e.g. the irrational and the mysterious, the worship of nature, the religious embrace of Romanticism, the nationalist reaction to the Napoleonic conquests, the glorification of the fairy tale and of folk poetry, the renewed interest in German etymology was the general enthusiasm for the Middle Ages and the medieval Orient. Inspire d by Johann Gottfried Herder (17 44 1803) and his Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit ( Reflections on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind 1784 1791) t he German Romantics believed the Orient especially India, to be the real fatherland of language, poetry, culture, and the human race in its infancy In the winter semester of 1822 and
23 1823, German phil osopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770 1831) remarked in his Vorlesungen ber die Philosophie der Weltgeschichte (Lectures on the History of Philosophy) at the University of Berlin: gekannt htte, vor der Vorstellung der Europer als ein Wunderland. Der Ruhm, den es immer gehabt hat in Ansehung seiner Schtze, sowohl der natrlichen, als auch besonders seiner Weisheit, hat die Menschen dorthin gelockt (344) (W ithout being known too w ell, [India] has existed for millennia in the imagination of the Europeans as a wonderland. Its fame, which it has always had with regard to its treasures both its natural ones, and, in particular, its wisdom, has lured men there ) In Romantic literature, the exotic E ast functions as a signifier of mystical alterity that functions as a space for fantasmatic escapism. Shrouded in mystery and poetry, the Or ient appears as a magical place where wondrous events happen beyond the realistic boundaries of Western imagin ation. Euro he turn of the Romantics to the Orient, their deep seated fascination with the East expressed in their writings, and their immersion in the studies of Orientalist culture, history, and language However, for the purpose of this dissertation, it is imperative to clarify the different definitions and connotations of the complex term Orientalism The word the Orient 9 or Eas t, in contrast to the Occident or West. Since the eighteenth in the primary sense of the term, referred to the academic discipline based on t he philological study of orig in al texts in Asian languages and the study of Eastern cultures. The traditional designation for a scholar of later known as al Studies or has been (Varisco Orientalism and Islam 3). 9 oriens in reference to the d irection of the rising sun or the east.
24 century supposedly Orientalist subjects such as exotic landscapes, bathing harem women sensual bejeweled odalisques, slave markets, bustling bazaars, fierce tribesmen, ancient cities, mosques, and caravans, became commonplace. Gustave Flaubert ( 1821 1880 ), Eugn e Delacroix (1798 1863), and Wo l f gang Amadeus Mozart (1756 1791), to name but a few of the leading artists of that period, In 1978, the Palestinian American scholar Edward Said published his book Orientalism i n which he redefined the term Orientalism by applying it to European colonialism in an unprecedented and politically potent way. To be precise, Said assigns three different designations to the meaning of Orientalism in his book: Firstly, an academic design teaches, writes about, or researches the Orient is an Orientalist, and what he or she does is Orientalism an ontological and epistemolo gical disti and (most of the time) the Occident ( 2). Thirdly, a designation that is more historically and materially defined than au ( 3). Even though Said distinguishes between these three definitions, he bases his work solely on his third definition, claiming that Western Orientalism dealt with the Orient by making statements about it, authorizing views of it describing it, by teaching it, settling it, and ruling over it. Said asserts that the Orient is a n object of scholarly knowledge, which was created and coded by the West as passive, reified, unchanging, and stagnant. Put most simply, Orientalism becomes synonymous for Western domination through imperial i sm and colonialism.
25 Several scholars including Andrea Fuchs Sumiyoshi and Wilhelm Halbfass have argued that Romantic Orientalism especially with regard to German Orientalists such as Goethe 10 Furthermore scholars have criticized Said negative aspects of Romantic Orientalism and a deliberate exclusion of th e German case to make his material fit within his model of hostile, Western Orientalism. While Said exhibits indeed a predominantly monolithic view on the Orientalist paradigm, he does howeve r acknowledg e the change in attitude toward the Orient during the nineteenth century: Many of the earliest orie ntal amateurs began by welcoming the Orient as a salutary d rangement of their European habits of mind and spirit. The Orient was overvalued for its pantheism, its spirituality, its stability, its longevity, its primitivity, and so forth . Yet almost without exception such overeste em was followed by a counterr esponse: the Orient suddenly appeared lamentably underhumanized, antidemocratic, backward, barbaric, and so forth (150). Abdulla Al Dabbagh writes in his book Literary Orientalism, Postcolonialism and Universalism (2010) that one of the most significant misunderstanding of the East, all the way from Aeschylus 11 to Be rnard Lewis 12 He charges the fact that Said does not distinguish between different Orientalists and stages of Orientalism, namely, the Romantic phase of Orientalism (Al Dabbagh calls this phase 10 Compare Andrea Fuchs Sumiyoshi (156) and Wilhelm Halbfass (11 12). 11 Aeschylus (525 tragedians, the others being Sopho military defeat at the Battle of Salamis (480 B.C.). Aeschylus po rtrays the sense of disaster overcoming the Persians when they learn that the Greeks destroyed their armies, which were led by King Xerxes (519 465 B.C.). The play supremacy, as a cowed and beaten figure. 12 Bernard Lewis (born 1916) is a British American historian, scholar in Oriental Studies, and political Orientalism
26 between the early and middle nineteen the modern, Orientalist movement that began in its final decades. According to Al Dabbagh, all previous positive trends fr om the Renaissance until the second half of the eighteenth century, and th e great advance in the scientific investigation of the East culminated in Romantic Orientalism (8) In this dissertation overgeneralized and undifferentiated version of Orientalism, which implies that all European constructions of the E ast are not only ipso facto ethnocentric but also racist. I focus on German literary fairy tales with Orientalist topoi from the early nineteenth century to highlight the existence of a German Romantic Orientalism, which was rooted in the idea of the East as the mystical origin and as a p ower for spiritual regeneration. Furthermore, I point out the exceptional position of Romantic Orientalism in Germany in c omparison to those European nations most notably France and Britain, which had a colonial interest a nd imperial stake in the Orient. By questioning the implicit assumption that Britain and France are n ecessarily representative of European Orientalism I follow in the footsteps of Der andere Orientalismus ( The Other Orientalism 2005) who sought to distinguish and rehabilitate German Orientalism. In C hapter 2 I argue that German Kunstmrchen and fairy tale novellas o f the Romantic period idealize the Orien t and reflect the Morgenland 13 in a utopian light, as a paradisiacal rea lm of spiritual wholeness, wisdom, mystery, and exoticism. I assert first, that the Orient was a privile ged concept in Romanticism and second, that German literary fairy tales perpetuated the Romantic stereotype of the Orient as Golden Age of past time s and a gateway to a utopian My scrutiny of 13 German.
27 Ein wunderbares morgenlndisches Mrchen von einem nackten Heiligen ( A Wondrous Oriental Tale of a Naked Saint 1797) shows that Romantic authors oftenti mes tie the tripartite leitmotif of love, music, and poetry in their literary fairy tales to the Orient. In this context s Heinrich von Ofterdingen including the embedded tale of Atlantis and th Novalis I claim further, links the Romantic emblem of the blue flowe r that is the blue lotus Nymphaea caerulea to the East and associates the flower with an imaginary Orient, which is quintessentially posit ive. In his literary fairy tale Novalis not only idealizes the Orient but also sheds a negative light on the Occident. A close reading of the Kunstmrchen reveals that Novalis opens up a space for a critical perspective of the c rusaders who represent an imperialist West, by exposing them as prejudiced, bloodthirsty, and religious extremists. Mrchenalmanache (Fairy Tale Almanacs, 1825 1827) are the focal point of Chapter 3 I demonstrate that German literary fairy tales with Orientalist motifs s erved as vehicles for fantasy escapes during the Romantic era as they represented a place of material wealth and source of poetic inspiration. I discuss my argument in four differ ent sections: The first perspective from the Orient, the Arabia n Nights The second part continues to focus on the liter ary techniques of the Swabian author and shows how Hauff ties his readershi p to his tales through cultural commonal ities. The feeling of Gemtlichkeit (coziness) for example serves as a cultural connection that facilitates identification of the Western r eader with the Eastern characters by reducing the fear of the stra nge and the unknown. Moreover Hauff uses the Orient to discuss Biedermeier values and to critique the political situ ation in Germany. Section three establishes that while the escapist
28 ima gination is both fantasmatic it also has a material, real dimension based on material luxury goods from the Orient. I illustrate my claim in the fourth section with the example of opium, which is a real drug that leads to fantasies that enable a writing which in turn provides the fantasmatic escape for readers and becomes a metaphor in Marxist analysis of economic problems. The fourth chapter elaborates on how the Romantic writer emerged at the end of the eighteenth century as a key figure in the creat ion process of a German national identity. I argue that myth, fairy tales, and story telling played a significant role for German citizens in crafting a national identity and that Romantic literary fairy tales reflected the importance of the Orient and m yth as a model form for a pan German identity. I also assert that the increasing popularity of fairy tales, which illustrate Orientalist Otherness, served as counter current to the ascent of Volksmrchen that were considered German to the core. My work on the German Kunstmrchen of the Romantic period cultural supremacy of Westerners in literary works by showing that German Romantic tales such Der goldne Topf idealize the Orient, show no disdain for Otherness, and instead provide a critical lens through which to view Western soc iety and a philistine bourgeois world Furthermore, as literary products of German Orientalism during Romanticism, Kunstmrchen with Orie ntalist topoi do not mirror colonial or imperial ambitions of Germany to dominate the East. Chapter 5 examines at greater length Melck Maria Blainville and Isabella von gypten portray th e figure of the Oriental woma n I propose that German literary fairy tales of the Romantic period exalt the Exotin (exotic female) by depicting her as the embodiment of a higher truth and soulful existence Furthermore, the tales contradict
29 the clichd nineteenth century notions of the Oriental woman as a sexually charged figure. My exploration of travel literature about Oriental women written by German and Austrian female authors of Romanticism demonstrates that European female travelers contr ibuted to the depiction of the Oriental wom an not only by reinforcing certain stereotypes but also by debunking specific In this connection, I argue that Romantic Kunstmrchen were a particular genre tha t reconfigured the idea of the Oriental woman and that the relationship of model t he sexual, seductive, silenced Oriental woman vis vis the rational Western man in a male dominated, rational discourse was more complex due to the fact that Western women participated in the discourse of the West. Finally I draw on Meyda whose book Colonial Fantasies (1998) examines the veil as a site both of fantasy and of nationalist ideologies and discourses of gender identity. My research explores German Kunstmrchen in depth for the symbolism of the veil, w hich, as I believe, en capsulates its own power toward the colonizer or Western voyeur The purpose of this Introduction was to lay the groundwork for an in depth discussion of the present dissertation and to help the reader understand the contributions mad e by prominent German Romanticists, writers, and scholars of Orientalism in their respective fields. My to convey important background knowledge that is necessa ry for an understanding of the cultural, social, political, historic, and spatial factors influencing the relationships between the period of German Romanticism, the genre of the literary fairy tale, Romantic authors, and the Orientalist paradigm. Building on the terms introduced in this chapter my research project investigates primarily the portrayal of the East in what Novalis called the absolute fairy tale. Novalis who revered Goethe at first and referred to him in his Blthenstaub Fragments
30 wahr Wilhem Meisters Lehrjahre Apprenticeship, 1795 1796) as thoroughly prosaic and modern ( Novalis Schriften 3 : 164). Novalis bemoaned that Wilhelm Meister merely deals with ordinary, human things and generally lacks Romantic quality, nature poetry, mysticism, and the marvelous. Thus, Novalis conceived Heinrich von Ofterdingen as true Romantic art to counter Goeth Wilhelm Meister and to surpassed) ( Novalis Schriften 3: 175). Chapter 2 Kunstmrchen that perhaps exemplifies best th e connection between early German Romantic thought, the longing for origins, and Romantic nostalgia for the mythical Orient.
31 CHAPTER 2 ROMANTIC NOSTALGIA: LONGING FOR THE FAIR Y TALE MORGENLAND German w riters, poets, and philosophers of opposing literary movements alike, from Weimar Classicism (1772 1805 ) to Romanticism ( 1795 1848 ) were fascinated by the Eastern world and incorporated their passion for the exotic lands into their works. In this d issertation I propose that German Kunstmrchen (literary fairy tales) and fairy tale novellas of the Romantic Morgenland (morning land) in a utopian light, as a paradisiacal realm of spiritual wholeness, wisdom, mystery, and exoticism. According to Novalis, the East is the ultimate fountainhead of poetry and thus constitu tes the answer to the Romantic Sehnsucht (longing), a sense of infinite longing at the heart of the Romantic notion of harmonious wholeness. 1 search for new sources of poetry in the Orient, specifically India. I n his Dialogue on Poetry: Talk on Mythology (1800) he proposes : Welche neue Quelle von Poesie knnte uns aus Indi en flieen . Im Orient mssen wi What new sources of poetry might flow from India . It is in the Orient that we must seek the highest Romanticism ) ( Ath enae um 3:101 0 4). Thus I argue in this chapter first that the idea of the Orient was centr al to Romanticism and second that German Kunstmrchen perpetuated the Romantic stereotype of the Orient as Golden Age of past times and a gateway to a utopian future, as Throughout the past centuries t underwent fundamental changes as a term that refers to various parts of Asia Not only did the connotations an d associations that tied the shift b ut the concept itself transformed Since this co nceptual change does not set apart from other terms, I will refrain from using the obligatory 1 n page 32
32 quotation marks in my text Influenced by d ifferent discourses of politics, history aesthetic s, geography, and linguistics one cannot assume that th e notion of the Orient in the nineteenth century was the same as it is in the twenty first century. No more can one expect that all c ountries share a s imilar view regarding the idea of the Orient Nowadays, the German conception on the topographic Orient is usua lly synonymous with the Arabic w orld and Persia, or rather the Middle East, excluding East and Southeast Asia. In the United St ates however, the term is primarily associated with the Far East and used as a metonym describing Eastern Asia. To u nravel the various meanings of Orient one has to take a closer look at the etymological background. The designation derives from the Latin w ord oriens ( east, morning sunrise ) and describes, depending upon the spatial location of the speaking person, the direction of the In the German language context, Martin Luther was the first to use the expression Morgenland in his tr anslation of the Bible. Presumably t he most popular reference in this context is the nativity story of Jesus Christ in the Gospel of Matthew, the only one of the four Gospels, to mentio n the so ast In L Wise Men and Balthasar the gifts of gold, myrrh, and frankincense: Da Jesus geboren war zu Bethl ehem im jdischen Lande, zur Zeit des Knigs Herodes, siehe, da kamen die Weisen vom Morgenlande gen Jerusalem, und sprachen: Wo ist der neugeborene Knig der Juden? Wir haben seinen Stern gesehen im Morgenlande und sind gekomm en ihn anzubeten ( Lutherbibe l Matthus, 2:1 ) [ Now when Jesus was born in Bethlehem of Judea in the days of Herod the king, behold there came wise men from the east to Jerusalem, Saying, Where is he that is born king of the Jews? for we have seen his star in the ea st, and are come to worship him .] ( King James Bible Matthew, 2:1 ) The Morgenland here refers to a region located east of Isr a e Fro m a
33 geographical perspective, the Orient thus began with Persia, or modern day Iran However, when the centers of Chris tian religion moved westwards in later centuries, the perception of the Orient (Polaschegg 66). O n a late six th century mosaic i n t he Italian church Apollinare Nuovo, Phrygian caps 2 Phrygia however was located to the west of Pal e stine, in Asia Minor. 3 phrase Ex oriente lux (from the East [comes] light) originally referring to the sunrise but later associated with Christi anity which, from a European standpoint, originated in the East. The Classicists and Romanticists in turn, reinterpreted the phrase according to their ideological and philosophical credo that human kind and human culture derived from the Orient. In his early prose works (1788 1791 ) Novalis describes the Morgenland as the eigentliche Vaterlande der Menschheit, Sprache, Dichtkunst und daher auch der Begeisterung, von woher eigentlich wie vom Urstamme sich alles in die brigen Erdgegenden und Zonen nur fo rtgepflanzt hat und eingepfropft worden ist the original father land of humanity, language, poetry and therefore also of the exaltation from where, similar to the primal tribe, procreation emanated and was grafted in to oth er areas and zones of the earth ) (Novalis, Schriften 6.1: 359 ) This statement evokes several important questions that I will discuss in the first part of this chapter: W hat exactly was the geographical concep tion of the Orient during the eighteenth and nineteenth century? How did the notion of the imaginary Orient transform during this time period? What did the Romantics associate with the East ern world? W as Orientalism a privileged con c ept in Romanticism? Did the Romantics feel a nostalgic Morgenland and if so, why? 2 The Phrygian cap is a soft conical cap with the top pulled forward, associated in antiquity with the inhabitants of Phrygia, a region of central Anatolia. 3 In antiquity, Phrygia was a kingdom in the west central part of Anatolia in what is now modern day Turkey.
34 Edward Said claims that the O rient consisted until the early nineteenth century only of rience of the Arabs and Islam, which for almost a thousand years stood for the Orie In contrast in her book Der andere Orientalismus ( The Other Orientalism 2005) Andrea Polaschegg provides a more detailed an d accurate topographic description of the eighteenth and nineteenth century understanding of the Morgenland The geographical conception of the Orient during the eighteenth and nineteenth century was not limited to the Asian continent or a specific part of it but consisted of a much broad er dimension on the world map. In order to travel from the German states to the Orient, one did not have to leave contemporary Europe Right next to Austria lay the gate to the realm of the exotic Other Novalis described this geographic relationship in his burlesque poem Die Sndfluth ( The Deluge ) : morning land, a little to the left of (Novalis, Schriften 6.1: 412 ) To the east of Vienna and the southwest of Toulouse, the Orient stretched over the West and North African coast to Egypt and down to Ethiopia, comprised the Near and Middle East, Greece, the Balkans, Asia Minor, Persia, India, Indonesia, Japan, and China. 4 A trip to Spain or Sicily already qualified as a journey to the Morgenland where one could witness the traces of Islamic history in form of When August Jacob Liebeskind, a protestant minister and Palmbltter. Erlesene morgenlndische Erzhlungen fr die Jugend ( Palm Leaves. Selected Oriental Stories for the Youth ) in 1786, he located h is 131 Orientalist Tales in Arabia, Persia, India, as well as in Christian Spain. Consequently, the Orient did not represent a single history, society, or religion 4 Russia however, an Asian Empire then, was considered Occidental (Stockinger 81).
35 but rather a meta cultural area. T he imaginary Orient was in fact so closely associated with both, Africa and A sia, that the inhabitants of the Arabian peninsular could be considered African and the Spanish thought of as Asian. In his essay on Spanish romance poetry, published in the Adrastea (1801) Johann Gottfried Herder refers to the Spanish describes their country as (169). Indeed, the desert was the sole purely topographic figuration that evoked the Morgenland especially in com bi nation with other Orient alist marks such as palm trees mummed nomads, caravans, or a life giving oasis. Due to its vague geographic dimensions, the literary and iconographic representation of the Orient was multifaceted, r anging from Biblical motif s to Egyptian landmarks, and from Ottoman Sultans and African Moors to the topos of the freedom loving Arabian Bedouin This (inter)changeable e Orient prevails throughout the late eighteenth and nineteenth century. The following texts include a wide range of codes that characterize the Orient: Martin Wieland s collection of fairy tales entitled Dschinnistan ( 1786 1789) Almansur (1790) and Abdallah ( 1795), T alismane gegen die lange Weile ( Talismans against the Boredom 1801 1802), Karoline Gedichte und Phantasien ( Poems and Fantasies 1804), West stlicher Divan ( West Eastern Divan 1819), Wi lhelm Hauff s Fairy Tale Almanac s (1825 1827), August von Platen Hallermnde Die Abbasiden ( The Abbasids 1829), Bilder des Orients ( Pictures of the Orient 1831 1833), Ferdinand Freiligrath s Poems (1838 ) and Karl May s six volume Orientzyklus ( Orient Cy c l e 1892). In the course of the late seventeenth and eighteenth century, the image of the Morgenland underw ent a remarkable paradigm shift d ue to different factors: On the one hand, the notion of
36 the which prevailed in the fifteenth and sixteenth ce ntury, gave way to a more objective view and religious conflicts yielded political and personal interest s (Fuchs Sumiyoshi 26 27). According to Wilhel en vogue and popular during that period, which explains the increase in Orientalist suje ts in the form of plays and operas (21) Trkenopern (Turkish Operas) accentuated a colorful and idealized representation of the Orient, the most successful example being Die Entfhrung aus dem Serail ( The Abduction fro m the Seraglio 1782) French translation of Les Mille et une Nuits: C o ntes Arabes ( The Thousand and One Nights: Arab Stories 1704 1717 ) changed the view of educated European s who no longer saw the Islamic East as the home of the Antichrist and heresy (Fck 101) A nother noteworthy change in the shift of the concept of the Orient was the first scholarly and objective t an from Arabic into English by Georg Sale in 1734 5 Around mid century, Orientali stik (Oriental or Asian and Middle Eastern Studies) detached itself from the paternalism of the church which abbot Peter Venerabilis (1141), in which Mohammed appears consistently as auctor mali (originator of evil) (Fuchs Sumiyoshi 27). B y 1772, David Friedrich Megerlin produced the first direct German translation titled Die trkische Bibel, oder der Koran (The Turkish Bible or the Beyond that, the W estern stance toward the Morgenland was also significantly impacted by the philosophies of the Enlightenment which highlighted reason and rationalism as common denominator s shared with O riental ist cultures, such as em or the interpretation of Islam as a natural religion 6 While Christianity emphasiz ed the differences 5 ved West Eastern Divan 6 Natural religion rested on the basic assumption that man is gu ided by the dictates of reason.
37 between the O riental and the O ccidental worlds, followers of the Enlightenment justified their own position religious toleration and the basic oneness of human nature, with reference to the 7 By the mid eighteenth century two different conceptions emerged that later influenced the perception of the Orient by the early Romanticists T he first thesis based on Johann Gottfried Herder emphasized the unity of humankind by declaring Asia as the origin of human culture and by interpreting the differences between Orient and Occident as the result of mutual influence The se cond thesis recognized the past contribution s of Oriental culture s to the progress of humank ind but either ignored or devalued their importance for the enl ightened Europe an civilization of the present Self reflection, self awareness, and critical questioning of morals and values predominated t he phase that followed in the last third of the eight eenth century This enlightened pattern of thought led to a fundamental re interpretation of the relation ship between the East and the Wes t. Gotthold Ephraim play Nathan der Weise ( Nathan the Wise 1779) mirrors th e paradigm shift not only by emphasizing humanism and friendship but al so by portraying an Orient of religious tolerance and openness. Set in Jerusalem during the Third Crusade (1189 1192) which stands here pars pro toto for the Morgenland the play stages how the wise Jewish merchant Nathan, the enlightened sultan Saladin and the Templar who represent Judaism, Christianity, and Islam learn that there is no one true faith 8 Only 7 Already Leibniz pointed out the rational character of the Islamic Religion in his Essais de Thodice sur la bont (Theodicy Essays on the Goodness of God, the Freedom of Man and the Origin of Evil) (1710) (quoted in Fuchs Sumiyoshi 27). 8 Nathan narrates the Ring Parable when asked by Saladin which religion is true : An heirloom ring with the magical ability to render its owner pleasant in the eyes of God and mankind had been passed from father to the son he loved most. When it came to a father of three sons whom he loved equally, he promised it to each of them. Looking for a way to keep his promise, he had two replicas made, which were indistinguishable from the original, and gave on his deathbed a ring to each of them. The brothers quarreled over who owned the real ring. A wise judge admonished them that it was impossible to tell at that time and that, to find out whether one of them ha d the real ring, it was up to
38 Nathan t he Wise Herder created his main work Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit ( Reflections on the Philosophy of the History of M ankind 1784 1791) in which he follows the footsteps of Immanuel Kant with his concept of history as a linear progress toward reason and the perfection of mankind ( 21 39 ) 9 In his research Herder locates the cradle of humanity in the river valleys and the mountains of inner Asia and links the Orient to the origin of language, the oldest poetry, a nd the first forms of religion: Asien ward zuerst bewohnbar, weil es die hchsten und breitesten Bergketten und auf seinem Rcken eine Ebne besa, die nie das Meer erreicht hat. Hier war also nach aller Wahrscheinlichkeit irgend in einem glckseligen Tal am Fu und im Busen der Gebrge der erste erlesene Wohnsitz der Menschen . D er Gang der Kultur und Geschichte gibt historische Beweise, dass das Menschengeschlecht in Asien enstanden sei. (VI,1: 43) [ At first, Asia was inhabitable because it had the h ighest and widest mountain chains and a plain on its back that never reached the sea. So in all likelihood, h ere in some blissful valley at the foot and in the bosom of the mountains was the first selected dwelling place of humankind. The course of the cu l ture and history are historical proof that humankind originated in Asia ] The connection of Early Romanticism between the Morgenland and the origin of humankind thus goes back to Herder s historical philosophy. Herder further states that the final outcome s of the historical process are ideals such as humanity, freedom, and universal happiness (149, 167, 343). of a utopian state of perfection, or as the Romantics put it, a Golden Age. and mankind. Nathan compares this to religion, saying that each of us lives by the religion we have learn ed from those we respect. 9 magnus opus rests on the ideas that he had already published in smaller historico philosophical pamphlets, such as Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit (Another Philosophy of History Concernin g the Development of Mankind) (1774). Herder argued that humans develop according to their individual cultural areas.
39 thesis about the Orie nt coincides with a new perception of history. By the end of the eighteenth century term, a synonym for insecurity unpredi ctabili ty, and contingency due to seminal events such as the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, and upation (Lampart 174). Accordingly, philosophical thinking in Germany was dominated by the question of how to cope with the new incalcul In the face of the political and economic revolution in Europe, the Ea rly Romantics embraced history and cultural morphology and integrated them into their own worldviews B esides this new experienc e of an uncertain history, the E arly Romantics found themselves demystification and the suspension of religious be liefs. The era of Enlight enment had not only separated nature from superstitious beliefs but also, from a Romantic point of view, el iminated the connection to the divine creation and thus, robbed nature of its soul. The Romantics diagnosed the world of their century to be ill and in need of healing. 10 They not only ascribed ever increasing division and fragmentation of the individual and society to the age of Enlightenment but also to the new technological developments. The Industrial Revolution, which represented in the eyes of the Romantics the triumph of the desire for prof it motive over spiritual values, was another contributing factor to the isolation of the individual and its Entfremdung (alienation) from nature. The sentiment s of alienation and Weltschmerz (world weariness) therefore mark the Z eitgeist (spirit of the time) of Romanticism and are attended by the issue of identity formation a nd identity loss respectively 10 In contrast, Goethe described the Romantic mov : healthy sick ) (Jenisch 50 79).
40 The followers of the Romantic movement understood that the physical reality of their time could never satisfy the demands of their minds and hence felt a sense of infinite Sehnsucht (longing) for a different world. The dicho tomy between reality and Romantic idealism created a painful feeling of sadness and melancholy. The Romantics were faced with the dilemma how to escape this negative emotional state. If, as Herder stated it, a utopian age existed in the future of humankind h ow was one able to reach it ? The solution for the Romantics lay in the ages before the present time. They had to look back to the past ages in which man was not yet alienated from nature In other words, to create the fundaments of a new Golden A ge it was necessary to take a circular route via the harmonious past Only there, so the Romantics believed, could man find and reconnect with the ideal state of natural unity and wholeness. Th is conviction was articulated in a t riadic scheme of history consist ing of an idealized prehistoric age, a present with negative qualities, and an ideal future. Many German philosophers and writers of the nineteenth century founded their ideas on the basic structure of this scheme, e.g. Herder, Kant, Schelling, Schiller, H lderlin, Novalis, and Hegel (Lampart 175). The Romantic thinkers drew an analogy between the ages of history and the development of the Volk (people or nation) as collective individual s Comparable to a human being, in Romantic thought, the Volk could be educated and shaped to become a harmonious personality (Lampart 176). Herder expresses this understanding of history in hi s historico philosophical pamphlet Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit ( Another Philosophy of History Conc erning the Development of Mankind 1774) through four phases of human civilization and culture tied to geographical loca t ions : Das goldene Zeitalter der kindlichen Menschheit (the Golden Age of childlike mankind) is located in the Morgenland the Egyptians (or rather the Phoenicians) represent the Knabenalter (age of boyhood ) the Greeks constitute the
41 Jnglingsalter ( age of youth ), and the Romans mark the Mannesalter ( age of adulthood ) (481). From this historical perspective, the childhood stage is the anthropological state nearest to natural harmony. In this earliest phase, man is not yet alienated from himself by education and correspondingly, the sta te or nation is not yet contaminated by civilization and historical development Theref ore, the Romantics felt that a return to the Morgenland would bring about a spiritual transformation and the rebirth of a new mythology. Symbolically speaking, the Ori ent was a key to recover ancient and lost knowledge of the past, and grant ed access to primeval sources of poetry, beauty, archaic unity and perfect harmony. But how could one go back in history to that first epoch far removed from the present? For the Ro mantics, the answer to this question was Poesie which in this context is not poetry in its narrow sen creative entity that synthesizes subjective and objective as well as individual and collective parts of reality t 176 ). In the Athenae um Fragment no. 116 (1798), Friedrich Schlegel defines Romantic poetry as progressive Universalpoesie ( progressive universal poetry ), which means both poetry as genre and faculty and the sour ce of creativity to form poetry: Die romantische Poesie ist eine progressive Universalpoesie. Ihre Bestimmung ist nicht blo, alle getrennten Gattungen der Poesie wieder zu vereinigen und die Poesie mit der Philosophie und Rhetorik in Berhrung zu setzen. Sie will und soll auch Poesie und Prosa, Genialitt und Kritik, Kunstpoesie und Naturpoesie bald mischen, bald verschmelzen, die Poesie lebendig und gesellig und das Leben und die Gesellschaft poetisch machen, den Witz poetisieren und die Formen der Kunst mit gediegnem Bildungsstoff jeder Art anfllen und sttigen und durch die Schwingungen des Humors beseelen. Sie umfasst alles, was nur poetisch ist, vom grten wieder mehrere Systeme in sich enthaltenden Systeme der Kunst bis zu dem Seufzer, dem Kuss, den das dichtende Kind aushaucht in kunstlosem Gesang (37 38) [ Romantic poetry is a progressive universal poetry. Its destiny is not merely to reunite all of the different genres and to put poetry in touch with philosophy and rhetoric. Romantic poetry wants to and should combine and fuse po etry and prose, genius and criticism, art poetry and nature poetry. It should make poetry lively and
42 forms with sound material of every kind to form the human soul, t o animate it with flights of humor. Romantic poetry embraces everything that is purely poetic, from the greatest art systems, which contain within them still more systems, all the way down to the sigh, the kiss that a poeticizing child breathes out in an a rtless song .] (37 38) Schlegel claim to unify the heterogeneous and contradictory aspects of reality Universal poetry is progressive because it is ewig im Werden ( eterna l in the process of becoming ). Consequently, fragmentary works are o f great significa nce in Romantic literature, for example Kubla Khan (comple ted in 1797, published in 1816) or s literary fairy tale Heinrich von Ofterdingen ( Henry of Ofterdingen 1802). In Romantic aesthetics, the Morgenland is thus more than a source of poetic inspiration it is the home of Poesie a metaphysical, divine, and creative force that moves everything. History, in comparison, is the visible expression or manifestation of Poesie in reality (Lampart 177) In order to recover the lost Poesie of the past, to reconnect with it and to give birth to a new mythology, the Romantics used different approaches: they researched the history, culture s religions, languages, and literary works of the East, and immersed themselves in the study and translation of Arabic as well as Sanskrit texts. Friedrich Schlegel and Goethe wrote the two most renowned German works in this context. 11 In 1808, Schlegel published his monograph ber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier ( On the Speech and Wisdom of the Indians ) the first attempt at comparative Indo Germanic linguistics and the starting point of t he study of Indian languages. Goethe on the other hand, inspired by the Persian poet Hafez, wrote the West stlicher Divan ( West Easte rn Divan 1819 1827), a collection of lyrical poe ms in which he attempted to tie the Orient to the Occident. Other authors e. g. Wieland, Novalis, Hauff, Wackenroder and Achim 11 In his early days Goethe was connected with the literary movement Sturm und Drang (Storm and Stress ), which was an attempt to break out of what he saw as both the unduly narrow confines of prudent practicality and the Enlightenment vision of reasonableness. But when Goethe outgrew this phase of romantic rebellion, he denounced the Romant ic movement, com pare footnote 10
43 von Arnim, to name but a few, focused on Orientalist tropes in literary fair y t ales 12 To amplify my argument that German Kunstmrchen of the eighteenth and nineteenth cent ury idealize the East, I devote Ein wunderbares morgenlndisches Mrchen von einem nackten Heiligen ( A Wondrous Oriental Tale of a Naked Saint 1797) Heinrich von Ofterdingen These two Kunstmrchen lend themselves especially well for discussion, because they are frequently cited sources of the Roma ntic period and contain multiple references that directly link the protagonist to the Orient and to Orientals. Gifted in the fields of music and literature, young writer Wilhelm Heinrich Wackenroder lived only long enough to complete one small volume of e ssays on Renaissance painting titled Herzensergieungen eines kunstliebenden Klosterbruders ( Outpourings of an Art Loving Friar 1797 ) Before his death Wackenroder had begun to write a second volume of essays, Phantasien ber die Kunst, fr Freunde der Kunst ( Fantasies on the Subject of Art for Friends of Art 1799), dedicated this time to a discussion of music. Due to his premature passing however, hi s friend Lu dwig Tieck finished Phantasien ber die Kunst but included Oriental Fairy Tale in their collaborative work. In the introduction to his literary fairy tale Wackenroder not only locates the fantastic i n the East but also identifies the Morgenland as wondrous : Das Morgenland ist die Heimat alles Wunderbaren, in d em Altertume und der Kindheit der dortigen Meinungen findet man auch hchst seltsame Winke und Rtsel, die immer 12 The search for the original Poesie however was not limited to the realm of the Morgenland Another and by no means less important source for primal, religious, and natural unity was the idea of the European Middle Ages. Schlegel and No valis, for instance, linked in their works the Germanic Middle Ages, Catholicism, and the Orient and underlined the general philosophic value of Poesie as an absolute, unifying force. Arnim, Brentano, and the Grimm Brothers in turn searched for Poesie in t he living collective traditions of the people, e.g. in legends, myths, Poesie in relation to history. However, the authors disagreed on their understandings of Volkspoesie (f olk poetry) or Naturpoesie (natural poetry), as collectively created poetry (e.g. the medieval epic The Song of the Nibelungs ), and Kunstpoesie (artistic poetry), as individually created poetry (Schanze 89 90). I will further elaborate on the difference be tween Naturpoesie and Kunstpoesie in Chapter 4 of this dissertation.
44 noch dem Verstande, der sich fr klger hlt, aufgegeben werden (Wackenroder 304). ( The Orient is the home of all that is marvelous. In the an cient, childlike views prevailing there one finds strange signs and riddles still unsolved by Reason, which considers itself so muc h more clever ) (Browning and Ryder 47). This introduction echoes the credo of the German Romantics and ties the Orient to myth, the cryptic, and the miraculous. At the same time, the second sentence of the introduction takes a critical, eve n ironic stance toward rational thought and thus, the philosophies of Enlightenment. The Kunstmrchen narrates the story of strange creatures who live in a remote cliff grotto in the wilderness of the Orient. This opening recalls the fairy tale motif of the hermit in his remote, isolated cave; a motif which commonly o ccurs in other Early Romantic works, most s Heinrich von Ofterding en 13 s positively portrayed figures ( the Count of Hohenzollern, the p hysician Sylvester), however, the hermit in ative and desperate character. He is possessed by the compulsive idea that he must unceasingly turn the raging Wheel of Time in order to prevent the slightest, momentary standstill of time. While he endures the physical pains of his fate, the ffering: Er wtete, wenn er sah, da die Wanderer, die zu ihm wallfahrteten, ganz ruhig standen, und ihm zusahen, oder hin und wieder gingen und miteinander sprachen. Er zitterte vor Heftigkeit, und zeigte ihnen den unaufhaltsamen Umschwung des ewigen Rad es, das einfrmige, taktmige Fortsausen der Zeit; er knirschte mit den Zhnen, da sie von dem Getriebe, in dem auch sie verwickelt und fortgezogen 13 Hyperion oder Der Eremit in Griechenland (Hyperion or The Hermit in Greece, 1797 1799); Zeitung fr Einsiedler (Newspaper for Hermits, 1808) the voice of t he Heidelberg Romantics published by Achim von Arnim, Der Einsiedler (The Hermit, 1835 ). The word Eremit or Einsiedler (hermit) (Ancient Greek eremites from
45 wrden, nichts fhlten und bemerkten; er schleuderte sie von sich, wenn sie ihm in der Raserei zu nahe kam en (Wackenroder 305) [ He (the hermit) was enraged when he saw that those who had made a pilgrimage to see him standing idly by watching or strolling up and down engaged in conversation. Then he trembled with agitation and pointed out to them the incessant rotating of the eternal wheel, the monotonous, metronomic, unceasing onrush of Time. He gnashed his teeth when he saw that the bystanders were totally unaware of the machinery in which they too were involved and by w hich they too were pulled along .] ( Brow ning and Ryder 48) Only during beautiful, moonlight nights, the hermit takes his hands off the wheel and starts crying like a child. He then bemoanes his occupation, which makes it impossible for him to act, to affect or to create anything on earth. Althou beautiful things, he cannot rescue himself ( Browning and Ryder 49). he hears ethereal music and enchanting instruments playing, which transform his world into sounds and harmonies. Wackenroder emphasizes this narrative change stylistically by switching releases his soul, and magicall y turns him into a divine entity: Die Gestalt des Heiligen war verschwunden, eine engelschne Geisterbildung, aus leichtem Dufte gewebt, schwebte aus der Hhle, streckte die schlanken Arme sehnsuchtsvoll zum Himmel empor, und hob sich nach den Tnen der Mu sik in tanzender Bewegung von dem Boden in die H he (Wackenroder 308) [ woven of delicate mist, came floating out of the cave, stretched its slender arms longingly to heaven, and rose with a dancing movement from the grou nd to the measure of the music .] ( Browning and Ryder 50) T he luminous figure flies toward the stars of the night and finally disappears into the infinite Browning and Ryder 51).
46 I propose that Oriental Fairy Tale thematizes two kinds of escape that reverberated throughout the Romantic period : first the escape of an artist from a philistine life, and second the escape from an enlightened, technology driven modernity into the world of Romanticism. Wackenroder himself was a creative spirit and educated in composing an d playing the violin. T however, he studied law and became a jurist. Thus, the young wr iter was torn between his desire for musical self realization and his bourgeois environment, between his love for music and the dull, mechanic work processes at the superior Kunstmrchen mirrors t his personal Der gold ne Topf ( The Golden Pot 1814). Both protagonists suffer physically before love and music set them free. 14 While Hoffmann brings the realm of the fantastic to Germany, Wackenroder (like Hauff) sets his fairy tale in the Eastern world Only the topography of the tale resembles the Orient; th e attitude of the hermit toward life is a modern one and reflects the Western bourgeois world. Hence, the s aint also personifies the suffering of a restless humanity from spinning the roaring Wheel of Time. M odern society like the hermit, is fatigued with endless toil which prevents it from seeing or hearing anything but h ow the frightful wheel turns. 15 The nakedness of the main character not only stands for asceti ci sm but also stresses the isolation, alienation, and 14 In Der goldene Topf the main character, student Anselmus, is in a love relationship with the snake Serpentina and listens to her enchanting singing sound of crystal Lindhorst, imprisons Anselmus in a crystal bottle as punishment for splashing one of his original manuscripts with ink. Entrapped in the crystal, Anselmus suffers physical pains and mental torment before Serpentina reminds him of frees him from the bottle (85). 15 Er konnte vor dem Getse nichts tun, nichts vornehmen, die gewaltige Angst, die ihn in immerwhrender Arbeit anstrengte, verhinderte ihn, irgend etwas zu sehn und zu hren, als wie sich mit Brausen, mit gewaltigem Sturmwindssausen das frchterliche Rad drehte und wieder drehte, das bis an die Sterne und hin ber reichte (W ackenroder 304) [ Because of this din he could do nothing, plan nothing the overwhelming anxiety that kept him in constant, strenuous activity prevented him from anything except the way this dreadful wheel, which reached to the stars and beyond them, turn ed and turned, roaring like a mighty storm ] (Browning and Ryder 47 48).
47 fragmentation of the individual. For as long as mankind keeps spinning the Wheel of Time, its monotonous soun ds will drown out the music, meaning the force of Poesie In t he song of the two lovers Wackenroder praises der Liebe Ton (the sound of love) and inte marked by an attractive, fertile region of palm trees, flowers, and venerable groves : Mondschein liegt auf allen Blumen, Alle Palmen schlummern schon, In der Waldung Heiligtumen Waltet, klingt der Liebe Ton: Schlafend verkndigen alle Tne, Palmen und Blumen der Liebe Schne. (Wackenrode r 307 0 8) [ Moonlight lies on every blossom, All the palms are fast asleep, Ringing rule the tone Love keeps. Even in sleeping all tones proclaim, Palmtrees an .] (Browning and Ryder 50) The romanticized Morgenland depicted in the song ties the Orient to a synthesis of l ove, nature, m usic, and r eligion the very foundations of Romantic Poesie To further elucidate the close relation ship between love, poetry and music in Romanticism, I dra w on Minnelieder aus dem Schwbischen Zeitalte r (Courtly Love Songs of the Swabian Age ) published in 1803. According to Tieck, it is the p and his longing to create rhymes of related tones that fuel his desire to tur n words into poetry : Es ist nichts weniger als Trieb zur Knstlichkeit, oder zu Schwierigkeiten, welche den Reim zuerst in die Poesie eingefhrt hat, sondern die Liebe zum Ton und Klang, das Gefhl, da die hnlichlautenden Worte in deutliche oder geheimnivollere Verwandschaft stehn mssen, das Bestreben die Poesie in Musik, in etwas Besti mmt Unbestimmtes zu verwandeln . Eine unerklrliche Liebe zu den Tnen ist es, die seinen (des reimenden Dichters) Sinn regiert, eine Sehnsucht, die Laute, d ie in der Sprache einzeln und unverbunden stehn, nher zu bringen, damit sie ihre Verwandschaft erkennen, und sich gleichsam in Liebe vermhlen. (Tieck i xxx )
48 [It is nothing less than the drive to artificiality, or to difficulties which firstly introduce d the rhyme into poetry but the love for tone and sound the feeling, that similar sounding words must be in a clear or more mysterious relationship, the aspiration to transform poetry into music, into s omething defined undefined . It is an unexplain longing, to bring the single and unconnected sounds of the language closer together, so that they recognize their relationship, and they quasi wed in love. ] The creative a ct of the poet is an act inspired by love a work of passion that unifies sounds and ultimately transforms them into music. F or Wackenroder in turn music is allgemeinen, u general, all embracing love), through which one approximates die Nh e gttlicher Selig the close ness to divine bliss) (Wackenroder 310 1 1) Therefore, the Morgenland the mir aculous but also the triadic conjunction of love, poetry, and music The same tripartite Leitmotiv (guiding theme) permeate s s fragmentary novel Heinrich von Ofterdingen which Poesie comprises several different genres T he novel contains fairy tales, dreams, and songs, fuse s prose and poetry, and joins seemingly disparate aspects in the areas of philosophy, science, religion, and mythology Even though Heinrich von Ofterdingen exhibits characteristics of a Bildungsroman ( coming of age novel) Novalis puts it in a letter to his friend Ludwig Tieck was supposed to gradually transform into a Mrchen (Novalis, Schriften 4 : 322) 16 In his report o n the continuation of Novalis posthumous work Tieck cites : Die Mhrchenwelt wi rd ganz sichtbar, die wirkliche Welt selbst wird wie ein Mhrchen angesehn ( The fairy tale world becomes fully visible; the real worl d is itself regarded as a fairy tale) ( qtd. in Novalis 187). The novel consists of two parts, titled Die Erwartung (The Ex pectation) and Die Erfllung 16 Apotheose Novalis, Schriften 4, 1975, 322.
49 early death on March 25 1801, five weeks before his thirtie th birthday the nov e l remained a fragmentary piece and thus reflects, from a Romantic viewpoint, an l process of becoming (see my earlier discussion of ewig im Werden on page 42 ). The main character, Henry of Ofterdingen, is based on a quasi fictional Minnesnger (minstrel) of the Middle Ages who participated in the alleged Sngerkrieg (minstre l contest) at the Thuringian Wartburg castle in 1207. 17 on of a g oldsmith in Eisenach, reminisce s about the story of a mysterious bl ue flower that a visiting stranger told him Driven by an unspeakable desire a deep long ing and feelings of unknown passion that stimulate his poetic mind the youngster feels empowered to truly understan d nature by sharing a common language with animals, trees, and rocks. While his thoughts are in musical harmony, Henry dreams about the blue f lower and discovers in its calyx the visage (fa c e) of his future wife Matilda At first, Henry is o verwhelmed by the powerful images and unfamiliar emotions, but over time becomes increasingly introvert ed and falls into a state of silent melancholy Shor tly after his twentieth birthday, he joins his mother and some merchants on a journ ey to his grandfather Schwaning in Augsburg. The friendly travel companion s recognize art of poetry and the role of the poet After several days, the small party spends the night at a castle of an old war veteran. Here, Hen ry encounters c rusaders who celebrate the epulcher from premacy in the Holy Land. Thrilled to be amongst the c rusaders, Henry fe els inspired with warlike ardor. However, after a meeting with Zulima, a young woman from the Orient and kidnap ping victim of the latest C rusade, Henry is deeply 17 Both historical (Wolfram von Eschenbach and Walther von der Vogelweide) and fictional (Klingsohr of Hungary and Henry of Ofterdingen) minstrels were alleged to have partici
50 moved by her fate At the following stop over of their journ ey, the travelers converse with a Bohemian miner in a village tavern who eventually leads them to explore his recent discovery of a nearby cave. the Coun t of Hohenzollern, inhabits the cave Amongst the belongings of the hermit, Henry finds an illustrated book written in an unknown language, which seems to tell his own life story similar to a mise en abme even though with a fragmentary ending 18 Eventuall y the journey ends in Augsburg where Henry meets the poet Klingsohr and his daughter Matilda He now realizes, that Matilda Matilda and Henry immediately fall in love and soon aft er they are engaged to be married. At the evening of the engagement festivities, Klingsohr tells an intricate allegorical fairy tale, which ends the first part of the novel. the androgynous, poetic child of Henry and Matilda heralds the beginning of a new era of love and a golden future for mankind. In the meantime, Matilda has passed away and Henry now a mournful pilgrim, leaves Augsburg. When Matilda vision of his beloved. This revelation frees Henry from his heartfelt pains and changes hi s entire att itude toward life and death. Next, Henry mee ts the girl C yane, the daughter of the Count of Hohenzollern. She brings him to the hermit and physician Sylvester who converses with the pilgrim ab out the language of nature, the Golden Age, and religious aspects. Even though the personal notes in co shed light on the c ontinuation of Henry would have visited a monastery as well as Switzerland, Italy, and the Orient, met with the German Emperor to discuss politics, and 18 The term mise en abme (placing into infinity) refers to the containment of an entity wi thin another identical entity.
51 participated in the legendary S ngerkrieg en his a po theosis and the picking of the blue f lower would have give n rise to the Golden Age of eternal love and peace (Novalis 176 218). Since t he symbol of the blue flower resurfaces as central motif throughout the novel it serve s as start ing point for my analysis I argue first that Novalis links the Romantic emblem of the blue flower to the East and second that he associates the flower with an imaginary Orient, which is quintessentially positive. As romantic symbol par excellence the flower represent s the forces of nature: the various stages of gro wth, blossom, and decay ( or the eternal circle of li fe: birth, life, death, rebirth). 19 On the one hand, i ts blue color evokes the infinite e xpanse of the sky and the sea and on the other hand it epitomizes the feeling s of Sehnsucht and nostalgia (Freeman 112). Given and the significance it holds for the Romantics, one cannot examine the fairy tale without discussing the significance of the novel main metaphor Furthermore, in the context of the dissertation at hand the ques tion arises whether Novalis ties the image of the blue flower to his vision of the Orient Much has been written about possible references to botan ic prototypes spec ulations range from the blue gentian, chicory, hyacinth bellflower, and forget me not to the cornflower, the latter one being indeed a popul ar motif in Romantic poetry and painting (Kandeler 101 14) The fact that Novali s named one of yane however does not necessarily allude to the cornflower Latin name c entaurea cyanus but simply to the color cyan blue a lso called aqua or blue green). 19 In July/August 1800, Novalis wrote the word Metempsychose (reincarnation) in his notes for Henry of Ofterdingen (see addenda Die Berliner Papiere [The Berlin Papers] ). Con sequently, the author was familiar with Indian religious traditions and thought about working the reincarnation doctrine into his novel (200). Furthermore, the protagonist of Henry of Ofterdingen experiences metempsychosis in his dream of the blue flower: ein unendlich buntes Leben; starb und kam wieder, liebte bis zur hchsten Leidenschaft und war dann wieder auf ewig von se His life was an unending tissue of the brightest colors. Then came death, a return to li fe; he loved, loved intensely, and was separated from the object of his passion] (24).
52 I propose, however, that for Novalis the blue flower was much more than solely a Phantasieblume (fantasy flower) embodying as Hans Werner Retterath states (411) Instead I would like to highlight the connection between the blue flower and the blue lotus Nymphaea caerulea (also called Blue Egyptian wate r lily or sacred blue lily ) based on the works of Amos Leslie Willson, Sarah Roche Mahdi, Kamakshi Murti, and Robert Cowan In his book The Indo German Identification (2010) Cowan points out that ancient and medieval Hindu literature such as Kalidasa (The Recognition of Shakuntala ; ca A.D. 400) inspired the Jena Romantics and proved to be the most profoundly influential Sanskrit text for Novalis ( Cowan 79). In fact, the name Sakontala appears twice in the paralipomena (addenda) of the novel, identifying it as a crucial source for the author ( 198, 200) 20 The connection between the blue flower and the lotus has been traced in scholarship. Drawing on Amos Leslie Willson and Raymond Schwab, Sarah Roche Mahdi writes in her essay The Cultural and Intellectual Background of German Orientalism (1997) that the German Romantic image of the Orient was mainly based on Georg Fo r Shakunt ala (114). Fo r ster describes the blue lotus in his translation notes as unusually large and beautiful, and emphasizes its le ading role in Eastern mythology: Lotos. Es gibt in Indien zwei Blumenarten aus der Gattung der Wasserlilien, Nymphaea Lotus und Nymp haea Nelumbo Lin n [syn. Nucifera] Jenes ist die in Aegypten ehedem den Gttern geweihte Pflanze; allein aus einem Umstande scheint es fast, da die andere in Indien den Vorzug hat, in der Mythologie ihre Rolle zu spielen . Die Lotosblume mu te wegen ihrer ausnehmenden Schnheit und Gre die Aufmerksamkeit der Inder auf sich ziehen s ie ist die Blume der Nacht, die khlende Blume, die sich ngstet, wenn der Tag erscheint, die sich 20 Sakontala and (Cowan 81, see also Buck 30, Willson 158).
53 frchtet vor den Sternen; die nur dem Monde sich fnet, ihm allein duftet, und ihr Haupt hera bsenkt vor dem Strahl der Sonne ( Kalidasa 231 33) [Lotus. There are two kinds of flowers in India that belong to the family of the water lilies, Nymphaea L otus and Nymphaea Nelumbo Linn (syn. Nucifera) The former is the plant a nciently consecrated to the Gods in Egypt ; it seems almost that due to this circumstance alone the latter has its precedence in Indian mythology . The lotus flower had to attract attention of the Indians because of its exquisite beauty and size i t is the flower of night, the timid flower which is alarmed by the light of day and frightened by the stars. It opens and is fragrant only to the moon, and sinks its head under the rays of the sun .] (Willson 77 78) While the above mentioned scholars have established a link between Novalis and the blue lotus Shakuntala they have not provided tex tual evidence for their claims with reference to the fairy tale novel Henry of Ofterdingen and th e blue water lily of the Orient. The following passage does indeed suggest an aquatic plant : Er fand sich auf einem weichen Rasen am Rande einer Quelle, die in die Luft hinausquoll und s ich darin zu verzehren schien . Was ihn aber mit voller Macht anzog war eine hohe lichtblaue Bl ume, die zunchst an der Quelle stand, und ihn mit ihren breiten Blttern berhrte ( 11) [He dreamed that he was sitting on the soft turf by the margin of a fountain, whose waters flowed into the air, and seemed to vanish in it . But what most attract ed his notice, was a tall, light blue flower, which stood nea rest the fountain and touched (him) with its broad, glossy leaves .] ( 26) Another indication that ties the blue flower to the element of water and thus to the blue lotus Nymphaea caerulea appears personifies the blue flower in the first place and whose fac e appears in its calyx (11 12) The following text passage confirms that premonition dream of in the ul, mysterious stream does co me true : D er ungeheure Wald bog sich mit trstlichem Ernst zu dem Wanderer, das gezackte nur, Strom, du entfliehst uns nicht; ich will dir folgen mit geflgelten Schiffen; ich will dich br echen und halten und dich verschlucken in meinem Scho! vertraue du uns Pilgrim, er ist auch unser Feind, den wir selbst erzeugten, la ihn eilen mit seinem Raub, er 59)
54 [ The mighty forest bowed with grave s ympathy toward the wan derer; the notched stream, thou dost not escape us. I will follow thee with winged ships. I will break thee, restrain thee, and swallow thee up in my bosom! O pilgrim, confide in us! Even he is our enemy whom we ourselves begat; let him make haste with his booty, he escapes us not ] (196 97) Matilda, or rather the blue flower blossoms and peris water lily or lotus rather tha n any of the ot her speculated flowers. The lotus in turn is an ancient polyvalent symbol in Asian culture, which stands inter alia for purity, transcendence, divine beauty, creation, primordial purity, elegance, perfection, grace and cosmic renewal. (Balz, Krause, and M ller 412) Cosmic renewal and rebirth also mark the end of the novel when Henry plucks the blue flower and brings Matilda from her death, which was only an enchanted sleep, back to life. Even though the author drew on Indian mythology for his novel and co nsidered the Orient (80) Hence, the positive portrayal of the Morgenland culmina tes when Henry has his first encounter with native Easterners, the Arabian girl Zulima and her child, who are both victims of the last Crusade (55 60) This episode depicts a very clear, black and white image of East and West: the Orient as epitome of poetry, generosity religious tolerance, and a locus amoenus versus the Abendland as Western aggressor, the c rusaders who want to crush the ruchloses Volk (heinous people) of wild infidels through military conquest (51 54) 21 H ere, Novalis opens up a space for a critical p erspective of the c rusaders by exposing them as prejudiced, bloodthirsty, and religious extremists. Fueled by t heir ignorance and belligerent manner, the c rusaders come across as the actual bar barians and uncivilized savages In sta rk contrast pacifism, c ultural openness and 21 German.
55 amity mark the encounter between Henry and Zulima. The protagonist is initially drawn to Zulima by her singing and playing the lut e. As personification of the Orient the exotic woman incorporates love, poetry, and music the tripartite Leitmotiv A Wondrous Oriental Tale of a Naked Saint the Romant ic Sehnsucht for the lost Golden Age. Indeed, the de scriptions of her fellow countrymen and native land bear resemblance to poets living in a n Edenic paradise of natural harmony: Sie schilderte den Edelmut derselben (der Landsleute), und ihre reine starke Empfnglichkeit fr die Poesie des Lebens und die wunderbare, geheimnisvolle Anmut der Natur. Sie beschrieb die romantischen Schnheiten der fruchtbaren arabischen Gegenden, die wie glckliche Inseln in unwegsamen Sandwsteneien lgen, wie Zufluchtssttte der Bedrngten und Ruhebedrftigen, wie Kolonien des Paradieses, voll frischer Quellen, die ber dichten Rasen und funkelnde Steine durch alte, ehrwrdige Haine rieselten, voll bunter Vgel mit melodischen Kehlen und anziehend durch mannigfaltige berbleib sel ehemaliger denkwrdiger Zeiten (57 58) [ She portrayed their (the countrymen s ) loftiness of soul, and their pure, strong s She described the romantic beauties of the ferti le regions of Arabia, which lay like happy islands in the midst of impassable, sandy wastes, refuge places for the oppressed and weary, like colonies of Paradise, full of fresh wells, whose streams trilled over dense meadows and glittering stones, throug h venerable groves, filled with every variety of singing birds; regions attractive also in numerous monuments of memorable past time .] (79 80) In this connection, the Orient represents both the known and the unknown, the famili ar and the foreign, the perce ptible and the mysterious. Zulima tells Henry about some curious traces and images upon bekannt und nicht ohne Ursach so wohl erhalten zu ein. Man sinnt und sinnt, einzeln e Bedeutungen ahnet man, und wird um so begieriger den tiefsinnigen Zusammenhang dieser een always well known; nor have they been
56 preserved without a reason. You muse and muse, you conjecture single mea nings, and become more and more curious to arrive at the deep coherence of these old writings) (80). Even if one cannot demystify the enigm a and ancient past of the Morgenland its spirit still serves as a s ource for reflective thought and vitality T he a t tempt to reveal the secrets of the East suffices to attain a new kind of self awar e ness which results in a positive perspective on life : Geist derselben erregt ein ungewhnliches Nachdenken, und wenn man auch ohne den gewnschten Fund von dannen geht, so hat man doch tausend merkwrdige Entdeckungen in sich selbst gemacht, die dem Leben einen neuen Glanz und dem Gemt eine l ange, belohnende though you depart without having solved the enigmas, you have yet made a thousand remarkable discoveries in yourself, which give to life a new refulgen ce, and to the mind an ever profitable occupation) (80). Easterners and Westerners for it is her who advocates cultural synthesis, respect, and cooperation amongst Musl ims and Christians. The Arabian woman portrays her home country as a place whe re nature appears more human ; a world that stimulates magic poetry and fable of the mind. Furthermore, she identifies the Orient as origin of mankind the alte Heimat (old home ) of the Geschlecht historical philosophy (58). According to the Oriental maiden, t die Wiege eines glcklichen Einverstndnisses, der Anlass ewiger wohlttiger Bndnisse (59) ( the cradle of a hap py union, the source of an alli ance blessing all forever) (81), since her fellow countrymen honored Jesus Christ as a prophet and permitted pilgrimag es to the sacred tomb. The C rusades, however, separated forever the Morgenland from Europe (59). The author hand encounter with the Orient to
57 enlighten the reader about Western stereotypes toward the Zulima argues against the prejudice of Eastern barbarism and cruelty and instead stresses in an illuminating hospitality and Arabian generosity. Deeply touched by her fate and story, Henry sympathizes with the young woman and distances himself from the c rusaders, whom he had previously admired with fervent devotion. After the conversation wi th Zulima, t he protagonist chooses not to rej symbolically, turns his back on colonialist and imperialist ventures of the Western powers (59 60) In his literary fairy tale Novalis not only idealizes the Orient but also sh eds a negative light on the Occident. Farther along on his journey, Henry h ears another tragic story from the Count of Hohenzollern that confirms the destructive, contaminating influence of the West on Eastern existence. The children of the hermit, a metap hor for the childlike Orient, growth, and development, do not survive the transition from the East to the West: Meine Marie hatte mir zwei Kinder im Orient geboren. Sie waren die Freude unseres Lebens. Die Seefahrt und die rauhere abendlndische Luft st rte ihre Blte. Ich begrub sie wenig Tage nach meiner Ankunft in Europa existence. The voyage and the rough air of the West destroyed their bloom; they were buried a few days after my arrival in Europe) (114). Not only is the harsh Western climate deadly to his children, his wife also passes away soon after. In contrast to the negatively portrayed West, Henry comes to know the Morgenland as a place of ancient resources and tre asures of the soil: daran kein Zweifel, und ist das ferne Indien, Afrika und Spanien nicht schon im Altertum durch remembers the treasures which are hidden in the East, he cannot doubt what you remark; and
58 have not distant In d i a, Africa, and Spain been distinguished even from antiquity, by the richness Here again, text passages of the literary fairy tale bear autobiographical traces, since Novalis himself was a scholar of geology mineralogy, and mining, and later on became an assessor of salt mines While the Count of Hohenzollern connect s the Orient with tr easures of the earth, such as jewels and costly metals, the Bohemian miner locates the origin of his profession in the ancient East der Sonne wie unser Geschlecht, nach Abend gegan gen sein, und von der Mitten nach den migrated with the sun from the East toward the West, from the middle to the extremities) (110). The miner embodies Novalis viction that the Orient was the original source of various sciences and wisdom. In his Mathematische Fragmente (M athematical Fragments, 1799), the writer claims that the Morgenland chte Mathematik a form of knowledge that refers to the absolute while in Europe mathematics has degenerated into a purely technical science ( Schriften 3: 594 ) 22 The extensive, manifold forms of E a stern knowledge also emanate from the conti nuation of Henry of Ofterdingen. In the paralipomena of the fairy tale novel, He nry travels to Jerusalem a journey Novalis himself never embarked on and has wondrous conversations with the dead Arzeneykunde, Physiognomik, Medicinische Ansicht der Welt. Theophrast Paracels Philosophie, 22 In his Mathematical Fragments Novalis asserts that the highest life is mathematics and its purest form is religion ( Schriften 3: 593 594). Further, he claims genuine mathematics is the true element of the magician ( Schriften, 3: 593 ). In music, it appears formally, as revelation as creative Idealism ( Schrifte n, 3: 593 ). All enjoyment is musical, and hence mathematical ( Schriften 3: 593 ). In a nutshell, Novalis fuses seemingly disparate disciplines, e.g. mathematics philosophy, poetics, and states that they are one.
59 Ma gie etc. Geographie. Astrologie (204 05). (Discussions with the old man about physics etc. especially pharmacology, physiognomy, medical outlook of the world. Th philosophy, magic etc. geography, astrology). Scholars Ludwig Stockinger and Gabriele understanding of the Orient for their contribution to the catalogue Novalis und der Orient (Novalis and th e Ori ent, 2007), hi ghlighted the following Sakontala Ideen ), Egypt (magic, medicine, and Isis myth), Arabia (mathematics, geometry, astronomy, alchemy), Persia (ancient Persian religion of the Parse e the Zoroastrian; history, mining), China (medicin e ), Palestine and Jerusalem (history of Christianity) (127) Hence to quench his thirst for knowledge finds the fou nta inhead of sciences and ancient wisdom time in his life a true poet. Klingsohr, who also becomes his mentor and future father in law, names the romantic Morgenland t he Land der Poesie (land of poetry) (113), which has While the feeling of romantic nostalgia lies at the portrait of the Orient there is also textual evidence that characterizes the Morgenland as the epitome of love. In the second part of the literary fairy tale, Fulfillment it is the physician Sylvester who affiliates the East with love, amorousness and renewal: ber die ganze trockne Welt ist dieser grne, geheimnisvolle Te ppich der Liebe gezogen. Mit jedem Frhjahr wird er erneuert, und seine seltsame Schrift ist nur dem Geliebten lesbar, wie der (169). 23 ( Over all the sterile world is spread this 23 Sylvester unschuldige Blumenwelt (innocent world of flowers) and the Orient evokes Jugendwerke (youth works) : Die Sieste des Geisterreichs ist die Blumenwelt. In Indien schlummern die Menschen noch immer, und ihr heiliger Traum ist ein Garten, den Zucker und Milchseen
60 green, mysterious carpet of love. Every Spring it is renewed, and its peculiar writing is legible only to the loved on e, like the nosegay of the East) (208). The image of the Orient thus unites a look back into the past of with a look ahead into the future of what will be leaving the foretime behind and a waking to a new dawn of mankind, a Golden Age founded on the pillars of love and poetry. For Novalis, the highest form of poetry its apotheosis, is the fairy tale. Ever since he was a little boy, poems and fairy tales were his favorite amusement ( Novalis, His Life, Thoughts, and Works 25). As the writer grew older the outer world no longer mirrored his inner reality and he found Mr chen ( Fife 245) signifies das cht absolut Reelle tischer, je wahrer T he more poetic, the more true) ( Novalis, Schriften 2 : 647 ) In his literary fragment s, the author ties : Das Mhrchen ist gleichsam der Canon der Posie a lles potische mu mrchenhaft sey n ( Novalis, Schriften 3: 4 49 ) Im M h rchen glaube ich am besten meine Gemt h sstimmung ausdrcken zu knnen. Potik. All es ist ein M h rchen (Novalis, Schriften 1: 431 ) (The fairy tale is entirely the canon of poetry. Everything poetic must be fairytale like. I believe I am able to express my mood best in a fairy t ale. Everything is a fairy tale ) Hence, from a Romantic stand point, the fairy tale gen re is nothing predominantly childish or nave but typifies the ultimate truth of reality and the final, self cont ained expression of universal poetry To ensure a thorough investigation on all narrative level s t he concluding part of this chapter scrutinizes the three smaller fairy tales imbedded in the overarching frame story of the novel, the Arion tale, the Atlantis tale, and the Klingsohr tale, for references of the Orient. umflieen The siesta of the spirit realm is the world of flowers. In India the people still slumbe r and their sacred dream is a garden surrounded by lakes of sugar and mi lk].
61 The first fairy tale alludes to the classical Greek myth of the Dionysiac poet Arion who could use the power of his talented lyre play and singing voice to charm the nature around him. On their voyage to Augsburg, the merchants tell this story about the triumph of art o ver narrow minded materialism to Henry The legendary singer Arion, equipped with riches and treasures, poignant plea, however, the sailors allow him to sing a final song while they block their ears. With his magical music, the minstrel ca lls upon a creature of the deep sea to rescue him and to return him safely to the shore. The greedy mariners clash in a murderous quarrel over the riches that the poet had left behi nd and the ship eventually founders At the end of the tale, t he sea monster gathers up the treasures from the bottom of the ocean and returns them to Arion. Even though ther e are no direct references to the Orient within the narrative, the me rchants establ ish the time and p lace at the beginning of the fairy tale as follows: Zeiten in den Lndern des jetzigen griech ischen Kaisertums . Dichter gewesen sein (Thus it is said that there were poets in very ancient times, in the regio ns of the present Greek empire constituted the eastern part of the Roman Empire throughou t Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (306 AD to 1453 AD). Since Novalis legendary main character Heinrich von Ofterdingen supposedly lived in the thirteenth century the tale can be traced back to the beginnings of the Byzantine Empire almost one thousand years earlier. The regions of the empire back then stretched from southern Spain, and Gibraltar in the West, to the northern parts of Morocco Algiers, Tunis, Libya, and Egypt in the South, and from Jordan, Israel, Lebanon Syria, and Asia Minor in the East, to the Balkan States, Greece, and Italy in the North. In other
62 words, the topographic frame of the Arion fairy tale corresponds to those areas that were also part of the geographical Orient conception during the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Based on the merchant ed the lands of the ancient East were so oth sayers and prie sts, legislators and physicians) with special abili ties reminiscent of demigods and the power s of the Greek musician Orpheus (28). B y the magical sound of their instruments, the poets could control the forces of nature and shape human mentality : [ Die Dichter haben] das geheime Leben der Wlder, die in den Stmmen verborgenen Geister aufgeweckt in wsten, verdeten Gegegen den toten Pflanzensamen erregt, und blhende Grten hervorgerufen, grausame Tiere gezhmt und verwilderte Menschen zur Ordnung und Sitte gewhnt, sanfte Neigungen und Knste des Friedens in ihnen rege gemacht, reiende Flsse in milde Gewsser verwandelt, und selbst die totesten Steine in regelmige tanz ende Bewegungen hingerissen . (28) [ ( There were poets who) stirred up a secret life in the woods, those spirits hidden in their trunks; who gave life to the dead seeds of plants in waste and desert regions, and called blooming gardens into existence; who tamed savage beasts, and accustomed wild men to order and civilization; who brought forth the tender affections, and the arts of peace, changed raging floods into mild waters, and even tore away the rocks in dan c ing movements. ] (45) Moreover the bewitching artistry of the poets even drew down the who revealed to them the my steries of futurity, the harmony and natural arrangement of all things, the inner virtues and healing powers of numbers, of pl ants and of all creatures (28). In summary, the Arion tale projects the Orient positively as the home of spiritual mythology and the supernatural, the origin of the arts, culture, and sciences and last but not least the amalgamation of poetry, theur gy, re ligion, justice, and medicine, incarnated by the poet of the past The second fairy tale imbedded in the frame story is also recounted by one of the merchants accompanying Henry on his journey to his grandfather. The Atlantis tale is about an old king w ho rules over a paradisiacal realm and loves nothing more than his daughter and
63 poetr y. Given his high age, the king searches for a worth y successor. D ue to his excessive pride of his royal ancestry however, he finds every proposing prince inferior and unsuitable to marry his beloved daughter. One day, the princess falls in love with a young man who lives secluded with his father in the woods. The youngling returns to her a lost carbuncle, teaches her about n ature, and protects the maiden from a sudden storm in the wilderness. When the princess decides to stay with the young man in the woods, the king falls into misery and perceives his Aft er one year, the poet, the youngling sings for the king who happily welcomes his lost daughter and the new members to his family. The Mrchen of Atlantis them atizes first and foremost the power of love, poetr y and true knowledge of nature while at the same time passing criticism on the constraints of hierarchy and prejudice. Similar to the Arion tale, the hero of this story is a poet but, unlike his precursor without the magical powers to rule nature Here, t he young man instead embodies the forces of nature, which in unison with the princess, a symbol for poesy, produce an offspring and herald of the new Golden Age to come. 24 directly to the Orient by defining the origin s of the king au s einer uralten morgenlndischen Knigsfamilie entsprossen. Seine Gemahlin war der letzte Zweig der Nachkommenschaft des berhmten Helden Rustan 25 (He was descended from a very old royal family of the East. His consort had been the last of the descendants of the 24 I interpret the princess as the personification of Poesie since the princess grew up admist poetry, and her soul longing and of wistfulness. Furthermore, she 25 The Persian Rustan defeated and slayed the vicious spirit Akuman at the coast of the Persian Gulf. During the battle, which lasted seven d ays and nights, the evil monster thr ew Rustan into the ocean once ( Wrterbuch der Mythologie aller Vlker 24).
64 renowned her o Rustan) (52). Consequently, I surmise that Atlantis represents the imaginary Morgenland of ancie nt time s, a poetic, peaceful, a nd harmonic utopia, free of any human discord : Eigentum dieser wunderbaren Zeit geworden, und die Zwietracht erschien nur in den alten Sagen der Dichter, als eine and beautiful contemplations of a self created happy world, had become the possession of this wonderful time, and dissension appeared only in the old legends of the poets, as a former enemy of man) (50). Another text ual reference evoking the Orient is th e first line after the amorous night of the two young lovers that is t : morning was to them t he awakening of a new, blissful world) (61). I propose that Novalis chose deliberate ly evoke the association with the Romantic credo ex oriente lux the blue color symbolic for Romantic longing, and the word Morgen as syn onym for the East. conception for the men of lower rank coupled with his belief in the splendor of his descent and noble class are reminiscent of the Hindu caste system, at the pinnacle of which stoo d the Brahman, the poet priest (Willson 161) Noteworthy is the fact however, that the king is not portrayed as the archetypal Oriental despot la the cruel, brutal and willful Abbasid Caliph of Iraq in 694 AD, who most notably became known in the West as fairy tale figure in the Arabian Nights ( The Arabian Nights Encyclopedia 586) In contrast to the negative stereotype of the absolute indulgent ruler of the East living in distant splendor, with powe r of life and death over hi s peo ple (e.g. the Ottoman Sultan), Novalis portrays the king of Atlantis as primarily caring, good hearted, sentimental, and
65 remorseful character who in the end successfully overcomes his human flaws of arrogance and prejudice. By far the longest, most complex and allegorical of the three e mbedded fairy tales is the so called Klingsohrmrchen (Kli ale). Not unlike a Bildungsroman the tale adresses maturity and development, echoing to some degree the frame story of the novel Henry of Ofterdingen The Mrchen takes place on three different yet interwoven levels: the upper world, the human world, and the underworld. Ever since Iron (war) has thrown his sword into the world and Sophia (wisd om) descended to the humans the realm of king Ar cturus is frozen in ice and his daughter Freya (peace) lays in deep sleep. The Mother (heart) and the F ather (sense) have begotten the son Eros (love). His half sister Fabl e (poetry) is the fruit of the F ather and the wet nurse Ginnistan (imagination). Gin nistan travels w ith Eros to her father, the moon and seduces Eros in the disguise of his mother Meanwhile the Scribe (Enlightenment rationalism) usurps the reign and burns the M other at the stake. Little Fable flees into the underworld and outwits the Fates who spin and cut the threads of life. Sop hia dissolves the ashes of the M other in her bowl of water and passes it around for everyone to drink All experience unspeakable joy through the mysterious presence of the Mother. Finally, the Scribe is defea ted and Fable breaks the spell, causing the ice to melt. King Arcturus marries So p h ia, the Father marries Ginnistan, and Eros marries the awakened Freya. Eros and Freya now rule together over gdom of eternity At first glance, the extensive Kling sohrmrchen does not seem to contain any specific references to the Orient but rather underlines the general Romantic notion of world salvation through l ove and poesy A second glance reveals however, that Novalis include d some text ual leads that point to ward the East a nd are therefore worth a more in depth examination The
66 Dschinnistan oder auserlesene Feen und Geistermrchen (Dschinnistan). The ti spirits in Arab folklore and Islamic teachings, which also appear in The Thousand and One Nights I n Persian, the ending (Murti 20). Thus, Novalis refers to the Orient as first the land of the spirits and supernatural, and second the source love and poetry (Ginnistan suckles Eros and Fable ). In the tale, Gi nnistan transforms a small slender rod of iron into a serpent that bites its own tale. 26 By the power of her breath, evoking the divine act of creation, the wet nurse produces the shape of a so called uroboros : Ginnistan nahm es auch i n die Hand, bog es, drckte es, hauchte es an, und hatte ihm bald die Gestalt einer Schlange gegeben, die sich nun pltzlich in den Schwanz bi ss (126). and soon gave it the form o f a serpent As soon as Eros touches the o uroboros the lit tle boy grows instantly into a young man: D a fing der Knabe an wach zu werden schlug die Decke zurck, hiel t die eine Hand gegen das Licht und langte mit der andern nach der Schlange. Wie er sie erhielt, sprang er rstig aus der Wiege, und betrachtete mit unaus s prechlicher Freude das Kleinod . Zusehends wuchs er. (12 6 27 ) [ T he child awoke, threw off his coveri ng, and holdin g one hand toward the light, reached after the serpent with the other. As soon as he received it, he leaped from the cradle and gazed with speechless joy upon the prize . He grew visibly. ] (160) Unlike in the Judeo Christian tr adition, the serpent in Hindu and Buddhi st mythology has a very positive symbolism, e.g. a group of serpent deities including 26 Mrchen magically from decay.
67 of snakes who shielded the medi ta ting Buddha from the elements. D ue to the casting of its skin (molting) the serpent here repr esents primarily wisdom, rebirth reincarnation, timelessness and immortality The O shape of the ancient o uroboros symbol reinforces this infinity Novalis portrays th e Orient positively as he ties it on the one hand to rebirth and renewal, and on the other hand to the enhancement of growth that is to a higher and more mature level of development. Yet more favorable references to the Morgenland can be unearthed in this fairy tale The author writes about a to the cave of the Fates. On ly passage through the gate rd the East, N ovalis returns to the Leitmoti v of the Blue Flower or rather the water lily of the Orient: Eine wunderschne Blume schwamm glnzend auf den sanften Wogen . Ein Lilienblatt bog sich ber den Kelch der sch wimmenden Blume; die kleine Fab e l sass auf demse lben, und sang zur Harfe die sesten Lieder. In dem Kelche lag Eros selbst, ber ein schnes schlummerndes Mdchen hergebeugt, die ihn fest umschlungen hielt. (132 33) [ A flower, wonderful in beauty, floated glittering upon the gentle billows . A lil y leaf bent over the chalice of the floating flo wer. The little Fable sat upon it, and sang to the harp of the sweetest song. In the chalice sat Eros himself, bending over a beautiful slumbering maiden who held him fast embraced. ] (167) As Leslie Wi llson s tates in his book A Mythical Image (1964) this particular scene is paralipomena Novalis even mentions East Indian blue lotus Nymphaea caerulea The paralipomena also re veal that Novalis did not limit himself to German Kunstmrchen and wonder tales, placing his own heritage on an ethnocentric
68 pedestal. His final notes confirm his intention to include Persian fairy tales as well and to combine Oriental Greek, Christian an d biblical sagas with Indian and Nordic mythologies. In conclusion, I have elaborated in this chapter on how the two Kunstmrchen, Wackenroder A Wondrous Oriental Tale of a Naked Saint s Henry of Ofterdingen substantiate my assertion that German literary fairy tales of th e Romantic period idealize the e ast ern world Specifically textual evidence suggests a connection between the Blue Flower of Romanticism and the blue lotus of the East I determined that the Orient was a privileged concept in the eighteenth and nineteenth century since the Romantics tied it to the Golden Age, the Furthermore I explained that the Romantics fe l t Morgenland as they believed it would bring about a spiritual transformation and the rebirth of a new mythology. A nostalgic yearning and the rising interest in the exotic Other, however, were not the sole reason s w hy the quixotic Romantics turned toward literary fairy tales. In C hapter 3 of this dissertation I propose that German Kunstmrchen with Orientalist motifs served as vehicles for escapist imagination during the Romantic era. In this context, I will discuss fantastic world of the Arabian Nights and examin e closely the relation between fict ive prose and poetry, escapist imagination and the intoxicating substance opium. Specifically, I focus on the cycles of lit erary fairy tales written by Wilhelm Hauff, Die Karawane ( The Caravan 1826), Der Scheik von Alexandria und seine Sklaven ( The Sheik of Alexandria and h is Slaves, 1827), and Das Wirtshaus im Spessart ( The Inn in Spessart 1828, posthumously published), and the poem Kubla Khan (completed in 1797, published in 1816) by English Romanticist Samuel Taylor Coleridge.
69 CHAPTER 3 BETWEEN BIED ERMEIER AND EXOTICIS M: FANTASMATIC ESCAPES TO THE INTOXICATING WORLD O F THE ARABIAN NIGHTS The German Vormrz (pre March) 1815 1848, and Biedermeier period s 1820 1830 were marked by the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, political restoration, literary censorship, as well as a growing urbanization and industrialization leading to a new urban middle class In th e face of these turbulent times of intense political and social upheaval, accompanied by economical and geographical transformation the German pe ople, in particular followers of the Romantic m ovement s ought way s to elude the modern realities of the early nineteenth century. Thus, i n an attempt to escape the confines of the Industria l Revolution, population growth, and urban sprawl they turned t oward the private sphere, the provincial idyll of the Biedermeier on the one hand, and toward the w orld of fantasy unreality, and the exotic on the other I n this chapter I show how literary fairy tales with Orientalist motifs served as vehicles for e sca pism during the Romantic era, especially during the 1820s when the fashion of the literary Orient reached its heyday in Germany ( Ammann 5 ) I develop my argument in four di fferent sections: The first strategies, such as a multilayered diegesis and his narrative perspective from the Orient, which supp Arabia n Nights The second part continues to focus on the literary techniques of the Swabian author and shows how Hauff ties his re adership to his tales through cultura l commonalities. The feeling o f coziness (Gemtlichkeit) for example serves as a cultural connection that facilitates identification of the Western reader with the Eastern characters by reducing the fear of the strange and the unknown. Furthermore, Hauff uses the Orient to discuss Bi edermeier val ues and to critique the politic al situation in Germany. Section three establishes that while escapist imagination is fantasmatic, it also has a material, real dimension based on luxury goods from the Orient. I illust rate my claim in the
70 fourth section with the example of opium, which is a real drug that leads to fantasies that enable a writing which in turn provides the fantasmatic escape for readers and becomes a metaphor in Marxist analysis of economic problems. While I limit my focus to the particular topic of opium at the end of this chapter I expand my geographical view to Britain at the same time. Chapte r 3 thus demonstrates that the idea of the Orient was not only central to German Romanticism but to British Romanticism as well. Enchanting f airy tales most notably those about distant lands and foreign cultures such as the Tausendundeine Nacht (The Thousand and One Nights also known as The Arabian Nights and Alf Layla W a Layla ) offered German readership an opportunity to leave g ray postwar realties behind and to embark on fantastic journey s far away from fears of political power struggles and economic hardship. study stliche Spiegel (Eastern Mirrors 1989 ), the number of publications that featured Orientalist topoi including translations of Eastern texts into German rose to 245 in the peak year 1828 Between 1820 and 1830 alone three new German translations and one opera of Tausendundeine Nacht appeared (7). 1 Ever since Antoine Gal Les Mille et u ne Nuits ( The Thousand and One Nights 1704 1717 ) into French the image of a fairy tale, sensual Orient pervaded Europe 2 Almost over night, the book reached an unprecedented high le vel of popularity in France and hence contributed significantly to the increasing taste for the Orient) of the eighteenth century (79). No other work or event was more influential in revolutionizing the European perception of the Orient than the collection of Easte rn tales in the Arabian Nights 1 One Thousand and One Nights was translated by Albert Ludwig Grimm (1820), Joseph von Hammer Purgstall (1823/24), Max Habicht, Friedrich Heinrich von der Hagen, and Karl Schall (1825). 2 The final two of the twelve volumes of Les Mille et une Nuits were published in 1717, t death. Dates of the eighteenth century German translations of One Thousand and One Nights 1785 (Johann Heinrich Vo).
71 Beitrag, den dies Buch zur Verbreitung eines freundlichen Orientbildes leistete, ist unmglich zu ontribution of this book toward a friendly image of th e Orient) (15). The book not only emerged as one of the most frequently read literary works of the eighteenth and nineteenth century, it also triggered an artistic vogue that went hand in hand with the importation and adoption of cultural products in the a reas of literature, music, architecture, and consumer goods (Polaschegg 153, Beller and Leerssen 391). The unparalleled popularity of The Thousand and One Nights e v okes the question what made it so successful As Galland points out in his preface, through the marvelous w hich appears ordinary) ( xxx). In other words, they are first and foremost amusing wonder tales that enchant the rationalize d and dem ystified reality of Europeans. Furthermore, the s ) suitable to improve mores and hence fulfill an educational purpose (xxxii). Lastly, they satisfy the interest in Eas tern cultures and curiosity about the exotic Other by offer ing an alternative to travel journals and costly voyage s to faraway lands chercher ces peuples dans leurs pays, le lecteur aura ici le plaisir de les v oir agir et de les without the effort to seek out the peoples in their countries, the reader has the pleasure here to see them in action and to hear them talking ) (xxxi) After t he publication of the Arabian Nights the Orient per se became a synonym for the fabulous and magical during the Romantic period (Apel 59). This, I suggest, results from the fact that the Morgenland and its inhabitants depicted in The Thousand and One Nights are distant from the European reader on three levels : temporally, spatially, and culturally. In The Thousand and One Nights the first sentence of the frame narrative Die Geschichte von Knig Schahriyar
72 und Schahrasad, der Tochter seines Wesirs (The Tale of King Shahryar and of his Brother, King Shahzaman) erzhlt doch Gott allein kennt das Verborgene, und nur Er wei, was einst wirklich geschah in den lngst vergangenen Geschichten der Vlker da es in alter Zeit, als noch die Knige d er Sasaniden ( It is related but Allah is all wise and all knowing, all powerful and all beneficent that there was, in the tide and show of ancient time and the passage of the age and of the moment, a king among the kings of Sasan, in the isles of India and China) ( Madrus and Mathers 1). claims credibility for the miraculous inasmuch as it cannot be refuted from a perspective of experience In that r espect, the tales of the Arabian Nights set themselves apart from the salon tales established in France such as Les Contes des F es (Tales of Fairies, 1696 16 98 ) and Contes Nouveaux ou Les Fes la Mode (New Tales, or Fairies in F ashion 1698 ) b y M arie Catherine Le Jumel de Barneville, Comtesse and the folk based fairy tales of Charles Perrault who frequente d the same salon gatherings as Madame 3 From a cultural and temporal perspective t he se tales echo the n ational French character and etiquette rules of the royal court s in the age of Louis XIV that is in the time of the authors Thus, Richard Benz remarks in Mrchen und Aufklrung im 18. Jahrhundert (Fairy Tales and Enlightenment in the 18 th Century, 1907) all surroundings of the elegantly dressed characters in the Perrault tales breathe the fine perfume With regard to spatial distance, Perrault locates the frame narrative of his Histoires (stories) in Paris remaining closely connected to the home of his readers. 3 In 1697 Charles Perrault publi shed his Histoires ou Contes du Temps Pass (Tales and Stories of the Past with Morals), with the subtitle (Tales of Mother Goose).
73 Based on these observations I suggest that the thre e fold dissociation from the European reader is integral to the success of the Arabian Nights Drawing on the triumphant model of The Thousand and One Nights German writer Wilhelm Hauff adopted the literary concept of framing devices as well as various fairy tale motifs and integrated them i nto his own Mrchen Almanach (a lmanac of fairy tales ) 4 Despite the fact that the German market of the 1820s was already sa turated with Orientalist prose Die Karawane ( The Caravan 1826), Der Scheik von Alexandria und seine Sklaven ( The Sheik of Alexandria and h is Slaves, 1827), and Das Wirtshaus im Spessart ( The Inn in Spessart 1828, posthumously pub lished), was much so ught after by the German population (Polaschegg 405). With an estimated circulation of 36 000 copies in the first three and a half decennia after publication the Hauff tales were among the top four market leaders of their time (Ammann 17, 24). These facts lead me to pose several questions that I will address in the first part of this chapter to d etermine the relationship betwe en the Hauff tales and the escapism during the Romantic era : What distinguishes the Hauff tales from the Arabian Nights ? Do the tales embody the aesthetics of Romanticism and Realism, the two opposin g mo vments of the early nineteenth century? Did the author tailor his work to a specific audience? Why did the sale of the Hauff tales flourish despite an omnipresent Morgenlan d on the German book market? What literary strategie s if any, did the author employ to appeal to his Biedermeierian readership? I begin by proposing that e ven though Hauff stylis tically and thematically followed the model of the Arabian Nights the German Kunstmrchen differ significantly from the original template On the one hand literary fairy tales guide the reader in to the mysterious a nd magical world of the Orient, but on the other hand the escape from reality is relatively short 4 beginning of the telling, then reappears later on, and usually at the end of the story. The repeated element thus creates a frame within which the main tale can develop.
74 lived. In the same breath as Hauff opens up an exotic world of exciting adventures, filled wit h hidden treasures, enchanted heroes de sert bandits, and pirate ghosts, he re turns to the disenchanted Germany of the nineteenth century. Volker Klotz, German sc holar of literature and author of Das Europische Kunstmrchen (The European Literary Fairy Tale 1985), interprets a carefully designed masquerade of exoticism to cover Biedermeierian bourgeoisie (Klotz 211). increasingly drift away from the Eastern locale toward the German homeland. While all sto ries of the first almanac The Caravan are set in the Morgenland the tales of the second alma nac The Sheik of Alexandria and h is Slaves equally take place in Eastern as well as Western localities. 5 At last, t he third co llection The Inn in Spessart contains only one story set in the Orient, Saids Schicksale w hereas the othe r tales are bound to German and European areas. T stories however, is not analogous to the transition from the miraculous toward the realistic. 6 Indeed it is striking that Hauff does not connect the Morgenland with the marvelous from the outset. L ocated in the Orient the narratives Abner, der Jude, der nichts gesehen hat ( Abner the J ew Who Saw N othing) Die Erettung Fatmes (The Rescue of Fatima), Die Geschichte von der abgehauenen Hand (The Story of the Amputated Hand), and Die Geschichte Almansors ( The Story o f Almansor ) are potentially just as realistic as those stories set in Germ an areas e.g. Die Sage vom Hirschgulden ( The Story of the Stag Florin ), and Der Affe als Mensch (The Young Englishman). Furthermore, the German tales Zwerg Nase ( The Dwarf Nosey ) and Das kalte Herz (The Cold 5 Zwerg Nase (The Dwarf Nosey) and Der Affe als Mensch (The Young Englishman) are set in Germany, Abner, der Jude, der nichts gesehen hat ( Abner The Jew Who Saw Nothing) and Die Geschichte Almansors (The Story of Almansor) are set in Arabia. 6 See Polaschegg 409.
75 Heart) deal with supernaturalness by the same token as the Oriental ist narratives Die Geschichte von Kalif Storch (The Story of the Caliph Stork) and Die Geschichte vom kleinen Muck (The Story of Little Muck ) Lastly of The Caravan and The Sheik of Alexandria and h is Slaves bear no traces of magical references at all, supp orting my claim that Hauff does not tie the East a priori to the miraculous. Hauff dynamic i nterplay of border crossing s between East and West is unparalleled in other Orient insp ired literary fairy tales at the time, e.g Christoph Dschinnistan ( 1786 1789) Melechsala (1786) Almansur (1790) and Abdallah Talismane gegen die lange Weile ( Talismans against the Boredom 1801 1802), and August von Platen Hallermnde Die Abba siden ( The Abbasids 1829) Hauff cumulatively fuses romantic with realistic elements, portrayal of life, from the magical metaphysical sphere in to the psychological one 444). Throughout his fairy tale almanac s Hauff bridges the chasm between Romanticism and Realism b y uniting dichotomies such as unreality versus reality, irrationality versus rationality, distance versus locality, the exotic versus the domestic, the supernatural versus the natural, and the educational intentions and his emphasis on realistic aspects of everyday life, e.g. living spaces, costumes, meals, and cu stoms, fit well into the Z eitgeist (spirit of the age) of his time on the threshold of the Realist movement. Already the allegorical narrative Mrchen als Almanach ( Fairy Tale as Almanac ) in the prologue to the first volume of the almanac s reminds reader s that they live in a reality ruled by reason and rational thought. The anecdote I am about to discuss
76 toward contemporary censorship laws and emphasizes his subversive in tentions to bypass them. 7 T he protagonist of the story Fairy Tale, complains to her mother the Queen Fantasy that she has been denied entr ance to the world of the humans and that even the children sneer at her. The evil aunt Fashion who prefers other literary genres has spread malignant rumors against Fairy Tale Now, astute watchmen patrol the borders between the land of Fantasy and the human world to prevent Fairy Tale from entering. The Queen responds by dressing her daughter in a colorful, exquisi te garment, which disguises Fairy Tale as an almanac. In t his form, Fairy Tal e descends to earth to seek out the audience of children. At the gate, the elderly watchmen who are a rmed with sharp quills mock Fairy Tal e and her appearance. Thanks to her story telling powers the daughter of Queen Fantasy lulls the watchmen and slips through the now unguarded gate. Finally, a friendly man invites Fairy Tale into his home to entertain his educated sons and daughters. This allegorical preface sheds light on stories and echos the subt itle of the fairy tale almanac s : fr Shne und Tchter gebildeter Stnde ( for Sons and Daughters of the Educated Ranks). However, the tales are ultimately directed at two seemingly disparate but by no means mutually exclusive readerships: an overt audie nce of bourgeois children and an implied audience of aesthetically and politically sophisticated adults While Hauff draws on traditional folk and fairytale motifs to create a magical world that allows a childlike play of fantasy, he also uses strategies of ironic reversal and indirection, makes socio critical allusions and provides numerous clues which calls for a more complex interpretation of his multi layered texts 8 The tales invite children to engage their imagination and call on adults, 7 In 1819 the states of the German Confederation introduced Die Karlsbader Beschlsse (The Carlsbad Decrees), a set of restrictions, which called for a uniform press censorship, the abolition of liberal student organiz ations, and state supervision of universities. The German Bundestag (Federal parliament) abolished the Carlsbad Decrees during the 1848 revolutions of the German states. 8 For his second volume The Sheik of Alexandria and His Slaves Hauff adopted Wilhelm Schneeweichen und Rosenrot (Snow White and Rose Red) and Das Fest der Unterirdischen (The Feast of the Subterraneans), of which the latter one is not included in the published Grimm tales. His third volume The Inn in
77 as in the int roductory Mrchen als Almanach to critically engage with the deeper meanings of the concealed moral and social matters such as provincial narrowness, communal prejudice, and the question of social identity. The Sheik of Alexandria and h is Slaves contains an explicit reference to an implied adult readership. Here, a young man ponders about the and admits that when he was a child he could always be quieted with a fairy tale or fable. A s he grew older those short stories failed to satisfy him He now yearns for longer narratives so that he could relate to them : ten schon lnger sein, muss (139 ) ( I required longer ones [fairy ta les] which treated too of people and their wonderful fortunes ) ( 338) Furthermore, I propose that the Swabian writer strategically and with financial prospects in mind tailored his three cycles of literary fairy tales to suit a German audience and its fa shion able taste for the exotic While Hauff wanted to benefit from the vogue of Oriental ist literature i n Germany he also aimed to set himself apart from other authors and contemporary works on the book market. 9 His fairy tal es even had to compete with a complete translation of the Arabian Nights from French which was published in the same (1825 ) was a result of his innovative approaches and combined strategie s: first, he marketed his fairy tales in the popular form of Spessart contains sagas rather than fairy tales. Most popular is the saga of the Blackforest Das kalte Herz (The Cold Heart). 9 From the 1780s to the 1820s, Orientalist literature continuously bloomed in Germany. The variety of works ranged nd ghost stories Dschinnistan (1786 Abdallah (1795) and Almansur Palmbltter (Palm Leaves, 1786 1816) with contributions by Johann Gottfried Herder and F riedrich Adolf Krummacher, Johann Peter Schatzkstlein des rheinischen Hausfreundes (Treasure Chest of the Family Friend by 1814), Samuel Tayl or Kubla Khan Lalla Rookh (1817), and The Adventures of Hajji Baba of Isphahan (1824).
78 almanacs, second, he tailored his work to a broad audience of children, youngsters and adults, third he fused romantic with realistic eleme nts in his stories, and fourth he included exotic sujets of the East as well as traditional German and European fairy tale motifs in his almanacs. Geschichten (stories) rather than supernatural Mrchen (fairy tales) in the strict sense of the word, the narratives at large still remain extraordinary and wonderful. His tales are entertaining and full of adventure, with puzzling entanglements and unexp 445). In the frame narrative of his second volume The Sheik of Alexan dria and h is Slaves alter ego the aged and erudite dervish Mustapha, draws a clear line between the genres of stories and fairy tales The holy man explain s to his listeners that from the outset the telling of a fairy tale evokes notions of the m iraculous and expectations of events outside of t he usual hr werdet bei dem Mrchen auf die Erscheinung anderer Wesen als allein sterblicher Menschen rechnen knnen; es greifen in das Schicksal der Person, von welcher das Mrchen handelt, fremde Mchte, wie Feen und Zauberer, Geni en und Geisterfrsten, ein (151) (in a fairy tale you would look for other people as well as mortals to appear; strange powers, such as fa iries and magicians, genii and ruling spirits, are concerned in the fate o f the person of whom the tale treats) (350). in contrast (152) (are located in an orderly way on the earth) (351) as they deal with the usual affairs of everyday life Here wondrous happenings are mostly connected through the links of fat e drawn about a human being It is not by magic potions, fairy dust, or enchantments, as in the tale, that a human becomes wealthy or indigent happy or unhappy but by his own actio ns and the mysteri ous strokes of fate A n unexpected fortune or strange twist of fate suffice s to help the protagonist find his happily ever after i n a world without fairies and s orcerou s powers
79 Hauff justifies the predominance of non magic al Geschichten rather than Mrche n with reference to the Arabian Nights in his almanacs as the Geschichten have the same effect on the reader which is the immersion into a fabulous, unusual, and astonishing world: Solche reine Geschichten finden sich auch in den herrlichen Erzhlu ngen der nennt . Aber am Ende ist es dennoch eine Grundursache, die beiden [Geschichten und Mrchen] ihren eigentmlichen Reiz gibt, nmlich das, dass wir etwas Auffallendes, Auergewhnliches miterleben. Bei de m Mrchen liegt dieses Auergewhnliche in jener Einmischung eines fabelhaften Zaubers in das gewhnliche Menschenleben, bei den Geschichten geschieht etwas zwar nach natrlichen Gesetzen, aber auf ber raschende, ungewhnliche Weise. (152) [ And such storie s are also to be found in the glorious tales of Scheherazade called . But after all there is an original cause for the distinctive charms possessed by both styles (stories and fairy tales) namely, that we live to experi ence many things striking and unusual. In the fairy tales, this element of the unusual is supplied by the introduction of a fabulous magic into the ordinary life of mortals; while in the stories something happens that, although in keeping with the natural laws, is totally unexpected and ou t of the usual course of events ] (351) considered both styles of narratives, stories as well as f airy tales, as equally charming and suitable to serve as vehicles for escapist imag ination In his second almanac, Hauff deliberately create s the desire for such a flight from reality by designing a tragic background sto ry for the Sheik of Alessandria, a main character in the frame nar rative The wise Sheik Ali Banu whose son Kairam had been taken hostage by the Franks and whose wife died from motherly heartache surrounds himself every year with tale tellers and listens to their stories to forget about his sadness. Hauff demonstrates that b ot h genres natural stories and supernatural tal es, are powerful tools to get away from a gloomy reality and to dispel the shadows of grief and sorrow Throughout the frame narrative the characters reflect about the and a young writer suggests that listening to a story is the best way of escaping a painful [der Scheik ] zum Getrnke seine Zuflucht nehmen, oder Opium speisen, um den Schmerz zu vergessen? Ich bleibe dabei, es ist die
80 anstndigste Unterhaltung in Leid und Freude, sich erzhlen zu las (149) (Should he [the Sheik] take refuge in the drink or dine opium to forget the pain? I stick to it. The most decent diversion in sorrow and happiness is a story told). 10 Even though Hauff drew on the stories of the Arabian Nights his fairy tal e characters do not share the same spatial, temporal, and cultural distance to the European reader throughout the three volumes. German reader s can never completely step into the realm of the Morgenland but always remain anchored in their homeland and pres ent reality because of the oscillation between Eastern and Western tales as well as the intercultural encounters within the frame narratives and embedded tales. For example, i n the frame story of The Carava n a small group of merchants passes through the Arabian D esert on their journey home from Mecca Among the Turkish travel ers is Zaleukos, the son of a Greek Dragoman (interpreter) who grew up at the Ottoman Court. As a young man he travelled to Pa ris, then returned to Constantinople and later in life t raded merchandise in Italy and France before moving back home. Such f requent geo graphical moves between East and West are even more pronounced in the mysterious character of Selim Baruch who joins t he group at the outset and reveals his background and secr et identities toward the end of The Caravan Dis e Egyptian born son of a French consul crosse d the border between the Orient and the Occident a total of four times in his life. in second almanac The Sheik of Alexandria and h is Slaves (303). Because their master is about to set them free, the slaves conform to the custom of his house and tell stories. Among the selecte d ones who share tales of their homelands are not only Easterner s but also two Germ ans and one 10 English translations of the Hauff tales omit several paragraphs of the German version, including this passage, which is translated by me.
81 Norwegian Hauff uses the theme of intercontinental slave trade to create a multi national community of taletellers that allows for a diverse and entertaining mlange (blend) of narratives from different parts of the world. East and West grow noticeably closer together in this mix of international narrators as well as in the tales they tell. The embedded story Die Geschichte Almansors ( The Story of Almansor ) for instance strongly interweaves the Orient with the Occident. m to Paris. Forced to adopt French culture Almansor has to wear French clothing, adhere to French etiquette and learn how to speak, write, think and salute in French. It is not until he makes the acquaintance of an elderly professor of Orientalist languages that Almansor is exposed to Eastern culture again. Hauff caricatures the hype of Orientalist scholarship of his time by portraying the character of a scholar, presumably a parody of the popular Parisian professor Silvestre de Sacy, who goes so far as to recreate the Orient within the domestic space. Out of passion for his profession the old scholar has turned the salon (parlor) of his Parisian apartme nt into a second Orient called Kleinarabien ( Little Arabia ) The room is appointed with Eastern dcor such as Persian carpets and cushions, and adorned with artificially grown palm trees, bamboos, and cedars. Several times a week the youngster converses with the aged sch olar who dresses during these meetings in a Persian costume and smokes from a pipe two yards long: U m den Kopf hatte er einen feinen tr kische n S ha w l als Turban gewunden, er hatte einen grauen Bart umgeknpft, der ihm bis zum Grtel reichte . Dazu trug er einen Talar, den er aus einem brokatnen Schlafrock hatte machen lassen, weite trkische Beinkleider, gelbe Pantoffeln, und so fried lich er sonst war, an diesen Tagen hatte er einen trkischen Sbel umgeschnallt, und im Grtel stak ein Dolch, mit falschen Steinen besetzt. (181) [ He had wound a fine Turkish shawl about his head for a turban, and had fastened on a gray beard, that reache d to his sash . With these he wore a robe that he had made from a brocaded dressing gown, baggy Turkish trowsers, yellow slippers,
82 and, peaceful as he generally was, on these days he had buckled on a Turkish sword, while in his sash stuck a dagger set with false stones ] (386) In this cultural peace greetings, wears Egyptian clothes, speaks in his native tongue and thus regains a part of his lost identity For Almansor these occasions ar he feels as if he were at home onc e more in his own country (385 cultural encounters overlaps of E entanglements create an intriguing, sometim es amusing charm However, t he dynamic geo graphical jumps and frequent intercultural changes between the Orient and Occident also interfer e to some degree with the s patial and cultural detachment of the German reader and as a result with his ability to esc ape his own reality and Western identity This makes the encounters safe for the reader, since the own cultural perspective does not need to be questioned and is almost always reiterated as being safely in place for the German reader to return. Apart from this recurring pendulousness between East and W est, the Swabian author compen sates the deficiency of geographical an d ethnic distance that facilitates escapism by employing a n exceptional literary strategy: a multi level ed diegesis combined with the gaze of the Other. In her book Der andere Orientalismus (The Other Orientalism, 2005), Polaschegg distinguishes between four Hauff advances most impressively in his fairy tale Die Geschichte vom kleinen Muck ( The Story of Littl e Muck 1826 ) embedded in his first almanac The Caravan (432). In this popular Kunstmrchen an external narrator who is not part of any diegesis ( extradiegetic level ) tells the tale of a caravan travelling through the Arabian D esert (in t ra diegetic level ). The characters a group of merchants, in turn narrate stories during their rest periods to pass the time ( metadiegetic level ). One of the merchants is Muley who talks about his childhood foolishness when he and his gang played boyish pranks on an old, def ormed
83 man named Muck. As punishment for mistreating and humiliating the elderly Muck Muley rec eives twenty five strokes from his father who subsequently narrates a pedag ogical telling about the life story of dwarf sized Muc k (metametadiegetic level). With t his technique of a multilayered diegesis, Hauff takes the reader deeper and deeper into his fictitious world of narrated events while simultaneously distancing him or her further and further from reality. In addition, the author expands his intradiegetic level of narration to a continuous narrative space. While the writers of other cyclical compositions, e.g. the Arabian Nights Das Decameron (The Decameron, 1353), limit the functi on of the frame story to enclose the embedded tales Hauff repeatedly returns to the narrative level of his self contained intradiegeses throughout his almanacs. 11 By locating the frame storie s of his first two almanacs in the Orien t, the author creates an Eastern perspective at the in tradiegetic level. In The Caravan and The Sheik o f Alessandria and h is Slaves the community of narrators tells tales to an audience of Easterners not from a Western angle but from the viewpoint of the Other. 12 German reader s find themselves in an inner textual reality that is foreign and unfamiliar to them since the Western readers do not share the same spatial and cultural reference areas as the Eastern narrators Instead of returning the reader to the Western realm a fter each embedded tale Hauff instead continues to perpetuate the view from a performed Eastern lens. In 11 The Decameron (1350 1353) is a collection of one hundred novellas by Italian author Giovanni Boccaccio (1313 1375). It is a medieval allegorical work best known for its bawdy tales of lo ve, appearing in all its possibilities from the erotic to the tragic. In contrast to the Hauff tales, the frame narrative of The Decameron appears only at the beginning and at the end of each cycle. In The Thousand and One Nights the frame narrative is re duced to a continued the story) (Scot t 3,7). 12 In the tale The Sheik of Alessandria and his Slaves their tales from an Eastern perspective to an Eastern audience. For the German readership of the Hauff tales, however, this Eastern angle is the perspective of the Other. The only exceptions in this context are two slaves from Germany and Norway, who tell their stori es from a Western viewpoint to the Eastern audience in the tale.
84 comparison with the Arabian N ights the author does not slip into the role of Sheherazade but into the role of her Arabian, Indian, and Persian a uthors (Polaschegg 434). Consequently, the extradiegetic narrator remains either neutral or adopts a perspective from the Orient (138) (Such was the story of the Frankish slave) (337). Through the gaze of the Other, the portrayal of the Orient remains (for the most part) very negative light. I argue that Hauff uses the Orient as a masquerade to critique the societa l and political situation in his home country Germany and therefore intentionally rev erses the stereotypes of East and West that prevailed at that time Specifically the second almanac The Sheik of Alessandria and h is Slaves contains manifold refer ences that contrast the East with the West, the latter becoming a synonym for barbarism, sava gery, and ignorance. Hauff refrains from forthrightly criticizing single Western countries but rather resorts to the gen e ral term Frankistan (the country of the Franks) which implies all of West ern Europe. In the majority of references, however, the gaze of the Other focuses on France and looks down on the conduct of the French people. 13 The author purposely employs the character of a wise and highly educated man, the holy dervish Mustapha, to remind the read er of relatively ( The Egyptian Campaign 1798 1801) 14 and the French Revolution (1789 1799) : Es war damals die Zeit, wo die Franken wie hungrige Wlfe herberkamen in unser Land und Krieg mit un s fhrten sei es, weil sie lstern waren nach seinen [des Scheik s] Schtzen ich wei es nicht genau denn die Franken sind ein rohes, 13 (186) (Another race of Franks, Es muss doch sonderbare Leute geben unter diesen Franken und wahrhaftig, da bin ich lieber beim Scheik und Mufti von Alessandria, als in Gesellschaft de s (170) (There must be a singular people among these Franks; and, of a truth, I would rather be here with the sheik and mufti in Alessandria, than in the company of the minister, the mayor, and their silly wives in Gruenwiesel!) (374). 14
85 hartherziges Volk, wenn es darauf ankommt, Geld zu erpressen. Sie nahmen also seinen [des Scheik s] jungen Sohn, Kairam gehei en, als Geisel in ihr Lager . Sie [der Scheik und sein Gefolge] schifften sich ein und waren lange Zeit auf dem Meere, und kamen endlich in das Land jener Giaurs, jener Unglubigen, die in Alessandria gewesen waren. Aber dort soll es gerade schrecklich zugegangen sein. Sie hatten ihren Sultan umgebracht, und die Pascha, und die Reichen und Armen schlugen einander die Kpfe ab, und es war keine Ordnung im Lande. (107 08) [ It was at the time when the Franks, like hungry wolves, invade d our land, and waged war against us whether it was because they had designs on his (the treasure I do not know for a certainty the Franks are a rough, hardhearted people, when it is a question of extorting money. They took his (the young son, Kai ram, a s a hostage to their camp . They ( the Sheik and his men ) set sail, and had a long passage before reaching the land of those Giaours, those Infidels, who had been in Alessandria. But there every thing was in horrible tumult. They had just beheaded their sultan; and the pashas and the rich and the poor were now e law in the land ] (299) The enemy in this frame story is the merciless and avaricious man of the West, who embodies terror, lawless ness, and above all aggressiveness. Following the satirica l tale The Young Englishman one of the young merchants remarks: In Frankistan mchte ich nicht tot sein. Die Franken sind ein rohes, wildes, barbarisches Volk, und fr einen gebildeten Trken oder Perser msste es s chrecklich sein, dort zu leben (170) (I should not care cultivated Turk or Persian to live there) (374). One exception is the tale The Story of the Amputated Hand in whic h a Frenchman befriends the young Greek Zaleukos, pays for The Easterners in contrast, constitute a more civilized if not idealized, society and esp ecially the figure of the Sheik personifies wisdom, generosity wealth, and venerability (171) of his riches to the poor and surpris es his guests with lavish gifts (374). E ven thoug h the Sheik has slaves, he tre ats them with kindn ess and receives their love, loyalty and devotion in return. In fact, Hauf f emphasizes the strong,
86 emotional relationship between the ruler and his servants whose feelings reflect the affective Da waren Sklaven all er Art und aller Nationen. Aber alle sahen kummervoll aus; denn sie liebten ihren Herrn und trauerten mit ihm . Und alle Anwesenden teilten seine Freude; denn sie liebten den Scheik, und jedem unter ihnen war es, als wre ihm heute ein Sohn geschenkt worden expression, for they all loved their master and shared his grief  . And all present shared in his joy, for they loved the sheik, and to each one of them it was as if a son had that day been sent to him  ). It is noteworthy that one of the first human right s the Eastern ruler grants the liberated slaves is the freedom of speech. Hauff who wrote his fairy tale almanacs duri ng a period of harsh literary and unifor m press censorship enforced by the Carlsbad Decrees (1 819 1848) undoubtedly alludes with this tale to the political shortcomings in his own society. The Swabian author constructs a fictitious parallel world that enables him to use the gaze of the Other to hold a mirror up to his readership draw ing its attention to the lack of liberalism in the German states Moreover, i n The Story of Almansor Hauff takes the narrative perspective from the East to direct o cultural identity and thus calls upon the reader to critically reflect on the colonial aspirations of t he European powers in the early nineteenth century. Similarly to the close relationship between Sheik Ali B anu and his servants i n the second fairy tale almanac is the rapport between Caliph Chasid of Bagdad and his subjects in The Story of the Caliph Stork Even though Hauff portrays the figure of the ruler here in a slightly ironic light, as somewhat nave and imprudent yet with a courage ou s heart the people love their ruler fervently (22): Man hatte ihn [den Kalifen] fr tot ausgegeben, und das Volk war daher
87 ce been given up for dead, and the joy of the people at getting back their beloved ruler knew no bounds  ). Whil sovereignty is absolute, Hauff is far from characterizing him as the stereotypical Eastern despot but rather cunningly al with that of his subjects. Ultimately, in this tale it is t he collective of the people that acts as extended arm of the law and brings the treacherous sorcerer to justice : Um so mehr aber entbrannt e ihr [des Volkes] Ha gegen den Betrger Mizra. Sie zogen in den Palast und nahmen den alten Za ( All the more was their wrath inflamed against the traitor Mizra. They rushed to the palac e and took the o ld sorcerer and his son prisoners  ). The final judg ment of the Caliph, however, is somewhat macabre: while the powder. When the prisoner chooses the latter and transforms into a stork, the Caliph secures him in an iron cage, which he then places in the garden. In ( Said ), an Orientalist tale embedded in the frame narrative Das Wirtshaus im Spessart ( The Inn in Spessart ) Hauff uses the gaze of the Other to euphemize the historical figure of the allegedly cruel and tyrannical Abbasid ruler (Caliph of Iraq in 694 AD ) by transforming him into an idealized sovereign who stands out for his Gerechtigkeitsliebe (love of justice) and Scharfsinn ( astuteness ) (Johnson 668, Hauff 249). Disguised as a middle class citizen of a prosperous Bagdad, t he powerful Caliph walks among his people to learn about its true needs and hardships. The tale climaxes in a courtroom sce ne, in which judges ). Said, who saved the Caliph from a malicious robbery and received a financial reward for his good deed, is accused of theft later on by his former employer, the merchant Kalum Bek. I s urmise that Hauff
88 intended to create a positive image of E astern rulers as striking contrast to the German sovereigns of his own time. Hauff criticism of the societal l andscape and political power structures in Germany. As a matter of fact, in the tale Zwerg Nase ( The Dwarf Nosey ), the author does not shy away from using satire and irony to mock the monarch s of the Restoration period. In this telling of the second fairy tale almanac, Hauff depicts a who is a well known glut ton and lover of exquisite food (112, 125). If the meals are not prepared to his liking, the notorious gourmand usually throw s head (130). O nce in a fit of rage, the voracious Duke even threw a fried that was not sufficiently tender with such violence at his master cook d (130). Becoming fatter every day the Grand Duke invites a neighboring P rince to his court to show off his ne When the P rince asks for the pie Souzeraine ( Suzerain ) the Duke threatens the dwarf to hack him into pieces and bake him into a pie or to chop off his head and spear it on the gate of the palace, if he fails at Much to the amusement of the Prince, N ose does not know about t he special ingredient of the pie a herb called Niesmitlust (Sneeze with plea sure), and consequently cannot fulfill his task. At the end of the tale, the two Lords quarrel over the absence of the dwarf and this circumstance gives rise to the Kruterkrieg (Herb War), a great war between the two sovereigns (137). After several battles, the Pastetenfrieden (Pie Peace) follows at last: at the reconciliation banquet, the Princ the celebrated Souzeraine pie so that the Grand Duk e shou ld taste it in perfection (137 38).
89 Souzeraine Hauff hints at the political term the Deutsche Bund (German Confederation 1815 1848, 1850 1866 ) a loose association of 38 Central European states founded by the Congress of Vienna (1814 1815 ). represent the rivalry between the Kingdom of Prussia and the Austrian Empire (also known as 15 ), the two largest and most powerful member states that dominated the German Confederation. On the one hand, the tale satirizes the role of the German Confederation as suzerain and on the other hand, it highlights the arbitrariness of the kings, princes, and dukes, each of whom was concerned with maintaining sovereignty over his own state in the Vormrz (pre March) period. In the second part of this chapter I therefore focus on t he bourgeois character of The Dwarf Nosey by scrutinizing the Hauff tales for Biedermeierian motifs, s uch as morals, virtues idylls, domesticity, sociability, and Gemtlichkeit (coziness). Even though it appears paradox I assert that the exotic stories of the Orient share striking parallels with the middle class sensibilities of the Biedermeier era in Germany between 1815 and 1848. Unlike in any previous German literary fairy tale, the author illustrates in Zwerg Nase ( The Dwarf Nosey), alo ng to primarily work plac es and urban locations: the vegetable market, a narrow street a The tale presents the average citizen pursuing his and drawing out at great l wife as a market woman selling fruits, vege tables, various herbs and seeds, the laughing barber, the the master cook, and the busy kitchen staff running about, rattling kettl es and pans, and with forks 15 ng conflict between Prussia and Austria and their rivalry for supremacy in Central Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. While wars were a part of the rivalry, it was also a race for prestige to be seen as the legitimate political represen tation of the German speaking peoples.
90 and ladles in their hands (323). S till, even those narratives that are firmly located on German soil and feature the petite bourgeoisie bear traces of the Morgenland between the exotic and the domestic occurs not only on the macro level the oscillation between Eastern and Western topography as well as the intercultural encounters within the cyclical frame narratives of the almanacs but al so on the micro level through textual references to culinary and sartorial details of the everyday life within the embedded tales In The Dwarf Nosey for instance, the wicked fairy Kruterweis wears coco nut shells instead of slippers; her servants are gu inea pigs and squirrels in large, wide Turkish trousers with small caps of green velvet on their every thing costly and rare for the palate that could be found in the entire country of the Franks and e (323). In addition, Hauff swings back and forth between the cultural perspectives at the diegetic level: the German narrator (intradiegetic level) interrupts his tale (metadiegetic level) to explain such as e.g. paternoster Franken, o Herr, und dauert nicht halb so lange, als das Gebet der Glubigen) so kam schon ein They had scarcely sat down long enough to say half a paternoster [ prayer, O Sire, and it does not take half as long to say it as to speak the prayer of the Faithful ], when a messenger came and called the head cook to the Duke [325 26] ). Kunstmrchen mirror the world of the Biedermeier and the middle class norms promoted during that period, such as diligence, honesty, loyalty conscientiousness, faith, cleanliness, obedience, discipline, decorum, moderation, modesty
91 national pride, and a strong work ethic. 16 The cultural focal point during the Biedermeier era was no longer on r epresentation but on domestic happiness personal welfare, and family bliss within the wall s Driven by the disappointment o f political events in the early nineteenth century (Napoleon ic Wars Congress of Vienna), the German burghers turned to the private sphere and retreated to the san ctuaries of their home s. The core of the Biedermeierian concept was the idyll all around: in the domains of family, society, and nature. Furthermore e conomic progress a nd modernization during the restoration of the feudal police regime contributed to the appearance of commoners who were either apolitical or leaned toward the conservative side. Hence, returning to the Hauff almanacs, it comes as no surprise that the author places emphasis in his tales on the order of society, thereby defending the stability of the traditional social hierarchy and the separation of the bourgeois class from the nobility. Already the introduction of the fairy tale cycles alludes to the reflection on ethical principles and moral virtues According to the German proverb the author reinforces ab initio the goodness of assiduity and studiousness. In the allegory Mrchen als Almanach the friendly man invites Fairy Tale into his home to reward his e (cheerful hour) after they h own str e ngths, abilities, and learned skills In the tale Das kalte Herz (The Cold Heart), a kind little sprite and guardian of traditions named Glasmnnlein (Glass man) admonishes the charcoal 16 In her work Begriffsbestimmung des literarischen Biedermeier ([Definition of the literary Biedermeier] 1974), Elfriede Neubuhr puts the values and norms of the Biedermeierian middle n in die untere Schicht des naiven, in seine Arbeit gebundenen Kleinbrgertums, hat sich das klare, reinliche Dasein des Biedermeier als ein namenlos gewordener Lebensstil bewahrt, als Familienbindung, Ordnungssinn, Leistungsethos, Treue, Ehr und Pf lichtgefhl, als anstndige, zuverls sige brgerliche Substanz (Sagged into the lower layer of the nave, work bound middle class the clear, neat existence of the Biedermeier has conserved itself as a nameless style of living, as family bond, sense of order, ethic of achievement, loyal ty, sense of honor and duty, as respectable reliable civic substance ).
92 burner Peter Munk (called Kohlenmunk Peter) to honor his occupation like his ancestors did before him: Du muss t dein Handwerk nicht verachten; dein Vater und Grovater waren Ehrenleute und haben es auch getrieben (230) (You must not despise your trade; your father and grandfather were honest people, and they carri ed on the same trade). The story of Kohlenmunk Peter and h is wish for a better life shows that the search for riches, fame and power o ften produces gree d inhumanity, and violence. Set in the Black Forest, the glass man ikin ey and popularity. The young man however becomes idle, fails miserably, and eventually falls victim to the Hollnder Michel (Hollander Only after he kills his wife, the remorseful hero of the tale comes to his senses and with the assistance of the Glass man back to life and a dvises him to remain on the path of humbleness and honesty: ein Khler wie zuvor; bist du brav und bieder, so wirst du dein Handwerk ehren und deine Nachbarn werden dich mehr lieben und achten (Go home now, to s hut, and be a charcoal burner as before; if you are active and honest, you will do credit to your trade, and your neighbo rs will love and esteem you more than if you possessed ten tons of gold). At the end of the tale, the protagonist resume s his former occupation as charcoal burner and p rospers due to his own physical labor As antidote to modern revolutions Hauff thus promotes a return to respectable virtues connected with the traditional forms of economic activ ities and the structure of a reliable society with different social layers and classes Von jetzt an wurde Peter ein fleiiger und wackerer Mann. Er war zufrieden mit dem, was er hatte, trieb sein Handwerk unverdrossen und so kam es, dass er durch eigene Kraft wohlhabend wurde, und angesehen und beliebt im ganzen Wald (319) ( Henceforth Peter Munk
93 became an industrious and honest man. He was content with what he had, carried on his trade cheerfully, and thus it was that he became wealthy by his own energy, and respected and beloved in the whole forest ) In the critical satirical fairy tale Das Mrchen vom falschen Prinzen (The Story of t he False Prince) located in the first almanac The Caravan the Biedermeierian values of virtue, honesty, and diligence come to the fore. Hauff defend s the stability of the hierarchical structure of society once more by emphasizing the return to traditional trade and venerable craftsmanship. The main protagonis t of the story, which takes plac e in an Orientalist setting, is the ambitious tailor Labakan w ho attempts to break through the societal order by imperso nating royalty. Masqueraded as p rince Omar, the tailor arrives at the palace of Saaud, s ultan of the Wechabiten ( Wahhabi ) and competes with the true heir to the throne in an identity revealing contest. 17 When Honor and Fame Fortune and Riches cides on the latter and finds a needle and thread i nstead of a crown. According to Ulrich Kittstein and his research on Wilhelm Hauff, the author of the tale refers in this passage to the differing intrinsic measure s of value of the German middle class versus the nobility to legitimize t he barrier between both groups (28). The fairy Adolzaide provided the sultan with the magical boxes because she presumably foresaw tha t Labakan could not repudiate his bourgeois provenance and would therefor e pick the box that promised the tangible reward of financial wealth At the same time, the needle and thread emblematize that the key to social advancement of the middle class lies in its work ethic. Der Schuster bleibe bei seinem Leist [en] sho emaker should stick to his last) reinforces s standpoint that, even though there is some 17 The Wahhabi are members of a puritanical Muslim sect founded in Arabia in the 18th century by Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab and rev ived b y ibn Saud in the 20th century (
94 room for climbing up the social ladder, every member of society has his ancestral and firm place. Hence, the tale ec hoes the believe system of the Restoration period that sees the drive for econ omic and personal advancement a s positive for as long as the dynamic does not disrupt the given political and social order (Kittstein 29). In the end, Labakan obtains many customers, in b esch in moderate measure fairy tales that ultimately turns to the Biedermeierian virtues of modesty and meekness. After Achmet, the hero of the spine chilling tale Di e Geschichte von dem Gespensterschiff (Th e Tale of the Ghost Ship), gained as a business man, he lives a humble, self sufficient and pious life : aber lebte ruhig und in Frieden und alle fnf Jahre machte ich eine Reise nach Mekk a, um dem Herrn an heiliger Sttte, fr seinen Segen zu danken, und fr den Kapitano und seine Leute zu bitten, da er sie in sein Paradies aufnehme (34) ( But I lived quietly and peacefully, and every five years undertook a journey to Mecca, in order to th ank the Lord for His blessing at this sacred shrine, and pray for the Captain and his crew that He might receive them into His Paradise ) Other fairy tale endings adhere to the Biedermeierian image of the family idyll, reflecting the conservative mentality of Romanticism. While Kohlenmunk Peter reunites with his wife and mother in The Cold Heart Jacob returns to his family in The Dwarf Nosey as a handsome and wealthy man after he managed to break the transfiguration curse of the wicked fairy Kruterweis H is paren ts welcome the former midget with great joy and identify Jacob as their n T a reoccurring in The Story of t he False Prince and in The Story of Almansor which merges seamlessly into the frame story of the second almanac The
95 Sheik of Alessandria and h is Slaves The notion of a blissful family and harmonious private sphere is closely linked to the idea of an idyllic home and hearth atmosphere that evokes the feelings of domesticity and sentimental coziness. The German term Gemtlichkeit presumably coined during the Biedermeier era, does not merely describe a place that is compact, well heated and nicely furn ished but connotes the notion of belonging, social acceptance, and cheerfulness. Most importantly, the term implies the absence of anything hectic and stressful, and alludes to the opportunity of spend ing quali ty time friends and family In Ethnic Groups of Europe: An Encyclopedia (2011) Johannes Moser associates the term Gemtlichkeit with the middle class, candlelight, soft plush pillows, and nave paint ings of the countryside and of animals (177). To t his day, however, a popular singing toast by German composer Georg Kunoth (1863 1927) sugges ts that Germans do not limit the term to cozy female dominated Kaffeekrnzchen (coffee parties) in the parlor but tied it already in the nineteenth century to the so called Stammtisch consumption of alcoholic beverages in public houses t o sociability). While the Stammtisch represented a place of retreat for the petty bou rgeois, it evokes the feeling of Gemtlichkeit usually shared by a group of men, similar to the all T he Orientalist style of comfort and conviviality that Hauff represents in his tales reflects the German perce ption of Gemtlichkeit as well as the Biedermeier culture of domesticity, social gatherings in Kaffeehusern (coffee hous es), and Stammtisch meetings. Further, Hauff deliberately created an atmosphere of Gemtlichkeit firstly to fabricate a cultural bridge between the German reader ship and the Easterners depicted in his fairy tales and secondly to satisfy the Biedermeierian demand for coziness. T he cultural conjunction facilitates identification of the reader with the Eastern characters in the f rame stories and dispels any feelings of unease toward
96 the strange, the different, and the unknown. At the same time, the pleasure of enjoying a taste of the exotic remains intact. With the complexity of a multilayered diegesis, this identification process is essentia l to the author his readers into the frame stor y at the intradiegetic level that merge s the implied Wes tern audience with the intradiegetic audience of the Morgenland In other words, Hauff tailored his tales to the penchant of his Biederm eierian readership knowing that the sensation of Gemtlichkeit could function as a com mon denominator of both civilizations or at least be perceived as just that by the German reader. Based on this commonality, the German reader easily overcomes any feeli ngs of cultural alienation and undergoes more smoothly the c hange of ethnic perspective (gaze of the Other) intended by the author. By taking his readership along into a romanticized realm set in the East Hauff corresponds to the eighteenth and nineteent h century stereotype of a fairy tale Orient. With his colorful and picturesque descriptions the Swabian writer brings the ambience of a German living room and the coziness of a Biedermeierian parlor into the vast Arabian Desert. In the frame story of The C aravan for instance, Selim Baruch, a stranger who intends to accompany the caravan enters the tent through a curtain, Together, they eat from proper dishes, drink Turkish s herbets and on the conclusion of the repast smoke long pipes of tobacco. Presumably Hauff had an adult audience in mind when he wrote in explicit detail about the smoking habit of his characters throug hout the tales Die Kaufleute saen lange schweigend, indem sie die blulichen Rauchwolken vor sich hinbliesen und zusahen, wie sie sich ringelten (14) ( The merchants sat silently watching the blue clouds of smoke as they formed into rings and finally vanished in the air).
97 In a smooth textual transition, t he feeling of Gemtlichkeit carries over from the frame narrative into the first fairy tale The Story of the Caliph Stork of the almanac Here, Hauff creates a mood of ease and comfort immediately in the opening paragraph : Der Kalif Chasid zu Bagdad sa einmal an einem schnen Nachmittag behaglich auf seinem Sofa; er hatte ein wenig geschlafen, denn es war ein heier Tag, und sah nun nach seinem Schlf chen recht heiter aus. Er rauchte au s seiner langen Pfeife von Rosenholz, trank hie und da ein wenig Kaffee, den ihm ein Sklave einschenkte und strich sich allemal vergngt den Bart, wenn es ihm geschmeckt hatte. Kurz man sah dem Kalifen an, dass es ihm re cht wohl war. (15) [ One fine afternoon, Chasid, Caliph of Bagdad, reclined on his divan. Owing to the heat of the day he had fallen asleep, and was now but just awakened, feeling much refreshed by his nap. He puffed at a long stemmed rosewood pipe, pausing now and then to sip the coffee handed him by an attentive slave, and testifying his approval of the same by stroking his beard. In short, one could see at a glance that the Caliph was in an excellent humor. ] After every embedded tale and exciting adventur e, the narrative returns to the overarching story of the travelli ng merchants. The members of this exclusively male group gradually form a social bond and welcome the stranger Selim Baruch into their midst. In this connection, the author stresses the hospi table nature of the Eastern ers who provide for the newcomer By the time the travelers reach a caravansary, the whole company is in high spirits, jocular, dential than Besides sociability the caravan emanates an exhilarant cheerfulness and playfulness evoking once again the image of the Biedermeierian idyll tanzte einen komischen Tanz, und sang Lieder dazu, die selbst dem ernsten Griechen Zaleukos ein Lcheln entlockten . Die gestrige Frhlichkeit ging auch auf diesen Tag ber, und sie ergtzten sich in allerlei Spie Muley, the active young merchant, danced a comic dance, accompanying himself with songs, until even the sad features of Zaleukos, t he Greek, relaxed into a smile . The gaiety of the day before continued, and they amused the mselves with all kinds of games).
98 Not only did the literary fairy tales by Hauff cater to the Biedermeierian longing for Gemtlichkeit they also provided the audience of the Romantic period with thrilling entertainment, exotic adventure s and escapes into a magical wo rld full of material wealth and riches language and literature, suggests in his three volume Biedermeierzeit (Biedermeier period, 1972) that the Hauff the German people during a time ( onomical meagerness of the t ime). underscores my argument that German Kunstmrchen represented the Orient not only as a source of poetic inspiration set in a paradisiacal environment, but also as a place of luxuriousness and prosperity. Whether precious treasures, ornate room dcors, lavish garments or opulent meals, the Orient resembled a New Eden, a pristine garden of bountiful provision and abundance. Comparable to the Arabian Nights the readership of the tales could indulge in the exotic fruits of the Edenic tree and, on an textiles, ivory, pearls, jewelry, and gold. Especially noticeable in t descriptions of clothing worn by his protagonists. Whether it is a splendi d caftan of golden cloth, a white cashmere shawl or a turban ornamented with sparkling jewels, the style of dress and specific articles of clothing play a prominent role in the tales. At the outset of t he f rame narrative The Caravan the author illustrates in great detail the appearance of the stranger Selim Baruch : Er ritt ein schnes Pferd mit einer Tigerdecke behngt, an dem hochroten Riemenwerk h ingen silberne Glckchen, und auf dem Kopf des Pferdes wehte ein schner Reiherbusch. Der Reiter sah stattlich aus, und sein Anzug entsprach der Pracht seines Rosses; ein weier Turban, reich mit Go ld bestickt, bedeckte das
99 Haupt; der Rock und die weiten Beinkleider in brennendem Rot, ein gekrmmtes Schwert mi t reichem Griff an seiner Seite. (12) [ He rode a fine Arabian horse, covered with a tiger skin; from the deep red trappings depended little silver bells, s head waved a plume of heron feathers. The horseman was of stately bearing, and hi s attire corresponded in richness with that of his horse. A white turban, richly embroidered with gold, covered his head; his coat and Turkish trousers were of scarlet; while a curved sword, with a rich hilt, hung at his side. ] It is not until the final se ntence of the tale that Bar uch discloses his secret identity by revealing himself as the dreaded r obber Orbasan and the mysterious Ro t mantel (man in the red mantle) who encountered the Greek merchant Zaleukos in The Story of the Amputated Hand Therein, Ba sumptuous cloak becomes the recurrent theme of the narrative, which Hauff depic ts with painstaking attention to detail : Er war von schwerem genuesischem Samt, purpurrot, mit astrachenischem Pelz verbr It was of heavy reddish purple Genoese velvet, with a border of Astrachan fur, a nd richly embroidered with gold). According to his Kunstmrchen with the popular fairy tale topics of masquerading, disguise, and role reversal. The fifth merchant of the caravan, Ali Sizah, tells The Story of t he False Prince in which the admiration over the splendor of the embroidery and the various shades of velvet and silk, dresses in the court costume of prince Omar. Similarly, the hero of Sai changes his appearance by features and by putting on an extravagant apparel: [ein] Turban vom feinsten Gewebe mit einer Agraffe von Diamanten und hohen Reiherfede rn, [ein] Kleid von schwerem ro ten Seidenzeug mit silbernen Blumen durchwirkt, e ine Damaszenerklinge in reich verzierter Scheide, mit einem Griff, dessen Steine Said unschtzbar deuchten 5 9) ( a t urban of finest muslin with a diamond aigrette and feathers, a coat of cloth of gol d worked with silver flowers, a Damascene blade in a rich sheath, with a hilt set with priceless jewels ).
100 Hauff Kunstmrchen offered the Germans a fantasy escape fr om their own time of pauperism, economic hardship and granted them fantasmatic access to shopping expeditions among bustling bazaars and market places. 18 The tales are filled with stories about local hawkers as well as international m erchants, and emphasiz e luxury goods, e.g. costly hand made carpets, crimson velvet coats, silken rugs, splendidly covered cushions, and golden censers. Since the early seventeenth century, West Europe imported such precious textiles and other Kolonialwaren (coloni al goods) from the East, which contributed significantly to the semiotic constitution of the Orient. 19 Imported goods f rom China, Japan, the Arabic world, India, and Persia, included inter alia silk, damask, wall paper, carpets, and porcelain, spices like pepper, cin namon, saffron, cloves, and not least cocoa, tea and coffee (Polaschegg 88). Since the early nineteenth century Hanseatic as well as Prussian merchant ships in Germany s trade focused primarily on groceries from the West Indies (America) e.g. s ugar, rum, coffee, tobacc o, cigars, cotton wool, and logwood (Boelcke 105) I n contrast to the other Western naval powers though it is noteworthy to mention that in s eeking a did not begin until 1884 20 Already in the eighteenth century, a wide strata of the German population consumed colonial goods on a daily basis resulting in a gradual decrease of their luxurious nimbus and of their measure of social distinction (Merki 83; Maurer 44) Over time, Genussmittel 18 The term pauperism describes the catastrophic mass poverty during the time of pre industrialism, as for instance in Germany during the 1830s and 1840s. Excessive population growth and the growth of a Proletariat (Tipton 61). 19 Waren), Danish (Kolonialvarer) or Swedish (Kolonialvaror). Nowadays, the term covers many different sorts of groceries, including coffee, sugar, tea, spices, and other goods. The original meaning of the term comes from the colonial connection of many of t hese goods, but this meaning has been lost over time. 20 Even though there were some short lived colonial efforts by indiviual German states in preceding centuries, the domain of the German colonial empire did not form until the late nineteenth century.
101 such a s coffee, tea, chocolate, and sugar were no longer reserved for the upper social classes and the salon culture but found their way into the circles of the bourgeoisie. T obacco, alcohol, and opium which were among the imported luxury foods of t he early nineteenth century, bore a predominantly positive and salutary label rather than one of intoxication or psychic and physical dependence. When Sengle refers to the Hauff fairy tales as opiate in his above mentioned quote the assumption suggests itself that at the bottom of this analogy lies a more profound connection between drugs, fantasy escapes, and the Romantic period, which for the purpose of this dissertation calls for further investigation. Specifically, I examine t he ties between Romantic writers and opium consumption, and how liter ary productions of opium addicted writers might have influenced the image of the Orient in the nineteenth century. In the last section of this chapter I expand my geographical view from Germany to Britain and f ocus primarily on British Romantics to show how literature connects o pium to exotic travels and Orientalist fantasies without leaving home. I investigate the link between opium infused visions, creativity, and the Orient, as well as the i nfluence of the drug on dreams. At the end of this chapter I will return to the literary Orient to demonstrate that the East is portrayed positively in British poetry I am particula rly interested in answering the following questions : Did writers of the Romantic movement consume any intoxicating substances such as opium ? And if so, is there any literary evidence that suggests an enhancement of creative powers after the use of opium ? What positive and negative effects were ascribed to opium consumption in the early nineteenth century ? What is the relationship between opiates the Romantic vision of the Orient, and literary productions ?
102 M any Rom antic writers indeed took opium for various reasons: nonmedical side effects migh t also be enjoyed, as mental stimulant to and to foster creative inspiration, as means of transcendence and to experience another level of and lastly to escape the hardships of reality into the world of dreams and imagination. Opium poppy has a long history both in myth and in reality. Already the ancient Greeks associate d the poppy in their mythology with sleep, oblivion death, and fertility 21 In Mesopotami a, the Sumerians referred to it e chniques of opium productions were passed on to other countries in the Near and Middle East, to Egypt around 1500 B.C., to Persia probably around 900 B.C., and to Asia Minor around 500 B.C. B y the end of the first millennium, opium became a popular household remedy in India where it was cultivated and consumed throughout the country (United Nations 10). In the following centuries, opium was introduced in China and exported into the Wes t by international trading companies, such as the British East India Company, which was instrumental in expanding the opium trade toward the end of the eighteenth century (United Nations 12). By the time o f the early nineteenth century, opium was a widespr ead sedative and pain reliever, not unlike prescribed it frequently as a remedy to migraines, travel nerves, and to overcome conditions of hysteria and nervousness The narcotic was an integral part of every medicine chest i n a bourgeois household and commonly used in syrups and juices for children to lull them to sleep (Schivelbusch 217). Furthermore, the working class consumed opium on a regular basis, predominantly in the form of laudanum ( an alcoholic tincture of opium ), because it was easily accessible and above all cheap (Kloppe 147 ; Milligan 21 Demeter (the goddess of the earth, fertility, and agriculture), in despair over the seizure of her daughter Persephone by Hades, ate poppy seeds with a view to fall asleep and forget her painful grief (Kapoor 4).
103 22 ) 22 When Karl Marx co ined the well known phrase r eligion is the opium of the people 1843, he was well aware of the daily drug consumption by the German Proletariat Similarly, d rug use within the circles of the artistic and literary avant garde at the turn of the century was nothing unusual Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Keats Lord Byron, Walter Scott, Percy Shelley Thomas De Quincey, Elizabeth Barrett Browning, Jane Welsh Carlyle, Francis Thompson, Charles Dickens, Edgar Allen Poe, Charles Baudelaire, Grard de Nerval, Thophile Gautier, Novalis, E.T.A. Hoffmann, Wilhe lm and Friedrich Schlegel, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Friedrich Wilhelm Schelling, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Christian Grabbe, and Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche are all among those well known writers who at various points in their lives consumed opium, laudanu m, or hashish (Schivelbusch 220; Boon 31 ; Kloppe 148 ; Milligan 4 27 ; Jungblut 30 ; Marbacher Magazin 1995 72: 78 ) 23 According to Marcus Boon and his book The Road of Excess: A History of Writers on Drugs (2002) the early German Romantics believed that drugs contain in them the promise of the reunion of mind and matter, the transce ndental and the material realms (12). T o answer the question of why so many poets of Romanticism used opium, one has to consider the specific societal situation at t hat time The Romantic movement with its search for transcendence was a rebellion against the s c ientific materialistic, reason based culture of Enlig htenment that destroyed religious consciousness T he Romant ic subject could not come to terms with the cold, disillusioning truth of the mind and experienced the growing 22 The Swiss German alchemist Paracelsus, born Phillippus Aureolus Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim (1493 1541), discovered laudanum already in the sixteenth century in Salzburg, Austria. Opium was sold in various forms, such as in pills, powders, and plasters, liniments, lozenges, and laudanu m, syrups, suppositories, and seed capsules straight off the poppy stalk (Milligan 22). 23 Even though it remains unclear whether Goethe made his own experiences with opium, his pharmacy bills indicate a regular demand of laudanum (Behr 58). Friedrich Schle gel thought that he should have taken more opium to turn his Alarcos (1802) into a true antique tragedy (Von Chzy 89).
104 industrialization of a n environment driven by rationality which left no room for religious comfort and hope as a new expulsion from paradise No valis, who suffered from tuberculosis used the healing powers) of opium to alleviate his pains (Holst 266). For the young Romantic opium was in (Novalis, Schriften 4: 241) whose immanent healing powers could raise one up into Sf ren, die ein e wiger Sonnenschein umgiebt ( spheres that a re surrounded by eternal sunshine) ( Novalis Schriften 4 : 202 ) 24 Novalis tied intoxicating subst ances such as wine and opium to his highly ambiguous which in turn became a principle of evolution for him All sickness es, so the author believed, were deviations from nature and ultimately represented transcendences. T he use o f narcotics was a chemical means to produce sickness, an unnatural state of health of revolt against the limits of the Novalis paradoxically considered necessary for the develop ment of a new body that c ould o vercome the sickness alienated and fragmented man of modernity (Boon 31) This transformation was a w ay of perceiving the world anew and in a Romantic sense, could lead the soul beyond nat ure In his cycle of poems Hymnen an die Nacht ( Hymns to the Night 1800 ) Novalis speaks of opium in relation to the night, dreams, and darkness Hast auch du ein Gefallen an uns, dunkle Nacht? Was hltst du unter deinem Mantel, das mir unsichtbar krftig an die Seele geht? Kstlicher Balsam truft aus deiner Hand, aus dem Bndel Mohn. Die schweren Fl gel des Gemths hebst du empor (Novalis, Schriften 1: 131 ) (Do you too find pleasure in us dark N ight? What do you conceal beneath your cloak that presses upon my soul with invisible power? Precious balm drips for your hand, out of the bundle of poppies. You lift the heavy wings of heart and mind) (Browning 109). 24 Quoted by Novalis from letters to Friedrich Schlegel on December 26, 1797 and to his brother Erasmus in 1797.
105 Novalis elevates the night as a sacra l element to a timeless space of religious experiences, a gathering place for old (Orient) and new (opium) spiritual forces (Boon 30). The author views the realm of the night, the dream world, as a divine sphere that is accessible also during daytime throu gh the Rausch (intoxication) of wine bitter almond oil, and opium. In another passage of the Hymns he elaborates on the dark pleasures of narcotic substances: Ewig ist die Dauer des Schlafs. Heiliger Schlaf beglcke zu selten nicht der Nacht Geweihte in diesem irdischen Tagewerk. Nur die Thoren verkennen dich und wissen von keinem Schlafe, als den Schatten, den du in jener Dmmerung der wahrhaften Nacht mitleidig auf uns wirfst. Sie fhlen dich nicht in der goldnen Flut der Trauben in des Mandelbaum s Wunderl, und dem braunen Safte des Mohns. ( Novalis, Schriften 1: 133 3 5 ) [ Eternal is the duration of Sleep. Holy Sleep bless not too seldom in their daily tasks those consecrated to Night. Only fools fail to recognize you and know no other sleep than the shadow you mercifully cast over us in that dusk of the true miraculous oil, in the brown juice of the poppy. ] (Browning 111) Forced to retreat by the light (E nlightenment ) the night also becomes a place of refuge for Although the term to death, aves the way to a new mythology and age of mankind: Nicht mehr war das Licht der Gtter Aufenthalt und himmlisches Zeichen den Schleyer der Nacht warfen sie ber sich. Die Nacht ward de r Offenbarungen mchtiger Schoo in ihn kehrten die Gtter zurck schlummerten ein, um in neuen herrlichern Gestalten aus zugehn b er die vernderte Welt. ( Novalis, Schriften 1: 145 ) [ No longer was Light the sojouring place of the gods and a heaven sent sign these had thrown the v eil of Night about them. Night became the mighty womb of revelations into it the gods returned fell asleep, to rise again in new, more splendid form and go forth into the changed world. ] (Browning 121) 25 25 Even though morphine w as unknown to Novalis when he published his Hymns in 1800 in the Athenaeum (a German pharmacist, Friedrich Wilhelm Adam Sertrner, discovered the opiate only four years later), this particular passage of the poem evokes Morpheus, the Greek god of sleep and dreams, after whom Sertrner named his new discovery.
106 Marked by his illness the use of opium was for N ovalis a medical blessing and not an evil act as Baudelaire characterized it much later in his volume of French poetry Les Fleurs du Mal (The Flowers of Evil, 1857) Besides tuberculosis, medicines containin g opium were used until the second half of the nineteenth century to treat a long list of common afflictions including ague, bronchitis, cancer, cholera, diabetes, diarrhea, delirium tremens, depression, fatigue, gangrene, gout, insanity, intestinal obstruction, malaria, menstrual symptoms, neuralgia, pneumonia, sciatica, sleeplessness, tetanus, and ulcers (Be rridge and Edwards 32 34, 66 72; Milligan 22) Before I return to the topic of the Orient, I will sum up in a very brief detour why some British authors of the Romantic period turned to the drug i n the first place. With a view to British writers Thomas De Quinc e y and Samuel Taylor Cole ridge stand out for their opium inspired literary works and the ir connection between opium, dreams, and the Orient. Similar to Novalis, both authors initially took o pium (in the form of laudanum) for medical reasons; De Quincey suffered from a rheumatic toothache as well as neuralgia and Coleridge from rheumatism depression, and crippling bouts of anxiety P ositive eff ects of the drug included the alleviation of their symptoms but also the production of sublime visions, which t he writers found irresistible In Confessions of an English Opium Eater (1821 1822), De Quincey evokes the German R omantics and portrays opium as a gateway to paradises and hells The Engli sh author stresses the pleasures of the opiate when taken in a controlled manner and insists that o pium does not intoxicate but rather helps to clear the mind: W hereas wine disorders the mental faculties, opium, on the contrary (if taken in the most prope r manner), introduces amongst them the most exquisite order, legislation 197 ) However, De Quincey also elaborates on the pains and side effects of taking the drug, such as insomnia, deep seated anxiety funereal
107 melancholy, frightening visi ons, and other difficult physical symptoms. 26 Oftentimes, he experience d terrifying, inescapable nightmares: I seemed every night to descend not metaphorically, but literally to descend into chasms and sunless abysses, depths below depths, from which it seemed hopeless that I could ever r e ascend. Nor did I by waking, feel that I had re ) Opium consumption is connected in literature to travels and fantasy escapes without In his autobiographical accou nt, De Quincey unexpectedly meets a turban wearing, opium gobbling Malay ; a mysterious encounter that causes the author nightmares with Orientalist imagery set in an Asiatic scenery lasting for months (266) Without leaving his bed, the a uthor undertakes an Odyssean voyage from England to China, India, and Egypt. De Quinc e y associates Southern Asia with unimaginable horrors and awful fears due to the mere antiquity of anything Asiatic. The vast age of the Asiati c race i ts elaborate rel i gi ons, ancient history, culture, and above all mythologies are so impressive to him that they overpower the sense of youth in In his time distorted dreams and opium infused visions De Quinc e y suffers un de r the tropical heat of the e xotic regions is haunted by ugly bird s, snakes, crocodiles, and monkeys and tormented by the deities of the East: from the wrath of Brama through the forests of Asia; Vishnu hated me; Seeva lay in wait for me. I came suddenly upon Isis and Osiris . Thousands of years I lived and was buried in stone (286). 26 In his book Pleasures and Pains: Opium and the Orient in Nineteenth Century British Culture (1995), Milligan states more specific negative effects of opium addiction. Withdrawal symptoms include in yawning, sneezing, runny nose, and goose bumps and, in the later stages violent diarrhea, alternating chills and
108 For De Quincey and Coleridge, the drinking of laudanum evoked pleasurable as well as unpleasura ble images and mythical visions of the Orient. Despite his painful exper iences, De Quincy consumed laudanum for pleasure on a regular basis especially before going to the opera or wandering through the poorer neighborhoods of London and conversing with pe ople. He believed that opium excite s the system increases the activity of the mind and stimulates the senses (203, 207). According to Joyce Madancy, both authors, De Quincy and Coleridge, claimed that much of their best work was done under the influence of opium (31). 27 Coleridge, who shared a similar sense of enthusiastic joy in his early days of drug use, speaks of laudanum in one of his letter s written in 1789 to his brother George Coleridge spot of e nchantment, a green spot of fountains and flowers and trees in the very heart of a waste (1: 394). In another letter written the year before, he captures an opi ate m oment with Orientalist images : i nfinite ocean cradled in the flower of the Lotus, and wake once in a million years for a few minutes just to know that I was going to sle 350). The imagery in both cases is strongly reminiscent of famous poem Kubla Khan (completed in 1797, published in 1816) in its topography and Oriental ist references. Eve r since his childhood, the Romantic writer nurtured his sublime imagination by reading fairy tales and, at the early age of six years, the Arabia n Nights to the Orient and the sensual pleasur es it promised, however, met the disapproval of his father a clergyman, who eventually burnt the books (Milligan 34). 27 The publication of The Confessions of an English Opium Eater in 1821 started a debate over the creative powers The Milk of Paradise (1934) attempted to establish that opium using writers share a common imagery, which stems dire Coleridge, Opium and Kubla Khan Samuel Taylor Coleridge: A Bondage of Opium (1974) conclude that opium did not stimulate creativity (Lefebure sees opium as having destroyed rather than enha Opium and the Romantic Imagination (1968) contends that Coleridge did produce at least a draft of Kubla Khan Pleasures and Pains (1995) focuses more on the ways in which opium shaped Orientalist notions in Victorian England (Mandancy 31).
109 For Coleridge and other Romantic s opium embodied Oriental i st wisdom (as did the fi gure of Kubla Khan) and offered hop e of experiencing the a bsolute union of mind and world (Boon 34). In his introduction to the poem, Coleridge describes how he fell asleep after having taken two grains of opium. Beforehand, the aut hor was reading (1614), a work depicting the palace of Kublai Khan, Tartar king and founder of the Mongol dynasty in C hina. In his opium colored dream Coleridge saw before him the exotic and paradisiacal Orientalist landscape he attem pts to recreate through his poem. Through his poetic portrayal of the Eastern place opulence, and enchantment. Upon waking, the Romantic author began to write down what he remembered from the dream, only to be interrupted by a person from Porlock. The poem remained fragmentary a ccording to its original two hundred to three hundred line plan as the unexpect ed disturbance caused Coleridge to forget the lines The first stanza of the poem describes the exotic landscape and built alongside a sacred river fed by a mighty fountain. The second stanza of the poem focuses on the an Abyssinian maid playing a dulc imer. Her powerful song enraptures and inspires the poet but once the vision is gone, leaves him unable to put his creativity and imaginativeness into practice unless he could revive her music within him again the Romantic motif of Sehnsucht (longing) fo r the mysterious and ancient Orient, which for the Romantics signified freedom and giving in to human desires. T he author makes an analogy between the creation of an earthly paradise in the Orient reminiscent of Shangri La its sacred river of inspiration 28 Furthermore, t he poem celebrates a fascinatio n for the E ast and its untouched, 28 Shangri La is a remote, idyllic, imaginary land depicted in the novel Lost Horizon (1933) by James Hilton ).
110 lush nature. On the one hand, the landscape is peaceful harmonic, and old. There are maj estic but fenced gardens that conve y the image of a piece of land So twice five miles of fertile ground With walls and towers were girdled round: And here were gardens bright with sinuous rills, Where blossomed many an incense bearing tree; And here were forests ancient as the hills, Enfolding sunny spots of greenery. (Fleissner xix) On the other hand, Coleridge describes the Orient as a wild, romantic, sacral, and magical place that cannot be conquered by man: But oh! That deep romantic c hasm which slanted Down the green hill athwart a cedarn cover! A savage place! As holy and enchanted beneath the waning moon was haunted By woman wailing for her demon lover! . . . . . . . Through wood and dale the sacred river ran, Then reached the caverns measureless to man . . . . . . . (Fleissner xix) I interpret t he caverns as a symbol of everything in nature that man cannot understand, control or dominate. These caverns are dark, mysterious, and full of secrets, and ultimately poem of the fountain and the cave strongly evoke associations of the union of lingam (phallus) and yoni (female genitalia): The shadow of the dome of pleasure Floated midway on the waves; Where was heard the mingled measure From the fountain and the caves. (Fleissner xix) Coleridge alludes to the feminine character of the Orient by using reference d The author
111 highlights this feminization of the East once more in the final line of the poem whe n he finishes the second stanza with the expression a possible metaphor for laudanum. The opium tincture in this connection represents bot h, an Orientalist commodity and, he Orient. 29 While the main focus is on the yearning for an Edenic paradise on earth t he poet laments his loss and hopes for the revival of his poetic powers. In contrast to the struggling poet in his work production of Kubla Khan serves as a piece of literary evidence supporting the assumption that 30 Against the background of the prominent role opiates played in German and British Romanticism, S Kunstmrchen to opium appears in a new light. C onsidering the economic hardship, political oppression, and societal struggles during the Biedermeier era, the Volk (people) tempo rarily forget about everyday worries, remedy its anguish, and drown its fears about an uncertain future in poetic utopias. Thus, Kunstmrchen potentially functioned as a whole. literary fairy tales are a prominent example of German readership of the early nineteenth century to experience the world of the imaginary Orient from the viewpoint of the exotic Other. While Hauff design ed his multilayered die gesis to distance the reader fur t her from reality, he emphasized a cultural connection through Biedermeierian values and the sensation of Gemtlichkeit and used the 29 nursing English 30 Even after the period of Romanticism, the close relationship between narcotics, especially opium, and the Orient (1865), The Mystery of Edwin Drood de sicle Gothic The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891).
112 apparatus. Besides the fantastic dimension of e scapist imagination, I have discussed the material aspect and elaborated on luxury goods from the East with a focus on the real drug opium. I have drawn on the works of Novalis, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Tho mas De Quincey, to demonstra te that opium consumption lead to pleasurable and unpleasurable dreams of the Orient that served as an inspiration for fantasy writing during the era of Romanticism. The opium infused literary productions in turn provided the fantasmatic escape for the reader and became a metaphor in Marxist analysis of economic hardship The Romantics were convinced that Poesie of any kind, e.g. fairy tales, myths, legends, sagas, an from nature, as well as the increasing division and fragmentation of modernity. This Entfremdung (alien ation) marked the zeitgeist of Romanticism and corresponds to the is sues of identity formation identity change, and identity loss respectively, which I will analyze further in connection with national identity in C hapter 4 of this dissertation. Similar to the effects of intoxicants, literary fairy tales enable a person to embark on imaginary journeys to exotic places and fantasy worlds Kubla Khan Atlantis E.T.A literary fairy tale novella Der g old ne Topf (The Golden Pot, 1814), a story influenced by the autho consumption, will also be a principal topic in Chapter 4
113 CHAPTER 4 THE PLACE OF THE ORIENT IN THE QUEST FOR GER MAN NATIONAL IDENTIT Y Two conflicting paradigms influenced the German construction o f national identity in the late eighteenth and early n ineteenth centuries: the definition of the self in opposition to the foreign O ther and a Romantic conception of national identity as continuous with national histories and origins. During this time, the image of the Orient particularly India, paradoxically became a synonym for both : the O ther and the origin In this chapter I argue that myth, fairy tales and story telling played a signif icant role for German citizens in crafting a national identity and that Romantic l iterary fairy tales refle ct ed the importance of the Orient and myth as a m odel form for a pan German identity. I also assert that the increasing popularity of fairy tales which illustrate Orientalist Otherness served as co unter current to the ascent of Volksmrchen (folk fairy t ales) that were considered German to the core. Within the framework of a developing R omantic nationalist concept, the Brothers Grimm created an idealized collection of tales, which they labeled Kunstmr chen (literary fairy tales) iation, they were treasured just as much as the Grimm tales and German sagas, for example the Nibelungen. This chapter consists of three sections: the first takes a closer look at the relevance of the in the context of the emergence of German nationalism at the beginning of the nineteenth century and provides a brief historical overview of major political events I draw on the works of several prominent German writers at the time such as Christoph Martin Wieland and the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte, explore Friedrich Indo European connections and elaborate on t he nationalist project by the Brothers Grimm In the second
114 socio historical generalizations regarding Orientalism as a Western form of domination o v er the East (Said 3). Based on but also departing from st approach to Orientalism, a term that implies imperial aspirations of the West, I offer a more refined approach that highlights the German case in its appropriate socio historical fr ame. The third section provides a close Der gold ne Topf (The Golden Pot, 1814), links the poetical realm of Atlantis to the Romanti c conception of the Golden Age and the ancient Orient, reveals text ual references that evoke the exotic nature and mythology of the East and ties the fairy tale to West stlicher Divan ( West Eastern Divan 1819). At the end of the eighteenth century, patriotic sentiments in Germany underwent a significant transition to a modern n ationalist consciousness that w ould eventually lead to the formation of the German nation state. The pre revolutionary patriotism of the German middle class and of German intel lectuals w as first and foremost provincial and pre political (Kontje 99) German patriots were obedient to their local lords and guided by personal virtue and civic loyalty. However, with t he French Revolution and Napoleon came the inspiration of a new mil itant nationalism to Germany that replac ed the prior local patriotism. The German subject no longer felt a strong loyal obligation toward the regional sovereign but rather solidarity with the fellow countryme n and citizen s This particular development evok es Benedict Anderson dee p, horizontal 1 In the literary magazine Der T eutsche Merkur (The German Mercury) of 1793, Christoph Martin Wieland comme nted in his essay Ueber teutschen Patriotismus: Betrachtungen, Fragen und Zweifel (About German Patriotism: Reflections, 1 Anderson believes that a nation is a community socially constructed, imagined by the people who perceive themselves as part of that group (6 7).
115 Questions, and Doubts) on the new invention of the word Teutschheit (Germanness). In his childhood, Wieland had learned about his duties to God, to oneself, and to others, to his parents and teachers, and to authorities such as the Roman Emperor and the mayor of his h ometown. However, Wieland points out, he had not heard of his duty to be a German patriot ( 139). While he calls German patriotism a Modetugend (fashion virtue) ( Smtliche Werke 246) he could only see local patriotisms, such as Mrkische, Schsische, Bayerische, Wrtembergische, Hamburgische, Nrnbergische, Frankfurtische Patrioten (patriots of t he Brandenburg Mark, Bavaria, Wue r t temberg, Hamburg, Nuremberg, Frankfurt) but no pan German patriotism ( Smtliche Werke 252) Furthermore, Wieland refers to Germany in his essay The idea of a political unity of the German nation was not only new but practically unimaginable for those gener ations that had grown up before the French Revolution (Schulz 22). I n his essays Wieland bemoans the absence of a public and national spirit and geographical fragmentation through Kleinstaaterei (a system of mini states), which divides Germania into Vlkerschaften (nations/peoples) with different interests (553) Under the heading Das deutsche Reich (The German Empire ), Goethe and Schiller queried in a satirical epigram in their Xenien (1797) the very existenc e of Germany: Deutschland? Aber wo liegt es? Ich wei das Land nicht zu fin den. Wo das gelehrte b ( Germany? But where is it located ? I here the scholarly knowledge begins, the political end s ) While Goethe and Schiller us e d irony to criticize unwor ld l y scholar s and politicians, they also allude d to the vague topo graphy of the Holy Roman Empire. In fact at the time of the French Revolution, the Holy Roman Empire consisted of over 300 sovereign
116 kingdoms, territorial states, electorat es, duchies, principalities, and other small, independent, political confessional districts such as dioceses, shires, and knighthoods (Schulz 21 22) This kind of particularism represented not only an impediment to the economical and social devel opment of Germany but was also ob structive to the prospects of German unity and a common national identity The Romantic writer emerges at the end of the eighteenth century as a key figure in the creation process of a German national identity. Wieland saw t Gleichgltigkeit und Klte gegen allgemeines Nationalinteresse (i ndifference and coldness toward a general national interest) in the influence of those writers who are inspired by true patriotism ( Smtliche Werke 553) Writers h ad the power, according to Wieland, to spread the l ove for the German fatherland and to unite the Volk (people) which is separated by different states, diverse dialects, ways of living, as well as religious and political constitutions. Furthermore, he cal led for an a esthetic education that would instill in the people patriotic sentiments and public spirit. Goethe and Schilller in contrast, were less concerned abo ut finding the l ack of German national interest Instead, their epigram D er deutsche Nationalcharacter (The German National Character) stated in the Xenien encapsulate s the recommendation for an education in becoming more human Zur Nation euch zu bilden, ihr hoffet es, Deutsche, v ergebens; Bildet dafr freier zu Menschen euch aus ( Forget, O Germans, your hopes of becoming a nation; Educate yourselves instead to be human beings) (Segeberg 155). In contrast to his friend and colleague Schiller, Goethe at his time was no thus did not ge ar his works to be read or understood by the masses but reserved for an aristocratic audience, the elite, and the salon (Golz 104).
117 T he German population enthusiastically approved of the French Revolution at first However, when France crossed the German b order to claim the Alsace region and the land areas along the left si de of the Rhine River, a general feeling of resentment against the French spread among the German people. The failing health of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation and its collaps e by French armies and eventual liberation, resulted in several decades of permanent fluctuations increas ingly emerged as the nemesis of the German nationalists. After defeat of the Prussian troops in the fall of 1806, the German resista nce movement had the predominant goal to expel the invading militar y forces from their nati ve land (Kontje The German Nation 95). During the early years of the Rheinbund (Rhine Confederation, 1806 1813), a confederation of German princes and their states under French pr otectorate, some anti French writers and nationalist poets urged their fello w Ger mans to take military action. Theodor Krner and Ernst Moritz Arndt for instance composed poems to inspire German soldiers in the fight ode Germania an ihre Kinder (Germania to Her Children, 1809) contains truculent verses about banking the Rhine with French ( Gesammelte Werke 469) and his drama Die Herma n nsschlacht (The Battle of Arminius, 1808) celebrates the Germanic h Roman army here representative for French imperialism, in the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest Although Germans were divided politically into separate states, they were united by language and culture. Therefore, German intellectual Jo hann Gottlieb Fichte focused mainly on the distinguishing cultures of Germany and France, declaring the true supremacy of the former. While the German Kultur (culture) was conceived to be synonymous with nationalism, it
118 represented the antithesis to French Zivilisation (civilization) and sophistication, urban Reden an die deutsche Nation (Addresses to the German Nation, 1808), the philosopher call s for a reform of educational policies, a Deutsche Nationalerziehung (German national education) with the goal of educating not only single classes but all Germans joined as a nation. According to Fichte, Germans are better suited to this sort of education than other European nations because they constitute a Stammvolk ( aborigines), which has stayed in its origin al place for centuries without e migrating to other areas and without an amalgamation of foreign influences. and uncorrupted ethnic roots, they supposedly have a superior culture and thus di stinguish thems elves as Kulturnation (culture nation) from othe r European nations, especially the French. Because Germans still speak the same Ursprache (original language ) as their ancestors, the philosopher argues, they are conjoined with the collective experience of the German people and are not cut off fro m their natural roots, as are the speak ers of neo Latin. Hence an eternal patriotic bond exists between the Germans and their nation, which elevates them to a spiritual existence: Der Glaube des ed l e n Menschen an die ewige Fortdauer seiner Wirksamkeit auch auf dieser Erde grndet sich demnach auf die Hoffnung der ewigen Fortdauer des Volkes, aus dem er selber sich entwickelt hat . Sein Glaube und sein Streben, Unvergngliches zu pflanzen, sein Begriff, in welchem er sein eigenes Leben als ein ewiges Leben erfasst, ist das Band, welches zu nchst seine Nation, und vermittelst ihrer das ganze Menschengeschlecht innigst mit ihm selber verknpft Dies ist seine Liebe zu seinem Volke, zuvrderst achtend, vertrauend, desselben sich freuend, mit der Abstammung daraus sich ehrend. Es ist Gttliches in ihm erschienen, und das Ursprngliche hat dasselbe gewrdigt, es zu seiner Hlle und zu seinem unmittelbaren Verflssungsmittel in die Welt zu machen; es wird darum auch ferner Gttliches aus ihm hervorbrechen. (253) [ The noble elief in the eternal continuation of his influence even on this earth is thus founded on the hope of the eternal continuation of the people from which he has developed . His belief and his struggle to plant what is permanent,
119 his conception in which h e comprehends his own life as an eternal life, is the bond which unites first his nation, and then, through his nation, the whole human race . This is his love for his people, respecting, trusting, and rejoicing in it, and feeling honoured by descent from it. The divine has appeared in it, and that which is original has deemed this people worthy to be made its vesture and its means of directly influencing the world; for this reason there will be further manifestations of the divine in it. ] Re den about the German Volk (people) reverberate t he discussion surrounding linguistic relationships, which had dominated the works of the Early Romantics over the previous decade. The search for a German national identity went hand in hand with reflections about the origin and development of language Already literary critic and philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder articulated in his Fragmente ber die neuere deutsche Literatur (Fragments on Recent German Literature, 1764 1767) the central thesis that each l anguage is an expression of national identity of thos e people who speak the language: Jede Nation spricht also, nach dem sie denkt, und denkt, nach dem sie spricht (341) (Each nation speaks in accordance with its thoughts and thinks in accordance with its speech) While Herder had speculated about the cultural influence from the Orient on early Germans, it was Sir William Jones who first demonstrated deep structural similarities between the historical Indo Aryan language Sanskrit (and its archaic form V edic Sanskrit 2 ) and European languages including German (Germana 137). Early Romanticist Karl Wilhelm Friedrich von Schlegel made far reaching claims that it was possible to differentiate between single nations and peoples based on their language which he understood as a characteristic trait of a common origin. E thnic homogeneity as well as national unity are therefore intertwined with and d ependent on linguistic usage 2 The oldest known stage of Sanskrit is Vedic or Vedic Sanskrit, so called because it was the language of the Veda, the most ancient extant scriptures of Hinduism.
120 ficant pieces to theorize the link between Germany and the Orient. In his Vorlesungen ber Universalgeschichte (Lectures on Universal History, 1805 1806) and the monography ber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier ( On the Language and Wisdom of the Indians 1808) Schlegel took an anthropological view point and emphasized the actual familial relationship between the speakers of Sanskrit and German. According to Schlegel, who was the first German Indologist to study Sanskrit and Indian religion and philosophy from Paris dated September 15, 1803 to his friend Ludwig Tieck Schlegel stated aller Sprachen, aller Gedanken und Gedichte des menschlichen Geistes; alles, alles, s tammt aus Indien Briefe an Ludwig Tieck 329) (Here is actually the source of all languages, all thoughts and poems of the human spirit; everything, everything without exception comes from India). Schlegel traced the commonalities he had ide ntified among ancient Indian and European languages, mythologies, literatures, and philosophies, back to migration and to the existence of an original tribe of people located in India, the Urvolk (indigenous people). He suggested that people from India migrated through Persia, the Caucasus, the region of the Caspian Sea, and finally settled in north central Europe, in Scandinavia, and in northern Germany (Germana 138). Schlegel s migration theory was a groundbreaking novelty as it implied a kinship and not j ust a relationship between Indians and Germans. The works of Friedrich Schlegel paved the way for a new image of India, which no longer presented ancient Indians like, primitiv e Wilde of the Or ient but rather as the noble ancest ors of only anchored the Germans historically but also tied thei r identity to India and thus, in his estimation, to the oldest and most advanced culture in the world (Germana 140). In other words,
121 the German Volk was the heir to a culture that epitomized the foundation of the civilized world with its modern political, philosophical, and theological ideas. While t he desire for a Germa n identity led Romantic scholars such as Schlegel to seek for cultur al origins in the ancient East, they also turned to the literature of the medieval past (e.g. the epic poem Ni belungenlied [ The Song of the Nibelungs ca. 1205 ]) to legends of heroes such as Barbarossa 3 as well as to Teutonic or North Germanic myth ology and fo lk tales, in an attempt to determine what constitutes Germanness In fact, the Romantics glorified the Orient as well as the German Middle Ages, since both represent ed in the embellished vision of the Romantics, a model of spiritual wholeness and unity in art and society By returning to their cultural past of Nordic Germanic, pre Christian times, the German Romantics hoped to revive the previously neglected an cient literature, the powerful mythology of their nation that chronicled their roots and encapsulated the German folk spirit. In a short essay of 1777 entitled Von hnlichkeit der mittleren englischen und deutschen Dichtkunst (On the Similarity of Medieval En glish and German Poetry) Herder developed the idea that each nation has its own Volksgeist (folk spirit) or Volksseele (folk soul) an inimitable individuality and unique character that manifests in the common language, customs, arts, crafts, religion, values and virtures, traditions and superstitions, and Volkspoesie (folk poetry) of a nation: Auch die gemeinen Volkssagen, Mrchen und Mythologie gehren hie rher. Sie sind gewissermass en Resultat des Volksglaubens, seiner sinnlichen Anschauung, Krfte und Triebe, wo man trumt, weil man nicht weiss glaubt, weil man nicht siehet und mit der ganzen, unzerteilten und ungebildeten Seele wirke t ( Kleinere Aufstze 34) [ Also the common folk sagas, fairy tales, and mythology belong here. They are in a way the r e sult of the popular belief its sensual view strengths, and drives, where 3 Frederick I Barbarossa (1122 1190) was a German Holy Roman Emperor. According to old Germanic legend, a hero does not die but remains sleeping in a mountain until Judgment Day or until he is summon ed to arise with his of the birds (usually ravens) that trigger his awakening.
122 one dreams because one does not know, believes, because one does not see, and acts with the entire, undi vided, and uneducated soul. ] Herder differentiated between Volkspoesie or Na turpoesie (natural poetry), the natural poetic creations of a people, such as folk songs and fairy tales chapbooks, myth ology, legends and sagas, in contrast to Kunstpoesie the artificial poetry of individual writers. Even though the Roma ntics generally belief in the existence of a German Volksseele and that folk poetry embodies the unconscious, collective creation thereof, opinions on how to recover the lost national ethos diverged among the devot ees of the Romantic movement. For the sec ond generation of Romantic thinkers who sought to revitalize a national identity prior significance. Prominent Romantic writers such as Ach im von Arnim and Clemens Br entano did not differentiate between the two concepts Naturpoesie and Kunstpoesie but rather perceived them to be one and the same From their point of view, poetry stands outside of history and can realize itself in any historical epoch. Thus it is the t ask of the poet to captu re the folk spirit in his poetic creations and to make his poetry accessible to the people. W hile working on their c ollection of German folk poems and songs Des Knaben Wunderhorn : Alte deutsch e Lieder ( The : Old German Songs 1805 1808), Arnim and Brentano relied heavily on their own creative contributions, or Kunstpoesie by changing, revising, and modifying the a ncient ballads to the distaste of the brothers Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, who considered Naturpoesie to be the sole legitimate way of unearthing the lost soul of the folk Jacob Grimm in particular insisted on the impossibility for individuals to create something like Vo lks or Naturpoesie under the conditions of modern life of the early nineteenth century (Schanze 90 91). In his mind, the work of Arnim and Brentano represented a new literary form
123 that, though inspired by folk tradition, was not a genuine representation o f the German Volk In a letter to Arnim dated 1811, Jacob Grimm took great pains to explain his theoretical creed : Die Poesie ist das, was rein aus dem Gemt ins Wort kommt . Die Volkspoesie tritt aus dem Gemt des Ganzen hervor, was ich unter Kunstpoesie meine, aus dem des Einzelnen. Darum nennt die neue Poesie ihre Dichter, die alte wei keine zu nennen, sie ist durchaus nicht von einem oder zweien oder dreien gemacht worden, sondern eine Summe des Ganzen (Wellek 531) [ Poesie is that wh ich only emanates from the soul and turns into words folk poesie (Naturpoesie) stems from the soul of the entire community. What I call cultivated poetry (Kunstpoesie, or in the case of f airy tales, Kunstmrchen) stems from the individual. That is why new poetr y names its poets; the old know s none to name. It was not made by one or two or three, but it is the sum of the entire community. ] ( Paradi 61) Thus, the authors of the Kinder und H ausmrchen ( 1812) strived to collect the orally transmitted texts without altering and manipulat ing their original qualities. Contemporary scholarship translate into their practical work. It is is well documented fact that the brothers foll owed pursued his ideal of a Deutsche Nationalerziehung by reworking the tales in order to mould their collection into an Erziehungsbuch (pedagogical guide) (T ully 136 37). In doing so, the patriotic scholars hoped to preserve the German culture under the influence of to unify the German Volk and to promote their Romantic vi sion of a cohesive national identity. In the 1812 edition of the Grimms explained in the preface the ir intentio n to reproduce as possible). However, many of the alle gedly authentic German texts that the brothers claimed to h ave acquired orally from peasants proved to stem from educated women such as Dorothea Viehmann, the Hassenpflugs, and the Wilds in whose French Huguenot ancestry the stories had been told and retold. Much of the repertoi re of these aristocratic women was drawn from the
124 French writer Char les Perrault and his Contes de Fes (Tales of Fairies, 1696 1698) : Le Petit Chaperon rouge ( Little Red Riding Hood), La Belle au bois dormant ( Sleeping Beauty), Le Matre chat ou le Chat bott ( Puss in Boots) Cendrillon ou la petite pantoufle de verre (Cinderella). Apart from the French influence the Grimms were also inspired by the stories of Tausendundeine Nacht ( The Thousand and One Nights ) T he brothers not only appreciated the charming and imaginative character of th e tales but also inc orporated some of the archetypal fairy tale motifs into their collection (Volkmann 23). The tale Simeliberg (Simeli Mountain, KHM 4 142) for instance echoes the story of Ali Baba and the Fourty Thieves in which Open Sesame version Berg Semsi, Berg Semsi, tu dich auf ] ) lead to marvelous treasure s hidden inside a mountain. Another tale, Der Geist im Glas (Th e Spirit in the Bottle, KHM 99) alludes to Aladdin and the genie in his magic lamp. 5 Furthermore, De drei Vgelgens (The Three Little Birds, KHM 96) bears a striking resemblence to the tale of the 756th night in the Arabian Nights The Story of Two Sisters Who Were Jealous of Their Younger Sister Despite these foreign influences and the fact that the Grimms significantly rework ed the original stories ( they embellish ed literary expressions and vocabulary added pedagocical values and Christian elements, censored erotic p assages, and eliminated profa nities), the became a best seller by 1837 as it reflected the gusto of the early nineteenth century: (Fries 337). The 4 Kinder und Hausmrchen 5 While almost certainly genuine Middle One Thousand and One Nights but were i nterpolated into the collection by French translator Antoine Galland. In the preface of his book Alaeddin and the Enchanted Lamp and Other Stories (1901), John Payne gives details of 09 and of the discovery in the Bibliothque xxx).
125 fairy tale collection became an epitome of Germanness a nd for the Romantics, an expression of the collective German soul As advocats of the nationalist project and the endeavor of the Romantics to reshape the thinking of the German people, Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm attempted to give their collection of wherever possible In her comparative study of G erman and Spanish Romanticism en titled Creating a National Identity (1997), C arol Lisa Tully highlights the Grimms tendency to create an d revise fairy tales so that they appear more authentically Germanic (150). One of the techniques t he brothers employed was to write down several tales in the dialect Plattdeutsch (Low German) ins tead of Hochdeutsch (High German) which linked the tales geographically to northern Germany Von dem Fischer un syner Fru (Vom Fischer und seiner Frau [The Fisherman and His Wife] KHM 19 ), De drei Vgelkens (Die drei Vgelchen [The T hree Little Bird s], KHM 96), Von dem Machandelboom (Vom Wachholderbaum [The Juniper Tree], KHM 47), and De Gaudeif un sien Meester ( Der Dieb und sein Meister [ The Thief and His Master ] KHM 68) Another strategy was t he renaming of titles from High German into Low German such as Sneewittchen ( Schneeweichen [Snow White] KHM 53 ) and the use of the diminutive form of traditional German names in Hnsel und Gretel and Little Sister], KHM 15 ) to anchor the tales in the German culture (150 151) Furthermore, t he renowned philologists sought to establish more Germanic forms of the stories by replacing foreign words such as Prinz ( prince ) and Prinzessin (princess) with Teutonic terms such as Knigsssohn Knigstochter ( ), by turning the French inspired word Fee (fairy) into Zauberin ( enchantress ) and Weise Frau ( wise woma n ) and by supplying missing plot elements from historic sources
126 Paralleling the ascent was a fast expanding interest of the Throughout the Romantic era, a rti an ic origin folktales, for example Karl August Musus Volksmrchen der Deutschen (Folktales of the Germans, 1782 1786), Grimms seven editions of Children and Household Tales (1812 1857) and Deutsches Mrchenbuch (German Fairy Tale Book 1845 ) songs such as The Youth Magic Horn and myth as for example T he Nibelung en Saga found wide acclaim among the German people and satisfied the longing for a German identity At the same time, the Orient came into vogue, first among scholars, travelers a nd poets, and later among the educated bourgeoisie. Ludwig Ammann stliche Spiegel ( Eastern Mirrors, 1989) documents that the number of publications dealing with Orientalist topoi rose from 125 in the years 1807 181 0 to 245 in the years 1827 1830 (4). T he most pop ular contributions consisted inter alia of translated poetic works ( Nala a nd Damayanti, Sakuntala The Maqamat of Al Hariri ) heroic tale s Rostem a nd Suhrab 1838) songs ( Friedrich von The Songs of Mirza Schaffy Book of Songs 1827 ), foreign fairy tales ( The Thousand and One Nights ) literary fairy fairytale a lmanacs ) and travel reports (17). Withi n the scope of constructing a n ational identity, I propose, the readers of these publications were more likely inclined to define themselves as German in opposition to the foreign Other he Orien t emerges as t he two faces of Janus one side look ing westward and the other eastward, into the known and the unknown e mbodying the self and the Other but basically being one and the same
127 In stliche Spiegel Amma nn advises against labeling the turning toward the Orie nt as 6 Alt h ough the term refers to a non scientific engagement with the Orient scholars and artists mainly use it in the context of literary and art history (11 12). For the purpose of this research project and to a void possible misconceptions I devote the following section to a closer examination of the word and scrutinize German literary fairy tales of the Romantic period in relation to Orientalist imagery and textual references to the East. As state d in the Introduction of this dissertation, Edward Said ascribes i n his book Orientalism (1978) three different designations to the meaning of Orientalism. Even though I concur definitions of Orientalism I dissent from his third definition in reference to the German case: On the one hand, Germany had no colonial interests which could compare with the empires of Britain, Spain and France until the late nineteenth century. O n the other hand, German Orientali sm was highly influenced by Rom antic philosophies and t he German Romantic response to the Orient in turn was purely positive, characterized by an admiration for the Other and a curiosity tempered with respect. Throughout his book, Said continues to define Orientalism a s over the Orient within Western culture, which is directly li nked to the exercise of power (5, 19) Most generally, the author describes Orientalism as a distinctive means of representing r ace, nationality, and Otherness and interprets the term as a strand of colonialist discourse in Western culture that had served as an implicit justification for European and American colonialist and imperialist ventures. To put it in a nutshell Orientalism for Said is first and foremost a political doctrine and ideology created by the West as a form of domination over 6 In his study stliche Spiegel Ammann researches representative sources, such as encyclopaedias, travel reports, reader from 1800 to 1850. His analysis reveals that the relationship between the German public and the Orient was extremel y ambivalent and oscillated between ethnocentric rejection and exotic romanticization.
128 the East. One central argument the scholar puts forth is that the three great empires British, French, American created a false, imaginary concept of the Orient in an act of selfish interest, which misrepresen Said claims, the works of indiv idual authors who wrote in this tual and imaginative territory superiority of Occidentals to Orientals a s well (15). Sai d analyzes in his book, among other t h ings, scholarly energies that went into the making of an imperialist tradition and examines in this connection also literary works, such as novel writing and lyric poetry. My work on the German Kunstmrchen of the Roma ntic period argument concerning the intellectual and cultural supremacy of Westerners in literary works by showing that German Romantic tales idealize the Orient, show no disdain for Otherness, and even provide a critical lens t hrough which to view Western society and its power structures. Fu r thermore, as literary products of German Orientalism during Romanticism, Kunstmrchen with Ori entalist topoi do not mirror any colonial or imperial ambitions of Germany to dominate the East. In her essay The Study of Islam, Orientalism and America (1997), the Iraqi American islamologist Muhsin Mahdi states or at least whose intention was neither massively nor direct ly political, and was self centered rather than directed to the domination of others, that was the image of the East in e arly German 151). Moreover, t he fact that Orientalism flourished in Germany before the country began its short lived colo nial efforts in 1884 indicates the limitations of postulated theory that Or ientalism inherently served imperialism. Consequently, that Orientalism is inseparably bound with political power seems to hold little weight since German Ori entalists dominated the field for a long time even though Germany had no imperial stake in the Arab world
129 My critique, however, is not only limited to a proposed particularity of the case of the German nation I nstead, highlighting this national differen ce allows me to questio n definition of Orientalism as well as his discussion of the Orientalist paradigm. Published scholars have criticized the Saidean definition of Orientalism in the past since the author intentionally limits his research to the Anglo French American triangle and hence focuses on countries that represented the greatest colonial powers to begin with. Even though he mentions Russian, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Dutch, German, and Swiss Orientalism, he does not include these disco urses in his discussion, precluding a complete history or general account of Orientalism (24). Said justifies his dec ision to omit German scholarship on the Orient from his analysis by claiming that German Orientalists came to the field later than the Brit ish and French, and merely elaborated on the work originally done by their European rivals (19). He not only admits that his examination of domination and systematic interest does not do justice to other European elf for not including the German case in his study on academic Orientalism (18). In his following analysis however, Said does not restrain himself draws on inform ation ab out France, Britain, and the United States Orientalism as a kind of Western projection onto and will to govern over the Orient, we will t, was Thus, when Said European attitude towa es Orientalism (88) Said attention toward the German case is integral to his construction of Orientalism as imperialist. Thus my attention to the German fantasies about the Orient
130 beyond the particularity of the Germ an case and instead challenges his notion of scholarship on the Orient as inherently imperialist. 7 s general ized view of Orientalism does not distinguish between positive and negative images of the East Although both types of depictions represent possible clichs of the Orient, positive images often served Europeans as a means to criticize their own society. Literary examples are German Kunstmrchen and fairy tale novellas of the Romantic period that portray the East ern world in a romant icized, utop ian but above all positive light as a paradisiacal realm of poetry, wisdom, natural beauty, mystery, and exoticism. Rather than separating between positive and negative illustrations of the East and of Easterners, Said differentiates in his b ook between manifest and latent Orientalism Manifest Orientalism refers to what is spoken and acted upon that is, to all conc rete actions and statements, which serve the Western world to describe society, languages, literatures, history, The manifest form of Orientalism constitutes the image of the Orient reflected in sciences, includes information and changes in knowledge about the Orient as well as policy decisions founded in Orientalist thinking: ledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism To sum up, manifest Orientalism is the expression in words an d actions of l atent Or ientalism. Latent Orientalism is an an d untouc hable certainty about the nature of the Orient (206) Its basic content is static, durable, stable, and unanimous. It embodies the basic assumptions about the Orient as a mystical place in the East that is inhabited by irrational people, feminized men and alluring, docile women whose ancestors are the founders of 7 Seven years after Orientalism was published, Said spoke to his critics in his essay Orientalism Reconsidered (1985) about his deliberate exclusion of German Orientalis like my exclusion of German Orientalism, which no one has given any reason for me to have included have frankly struck me as superficial or
131 language s and religions. Latent Orientalism incorporates a set of convictions that determines t he perception of the Orient as the locale of a stagnat ing people This arrested culture depends on Western gu idance and leader ship to evolve into halfway human beings on the one hand and represents an uncontrollable, barbaric threat for Western civilization o n the other Further, Said associates with latent Orientalism the unconscious idea of a separat e, eccentr ic, backward, s eminal, and passive Orient that displays silent indifference, feminine penetr ability and supine malleability (206). Its progress and value are judged in terms of, and in comparison to, the West, situating it in binary models as the Other, the conquerable, and the inferior. Thus, the notion of the Orient turns into a projection screen for the wishful thinking of the Wes tern population: the longing to escape the daily grind, to break out of the m oral corset of civilization to leave the rotten, false world of the petty bourgeois ie behind and to flee the inexorably organized knowledge based society of the rat ional, cold industrial era. According to Said, the major component in European culture identity as a superior one in comparison with all non the relationship of power between East and West, the Occi make 6). A consequence of this hegemonic structure was allegedly the Western creation of the Orient and the tendency to Oriental e.g despotism, splendor, cruelty, and sensuality, onto the Eastern w orld (4). Even though Said acknowledges that the German Orient was almost exclusively scholarly as it became the subject of lyrics, fantasies, and novels, he claims it was never actual, the way Egypt and Syria (19). 8 While all of 8 Franois Ren de Ch ateaubriand (1768 1848) and Alphonse de Lamartine (1790 1869) were French writers, Grard Labrunie alias Grard de Nerval (1808 1855) was a Romantic French poet, Edward William Lane (1801 1876) and Richard Francis Burton (1821 1890) were British Orientali sts, Benjamin Disraeli (1804 1881) was a British Prime Minister and writer.
132 t he Frenc h and British writers mentioned had exp er i ence d the Eastern world first hand neither Goethe nor Friedrich Sch legel for instance had ever t ravelled to the Orient in person. Hence, Said concludes that at no point in the first two thirds of the nineteenth century did Germany have national interest in the Orient (19). If his statement refers to a direct material stake i n foreign colonies in the East Said is correct but he nevertheless fails to specify that Germany did not exist as a unified nation state until 1871. However, Todd Kontje emphasizes i n his book German Orientalisms (2004) the existence of a German national interest in the East as an intellectual endeavor to locate and preserve a sense of communal ident it y (2). Said reduces the term O rient alism to uctures inherited from the past and distinguishes neither between various O rient a lists nor different stages of O rientalism (122) 9 The author concentrates on mostly negative pre Romantic and Romantic representations of the Orient, ranging from pseudomedieval idylls to visions of barbaric and make s them fit his conception of a hostile, western Orientalist imagination (118). In the process, Said misinterprets dismisses, or simply ignores the contributions of prominent writers and thinkers of that time period, e.g. Goethe, Schlegel, Scott, who identified with the Eastern culture and added to its posit ive portrayal and understanding. 10 Romantic Orientalism thus becomes for Said just another piece of the daunting puzzle, allegedly constructed by Western powers which shows a distorted picture of the Eastern world. 9 Abdullah Al Dabbagh elaborates in his book Literary Orientalism, Postcolonialism, and Universalism (2010) on initially meant the person who loved the East and sympathized with it. Then the word began to mean the one who studied the East, and investigated the areas connected with it. Finally, it acquired the meaning of the antagonist to the East, working in the s ervice of its 10 Reading Orientalism: Said and the Unsaid Defending the and expose his t endency to take words and phrases out of contexts.
133 T he great tur n ing to the Morgenland covere d not only the Romantic period but extended over the whole of the nineteenth century in something resemb l ing an intellectual revival French historian Raymond Schwab termed this cultural phenomenon Oriental Renaissance He argues in his magnum opus on the history of European Orientalism, La Renai ssance Orientale (The Oriental Renaissance, 1950 ) for an extraordinary influen ce of Eastern texts, such as newly discovered ancient manuscripts and translations of Persian Arabic, and Sanskrit writings into European languages, especially during Romantici sm. 11 The impact of this profound influence was a renewal of Western literary culture comparable in importance and extent to the first Renaissance. To put it in the w when the language, literature, and imagination of Europe were reborn through Indic rather than T he c ultural exploration of the East and increased attention devoted to the Orient accompanied the advent of Orientalistik ( Oriental ist language and literature studies ) as an academic discipline in Europe. Translations by prominent scholars of the Orient and philologists, e.g. Antoine Galland, Friedrich Schlegel, William J ones, and Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil Duperron along with the 1799 discovery of the Rosetta Stone in the Nile delta made the new or recovered languages of the East a ccessible to the intellectual elite of the West for the first time. These trends also manifested themselves in the literature of the Romantic period, particularly in the literary fairy tales. Authors, su ch as E.T.A. Hoffmann, incorporated Orient alist imagery, languages and mythologies in to their stories. In th e upcoming final section I examine Der gold ne Topf (The Golden Pot, 1814), which not only thematizes the significance of Orientalist language studies but also broaches the issues of 11 Schwab credits Edgar Quinet, Le Gnie des Religions (The Genius of Religions, 1841), with having coined the
134 Entfremdung (alienation), identity formation and identity loss. Specifically, the tale takes on the subject of self discovery by contrasting the identity of the Romantic in the figure of the artist versus the philistine. 12 The Golden Pot reflect s t he v ital importance of deciphering unknown words and the exotic alphabets such as Persian, Ancient Egyptian, and Sanskrit in order t o fathom the Orient. From a Romantic viewpoint, to the source nature and humanness is only po ssible by immersing oneself in the study of Eastern language s and thus ent ering the gateway to the past of the ancient Orient. Hoffmann turns Otherness in his fairy tale into a positive character t rait that represents the key to a life in eternal bliss However, t he world of the Other revea ls itself only to those who engage with it and embrace it The protagonist of the fairy tale, the student Anselmus, is torn between imagination and reason, an existence as creative artist and a bourgeois life as Counselor His situation reflects personal conflict of professions, who struggled between the two roles of bureaucrat and writer. I propose that Hoffmann equates his literary creation of the land mythological source of artistry and poetry, with the Orien t, and that the auth or places the East ern culture above the Western bourgeois world. Unlike other authors of Romanticism, Hoffmann does not set his fairy tale in the East, but instead brings the realm of the fantastic to Germany. The modern fairytale b egins with the young stu dent Anselmus running through his hometown Dresde n, where he knocks over the market basket of the old pfelweib ( apple woman). T he ugly woman execrates the clumsy student and prophesies his downfall into a crystal 13 Anselmus flees in horror and stops only at the banks of the River Elbe under an elder tree. Here, he hears the lovely, melodious voices of three green gold snakes and when he 12 Th aesthetic pleasures. Marked by a blunt comfortableness and indifferent attitude, the German Spieer (middle class person) spends his time on unimpo rtant details of everyday life and business. 13
135 looks up, falls immediately i n love with the blue eyes of the snake S erpent ina After a chance encounter with his friend Sub Rector blue eyed daughter Veronica falls in love with the student. Anselmus also makes the acq uaintance of Registrar y Heerbrand who procures for him a job as scribe with the Archivist Lindhorst. A couple of days later, Anselmus meets the Archivist personally and finds out that the three green gold snakes are 14 When Anselmus begins with his work of copying Arabic and Coptic texts for th e Archivist, who is also an eccentric alchemist and magician, the student cannot decipher the strange letters at first. However, the more Anselmus immerses himself in the old manuscripts, the more he learns about their content. The foreign texts reveal tha t Lindhorst is in reality a salamander and elemental spirit of fire, who has be en banished by Phosphorus, the p rince o f the s pirits, from the legendary realm Atlantis. In order to be able to return to his fabulous homeland, the Salamander has to wed his th ree daughters to loving lik e poetic spirit (56). The dowry for each daughter is a radiant golden pot. Meanwhile, the Archivist warns Anselmus not to spill any ink on the manuscripts and with the support of Serpentina, the student performs an impeccable job of copying the texts. A fraid of losing Anselmus, Veronica turns for help to her old nurse Lizzie ( the apple woman ) who performs a ritual to conjure up a magic metal mirror. Later, as Anselmus glances into the mirror, he believes that Serpentina and the story of Atlantis were merely product s of his imagination and falls in love with Veronica instead. The student promises Veronica to m arry her as soon as he becomes a Counselor and attempts to copy another text, which now seems alien to him, he accidentally splashes ink on the original 14 Lindhorst, who is a salamander in disguise, and his daughters are mythological beings from the legendary realm Atlantis.
136 manuscript. The student finds himself suddenly trapped in a crystal bottle on a shelf in the library of the Archivist. Shortly after the incident a witch ( the apple woman ) magically appears to steal the golden pot from the Salamander. In a fierce battle, Lindhorst and his parrot defeat the witch and her black cat and transform the hag into a beet. Finally, the Archivist frees Anselmus from his cry stal prison and unites him with his daughter Serpentina. While Veronica accepts a marriage proposal by Heerbrand who now has become a Counselor Serpentina returns with Anselmus to Atlantis where both live a blissful (83). Hoffmann juxtap oses two worlds in his literary fairy tale: the poetic world of fantasy dreams, a nd artistry that is Atlantis or rather the Orient versus the prosaic world of reality reason, and bourgeois values that is Germany. The fairy tale hero Anselmus and with h im the reader osc illates between both spaces becomes increasingly ensnare d in the plethora of ambiguous events forth until he is unable to determine anymore where the familiar reality of experiences ends and the miraculous begins. The illusion of a topographically verified space is the basis on which the author takes the reader gradually o ut of his known enviromment into an alternate reality perceivable through fantastic fluctuations surfacing in the tale Every time the p hantasmagoria breaks through the invisible barrier of the impossible, however, the text immediately returns to the rational dimension and brings the reader back down to earth The author employs the literary technique of into hi s writing to highlight the alle ged authenticity of t he tale, ranging from exact temporal specifications and topographic particulars to everyday objects. P recise dates and times are for instance : Am Himmelfahrtstage, nachmittags um drei Uhr ( On Ascens ion Day, at three in the afternoon) (1) and Mitternachts in de r Tag A t mi dnight on the equinox) (76 )
137 Hoffmann also uses the names of real existing places in an attempt to make his fairy tale scenery more realistic The fairy tal e locale is the German city of Dresden at the time of the Napoleonic War of the Sixth Coalition, around 1812 to 1814. The tale opens with Anselmus running through the Schwarze Tor (5) (Black Gate ) (1 ), which existed as a part of the town fortif ication of Dresden until 18 12 (Whrl, Der gold n e Topf 4). Some o ther authentic locations Hoffm ann mentions include Link isches Bad ( 2) Elbe (7) (River Elbe) ( 2) Schloss gasse (20) (Castle Lane) ( 13) C onradis Laden Shop) ( 1 3), Kreuzkirche (20) (Cross Church) ( 13 14), K oselscher Garten 25), and Seetor (41) (Lake Gate) ( 31). Even though the author integrates these authentic places and landmarks into his story, he avoids elaborate descriptions so that the cityscape appears as a backdrop on a stage. Similarly the interior spaces of the middle class residential milieu remain transparent due to a lack of more detailed depiction s the interior spaces of the fantastical places, the houses of Archivist Lindhorst and the apple woman, come across as far more realistic because Hoffmann illustrates them with great attention to detail. E xcerpts of a bourgeois li fe mostly take place in Paul family music a coffee part y, e ment and a punch drinking spree All objects Hoffmann alludes to from t he piano, the mirror, the oven, the coffee pot, and the pipe, to the punch bowl, the sewing box, a nd the sewing frame, are reduced to mere stage props since the text alludes to the objects only when a character e inter jedem Schrnkchen, das Veronica wegrckte, hinter den Notenbchern, die sie vom Klavier, hinter jeder Tasse, hinter jeder Kaffeekanne, di e sie aus dem Schrank nahm every cabinet that Veronica moved, from behind the music books that she removed from the pian o, from behind every cup, from behind the coffe e pot that she took from the c upboard) (29).
138 Although the objects are only sparse indications and appear to be of little informative value they still evoke almost unconsciously, the picture of a Biedermeieri an family idyll mind. The sca rce portrayal of the petit bourgeois home becomes more striking in comparis on with the in depth descriptions of the homes of the fairy tale characters woman) (31) turns out to be the ambivalent construct of a small, p roletarian kitchen, in a remote part of town As s oon as the protagonist enters the home of the Archivist he not only crosses the magical frontier to the realm Atlantis, he also takes his first cautious steps into the world o f the exotic Other, the Orient. Anselmus tak es over the role of the Western tra vel er with the desire to explore the unknown but beautiful t erritory carefully The student pauses in the hallway, showing signs of hesitation and uncertainty about where to go. He (47) (scent of the rare perfumes) (37) wafting through the house takes visual pleasu re in the fine interior, and is greeted by Lin d horst D ressed in a damask gown, the Archivist ental, who guides the Western visitor through the foreign surroundings The narrative structure and spatial construction in The Golden Pot configure the Orient as central and positive. Hoffmann p ortrays the Orient as a utopia that embodies the sour ce of f antasy, poetry, and wisdom. journey is a magnificent conservatory, which resembles an Edenic garden or magical forest w ith rare plants, tall trees with s trangely shaped leaves, marvelous flowers, and many colored birds flutter ing around: Ein magisches blendendes Licht verbreitete sich berall, ohne das man bemerken konnte, wo es herkam, da durchaus kein Fenster zu sehen war. Sowie der Student Anselmus in die Bsche und Bume hineinblickte, schienen lange Gnge sich in weiter Fe rne auszudehnen. Im tiefen Dunkel dicker Zypressenstauden
139 schimmerten Marmorbecken, aus denen sich wunderliche Figuren erhob e n Kristallstrahlen hervorspritzend, die pltschernd niederfielen in leuchtende Lilienkelche; seltsame Stimmen rauchten und suselten durch den Wald der wunderbaren Ge wchse, und herrliche Dfte str mten auf und nieder. (48) [ A dazzling magical light was ev erywhere, though one could not tell where it came form, since not a single window was to be seen. As Anselmus looked into the bushes and trees, long avenues seemed to strech into the far distance. In the shadows of thick cypress bushes he saw the gleam of marble basins, from which wondrous figures rose and scattered crystal jets that fell splashing into the cups of luminous lilies; strange voices murmured and whistled amid the forest of wondrous plants, and glorious perfumes rose and descended. ] (37) Anselm us is enchanted by this fairy garden and his senses are overcome with stimuli that render While the flora of the jungle (Hoffmann specifically mentions palm trees, lilies, a cactus as well as cypress and myrtle bushes ) accentuates the exotic atmosphere, the fabulous shines through in form of mocking bird s that talk and act like human beings arrot not only speaks in an overblown manner, it also wears spectacles on its beak). The Archivist continues to guide the mes merized protagonist through many more rooms with outlandish decorations, strangely shaped furniture, and unfamiliar objects. The final destination of the tour is the library and study Anselmus feasts his eye s: Aus den azurblauen Wnden traten die goldbronzenen Stmme hoher Palmbume hervor, welche ihre kolossalen, wie funkelnde Bltter oben zur Decke wlbten; in der Mitte des Zimmers ruhte auf drei aus dunkler Bronze gegossenen gyptischen Lwen eine Porphyrp latte, auf welcher ein einfa cher goldener Topf stand. (49) [ From the azure walls there emerged the bronze colored trunks of lofty palm trees, whose colossal leaves, gleaming like sparkling emeralds, formed an arch just below the ceiling. In the middle of t he room three Egyptian lions made of dark bronze supported a porphyry slab on which stood a simple golden pot. ] (38) By locating the golden p ot, the symbol for poetry, in the library of the Archivist, Hoffmann places creative imagination at the heart of th e Orient and establishes t he East as the origin of sageness and knowledge
140 s of th e the positi ve influence of the culture and imaginary space of the Orient on the Westerner. Inspired by his love for Serpentina, Anselmus feels an unknown sense of well being that sometimes rises reference to the exotic East, awaits the s tudent in the library and according to the Archivist, so do Bhogovotgitas Meis ter (63) (the Masters of Bhagavadgita) (50). 15 The more Anselmus immerses himself in the realm of the Other and develops as a poet the more his perception of the world a round him changes and his synesthetic abilities grow stronger After several days of workin g for the Archivist, the hero of the tale experiences the Orient alist garden anew. He now realizes that trees a re rolls of parchment, and pink and sky blue bird : U nd der Geruch, den sie verbreiteten, stieg aus ihren K e l chen empor in leisen lieblichen Tnen, die sich mit dem Gepltscher der fernen Brunnen, mit dem Suseln der hohen Stauden und Bume zu geheimnisvollen Akkorden einer tiefklagenden Sehnsucht vermischten. ( 64) [ A nd the scent they emitted rose from their cupped petals in soft, lovely tones, which mingled with the whisper of distant fountains and the murmuring of the lofty trees and shrubs to form mysterious chords that uttered a deep, sorrowful yearning. ] (51) Hoffmann uses the Romantic ideal of synesthesia to highlight Anselmus the magic al 16 During these encounters, the student environment and hi s senses of hearing, smell, and vision blend together. Thus, the fragrance of 15 The (Song of God) is a 700 verse didactic poem which forms part of the ancient Hindu epic Mahabharata ; Hoffmann found ber die Sprache und Weisheit der Inder (On the Language and Wisdom of the Indians, 1808) (402). 16 Synesthesia refers to the merging of the senses that are separated in every day life. The amalgamation of various sensations is a stylistic device favored by Romantic writers.
141 like voices (6), music s urrounds appear to strahlen (6 5 ) (radiate). synesthesia as a plot device culminate s at the end of the novella, when the fairy tale hero and his bel (83). 17 Hoffmann illustrates the legendary land as an exotic grove with palm trees, hyacinths, tulips, roses, colorful birds, a temple, trees, bushes, springs, and streams. With his literary creation of Atlantis, the e deepest s Hoffmann alludes to the Romant ic image of the ancient Orient as the source of Universalpoesie (universal poetry) (83) pture into the utopian realm is only possible because the protagonist has left his prosaic life behind and embraced his new existence as artist and poet. While Anselmus is susce ptible to the Atlantis myth told by Archivist Lindhorst, the vacuous bourgeois society, embodied by Registrary Heerbrand, considers it solely (16). Since the petit bourgeois is far too close minded and unreceptive to fantastic ideas he cannot picture th e mythological realm of Lindhor s t nor believe in the existence thereof. In his vision of Atlantis however, t he narrator of the tale leads the reader into a space that is primarily ce where different sounds ( murmur, sigh, rustle, whisper, rejoice, gus h, plash, ring, ju bila t e twitter, sing ), lights ( dazzling bright, burn ing movements ( stir, rise, move, float whirl, revolve spring, dance, waft ) and scents mix together to form a synesthetic ensemble 18 At the 17 Hoffmann uses synesthesia as a plot device over and over to bring the wondrous to mind linguistically. 18 For a better overview, I chose to cite the verbs used by Hoffmann in their infinitive forms.
142 same time, the colors that the narrator perceives are not simply and but (Whrl, Die poetische Wirklichkeit 103). Hoffmann u ses the se embellished color descriptions and to evoke the image s of exotic luxury unattainability, distance and exquisite rarity By contrasting the poetic and enchanting life of a Romantic artist with the dullness of a bourgeois existence Hoffm ann emphasizes the identi ty crisis of his protagonist, which represents the identity search of th e Romantic subject for his inner self A nselmus is not only torn between the dimensions of fantasy and reality, but also between several geographical, cultural, intellectual, societal, and mental dichotomies which are all constructed as binaries : Atlantis versus Dresden, Orient versus Occident, Otherness versus Germanness, poet versus bureaucrat, artist versus philistine, and imagination versus reason. Even though Anselmus possesses a childlike spirit which en ables him to glimpse fragments of the fantasy world that parallels his reality he bea rs several bourgeois character traits such as the craving for mundane pleasures. H e smokes Sanittsknaster (7) (health tobacco) (2) in his pipe enjoys drinking alcohol and is interested in women: D enn auch er hatte an der Glckseligkeit des Linkischen Paradi e ses teilnehme n, ja er hatte es bis zu einer P ortion Kaffee mit Rum und einer Bouteille Doppelbier treiben wollen und um so richtig schlampampen zu knnen mehr Geld eingesteckt, als ei ge n tlich erlaubt und tunli ch war. Und nun hatte ihn der fatale Tritt in den pfelkorb um alles gebracht was er bei sich getragen. An Kaffee, an Doppelbier, an Musik, an den Anblick der geputzten Mdchen kurz! an alle getrumten Ge nsse war nicht zu denken. (6) [ He too had wante himself in half a cup of coffee with rum and a bottle of strong beer, and in order to make a night of it he had brought more money with him than was proper or prudent. And now his misadventure in knocking over the basket of apples had cost him all the money on his person. Coffe e strong beer, music, the sight of girls in their finery, in a word, all the pleasures he had dreamt of were now beyond his reach. ] (2)
143 Apart from seeking satisfaction of his earthly desires, however, the student realizes that he struggles to He considers himself an unlucky fellow and Kmmeltrke 19 (7) (duffer) (3) who has never been chosen Bohnenknig 20 (7) (King of the Twelfth Night revels) (3) whose toast alway s falls on the buttered side and who is always late for a lecture, or any other apointment u nfashionable clothes reflect his role as a societal e der Schneider, der ihn gearbeitet die moderne Form nur vom Hrensagen gekannt grey tailcoat suggested that the tailor who made it had known the mode rn style only from hearsay ) ( 2). It is specifically the clumsiness of the pro tagonist though, his accidental stumble over the market baskets of the apple woman which triggers the chain of magical events in the story of The Golden Pot and his use of anthropomorphism 21 as well as pananimism 22 in a realist setting create the illusion that the wondrous is a natural part of reality and that it is simply a matter of outlook, w hether a certain event, object or person belongs to a every day life of the philistine Are there really little golden snakes swimming through the waves of the River Elbe or is it a reflection of the fireworks? (9). Does the Archivist transform into a grey vulture or does the wind merely blow the tails of his 19 Kmmeltrke (caraway Turk) is a student whose home is in or near the town where he studies. Such a person was looked down upon at a time when German students normally studied at several universities remote from their s coined in the eighteenth century in an area called Kmmeltrkei (Caraway Turkey) close to the German city Halle, which was famous for cultivating Kmmel (caraway). Bleak and unedifying areas in Germany were also called Trkei (Turkey) (Kluge 412). 20 Twelfth Night or Epiphany (6 January) it was customary to serve cakes, one of which contained a bean; 21 Anthropomorphism is any attribution of human ch aracteristics to non human beings or objects, such as animals, spirits, deities, and non living things. 22 Pananimism refers tastic ensoulment of all things : snakes sing, fountains whisper, trees murmur, the o forth (Whrl 1982, 77)
144 capacious coat apart? (25). 23 to realize in the n ext moment that it is Lindhorst whose dressing gown with its brilliant red and yellow flowers deceived his sight (38). Since the fairy tale hero has been an outs i der all of his life, he is more receptive to Otherness than the average bourgeois. Al though he readily accepts the influence of the fantastic in his life he believes at the outset of the tale that he has fallen victim to the whims of the wondrous powers: enn ich sehe und fhle nun wohl, dass alle die fremden Gestalten au s einer fernen wundervollen Welt, die ich sonst nur in ganz besondern merkwrdigen Trumen schaute, jetzt in mein waches reges Leben geschritten sind und ihr Spie l or I can see and feel that all the strange figures from a distant world of wonders, which before I saw only in rare and remarkable dreams, have now entered my waking life and are making me their plaything) (25). Alienated and estranged from society, the protagonist has yet to discover his artistic nature and further develop his own i dentity as a Romantic poet ronment and his vacillation betwe en fantasy and reality derives not least from his varying affection for Serpentina and Veronica Through the eyes of a who is in love with the enchanting snake, the library of the Archivist resembles an Orientalist palace, but from the perspective of a who is enamored of Veronica, ordinariness is all around : Er sah nichts als gewhnliche Scherbenpflanzen, all erlei Geranien, Myrtenstcke u. dergl Statt der glnzenden bunten Vgel, d ie ihn sonst geneckt, flatterte n nur einige Sperlinge hin und her, die ein unverst ndiges unangenehme s Geschrei erhoben, als sie d en Anselmus gewahr wurden Das blaue Zimmer kam ihm auch ganz anders vor, und er begriff nicht, wie ihm das grelle Blau und die unnatrlichen goldenen Stmme der Palmbume mit den unfrmlich blinkenden Blttern nur einen Augenblick hatten gefallen knnen. (80) 23 The Golden Pot Geier (vulture).
145 [ He could see nothing but ordinary potted plants, various kinds of geraniums, myrtle bushes, and so forth. Instead of the brilliantly colored birds that had teased him in the past, there were only a few sparrows fluttering to and fro, which made an un intelligible and unpleasant noise on catching sight of Anselmus. The blue room also looked quite different, and he could not understand how the garish blue color and the unnatural golden trunks of the palm trees with their shapeless gleaming leaves could h ave appealed to him for one minute. ] (64 65) Even though t he average prosaic citizen can never enter Atlantis, he can still c atch a glimpse of the fantastic realm through the effects of intoxican ts, as for instance alcoholic beverages. Hoffmann, who displ ayed a lifelong tendency toward the consumption of alcohol himself, attaches importance to various alcoholic beverages in the story of The Golden Pot e.g. brandy (1), strong beer (2), liqueur (7), Rhine wine (41), punch (62), and arrack (62). 24 The author describes in the famous scene of the Punschgesellschaft (73) ( punch drinkers) (59) how the intoxicating effect of the punch (made of arrack, lemons, and sugar) sparks the imagination of Registrary Heerbrand and Sub Rector Paulmann Under the influence of alcohol, the burea ucrats chatter about the phantasm agorical figures whose very existence they fundamentally repudiate. Like a magic potion or elixir, the alcoholic drink leads the bourgeois characters out of their banality and opens their minds to the idea of fantasy T he Brger (burgher) as Hoffmann draws him, associates in his mentality anything abn ormal, in c luding Anselmus lant is wi Even the protagonist displays this bourgeois thou ght pattern during the process of his identity formation door which suddenly changed into the grim face of the apple woman, the most obvious explanation for the phenomenon that c effect of sein, sprach der Student Anselmus zu sich selbst, dass der superfeine starke Magenlikr, den ich bei dem Monsieur Conradi etwas begierig genossen, alle die tollen Phantasmata geschaffe n, die 24 See also Victoria Dutchman Smith, E.T.A. Hoffmann and Alcohol: Biography, Reception and Art (2009).
146 mich vor der Haust r des Archivarius Lindhorst ng special strong liqueur, of which I partook wild phantoms that frightened me Hoffmann uses the int oxicant alcohol not only as design elemen t for the image he paints of a middle class life but also as a means to blur the boundaries between reality and fantasy and to uphold the double wo rld with its double identities: Is little man ? Is Serpentina a snake or a human being? In order to mature from a copyist to a poet during his journey of self discovery, Anselmus has to immerse himself in the contents of cryptic Middle Eastern texts. By linking Arabic and Coptic scriptu res with the mysterious realm Atlantis and ancient mythology Hoffmann indicates that the study of and engagement with Oriental ist languages represent the key to access the true tre asures of the Orient. At first, the student cannot read the foreign letteri ng, the many dots, ) (52). However, the more often he engages with the tex ts and the closer he examines the strange characters on the rolls of parchment, the better he understands their meaning: Anselmus richtete immer fester und fester Sinn und Gedanken auf die berschrift der Pergamentrolle, und bald fhlte er wie aus dem Innersten heraus, dass die Zeichen nichts anderes bedeuten knnten, als die Worte: Von der Vermhlung des Salamanders mit der grnen Anselmus concentrated ever more firmly on the inscriptions on the parchment, and soon an inn
147 Encouraged by Serp Anselmus eventually succeeds in deciphering the hieroglyphs and pictograms of the man uscripts and thereby returns to a state when the human language was still closely connected to the natural world. Through his work, Anselmus learns about L is interwov en with the mythological genesis (the destruction of the Paradise Garden by the Sa lamander) causing the end of the Golden Age. In accordance with Johann Wolfgang von famous orientalisieren, der Orient wird nicht zu uns h ourselves, the Orient will not come over to us) Anselmus slowly by delving into the unknown lettering ( Berliner Ausgabe 2 26) The protagonist embodies the ignorant European, who has no choice b ut to deal with the pure Schriftgestalt (font design) an d to reduce the inscrutable Orientalist writings to their pictorial dimension. In her essay Diese g eistig technischen Bemhungen (These Intellectual Technical E fforts 2005 ), Andrea Pol aschegg draws striking During his work on the West stlicher Divan ( West Eastern Divan 1814 1819), an omnibus volume containing a collection of over two hundred fifty lyrical poems, Goethe practiced the copying of Arabic and Persian words without understanding their semantic meaning. As stated in a letter to Christian Heinrich Schlosser on January 23, 1815, Goethe believed that the Arabic language was word, and writing ( Weimarer Ausgabe 165) In both cases however, the literary case of Anselmus and the historic case of Goethe, the l ack of the referential parameter the meaning of the lettering proves necessary to comprehend the Sinnwelt ( meaning system ) of the opaque texts ( Diese geistig technischen Bemhungen 279).
148 Since Goethe had never traveled to the Orient, he hoped that his philological turn toward A rabic, Persian, and Ottoman writings would enable his acculturation. Based on his performative attempts, which, except for very few calligraphic efforts, lacked aesthetic presentation Polaschegg concludes that the written product was of lesser importance for Goethe than the active writing process, the physical act of imitation, to grasp the true sense of the word ( Der andere Orientalis mus 342). approach was for the German writer t o overcome the geographical and histor ical distance to the ancient Orient enter the Eastern world through a practical acquisition. During such a process of reproducing Arabic names and words, the poet in fact into an Orien tal. (the change from a Westerner into an Easterner) Anselmus, who draws his poetic inspirations from the manuscripts he has to copy. Strictly speaking, the German word A bschreiben (to copy) doe s not seem entirely applicab le since Anselmus, like Goethe, has no prior knowledge of the Arab ic language and is therefore effect ively ex flourishes. Textual evidence supports that Hoffmann valued the distinction b etween the two terms Abschreiben and Nachmalen (to paint/to retrace) : In the Eighth Vigil, Lindhorst explains to his protg Wichtigste bleibt aber noch zu tun brig, und das ist das Abschreiben oder vielmehr Nachmalen gewisser in besonderen Z eichen geschriebener Werke (But the most important task that remains to be done, and that is to copy, or rather paint, certain works writ ten in special characters ) (51). Indeed, Hoffmann uses the vocabulary N achmalen several times in the German version of the fairy tale n ovella. Richie Rober term losing in the translation the difference between the processes of the
149 Orientalist texts the former implying a certain degree of familiarity and previous knowledge of the language to copy 25 figure Anselmus and Goethe share three significant characteristics. First they are both Reisende (trav elers) who use their poetic powers to travel through time and space back to the ancient Orient I interpret the ficticious journey to th e East as a metaphor for poetry a nd the traveler as a metaphor for the poet. In G Noten und Abhandlungen zum besseren Verstndnis des west stlichen Divans (Notes and Queries for a Bet ter Understanding of the West Eastern Divan), the author informs the reader : Am liebsten aber wnschte der Verfasser vorstehendender Gedichte, als ein Reisender angesehen zu werden, dem es zum Lobe gereicht, wenn er sich der fremden Lebensart mit Neigung bequemt deren Sprachgebrauch sich anzueignen trachtet, Gesinnungen zu teilen, Sitten aufzunehmen versteht. (228) [ The author of the preceding poems would choose to be regarded as a traveler who is applauded if he accommodates to the customs of foreign countries, tries to appropriate their ways of speech, to share their sen timents and adopt their manners. ] (Do wden 92) In The Golden Pot Anselmus assumes the role of a German explorer as soon as he enters the and later on journeys from Dresden to the legendary land Atlantis. between the dimensions of fantasy and real ity throughout the fairy tale. Second, Anselmus and G oethe both escape from Germany to an idealized place in the East. Anselmus takes flight from the prosaic, dull bourgeoisi e a nd the contraints of artistic development in a reason based society. Goethe on the other hand, shaken by the horrid 25 copying of manuscripts) (18) in the service of Archivist Lindhorst. On sight of the Orientalist scripture, the protagonist doubts his d wellnigh impossible to copy) (65).
150 lugubrious years of the German Campaign 26 (1813 1815) strives to get away from grey postwar realities in Thuringia and therefore embarks on a literary escape to the Orientalist culture Already his first poem 27 (e migration / flight/ departure ) in the ( Book of Singers ) of his West stlicher Divan ( West Eastern Divan ) alludes to the eastward journey, which mar ks the beginning of a new phase i n life: Nor d und West und Sd zersplittern Throne bersten, Reiche zittern, Flchte du! im reinen Osten Patriarchenluft zu kosten. Unter Lieben, Trinken Singen, Soll dich Chisers 28 Quell verjngen. (7) [ North and West and South are cracking Thrones are toppling, empires shaking: Flee though to the veritable East To try the air of the Patriarchs. With loving, drinking, singing ] ( Ruth ApRoberts 87) This often cited poem announces t o the reader the prime reason for as attested by one of his letters to Christian Gottlob von Voigt dated mid gesehen sind solche Studien eine Art Hegire, man flchtet aus der Zeit in ferne Jahrhunder te und Gegenden, wo man sich et ( Weimarer Ausgabe 154) (To be precise such studies are a sort of Hegire, an escape from the present age to centuries and areas of the remote past, where one expects to find something akin to P aradise) Goethe intends to flee to 26 The German Campaign, also known as Befreiungskriege (Wars of Liberation) or Freiheitskriege (Wars of Freedom), ended the War of the Sixth Coalition, itself part of the Napoleonic Wars. It took place in Germany during 27 Hgire is the French spelling of the Arabian word (Hegira/Hijra), which refers to the emigratio n of the Islamic prophet Muhammad and his followers from Mecca to Medina in 622 CE, marking the beginning of the Muslim Era (Goethe, Berliner Ausgabe 715). 28 Chiser was the old guardian of the spring of life, the Fountain of Youth, who promised the fourtee nth century Persian poet Hafiz immortal fame (Goethe, Berliner Ausgabe 715).
151 where the heavenly teachings of God are still re ceived in earth ly languages, i n order to lead the race of man to the depths of its origin Third, Anselmus and Goethe leave their German identities behind and they do so by fusing Orientalist studies with poetic writings While Anselmus undergoes his identity t ransformation to find true love, eternal happiness, and a life in poetry, Goethe wants to rejuvenate his creative spirit retur n to the source of human history, and enjoy the safe haven of the ancient Golden Age. Besides his explicit however, Goethe delivers another essential message to the Western reader of his Divan In the poem (Talism ans) Goethe moves beyond his personal venture of philo ethnological acculturation by procl aiming solem nly the unity of Orient and Occident The following verses are not o nly a d unning plea for tolerance and peace they also imp ly the equ al validity of all cultures, viewed as coexisting in the hands of God : Gottes ist der Orient! Gottes ist der Okzident! Nord und sdliches Gelnde Ruht im Frieden seiner Hnde ( West stlicher Divan 12) [ the Orient the Occident Northern and southern land s Repose in the peace of His hand s ] The poe m echoes a passage of the Qur an To God belongs the east and the west; wherever you go there will be the presence of God God is omnipresent, omniscient. ) (Sura 2:115 Khalifa 32 ) that Goethe found as a motto in the Fundgruben des Orient (Treasures of the Orient) (1809 1818), a periodical devoted to Orientalist subjects edited by Austrian Orientalist Joseph von Hammer Purgstall ( 1774 1856) (Bell 207) Hence, towar d the Orient and his West Eastern Divan are not only a Hegire into the world of the exotic Other but an attempt to
152 integrate the Orient into Western religious tradition. Finally, the poem reveals the place where East and West can find common ground: the di vine genesis of mankind. The sentiment of Otherness that Orient and Occident share with each other is nullified, when both cease to view the mselves as absolute entities but focus on their mutual relation ship and their common Ursprung (origin) instead. In this way, East and West can complement one another. To conclude this chapter it remains to sum up that a number of German intellectuals, Romantics and members of the German literary public turned to the East in the quest of crafting a German national i dentity for several reasons, perhaps the most important of which was the function of the Orient and its mythology as a model form for a pan German identity. United by little more than geography and a common language the German states had bee n at war with France since 1792, which, followed by the French occupation and Holy Roman Empire in 1806, gave rise to a ne w Germ an national consciousness. Seeking the formation of a united German Volk the Romantics believed to find the rejuvenating power of the German V olksseele in folk poetry, fairy tales, folk songs and sagas. tales as well as literary fairy tales with Orientalist motifs enabled readers to define their national identity either in opposition to the foreign Other or thr ough the Romantic conception that placed the origins of mankind and therefore of the Germans in the East. The Golden Pot has revealed that the magical realm of Atl antis represents an idealized Orient. The protagonist Anselmus, who c talents and thus gains access to the f airy tale world and a life of eternal happiness. In contrast to the paradisiacal portrayal of the Orient and its exo tic inhabitants the Western bourgeois world appears as dull
153 and its citizens as narrow minded and tedious Hence, the literary fairy tale contradicts asserti ons concerning the supremacy of Westerners in literary works. In his book Orientalism Said interprets the Orientalism as a political doctrine and ideology created by the West as a fo rm of domination over the East. Since Orientalism was a masculine domain with sexist blinders, Said argues, Western novelists and travelers portray Eastern women in their writings as sensual creatures of male power fantasies and envision the Orient as the locus of sexual pleasures and inhibitions (207). Therefore, Chapter 5 of my dissertation addresses the female Other and scrutinizes the depiction of the Oriental woman in Romantic Kunstmrchen in order to determine whether German literary fairy tales femin ize and eroticize t he East While Achim von Melck Maria Blainville die Hausprophetin aus Arabien (Meluck Maria Blainville, the House Prophet from Arabia, 1812) and Isabella von gypten Kaiser Karl des Fnften erste Jugendliebe ( Isabella of Egypt s First Young Love 1812) constitute the literary texts that I analyze in Chapter 5 I also discuss travel journal entries written by women as historic sources of German Orientalism to imperi alist men created Orientalism as an exclusively male province.
154 CHAPTER 5 WOMEN IN KUNSTMRCHE N UNVEILED: COLONIAL AND EROTIC FANTASIES In the late e ighteenth and nineteenth centuries, various European writers and artists portrayed Oriental wome n in their w orks as exotic be a uties enigmatic seductress es and objec t s of sexual fantasy Whether lounging in a Turkish bath, hidden behind her veil or revealed in the harem the image of the female Other depicted in a multitude o f Western paintings and literary pieces embodied the Romantic conception of a mysterious Orient on the one hand and was e xplicitly linked with eroticism on the other In this chapter I propose that German literary fairy tales of the Romantic period exalt the Exotin (exotic female) by depicting her as the emb odiment of a higher truth and soulful existence Furthermore, the tales contradict the clichd nin eteenth century notions of the Oriental woman as a sexually charged figure, that is the figure of the od alisque, a female slave or chambermaid in an Ottoman seraglio 1 The fi gure of the Oriental woman I argue, do es not appear in Kunstmrchen as a degraded individual entrapped in the harem of a polygamous oppressor and in need of a civilized liberator from Europe or a powe Melck Maria Blainville die Hausprophetin aus Arabien (Meluck Maria Blainville, the House Prophet from Arabia, 1812) and Isabella von gypten Kaiser Karl des Fnften erste Jugendliebe ( Isabella of Egypt s First Young Love 1812), the protagonists are Eastern women who triumph as autonomous heroines over We stern men, French salon culture, and a worldly existence. In both tales, Arnim invert s the balance of power that prevailed between 1 The word odalisque began to appear in French at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The term derives from the Turkish odalik ( oda service of the women of the harem, the odalisque was metamorphosed by Orientalist painting into the sublimated image of the one enclosed by the harem the prohibited space is endowed by Western imag ination with a strong
155 East and West at the turn of the eighteenth century since his female protagonist s Melck and Isabella, personifications of th e Orient are connected with a higher power truth, and destiny. Divided in to four sections, this chapter begins with a focus on the portrayal of Oriental women in European paintings and literature of the nineteenth century. By comparison, I assert that German literary fairy tales solely feminize but do not erot ici ze the Orient On the one hand, I follow claim in his book Orientalism (1978) of a Western tendency to imagine the East and hence the Oriental woman, as mysterious enigmatic, and magical, which is coupled with the desire to uncover the pr esumed secrets of the Orient German Kunstmrchen reflect oftentimes closely connected to the supernatural and the divine. 2 On the other hand, however, I de part from argument that Oriental women are generally represented as passive, silent submissive, dependent, and supine individuals in European litera ture. German literary fairy tales, I argue, constitute an exception regarding the depiction of Easte rn women. In the second section, I clo sely analyze the figure of the Orie ntal woman in Achim von two literary fairy tales Melck Maria Blainville and Isabella von gypten To include another author in my analysis, Heinrich von Ofterdingen (Henry of Ofte rdingen, 1802) and the illustration of the Arabian girl Zulima. I argue that Noval is portrays the Arabian girl positively, as epitome of knowledge, music, poetry, and rel i gi ous tolerance. Further, he presents the East ern maiden as a sad victim of the latest crusade to stress the renunciation of imperialism and colonial conquest. M y investigation addresses the following questions: Are Eastern women stereotyped in these tales as delicate 2 The Golden Pot The Story of Little Muck
156 sensu al belly dancers, and symbol s of fecundity ? Or a re female Orientals depicted as mysterious enchantresses, veiled seductresses, and ominous femme s fatale s ? In the third section, I draw on Meyda book Colonial Fantasies (1998) which examines the veil as a site both of fantasy and of nationalist ideologies and discourses of gender identity. My research explores German Kunstmrchen in depth for the symbolism of the veil, which, as I believ e, encapsulates its ow n power toward the coloni zer or Western voyeur Are Eastern women in German literary fairy tales veiled at all? Are there any references in the tales about penetrating or the mere desire of penetrating t he veils of the Oriental woman? In this context, I also scrutinize whether the re is any textual evidence of what German scholar Susanne Zanto : The fourth se ction offers an analysis of travel literature about Oriental women w ritten by German and Austrian female authors of Romanticism, such as Wolfhardine von Minutoli (1794 1868), Therese von Bacheracht (1804 1852), Ida Pfeiffer (1797 1858), and Countess Ida vo n Hahn Hahn (1805 1880) I argue that t he sexual, seductive, silenced Oriental woman vis vis the rational Western man in a male dominated, rational discourse was more complex due to the fact that Western women participated in the discourse of the West. European women travelers in the nineteenth century I assert, participated in perpetuating stereotypes about the forei gn Other in non European countries, especially about the Exotin Contrary to the myth of the silenced and voiceless odalisque in the Orientalist discourse, several noble female authors foreground the conversations with the harem women in their travel repor ts. I draw on authentic travel jo urnal entries made by German and Austrian female travelers to demonstrate that they contr ibuted to the depiction of the Oriental woman not
157 lichs. Furthermore, generally produced literary works about the Eas t with evident sexist blinders usually the creatures of a male power fantasy. They express unlim ited sensuality, they are more or less stupid, and above all they are willi and that secondly, Orientalism was In the history of Western imagination the world of the exotic Other was ofte n explicitly linked with erotic sensations and sensual temptations Why the Orient seems still to suggest not only fecundity but sexual promise (and threat), untiring sensuality, unlimited desire, deep generative energies is something on which on e could speculate 88). There are numerous reasons that contributed to the painting of the Orient as a locale of sensual p leasures and erotic adventures. S ome important ones include : firstly, the myth that the Orient, in particular the Levant (modern day Lebanon, Syria, and Israel) enjoyed a laxity of mor als quite unthinkable in Europe ; secondly, the separation of gender in the East and the myth of the harem as an inst itution to serve male pleasures ; 3 thirdly, the impressions and conceptions deriving from novels and plays of the B aroque era (e.g. the so which were oftentimes set in the cultural distance of Mediterranean and E astern places and depicted the Oriental woman as a fascinating but threatening femme fatale ; fourthly, the images of Antoine Ga translation of Les Mille et une Nuits: C o ntes Arabes ( The Thousand and One Nights: Arab Stories, 1704 1717 ) and the figure of Scheherazade (Ohnesorg 205 08, Stamm 239 40). 4 Even 3 Closely related to the myth of th e harem as a place of sexual pleasures was also the propagated, yet limited Paradise), which evoked a sensual Paradise. 4 In The Thousand an d One Nights the clever Scheherazade narrates a fascinating story to entertain a violent, completion the next evening. The book perpetuate s the archetypal stereotypes of the Oriental despot and the servility of Arab women.
158 rong character in the Arabian Nights painters and writers expanded on the notion of the Oriental woman and linke d it in their works with sexually charged scenarios of female submissiveness and passivity Thus, they presented the Orien t not only as an exotic but also an erotic Other. From a Western perspective, t he figure of the Oriental woman ultimately became the personification of a sensual, beautiful, and mystical Orient 5 The odalisque in particular emerged as an icon in Orientalis t art. H er female body represented an erotic clich that signified the mystery of the East as a stage for playing out forbidden passions at a suitable distance. Typically portrayed nude or scantily clad and in a languid or reclining pose the odalisque ser ved as object of projection for sexual fantasies constricted by the tight laced corset of a repressive and inhibitive sexual morality in Western culture According to scholar Billie Melman, the odalisque ality and violence. At the same time she of the ideal man of letters 6 of the Enlightenment. She is enslaved by her Places associated with the odalisque such as the harem, the Turkish b ath, or the slave market turned into metaphorically determined spaces that tied the Orient to sensual allures and erotic fantasies. The transforma tion of the odalisque in Western art works is but one example of what Said describes in his book Orientalism as a Western way Said, the relationship of pow er between East and West enabled the Occident to make the East 6). Consequently, Western artist s had the power to dominate the Ori ental woma n by re presenting or rather mis re presenting her culturally and sexually. Among the French 5 74). 6
159 n eoclassical paintings of the nineteenth century La Grand e Odalisque painted in 1814 by Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres (1780 1867), launched the genre of t he odalisque (V arisco Reading Orientalism 165). The oil paint ing shows a reclining naked woman who looks over her right shoulder at the viewer. Her glance is seductive, yet cool and unexpressive as if she does not mind the display of her nude body nor the v oyeuristic gaze of the spectator In her right hand, she somewhat teasingly grasps a peacock feather fan Fu r, satin silk, golden sheets, luscious royal blue curtains jewelry, a turban like headdress, and an opium pipe surrounding the naked woman e mphasize the idea of the forbidden, foreign and erotic to the Europ ean viewer who can indulge in her exotic sexuality from afar. The painting depicts the od alisque as epitome of female submission and passivity. She is reduced to a sex slave whose lif e in a seraglio is hedonistic and m The imagery of the odalis que as nude or semi nude concubine and pleasure servant illustrated in nineteenth century Orientalist art w as itself a projection of Western artists that we re predominantly male Even though some odalisques were trained to be concu bines, they usually served the women of the harem as chambermaid s or slave s (Alloula 130). Furthermore various O rientalist paintings such as La Grand e Odalisque (1814), and Odalisque and Slave ( 1842) as well as (1819 1 856) The Toilette of Esther (1841), and Harem (1851) portray the complexion of the harem woman in a strikingly unrealistic pallor 7 While t he ivory white skin of the odalisque blurs her racial identity, her figure oscillate s between being l ike and not like European women. The passive marble skinned odalisque appears in Orientalist art even more as a template of European femininity, since she is often visually contrasted with a dark skinned masculine looking female servant whose u n feminine features underline the fact 7 Se e Appendix
160 that she is no t to be imagined as an object of sexual fantasies 8 Ivan Kalmar asserts in that t o th is extent, odalisque paintings are no t a projection of the East into the West, but a perverse projection of the Western woman into the subject posit ion of a powerles Although Ingres was not the only painter to misrepresent and mythologize Eastern wome n h is Orientalist themed art works infused European culture with the archetypical vision o f the lascivious and salacious female Arab Ingres like various other Orientalist painters and writers, had never travel ed to the Near or Middle East. 9 H is art works were pure conjecture and staged in his Paris studio with European models and Turkish props (Mahon 44) T hese so called Orientalist artists who had never left European soil found inspiration for their canvases and books from written accounts of l ife in the Orient such as The Thousand and One Nights ( 1689 1755) Lettres P ersanes (Persian Letters, 1721), s (1788 1824) series (1813 1814) s collection of poems Les Oriental es (The Orientals, 1829) 1876) Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (1836), and travel accounts, e.g. the Itinraire de Paris Jrusalem (Itinerary from Paris to Jerusalem, 1811) by Franois Ren de Chateaubriand ( 1768 1848 ) Voyage en Orient (Voyage to the Orient, 1851) by Grard de Nerval, and A Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al Medinah and Meccah (1855) by Richard Francis Burton (1821 8 Examples of a dark Odalisque and Slave The Toilette of Esther and Harem Jean 1904) Moorish Bath (1 872). The odalisque evokes the European woman as willing prisoner in a harem that has been taken into the imagined possession of a male European spectator. 9 Other European Orientalists, painters, and writers who never travelled to the Orient include: Friedrich Rckert (1788 1866), Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749 1832), John Martin (1789 1854), Francesco Hayez (1791 1882), Antoine Jean Gros (1771 1835), Victo r Hugo (1802 1885), Honor Daumier (1808 1879), and Thomas Moore (1779 1852).
161 1890) 10 W orks by Heinrich Heine (1797 1856) Alexandre Dumas p r e (1802 1870) Alphonse de Lamartine ( 1790 1869 ) and Th ophile Gautier (1811 1872) were also among the sources widely enjoyed Over a century later, Edward Said drew on the same literary sources and European authors for h is analysis on colonial ideology in Western literature and on the construction of the Orient as a negative inversion of Western culture. urse of Orientalism establishes that the body of Wester n representations of the East reflected the perception of a n act iv e, dominant, progressive, masculine, strong and hence superior Occident versus a passiv e, submissive, backward, feminine, weak and hence inferior Orient. Throughout his book Orientalism Said frequently quotes British and French auth ors of the nineteenth century ( e.g. Burton, Lane, Chateaubriand Lamar tine Nerval ) and relies on European Orientalist texts to support his views on the relationship of power between East and West. European writers like the painters, had the ability to create, prese nt, and misrepresent the Orient and therefore also to mirro r the dominant position of the West in their works In the example of the Gustave Flaubert ( 1821 1880 ) Said emphasizes that the French novelist spoke for Kuchuk Hanem ( 1850 1870) a beautiful Egy ptian dancer and courtesan, which rientalist accounts of the East: [S he never spoke of herself, she never represented her emotions, presence, or history. He spoke for and represented her. He was foreign, comparatively we althy, male, and these were historical facts of domination that allowed him not only to possess Kuchuck Hanem physically but to speak for her and tell his readers in what the Egyptian woman wa s not an isolated instance. R ather the example highlights the power balance between Orient and Occident (6). 10 By 1812, The Thousand and One Nights perfect insight into the private habits, the domestic comforts Tales of the East ii iii).
162 As Kuchuk Hanem not only represents a feminized but first and foremost eroticized Orient Based on travel notes from Egypt, Said views t he construction of the Or iental woman as in her luxuria (187). In his letters, Flaubert describes Kuchuk as no distinction between one man and another man (187). H er dumb and irreducible sexuality, self sufficiency, and emotional c arelessness, Said asserts, allowed the Frenchman to think and muse. Presumably the prototype as well as pornographic novels (e.g. Pierre Aphrodite 1896) t he Eastern courtesan embodies carnal fema le temptation and an impressive but v erbally inarticulate femininity (187 208 ). According to Said, Kuchuk Hanem was emblematic of the We and of how Western literature continually stereotyped the Oriental woman: as a silenced, passive, o ver sexualized, and stupid object of male power fantasies (207). In the follow ing section, I scrutinize portrayals of t he Oriental woman in Achim von Arnim s literary fairy tales Melck Maria Blainville and Isabella of Egypt for traces of thes e stereotypical features epicted Eastern women as passive, silent odalisque like, submissive, dependent, supine and altogether inferior, I argue that German lit erary fairy tales constitute an exception. Even though multiple characters contribute to an amb ivalent representation of the Oriental figure the female protagonists of the tales are predominantly depicted as independent, active, strong, sophisticated and chaste individuals In Melck of 1812 a young Oriental woman born (157) (in happy Arabia ) and forced to flee to Smyrna, arr ives on a Turkish
163 ship in the French city T oulon at the time ju st before the French Revolution. 11 Melck, daughter of an emir but now an orphan, gets baptized in the main church in Marseilles and receives the names Melck Maria Blainville (the first from her Arabian homeland; the second for the Mother of God; the third from her conf essor). After her conversion to Christianity, she joins a nunnery for several months before she becomes an actress in Marseille. When t he talented woman recites passages she meets her mat ch in C ount Saintree. The young Arab woman falls in love with Saintree despite his engagement with Mathilde. Banned from court due to an affair, the c ount spends his time with Melck in Marseille. One day, Sai ntree sojourns in and puts his favorite coat a symbol of on a large mannequin Suddenly, the dummy comes aliv e and crosses its arms across its chest to keep hold of the coat. To save himself from an embarrassing situation, t he count s the night with her One month after the beginning of the secret liaison, Mathilde arrives in Marseille to tell Saintree that even though he is no longer tolerated at court, the king acceded to their marri age. The count abandons Melck and boos her off th e stage during a public performance. Saintree marries Mathilde, leaving behind a desperate Melck. When the count falls i ll a nd complains about heart pains his doctor and loyal friend F r enel declares the Oriental woman to be a sorceress He rushes to Melck who Melck agrees to rescue Saintree commands the m annequin, which has turned in the meantime into an exact copy of Saintree, to However, since Saintree needs his hear t to survive at his side is vital. From now on, the Arab woman lives together with Saintree and Mathilde in 11 describe the southern parts of the Arabian Peninsula, including modern Yemen. Fel ix
164 harmony. Mathilde gives birth to three children who are all similar in appearance to Melck. When the French Revolution reac hes the South, the sorceress predicts the annihilation of the aristocracy but Saintree refuses to abandon his beloved homeland. While the outraged populace takes over the castle, Melck gets stabbed from behind. Melck and the count both die instantly Bef orehand, Melck save d Mathilde by disguising herself as the countess Mathilde survive s and flee s with her children and Frenel to Switzerland where he commits suicide. Far from evoking the image of a weak, servile, imprisoned harem concubine waiting to be rescued by the Western man, Arnim conceived his central character as a highly ambivalent figure with a complex personality that remains poised and determined yet mysterious and compassionate until the very end of the tale. Already her arrival in Toulon on a Turkish ship that is relentlessly pursued by a Maltesian galley ties the Oriental woman to the inexplic able and the fantastic. When the Turkish ship just barely reaches the saf e harbor, observ ers are uncertain whether the rescue t hey witnessed is att ributed to a or a conjurer in other words a Melck first appears as enigmatic beauty and refugee who immediately assumes the roles of interpreter, mediator, and cultural peacemake r. Only h and the sound of her voice speaking the mother tongue of the Frenchmen can disarm and molli fy the rapacious crew of Maltesian k nights. Not only does Melck sav e the Turkish ship, prevent a battle, and open peace talks be tween the Turkish and Maltesian men the female p rotagonist also manages to ward off romantic advances from Saint Luc the leader of the Maltesian knights. Melck personifies an indomitable Orient that cannot be conquered nor colonized by the imperial powe rs. He r t all, feminine stature adds to the su perior appearance of the Middle Eastern woman. In contrast, Saint Luc embodies the Western ma n whose attempts to conquer the
165 Orien tal woman failed twice, first as adversarial pursuer of the Turkish sh ip and seco nd as scheidend eine Art von Liebeserklrung, indem er sein Schicksal bedauerte, ihr nicht angehren parting declaration of love to the beautiful stranger, regretting that Fate permitted him neither to enter her service nor to win her by conquest) (98). As Susanne Zantop and Sigrid Weigel have demonstrated (virgin) land is oftentimes synonymous with the female body and the conquest of a foreign territory is commonly emblematized in the erotic possession of women 12 Even though the protagonist of the tale is an attractive woman, her ambivalent character distinguishes her from the stereotypical conception o f the erotic female Other. Melck is a sophisticated and charismatic person whose ambivalence is already expressed in her three names: the Middle Eastern poetry, s tands for Saint Mary and the conversion to Christianity, and the William Lovell ( 1795 1796) (Fischer 109 10). 13 (gr when he conceived his prot agonist. However, based on her mix of features beauty, kindness, femininity, passion, sophistication, intelligence, dominance, assertiveness, seriousnes s, composure she represents an androgynous figure (even though not physically) that attracts and fas cinates both genders. In fact, she has just as many 12 Compare Susanne Zantop (44 45) and Siegried Weigel ( 171 199). 13 William Lovell a three volume novel in letters, the Comtesse Blainville is a femme fatale who seduces young Lovell in Paris and inducts him into the secrets of sensual lovemaking and sexual lust (Fischer 110).
166 f emale as she has male devotees who admire the M iddle Eastern woman also for her ability to move smoothly between the culture s of Orient and Occident. ly serious manner her powerful spirit, her multilayered personality, and her ability to quickly adapt to the conventions of French society contradict the clichd nineteenth century notions of the delicate, passive, submissive Oriental woman as well as of the uneducated, uncivilize d nat ive Other (99) reveals little information about herself and thus remains a mystery to the citizens of Toulon. became acquainted with European languages and customs as well as the Christian religion in the homes of prominent merchants in Smyrna. exotic appearance reinforces her mysterious identity and raises questions about her actual age : das nicht mehr ganz j ung zu sein schien, was aber in ihrer dunklern Farbe nicht leicht zu unterscheiden war (157) (She appeared no longer young, although her dark coloring made that hard to judge) (98) The fact that Arnim specifically de d unkel ( da rk) sets the figure even further apart from the image of the predominantly lighter skinne d odalisque in neoclassical art Furthermore, w hile the motif of the odalisque evokes the thought of material wealth such as jewelry, gold, and other riches, Melck donates her money to the nunnery. Through this action, Arnim disassociates his protagonist from the stereotypical conception of Orientalist opulence and lu xuriousness, and materialistic, philanthropic nature Despite the fac t that Melck does not reflect the picture of the sexual ized and inf eriorized odalisque, she remains the target of persistent romantic advan conquistadors Before the end of her probati onary year Melck leaves the monastery to receive dramatic instruction from her friend the respected old actress Banal, who idolizes the Oriental woman :
167 She apotheosized her). Once again, Arnim emphasizes th e young Arab woman displays an extraordinary talent for acting, she is included in the most prominent circles where she takes center stage. (158) (aptitude for social decorum) (99) and her to easily assimilate the customs of the class in which she lives. adaptability, versatility, and the dignity of her bearing captivate her suitors who believe her resistance to their advances shou ld be ascribed to (159) (c has teness, deviousness, or satiety) (100): Der Ruf unbezwinglich guter Sitten vermehrte diese Zahl ihrer Verehrer, indem jeder Neuhinzukommende den Glanz seiner gehoffte n Eroberung durch die grer e Zahl der Zurckgeschlagen vermehrt glaubte, bis er selbst unter die Zahl der ruhigen Verehrer zurcktrat, die ihr Glck ohne Ungestm erwarten wollen. (158 59) [ Her reputation for unassailably high morals increased the quantity of her admirers, for each new suitor believed that a larger number of rejections would only add luster to his hoped for conquest, until he himself finally joined the group of quiet devotees willing to wait patiently for the attainment of their desire. ] (100) Due to her virginal dem eanor and also becomes the victim of malicious rumors and wicked explanatio ns spread by some of her admirers I read erobern (conquer), Eroberung (conquest), Besitz (possession), and unbezwinglich (indomitable/unconquerable) a s a reference to in the Orient specifically ( The Egyptian Campaign 1798 1801) amongst a rivaling pack of love crazed men and her tragic demise at the end of the tale I argue further critique of imperialistic endeavors by Western powers. Saint Luc, furious about Melck at sea returns to France and continues his amatory pursuit of the inapproachable woman : ie entzckte ihn und als er von
168 seinen Freunden die Schwierigkeit ihres Besitzes vernommen, schwor er ihnen feierlich, da er sie zu Lande erobern wolle, wa s es koste, da sie ihm auf dem Meere durch so s onderbaren Zufall entrissen sei (159) ( She fascinated him, and when he discovered from his friends how difficult it was to possess her, he swore with great fanfare that, no matter what the cost, he would conq uer her on land after such a remarkable coinciden ce had denied her to him at sea) (100) Greedy, rash, and vicious by nature ultimately fails in the attempt to drug her with an opium drin k. In the end, violence is the only option left for him to d and he does so by killing her. importunate male suitors, she is not unrece ptive t o romantic love that is honest and true When Melck makes the acquaintance of Count Saintree, (101), she feels obliged to acknowledge his superior ability in the art of acting. It is her sincere love for Saintree that causes the Oriental woman to lose some of her usual self confidence and fortitude. However, w hile Melck admirers rejoice that ankreich doch einen Mann hervorgebracht [hatte] der ( France had finally produced a man capably of subdu ing this proud Easterner) (101), it i s Count Saintree who literally loses his heart to the actress as well as his identity and independence throughout the novel and thus symbolically the life of the Western man, depends completely on the compassion of the Oriental woman her mercy and willingness to forgive On the basis of relationship between Occident and Orient is a relationship of power I propose that Arnim inverts the balance of power that prevailed between East and West at the turn of the eighteenth century. In his literary fairy tale the source of (magical) power li es with Melck and
169 hence the Orient. T he existence, triumphs over the superficial life of the French salon culture Western ratio an d a worldly exis tence While Melck possesses magical powers which moves her figure closer to that of a mysterious enchantress she does not use them to seduce Saintree nor to willfully harm him. Her passion for the count is love and not in cruel jealous y and personal revenge. The 1639 1699) Phdre (Phaedra, 1677) unhampered, the count, rivolous by nature) (102), takes off his coat and wraps it jokingly around a mannequin. 14 It is the same coat he wore at the farewell of his beloved Mathilde whose tears fell on chest. After his recitatio n, the dummy suddenly com es aliv e, claps its hands together, and crosses its arms across its chest. In the past, r esearche r s have commonly interpreted this scene as follows: Melck uses her magical powers to create an opportunity to seduce Saintree. However, a lready Helene Kastin g er Riley and Bernd Fischer point ed out that Melck explicitly warns Saintree beforehand mysterious garmet) (102), and that the magical event frightens the Oriental woman significantly: 14 ious marriage, nurse convinces Phdre to confess her love to the stepson. Hippolyte, however, is in love with the Athenian princess Aricia and rejects Phdre. When Thse returns to the palace, Phdre is afraid of what will happen i f Hippolyte tells Thse incensed by such disrespect, calls upon Neptune to destroy Hippolyte. After hearing of his death, Phdre tells her hus band the truth and then kills herself.
170 from horror a t the occ urrence. She swore that she knew of no such device in the dummy) (103). 15 Since t he enchantment takes place unintentionally, Melck is not an evil sorceress but rather embodies the unhappy lover who becomes a victim of rejection and ultimately sacrifi ces he rself in the name of love. y and without his coat since he is afraid of becoming the subject of wild rumors. To save him from an embarrassing situation, Melck offers to hide the count in her study until nightfall. In return, tectress) (103) day. Once a gain, Arnim assigns the Eastern woman a dominant role and depicts her as a superior figure that wields power over the Western man. a splendid lit tle adjoining room) (103) of the house, a place staged with an arsenal of Orientalist imagery that evokes an inverted harem motif the room, a symbolic representation of the Orient, serves the Western man as protective space Orientalist environment (164) (wonderful) which slaves who are perfectly happy in their captivity: Aber ein nherer Garten vor dem Fenster und in den Vertiefungen des Zimmers zauberte eine morgenlndische Frhlingsluft vor alle Sinnen. Der ganze Grund des Zimmers bestand aus Rosen, die auf Gold gemalt waren; was am Bo den nicht als Teppich glnzte war Ruhebette aus dem buntesten weichsten Wollenzeuge. Sanfte Glockenspiele wurden von den Vgeln in angenehmen Akkorden bewegt, wenn diese zu ihrem Futter, das dazwischen verborgen war, fl ogen . Das Zimmer war so duftig, kstlicher Balsam; alles drngte zum Genu, und Melck versagte ihm nichts. 15 Compare Bernd Fischer (113) and Helene Kastinger Riley (105 07).
171 (164) [ conjured up an oriental breath of spring for all the senses. The whole room consisted of roses painted on gold. Bright carpets covered the floor everywhere, except where cushions of colorful, soft wool lay. Gentle chimes played lovely chords when set in motion by flying birds se arching for hidden food among them . The hands like a precious balm His whole being strove toward pleasure, and Melck denied him nothing. ] (104) Melck indulge s in sexual pleasures with Saintree because she is blinded by her love for him. (delightful imprisonment) before he returns to Mathilde and marries her. Since M Saintree is so much stronger than his feelings for the Arab woman, the count believes himself to be in a superior position but i t is Saintree whose health and survival depend on the Oriental woman. When Saintree publicly humiliates Melck by booing her pe 70) (that he was momentarily blinded and sank to the t an evil magic spell intended to kill him. The Oriental woman rather looks deep into the conscience of Saintree, who cienc e suddenly unloads and causes him to have a seizure Saintree his heart) (108) are in fact symptoms of his Frenel, an Orientalist and doctor friend of the count, devour ing sorceress) (108) and sets out It turns out though that Melck awaited death herself and did not imag (173) (still wishes to live). the Easterner
172 immediately promises to help restore his health between Mathilde and the count. Arnim uses the motif of the d oppelgnger reminiscent of the Automat ( automaton, robot) in E.T.A. Der Sandmann ( The Sandman 1816), to demonstrate that the Oriental woman not only holds power over the life and fate of the Western man but also shapes his identity. Frenel discovers w Bildnertalent (craft) (110) to model n of the count, both in form and color) (110), just as he had appeared to Melck in happier times. Pygmalion, a Cypriot sculptor who fell in love with a statue he had carved with the difference Glieder puppe (jointed doll) remains a statue and does not transform into a human being. 16 The dressing dummy represents the doppelgnger, a figure that has slowly assumed Melck knows now how to command the statue and with a gentle p The knowledge of the Eastern woma the Automat (171) (master of many arts) (109). S ince the ability to handle the Automat offers an analogy to r knowledge of machines. In the final part of the fairy tale, Melck appears as self sacrificing, altruistic, and mysterious prophet who se self destruction is pre vented by the arrangement of a household of three The Arab woman 16 The Roman poet Ovid narrates in his Metamorphoses (a Latin narrative poem in fifteen books) how the sculptor Pygmalion carved a woman out of ivory, creating a statue so fair and realistic that he fell in love with it. On ivory sculpture would be changed to a real woman. When he ret urned home, he kissed his ivory statue and found that Aphrodite had granted his wish and the statue had become alive.
173 request, is willing to move i n with the count and his wife since only her continuous presence can While some scholars such as Axel Dunker refer in this context to a there is no textual evidence that suggests a sexual relatio nship between Melck and the married couple Instead Mathilde bids Melck to live forever as (174) (nearest relative) (111) in their house. Furthermore, it is Mathilde Arnim thus emphasizes that several physical features of the Easterner are asexually passed on to the European children. 17 The childr en in turn represent cultural hybrids of Easte rn and Western origin and epitomize th e mysteries of the Orient. Melck who foresees the outcome of the French Revolution and predicts the annihilation of the aristocracy. In the end, she sacrifices her historical mission Prophet einer ganzen abendlndischen Welt fr Jahrhunderte zu werden satisfied to be a prophet in a house to which she had attached herself out of passion. b est known novella collection of 1812 (commonly known as Novellensammlung 1812 ), strong and active women are always heroines and figures of salvation 18 In a poem that connects the tales Isabella of Egypt and Melck Maria Blainville Arnim envisages the diss olution of the patriarchy and proclaims : Wo groe Zeichen hin zur Zukunft deuten, Da wollen wir nicht stets nach Mnnern schauen, Es ndern sich auch einmal wohl die Zeiten: Vielleicht beginnt nun bald die Zeit der Frauen! 17 Wahlverwandschaften (Elective Affinities, 1809). 18 Novellensammlung of 1812 comprises four novellas: Isabella von gypten. Kaiser Karl des Fnften erste Jugendliebe (Isabella of Egypt), Melck Maria Blainville Die drei liebreichen Schwestern und der glckliche Frber (The Three Loving Sisters and the Lucky Dyer), and Angeli ka, die Genueserin, und Cosmus, der Seilspringer (Angelika the Genoese and Cosmus the Tightrope Walker).
174 . . . . . . . Wenn Bella sich erhebt wie der Komete, ( S m mtliche Werke 18 7 8 8) [ Where great signs signify the future, We shall not always look toward men, Times are changing : Perhaps finally the time of women is about to commence . . . . . . . When Bella rises like the comet, as house prophet descends. ] The poem positions the heroines of both tales in a close oppositional parallelism. Both are foreigners, both are of royal parentage, both originated from the Orient and Eastern cultures, both possess magical abilit i es, and both have a mythical destiny. Furthermore, the fates of both women are tied to a historical time of change: the tra nsition to the Modern era and the French Revolution Arnim Melck Maria Blainville the Zwillingssch (twin sister) of Isabella of Egypt The difference between the two protagonists and figures of ess) is that the pat h s of their lives takes them into polar direction s: Isabella succeeds in her prophetic mission, while Melck is le d astray and therefore does not follow her historical predestination ( Smmtliche Werke 188). lit erary fairy tale Isabella of Egypt apotheosizes the Oriental woman and represents her in analogy to the Virgin Mary, as the embodiment of innocence virtue, and purity Set in the early sixteenth century, the narrative begins in medias res with the young and beautiful Isabella (Bella) attend to his last r ites. Her father, the Gypsy D uke Michael, was wrongly accused and hanged, a casualty of the persecution of gypsies in Europe. Now, all hopes of he r people li and the prophecy of her union with a Western emperor who should unite the Gypsies and lead them back to Egypt, the legendary land of their origin. B ella
175 lives with her old guardian, Braka, in an abandoned, supposedly haunted house on the river at the outskirts of town. B ella seeks the magical root that sprouted f r om the tears of her hanged father and grows it into an Alraun (mandrake), a miniature man and ugly creature wh o calls himself Cornelius Nepos. In their efforts to unearth h idden treasures, Cornelius, B ella, and Braka are helped by the Brenhuter (Bearskinner), the ghost of a slave who has sold his soul to the devil. The small gr oup travels to Ghent, where B ella hopes to win the heart of the young prince Charles V with whom she has fallen in love In G hent, Charles meets with Bella returns her affection, and arranges for a nocturnal encounter. To distract the jealous mandrake, Charles enlists the help of a n old Jewish m agician who creates a golem 19 a copy of B ella identical in app earance with the real woman but in fact, a soulless and shallow apparition. Cornelius falls in love with the Golem Bella, but so does Charles. Since he cannot tell the two Bellas apart the young prince sleeps with the clone. Eventually, Charles realizes the truth and destroys the golem. A fter a maze of intrigue and misunderstanding, Charles and Bella become estranged from one another. Although pregnant, Bella abandons Charles one night and returns to her people. In the end it is Bella, not her son, who leads the Gypsies back to Egypt. During the journey she gives birth to her son Lrak. Charle s becomes emperor but ultimately reti res to a monastery. Charles and B ella both die on the same day and by their own will. Bella dies in her homeland after a long and s uccessful reign, surrounded with the praise and love of her people. Charles deceases after a vision of his beloved Isabella. 19 Bible (Psalms 139:16) and in Talmudic literature to refer to an embryonic or incomplete substance. It assumed its present connotation in the Middle Ages when many legends arose of wise men who could bring effigies to life by means of a charm or of a combination of letters forming a sacred word or one of the names of God. The letters, written on paper, were placed golem was usually a perfect servant, his only fault being a too literal or mechanical
176 Due to the mysterious origin and peripatetic life of the Zigeuner (Gypsies), the Romantics generally perceived the nomadic people as a than that of the philistines. In European Romanticism of the early nineteenth century, the popularity of the Gypsy motif became a fashion that also manifested itself in the expression Zigeunerromantik (Gypsy romanticism). As idealized Naturvlker (nature people), free spirited wanderers and outcasts who prefer the f reedom of nature to the confines of civilization, Gypsies Nachtwachen (Nightwatches, Michael Kohlhaas Die Elfen (The Elves, 1812), Clemens Aloys und Imelde (1811/12, first published in 1912) and Die mehreren Wehmller und ungarischen Nationalgesichter (The Various Wehmller and Ahnung und Gegenwart (Premonition and Present, Das de Haus (The Deserted House, 1817). The concept of the Romantic, which emblematizes amongst other things the strange, the foreign, the distant, the anti bourgeois, the unconstrained, freedom of fantasy, the wonderous, the unintegratable wild and representat ives of nature (Kugler 113 historical novella Isabella of Egypt the author aestheticizes the Gypsies, which in turn become crystallized and transfigured in the person of Isabella, an Oriental woman of Christian faith who serves as a positively coded model of popular sovereignty. physical appearance evoke s the image of the marble skinned odali sque depicted in French neoclassical paintings she is young and beautiful (pale), she has shimmering feet )
177 (graceful face) with lovely dark curls and shining black eyes (5) her character traits are diametrically opposed to the erotic clich of the Eastern woman and the sexualized harem slave. 20 On the one hand, Bella epitomizes a madonna like figure that is c haste saintly and pious yet with a childish navet. On the other hand, the Gypsy girl develops throughout the tale into a strong leader, independent woman and ideal sovereign who posse ss es the inner strength to fulfill her prophetic mission. Adored by her people, Bella is a charismatic Gypsy princess As th e daughter of the Dutch noble House of H ogstraaten and the Gypsy D uke Michael, Bella is born into a superior posit ion but lives in poverty and isolated from the rest of society. In contrast of the stereotypical opulence and wealth associated with the Orient and the image of the harem o dali s que, Isabella inhabits a deserted, rundown garden house with Braka, her old Gypsy duenna, means left her nothing but bundles of herbs, bags full of roots, and a few rocks (9). Similarly to Melck, Arnim ties his protagonist early on to the mystical and the realm of the fantastic. Lebensraum (living space) is the n ight, a sign of her societal degradation but also of her sublimity: the Gypsy girl is without legal ri ghts and has to live in secrecy but at the same time, she experiences visions and dreams that forebode her destiny as the chosen one. No t unlike Saint Mar y, Isabella redeems her people and releases them from their sin by giving birth to a son 21 when 20 21 According to Arnim, the Gypsies had sinned by failing to shelter the Holy F amily on their Flight to Egypt. When they later recognized in death the Savior they had rejected in life, half the people chose to do penance for their hard heartedness with a pilgrimage extending as far Christians could be found (7).
17 8 Bella conceives her child, evokes the biblical Star of Bethlehem. 22 Her close relationship with the stars as well as her religiousness put the Eastern woman in touch with the divine and the role of a high priestess: Es lag ihr die Hoheit ihres gyptis chen Stammes im Blute und sie sah zu den Sternen zutraulich, als zu ihren Ahnen, aber sie wute auch das alte Verbrechen ihres Volks, da sie der heiligen M utter Maria auf ihrer Flucht nach gypten kein Obdach geben wollten, als sie mit ihrem seligma chenden Kinde im starken Regen einritt; da erhob aber dieses seine Hand im Kreise und ber ihnen stand ein Regenbogen, der keinen tropfen auf sie niederfalle inen wunderbar farbigen Kreis, da ihr Herz aufjauchzte und ohne Worte betete. (71) [The grandeur of her Egyptian tribe was in her blood, and she looked at the stars as that they had not wanted to give the Holy Mother Mary shelter on her flight to Egypt, when she rode there with her blessed child in the pouring rain; He, however, had raised His hand and described a circle with it, and above them there stood a rainbow, w so that her heart rejoiced and prayed without words.] (32) Isabella sees a rainbow reflected in the spect rum colors of a ha lo, which is the biblical emblem of mercy, peace, and reconciliation in God to man, after he had destroyed the world by a flood. The Gypsy girl mit den Sternen to o familiar with the courses of the moon and the stars) (16), also evokes Astra the goddess of justice in Greek ass ociated with innocence, purity, and the return of the utopian Golden Age ( 79). Already at the beginning of the tale B ella gazes out of a angel) (5) smiling at her. When Braka shudders at the thought of the apparition and gasps, Kind, what do you see ?), B ella replies matter of factly (34) (the 22 Arnim was presumabe ly inspired by the Great Comet of 1811, a comet that was visible to the naked eye for around 260 days.
179 moon) (5) Due to her transcendental awareness, the Oriental girl moves between the natural and the supernatural spheres without any effort. For her, neither reality excludes the other. As a royal and mysterio Isabella is the ultimat e representation of the exotic Other. Her Otherness takes on many faces: she is an Oriental princess and later on Egyptian queen a saintly figure and redeemer, an enchantress and creator of the Alrau n a doppelgnger, and she appears to Charles in a variety of misleading roles, such as a ghost, a golem, a dream, a parvenue, and a servant boy. Since he ella had le 49) (secret, nocturnal life ) (1 6) and now lives hidden in an allegedly haunted house otherwise shunned by the local populace Throughout the novella, Arnim ties his protagonist to the metaphysical realm and the marvelous. The Eastern maiden consults dreams, visions, cryptic writings and signs from nature to chart the course of her destiny. Not only does Bella appear steps out the door in the middle of the night to hold a fulneral feast for her father, she also wants and ultimately plays the role of a ghost when she first encounters Charles in the abandoned house. 23 access to the occult through reading magi c tales) and deciphering ancient texts invests her with the power of invention, creation, and prophecy, all of which are domains of the poetic in the Romantic view (Seyhan Representatio n 130). Braka tells the enamored girl that she will need money in orde r to wander safely about the city and rejoin her beloved prince Seeking advice, Bella t old manuscripts and grimoires but is deeply disappointed about the intricacy of the enchantments the books hold for her : 23 The prince felt challenged by the rumors that the abandoned house is haunted and wanted to debunk the commonly held superstition by spending the night there. To scare him off the premises, Bella appears to him as he sleeps, disguised as a ghost.
180 V iele geheime Regeln, Zeichnungen, von denen sie nichts verstand, den Stein der Weisen zu finden, Geister zu zitieren, Krankheiten zu beschwren, das Vieh zu verzaubern, endlich auch ein Mittel Gold zu machen, aber dies Mittel so weitlufig, als mte man zwei Monden anspannen, um zur Sonne zu fahren. (47) [ M any secret rules, drawings of which she understood nothing, telling one how to to conjure up illnesses, to cast spells on animals, finally even a way to manufacture gold, but the means were so elaborate, it was like hitching up two moons to travel to the sun.] (15) Freely subscribing to the esoteric and steeping herself in the magic spells of her the Oriental girl chooses (47) ( the eas iest of all forms of witchcraft) (15) and produces an Alraun Bella represents a so rceress who loves with her soul and, in contrast to the passionate and ardent Melck, is a woman ohne Begierde zur Lust ihres Geschlechtes (without the carnal desires of her sex) (15) Since the Gypsies had always higher being Bella can recognize herself as such and is susceptible to the art of sorcerey which the strictest discipline of all (15). Without the kn owledge Bella gleans from the grimoires, her powerful imagination (48) (more than manly courage) (15), the Easterner could not have conjured up the h omunculus from a mandrake root, nor carried out her mission to lead her people to freedom. Melck Maria Blainville and Isabella of Egypt are prefigured as personifications of the Orient in the character of Zulima in Heinrich von Ofterdingen ( Henry of Ofterdingen 1802) Novalis portrays Z ulima as epitom e of knowledge, music, poetry, relgious toleranc e, and as a positive figure that represents a femininized but not erotic ized East protagonists are superior of noble bi rth and equipped with magical abilities, Zulima appears in a dramatically different role : imprisoned by the Western man, she is a sad victim of the last Crusade and therefore despe rate and heartbroken. The Eastern woman, whose family had been slaughtered, was torn from her homeland to live with her child in German exile. As a captive and is the property of the knights evoking the idea of the Oriental sex
181 slave. Instead of erotic fantasies and feelings however, the Arabian girl elicits deep sympathy from Henry of Ofterdingen as well as f rom the reader. Novalis describes the young mother as he trauma of slavery and presumably sexual abuse have taken their toll on her body. Al though Zulima does not possess any supernatural powers and appears inferior to the c rusaders her child gives her enough strength and will to survive: ( Thou, O child, alone dost save me f rom the thought that anguish gave me, l ife to quench with hardy hand ) (78) from the depictions of Melck and Isabella, al l three Easterners share striking commonalities: they are young, beautifu l, honest, virtuous, modest, honorable, sincere, cordial, impecunious and as far as the tales reveal, monogamous 24 In his book German Orientalisms (2004), Todd Kontje argues that the encounte r between Henry and Zuli ma reflects he Oriental woman as a helpless victim who needs to be rescued and protected by the Western man 95), referring to Henry of Ofterdingen The key aspect s of thi s scene, I propose however, are different one s : Novalis uses this brief episode firstly, to stress the renunciation of imperialism and colonial conquest and secondly, to shed a positive light o West desperate situation and her victimhood, the reader is inclined to comde mn the military actions of the c rusaders. At the same time, Novalis highlights the positive influence of the Eastern woman development from an innocent adolescent to a profound poet. 24 Solely Later, the successful actress can afford to live in her own house.
182 Henry does not per sonify a strong masculine and dominant West but rather re prese nts a romanticized Germany, which distances itself from the Western imper ial powers, allegorized by the c rusaders. oves Henry emotionally (he even cries when he bids Zulima farewell) and the stories of her homeland inspire h is poetic nature. Henry cannot nor Kraft schien in seinen einfachen Worten zu liegen, denn Zulima empfand eine ungewohnte 59) (A strange power seemed to lie in his simple words, for Zulima felt an unwonted tranquility, and thanked him in the most touching manner for his consolation) (82). While Henry is at first thril led to b e amongst the c rusaders and feels imbued with warli ke ardor he avoids returning to the knights a f ter his conve rsation with the Arabian maiden. Hence Henry disassociates him s elf from the c rusaders who personate the Western man, portrayed by Novalis as the embodiment of aggressive masculinity and military c onquest. Although the Middle Eastern woman in Henry of Ofterdingen feminizes the Orient, only the crusaders view her as an erotic object. Fr Morgenlnderin iental woman) with a pitiful Mdchen and purity. Furthermore, Zulima is the epitome of Poesie (poetry) knowledge, and music which she is generously willing to share with Henry The protagonist is drawn to Zulima by her lute playing (77) At their farewell, Zulima wants to give Henry her lute, the only property she had saved when the crusaders captivated her Instead, however, Henry takes a golden band from her hair ornamented with strange characters, which Zulima reveals to be her name in the letters of her mother tongue. T his special gift I propose, is
183 a symbolic gesture that hints at the (presumably either Arabic or Hebrew) to the German Romantics. The gesture alludes to the quest of the German Romantics to recover and reconnect with the poetry of the ancient Orient and their desire to create a new mythol ogy by immersing themselves in the study and translation of Arabic, Hebrew, and Sanskrit texts. This token of friendship eminently evokes the In the fol lowing section, I examine more closely t he polysemous character of the veil in Orientalist discourse and investigate how the dichotomies of uncovering versus covering, revealing versus concealing, unveiling versus veil ing, disclosing versus deceiving and truth versus untruth rel ate to the presentation of the Oriental woman in the three literary fairy tales Melck Isabella and Henry The which refers at once to the attire that c overs th e face of the pious Muslim woman and conceals her features and to that which hides and conceals the Orient from apprehension. The veil enc apsulates its own power toward the Western voyeur since it deni es the spectator access to real wome n and keeps the truth from West ern knowledge In her book Colonial Fantasies (1998) Meyda examines the veil as a site both of fantasy and of nationalist ideologies and discourses of gender identity. According to metaphor of membrane, serving as a screen around which Western fantasies of penetration S he demonstrates that the very desire to penetrate the veiled surface of Otherness is constitutive of hegemonic, colonial identity. Since the veil plays such a c rucial role in the depiction of the Oriental woman and, through her, the very being of the Orient, I begin my analysis with Melck Maria Blainville.
184 I t is striking that Melck remain s hidden from the Western gaze even without a veil and its power of concea ling from the outset of the tale Arnim does not describe her garmen t or mention a veil when she arrives on the Turkish ship. Nevertheless, the Eastern woman is still able to conceal herself H er first stop is in a quarantine house, while rumors and curiosity about her arrival spread through the city. Then, Melck tuscht (156) ( deceives ) the public by keepin g her departure date and her travel route a secret. Finally, she disappoint s the people by leaving in a (156) ( covered carriage ) Her next destination is a convent, which evokes the institution of t he harem as a safe feminine space Die Mnn er verzweifelten, dass sie durch den Klosterzwang verhindert wurden, sie zu sprechen The men became desperate because the conventions of the monastery pre vented them from talking to her) 25 For almost a year only the women of the town can see and ta lk to Melck. After her time in the nunnery, Melck decides to become an actress, which impl ies another kind of masquerade, deception, and disguise of serv ation, more and more Western men tr At the end of the tale, the Oriental woman in fa ct resorts to the veil and its power of disguise dem Schal der Grfin, trat sie unter die M enge, die in den Gngen die Grfin aufsuchten, wo sie countess. There the ma id mistook her for the woman she sought, and she was dragged off to the by force 25 Despite their different connotations harems are defined by sensuality and conven ts by asceticism the connection lies in the fact that in both spaces women devote themselves to a higher being.
185 an action that refers to the unvei ling of the Oriental woman an d Saint Luc the leader o f the Maltesian knights, recognizes her. Now that the veil is lifted the Western subject personified by Saint Luc, can conquer her body and, metaphorically speaking, the Orient. Instead of rape, however, Saint Luc penetrates the body of the Eastern woman with a knife and murders her insidiously from behind. Masquerade and various forms of disguise, veiling, and deception, also ma rk the tale Isabella of Egypt Similarly to the actress Melck B ella frequently p lays a role that concea ls the truth about herself. Covered in darkness and mystery, the Oriental woman appears as a ghost when she meets Charles for the first time. Scared to death by this uncanny apparition, Charles cries out in breathless terror and hurles himself into the next room. The scene evoke s the horror and threat of the unknow n, of the obscure, and that, which is masked, or rather, of what is assumed to be hidden behind the Orientalist veil of exotic Otherness. In another guise B ella deceives Charles by pretending to be a noveau riche. During their second face to face encounte r, the Gypsy girl hides her face behind a veil while Charles impersonates a Spanish doctor only to However, as soon as Bella dis closes that she put on an act and confesses h er feint, Charles, feeling angry and betrayed leaves her As stated in Colonial Fantasies the truth of the Orient is thus an effect of the veil; it emerges in the traumatic encounter with its The unexpected confrontat disillusioned. Even though t he veil is emblematic of seclusion and confinement, it is also permeable since i t signifies a means to simultaneously enter and exit the possibilities of another sphere,
186 another self and another sexuality (Smalls 103). Before Bella meets Charles f or the third time, she masquerades as a serv ing boy, hiding not only her true identity but also her gender. Charles does not recognize Bella who has darkened her skin with plant juices, shortened her hair, and wears pieced trousers, a jerkin, and a beret. His attention is solely focused on Golem Bella, the artificial dummy, who wears a black cloak wrapped around her instead of a veil. unveiling the moment when Charles uncovers her disguise, leads up to the death collapse of the doppelgnger and soul the undead Golem Bella attacks Bella with a golden, arrow shaped ha irpin in th e attempt to stab her. Charles however, holds Golem Bella back and erases the first syllable of the word Aemaeth the writi ng on her forehead to undo the magic that created her 26 If Bella is defined by her ability to love, her innocence, and her fruga lity, Golem Bella present s a virtues. T he golem is a n artificially created simulacrum of Bella, portrayal of the Oriental woman and a creature of pride, greed, and sexual lust that knows merely materialist wants and demands. I n The Seduction of the Occult and the Rise of the Fantastic Tale (2003) Dorothea von Mcke describes Golem Bella fittingly : She is mere surface, mere looks, mere appearance, made of clay and of borrowed thoughts; she has no flesh, no blood, nor a desire an d As a shallow, over sexualized, dependent, supine and passive claims regarding the stereotypical image of the Oriental woman in Western th ought and discourse. 26 Aemaeth is t Kabbalist Jews believe that God is the truth and all life comes from that single source. Just one le tter apart is maeth Ae life, life can be just as easily returned to Go d.
187 In Western eyes, the veiled Oriental woman, that is to say the Orient, is always more than what it appears to be while the Western man at tempts to uncover and unmask its hidden essence in order to grasp, know, and apprehend the Easter n world. Even after the destruction of the golem, : formlosen Masse, als ob eine Magd, die in der Stadtsandgrube sich Sand ausgegraben hat weggerufen wird und ihren Mantel darbe (130 31) (The coat lay over the formless heap, as if a servant girl had been called away from digging in the town quarry and laid her coat over her sand pile, so that no one would take it) ( 76). According to the veil makes it impossi ble to apprehend the true character and nature of the Orient: But precisely because this essence is grasped as essence is never grasped. On e always misses it the veil is that curtain which time reveals its mode of existence, its very being a being which always exists in a disguised and deceptive manner, a being which exists only behind its ve il. (48) the Eastern woman immediately receives a new veil to cover her. The veil offers protection from unwanted attention, creates distance, and plays on the dynamics of voyeurism in that it both discourages and entices voyeuristic desire. literary fairy tale Henry of Ofterdingen the protagonist finds in Zulima a girl from the holy land who has already been unve iled by Western men in the form of crusaders. Since Zulima is the victim and war slave of the crusaders, I propose that the knights unveiled the Eastern woman by force, in this connection an allusion to sexual abuse and rape, when they too k her from her ho meland. Metaphorically speaking, the Western man committed the colonial act of penetr ating and conquering the East. In contrast to Melck and Isabella the young Easterner has no means
188 left to shield herself from the gazes of t he Western voyeur W hen Zulim a receives a veil from regains some of her dignity, identity, and power to conceal and thus protect herself fro m voyeurism and unwanted sexual attention. As pe rsonification of a romanticized, poeticized Germany, to maintain the mystery of the Orient and even though the veil gives birth to an irresistible urge for knowledge and control, to assure that the essense of the Eastern world remains a secret. For only if the O rient preserves its enigmatic charcter of Otherness, the Romantics can turn to the Morgenland (morning land) as a realm of fantasy and poetic inspiration. All three fairy tale novellas ( Melck Isabella Henry ), in one way or another, deal with what German /Saint Luc Charles, Henry) and Oriental women (Melck, Isabella, Zulima). In her book Colonial Fantasies (1997) Zantop argue s that took any generic form in Germany as stories of sexual or familial encounters (2). Ev en though she does not specificially mention the fairy tale genre, Zantop states that colonial fantasies were ca entertain ment for adults, as narratives, poetry, or drama. While the analyzed Kunstmrchen are tied to colonialist ima gination and romantic desire if only to a limited degree none of them closer examinati on, the encounters between the figures of the Western man and the Orien tal woman in all three fairy tale novellas occur either on French or German soil rather than on e xotic terrain or distant locations set in the Eastern world Furthermore, the roles of colonizer and colonized are virtually reversed in the rel ationship between Melck and Saintree in the tale
189 Melck Maria Blainville Throughout the development of this cross racial, cross cultural romance, it becomes manifes t that Melck takes on the role of conquistador in France whereas Sa intree represents the inferior native who is more or less powerless against the knowledge and mastery of the Middle Eastern woman. Melck uses magic albeit without malicious intent, and make s s symbolically the life of the Western man, depend ent on her. Arnim portrays the Oriental woman in Melck of the tale, dominates the French salon society wins over both genders, and captivates everyone around her Apart from this inverted relationship betw een Western conquer or and Eastern native, the tale emphasizes blissful domestic relations between colonizer and colonized. Even though the plot of Melck is an elab o rate variation of the German von Gleichen Count von Gleichen), t he tale does not allude to the traditio nal story to advocate bigamy. 27 As far as the text reveals, Melck lives together with Saintree and Mathilde, not in a bigamous marriage but rather in a community of friendship. Arnim uses the legend as a vehicle to prom ote universal tolerance, respect for unusual personal c ircumstances, acceptance of Otherness, as well as domest ic and social harmony. 28 Similarly, Novalis emp tragic fate to stress religious tolerance be tween Eastern ers and Westerner s for it is she who advocates cultural synthesis, respect, and cooperation amongst Muslims and Christians. Zulima has been enslaved, humiliated, and overpowered by Western men. The despe rate situation of the Oriental woman 27 According to a Thurungian legend, the Graf von Gleichen (Count von Gleichen) is captured on crusade and from his imprisonment. After r eceiving a papal dispensation, which allows him to live with two wives at the same time, the Count returns home to Erfurt, Germany. His first wife receives the second and both women get along very their deaths, they share a grave. 28 Stella Deutsche Sagen (German Sagas, 1816 1818), nr. 581: Die Gleichen (1819).
190 shows the reader quite plainly th e other side of the European colonial project and the horrific consquences of imperial expansion suffered by the subdued peoples Within the context of imperialism, Novalis thus critizises th n and his justification, which was based on a Dehumanizing stereotypes and colonia l prejudi ce toward Easterners in Western art and in his book Orientalism (1978). While Said himself who appears blind to gender iss ues by turning his discussio dominated domain (207) S everal feminist critic have argue d that his theories construct the position of enunciation in colonialist or Orientalist discourse as essentially male. Or ientalism, writes Reina Lewis in Gendering Orientalism (1996) (17). Valerie Kennedy suggests in Edward Said: A Critical Introduction of imperial and post colonial political and economic power, the latter is identified Although it is true that Europ ean women, in comparison to their male counterparts, were not as predominant in the canon of Orientalist works and had less expressed agency in the Romantic period they nevertheless wrote about their travels in the East, portrayed tings and imagined an Orient in their paintings. Daniel Martin Varisco points out in Reading Orientalism, Said and the Unsaid (2006) that women were not only among the producers but also among the consumers in this broad discourse of Orientalism (156) In the final section of this chapter I examine nineteenth century female travel and
191 missionary narratives to demonstrate how German and Austrian women of the Romantic period revised as well as reinforced clichs of the Oriental woman and thus contributed to the dominant discourse of Orientalism at the time. European women travelers in the nineteenth century participated in perpetuating stereotypes about the Other in non European countries, especi ally about the Exotin Unlike the uniform and authoritative dis course on the Eastern woman Orien talism, Billie Melman asserts in (1995) that the representation of the Muslim woman was not unified in female Orientalism (3). M ost women shared the prevalent colonialist discour se about the inferiority confirmed the sensitive, graceful Orie lazyness, and ragge dness Indeed, w omen not only contributed a female perspective to th e discourse of Orientalism, they were also When Prussian writer and Egyptologist Wolfhardine (Wolfrad ine) A. von Minutoli 29 (1794 1868), for instance, inspected the women in the harem in Damietta in Northern Egypt, she noted in her travelogue of 1826: Doch wir kehren zu unsern schnen Odalisken zurck. Fast alle waren aus Syrien, Circassien und Georgien gebrtig, und so konnte ich also nach Gefallen diese Schnheiten untersuchen, die eine so groe Berhmtheit genieen. Sie verdienen ihren Ruf; aber dennoch kan n ich, um meine liebenswrdige [sic] Landsm nninen zu trsten, der Wahrheit gem sagen, da Europa gewi Schnheiten enthlt, welche denen des Orients gleich sind. ( Reise der Frau Generalin von Minutoli 164) [ B ut to return to my fair odalisques They were nearly all natives of Syria, Circassia, and Georgia, and I had thus leisure to survey these beauties who enjoy so much celebrity. They undoubtedly merit their reputation; I can, however, tell my fair countrywomen, to comfort them, and to do justice to truth, that Europe 29 Wolfradine Minutoli, born as Countess von Schulenburg, married the Prussian Generalmajor, explorer and archeologist, Heinrich Menu Freiherr (Baron) von Minutoli in 1820. She accompanied her husband during a two year expedition to Egypt.
192 certainly can boast of beaut ies equal to those of the East. ] ( Recollections of Egypt 189) but, in the same breath, is careful not to elevate the looks of the Exotin above the European woman and thus ta kes a rather diplomati c stance in her travelogue. Aristocratic women generally present the harem and its inhabitants in a less negative tone than bourgeois women: the noble female visitors from Europe neither deplore the luxurious lifestyle nor the idleness of the secl uded hare m women Ulrike Stamm sees t he reason for this predominantly positive portraya l in firstly, the social affiliation to aristocracy, which functions as connecting element between the European woman and the Oriental woman, and secondly, in the absence of a bo ( Der weibliche Blick 63) Furthermore, aristocratic women either do not touch on the topic of polygamy in their travel notes or relate the subject matter to masculine misconduct. Contrary to the myth of the silenced and v oic eless odalisque in the Orientalist discourse, several noble female authors foreground the conversations with the harem women in their travel reports. In the case of Wolfhardine Minutoli, the author rst contact due to some initi al communication issues, converses with the Easterners in Italian, Turkish, and Arabian. The linguistic misunderstandings and confusions, however, foster a closer human relationship and establish an emotional rapport that bridges the cultural gap be tween bald of schallendes Gelchter unser Einv n fact, the quid pro quo resu lting from the bad translations of our questions and answers were truly comic, and excited so much gaiety that loud and repeated burtsts of laughter soon established a good understanding between us) ( 187). It is e specially the language difference and the among the
193 women, between the European traveler and the inhabitants of the harem, which serve as s tarting point for a basic bond The travel diary of Therese von Bacheracht (Ltzow) 30 (1804 1852) contain s a rare scene of an erotically charge d encounter between a European woman and an Armenian woman. In her Briefe aus dem Sden (Letters from the South, 1841) t he female author confesses about her attraction to female beauty and sensuality. Bacheracht describes her hostess with the following wo rds : Unsere Hausfrau ist eine der schnsten Frauen, die ich je sah, sie hat schwarze italienische Augen, deren Feuer durch Zrtlichkeit gedmpft ist, die grade edle Nase erinnert an die griechischen Meisterwerke, ihr Krper ist voll Rundung. Wenn sie mit d er Grazie ihrer Bewegungen vor mir kniet wie gerne kniete ich dann . (243 44) [ Our hostess is one of the most beautiful women I ever saw. She has black, Italian eyes, who se fire is damped by tenderness; the straight noble nose is reminiscent of Greek masterpieces her body is fully curved. When she kneels before me with the gracefulness of her movements how much I would like to kneel next to her and caress her lovely face. ] Bacherarcht does not loo k at the Armenian woman from a masculine objectifying perspective but rather sees her as an idealized image of the European woman, a figure that fuses Italian and Greek characteristics with specific Orientalist features, such as Moreover, Bacharacht approaches the Other by lifting the hierarchy of the colonial European native. Illu strated by the kneeling posture Bacheracht visualizes physical contact with the Easte rner on the same level thereby surrendering her central gaze position representation of the Armenian woman extends beyond the stereotypical portrayal of the Exotin but at the same time still maintains the distingui that characterizes the Oriental woman. 30 Therese von Bacheracht was a German author who lived in Hamburg and later Saint Petersburg where her father, H. von Struve, was ambassador. She accompanied her second husband, Colonel von Ltzow, to Java, where s he died.
194 Ida Pfeiffer (1797 1858) and Countess Ida von Hahn Hahn (1805 1880), known already to their contemporaries, are famous female travelers whose represen t ations of the Oriental woman are foremost pejorative and interspersed with racist and Eurocentric remarks. 31 In Der weibliche Blick auf den Orient (2011) (the f emale gaze on the Orient ), Gabriele Habinger points out that e ven though the untitled Austrian commoner Pfeiffer was curious to experience the Other she was incapable of reporting from an objective point of view as well as of rec ognizing and acc e p ting cultural difference (43). Based on her C atholic upbringing and normative bourgeois ideals of femininity Pfeiffer soon realizes after she emb arked on her voyage to the Holy Land that neither the behavior nor the appearance of the Easterners she encounters meet her exp negate s the masculine myth of the Eastern women in her writings. 32 Throughout her journey, however, the degradation of the Oriental woman inte n sif ies drastically In Jerusalm she writes: tropis chen Lndern immer eine sehr groe Zahl garstiger Gesichter und nur hin und wieder attained the age of twenty six or twenty eight years already look worn and ugly; so that here, as in all tropical countries, we behold a great number of very plain faces, among which handsome one shine forth at long intervals, like meteors) (130). As far as issues of female social status in 31 Although coming from different national, social, and religious backgrounds (Pfeiffer was Austrian, middle class, and Catholic whereas Hahn Hahn was German, aristocratic, and Protestant) the two women had several things in common: they were divorced from t heir husbands, they went on their journeys without male company, and it was their first journey to the Orient in the years of 1842 and 1843 respectively. 32 Journeys to the Holy Land were generally seen as pilgrimages in nineteenth century Europe. Female tr avellers without male company were nevertheless exceptions since Jerusalem was part of the Ottoman Empire and regarded an unsafe place for women.
195 general ar e concerned, Pfeiffer describes Orient al women as seemingly sa tisfied and happy individuals and takes a balanced position toward the institution of the h arem. 33 Countess Ida von Hahn Hahn portrays the Exotin even more negatively than her namesake Ida Pfeiffer as an uncivilized, atrophied, and al human features. Similarly to her male counterparts, Hahn Hahn reduces the Eastern woman to her object while at the same time destroy ing th e myth of the Oriental fe mme fatale nurtured by male fantasies Not o nly does the Countess disenchant the image of the charmingly erotic female Other, she also uses detailed descriptions to distort the body of the Exotin by tying it to inanimate shapes and animal characteristics: Wie Fleischklumpen sehen sie aus, die sich nicht aufrecht halten knnen, und in sich selbst zusammen sinken . Plumpe Bren mit weien Kpfen ( Orientalische Briefe 1991, 56) (It looks like a mass of flesh, that cannot keep it self upright, and that drops together in a heap awkward brown bears with white heads) (46). After a dinner together with some harem women who used their hands to eat instead of knife and fork Hahn Hahn depicts this to her E s waren kleine, fleischige Hnde, mit kurzen, stumpfen, unterentwickelten Fingern, mit Fingern die nie andere Thtigkeiten als in d ie un serer Gabeln kommen mogten [sic ] ; ich gestehe Dir, mir war, also ob sie durch e ine Schwimmhaut verbunden wre n ( Orientalische Briefe 1844 273 74) (They were little fleshy hands, with short, stumpy, undeveloped fingers, that could never be useful in any other way than as representatives of forks. I confess to you I thought that every lady was web handed) (86). 34 Already Ida Pfeiffer ma de a connec tion between animalism and the O riental 33 theils aus ihr Perhaps they may be more happy than European women; I should suppose they were, to judge from their comfortable figur es and their contended features] (165). 34 ortened edition of Ida von Hahn Orientalische Briefe Vienna: Promedia, 1991.
196 woman when she compared Hahn Hahn devotes multiple pages in her travelogue to the presentation of the harem and its inhabitants, who, from her point of view, are mentally retarded as a result from male control and female suppression in Eastern society. In the eyes of the German traveler the harem debases and is in fact a prison for the female body and mind (66). Furthermore, Hahn Hahn expresses her schrecklich. Lieber sehe ich ein e Heerde Khe oder Schafe [sic ] . Der Harem ist eine Wiese, die den Bedrfnissen des Orientalische Briefe 1991, 153) (To look upon such a mass of female barbarity is odious. How much more preferable the sight of a h erd of cows a flock of sheep! The harem is a meadow, satisfying the exigencies of a nimal life) (109). However, it is not only within the space of the harem but also outside in nature where the Countess encounters Oriental women to who m she ascribes non h uman, almost diabolical traits and physical handicaps : In der Wirklichkeit, in der schnen freien Natur, sind sie etwas leblos und plump, denn ich finde dies ewige Kauern auf de r Erde hchst ungrazis, ich mch te sagen monstr s, weil man die menschliche Gestalt immer nur zur Hlfte sieht. Aber wo h l den Frauen, wenn man sie nur sitzend er blickt! Welch ein Gang, welche krumme n Beine, welche einwrts gekehrte n Fe! Nicht einen Tanzmeister nur einen Exerziermeister mch t ich ihnen gnnen, damit sie nicht so grlich watschelten. Es ist schon besser, da sie sich lagern! ( Orientalische Bri efe 1991, 32) [In the reality, where Nature herself is so fair and free, they are too lifeless and awkward; for this everlasting squatting on the ground, which permits you to see never more than half of the human form, is a terrible destroyer of grace. Yet well for the women when they are caught sitting. For what a gait! what crookshanks! what turned in feet! Not a dancing master, but a drill sergeant, would I send them, to cure that ugly waddling! Well, it is better, after all, that they should settle dow n.] (34)
197 Hahn Hahn thus excludes the Eastern woman twice: on the one hand, from the domain of femininity since the Exotin is not graceful and requires a dominant male figure such as a drill sergeant, and on the other hand, from the domain of humanity altog ether due appearance. Irrespective of the women she describes, the German aristocra t makes derog atory observations of female slaves at a slave market and very painstakingly records them in her travelogue with the intention of abolish ing male fantasies about the female Other as sexual object In a letter from Constantinopel dated September 14, 1843, Hahn Hahn invites her b rother Dinand in an ironical manner her to a female slave market of Georgia and Circassia slaves as individuals and human b eings, the author subsequently exposes the expected beauties as ugly black women and dehumanizes raying them as ( Orientalische Briefe 1991, 50 51): O Entsetzen! Schauderhafter, abstoender Anblick! Nimm Deine Einbildungskraft zusammen, stelle Dir Monstra vor, und Du bleibst noch weit hinter den Negerinnen zurck von denen si ch Dein beleidigendes Auge mit ( Orientalische Briefe 1991, 50 51) (O horror! dreadful, revolting sight! Summon your whole faculty of imagination picture yourself monsters and you still fail to conceive such objects as yon negresse s, from whom your outraged eye recoils with loathing) (43). 35 Overall, Hahn Hahn emphasizes (the incredible animalism of the whole thing, form and expression combined) ( Oriental ische Briefe 1991, 50 51 ). H er classifying descriptions of the physical 35 It is noteworthy that Ida Pfeiffer who also visited a slave market s Vollkomme nes zu finden. Ihre Haut, von einer unvergleichlichen, sammtartigen Schwrze, besa einen wunderschnen Glanz. Die Zhne waren schn geformt und von einer as of a velvety black and shone with a peculiar luster. Their teeth were beautifully formed and of dazzling whiteness) (246).
198 composition of the Oriental woman anticipate, as Ulrike Stamm points out in Der Orient der Frauen (2010) (the Orient of the women) a biologistic (genetic) racism that followed later ( 277) 36 My analysis of travel literature written by German and Austrian women trave lers in the nineteenth century demonstrates that the Orientalist paradigm was not, as Said claims in his book Orientalism an exclusively male province but that European women as well contributed to the depiction of the Oriental woman not only by reinforcing certain stereotypes but also by B acheracht perpetuated in their writings the myth of the beautiful odalisque and sexually attractive Exotin Ida Pfeiffer and Countess Ida von Hahn Hah n deliberately deconstructed the image of th e Oriental femme fatale O ther European female travelers of th e eigh teenth and nineteenth century that are frequently cited by scholars in this context are Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (1689 1762) 37 Anna Hafner Forneris (1789 1847 ) 38 Regula Engel Egli (1761 1853) 39 36 Hahn auf, dann da s groe rollende nichtssagende Auge, dann die Nase, die ohne Nasenbein eine unfrmliche Masse zu sein scheint, dann der Mund mit der affrsen tierischen Bildung der vorspringenden Kinnladen, und mit den klaffenden schwarzen Lippen dann die langfinger igen ffischen Hnde mit hlich farblosen Ngeln, dann die spindeldrren Beine mit der heraustretenden Ferse Orientalische Briefe 1991, 50) (You are struck first, with the depressed forehead, squeezed over the eyebrows, as in the Cretiens; then with the large, rolling, inexpressive eye; then with the nose, innocent of a bridge a great misshapen mass, then with the mouth, and the frightful animal formation of projecting jawbone, and gaping, black lips ; then with the longfingered, apelike hands, and hideous, colourless nails; then with the meagre spindlesh anks and projecting heel) (43). 37 Lady Montagu was an English aristocrat and writer who is today chiefly remembered for her letters, particularly first example of a secular 38 Anna Forneris from Carinthia, Austria spent decades in the Middle East, often traveling alone. She published her travelogue in 1849 entitled: Schicksale und Erlebnisse einer Krntnerin whrend ihrer Reisen in verschiedenen Lndern und fast 30jhrigen Aufenthaltes im Oriente, als: in Malta, Corfu, Constantinopel, Smyrna, Tiflis, Tauris, Jerusalem, Rom, etc. (Destinies and Experiences of a Carinthian Woman in Various Countries and a Nearly Thirty Year Stay in th e Orient, as: in Malta, Corfu, Constantinopel, Smyrna, Tiflis, Tauris, Jerusalem, Rome, etc.). 39 Regula Engel Egli, born in Zurich, travelled with her husband, a sergeant major in the French army through llowed her husband to battlefields in various countries and in 1798 she took part in an expedition to Egypt.
199 Maria Schuber ( 1799 1881) 40 L uise Mhlbach (1814 18 7 3 ) 41 and Marie Esprance von Sc hwartz (1818 1899) 42 In conclusion, m y investigation of the literary portrayal of the exotic heroine within the German context has revealed that German literary fairy tales of the Romantic period el evate the Oriental woman to a figure that personifies a higher truth and spirituality a meaningful and soulful existence, and a capacity for transcendence. The female protagonists p ortrayed in Achim Melck Maria Blainville and Isabella of Egypt are born for a high er destiny and display the power of mystic insight, which enables them to access a less rational reality Henry of Ofterdingen does not share the same close relationship with the mystical realm as Melck and Isabe lla, her figure is still exalted since it stands for a veritable aesthetic myth poetic inspiration religious tolerance, love, mus ic, generosity, wisdom, and virtue Although German Kunstmrchen allude to the desire of the European man to unveil the inaccessible, contained, female body of the veiled woman, that is the desire to conquer and coloniz e the Orient (e.g. the Crusaders, Saint Luc Charles ) the tales do not eroticize the Exotin In fact, I have found no te xtual evidence in the tales, which evokes the stereotypical image of the seductive, supine odalisque in a forbidden harem. The Arabian and Gypsy women are not described as passive, silent submissive, and dependent as Said has argued, but rather as independent, active, strong, and superior. S till Oriental women in German 40 Maria Schuber undertook a pilgrimage to Jerusalem on her own in 1847 1848. Her travelogue was published in 1950 in Graz under the title: Meine Pi lgerreise ber Rom, Griechenland und Aegypten durch die Wste nach Jerusalem und zurck. Vom 4. Oct. 1847 bis 25. Sept 1848 (A Pilgrimage to the Land of my Fathers; or, Narrative of Travel and Sojourn in Judea and Egypt). 41 Luise Mhlbach was the pen name of Clara Mundt, a German writer best known for her works of historical fiction. After the death of her husband (1861), Mhlbach undertook numerous journeys, including one to Egypt. In 1871 her Reisebriefe aus gypten (Letters from Egypt) were published. 42 Marie Esprance von Schwartz was an Anglo German writer who published under the name of Elpis Melena. In 1844, her Bltter aus dem africanischen Reisetagebuch einer Dame Barbary) were published anonymously.
200 literary fairy tales uphold the clichs of beauty, femininity, and mystery and thus contribute to a romanticized, idealized, enigmatic image of the Orient. This positive portrayal was in the interest of the R omantic followers, who, in their longing for poetic inspiration, a new mythology, and fantasy escapes from reality, could only turn to the East for as long as it preserved its reputation as a mystical and enchanting realm of Otherness.
201 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION In this dissertation I have researched how German literary fairy tales and fairy tale novellas written by various authors of the Romantic period portray the Orient and the for eign Other. At the outset of this investigation I stated my thesis that Kunstmrchen (literary fairy tales) idealize the ancient Orient and reflect the Morgenland (morning land) as an exotic realm in which the harmony between nature and spirit has been preserved and as a utopian fantasy world that is the home of Poesie (poet ry), wisdom, and mystery. Driven by a nostalgic yearning for a retrieval of s innocence in nature the Rom antics sought to return to the G olden Age of the an cient Orient as they believed would bring about a spiritual transformation and the rebirth of a new mythology. humankind and original fountainhead of civilization, t he Orient was a privileged concept in the Romantic period of the eighteenth and nineteenth century In his literary fairy tale H einrich von Ofterdingen (Henry of Ofterdingen, 1802), Romantic writer Novalis links the Blaue Blume (Blue Flower), the very emblem of German Romanticism, to the East and associates with the flower an imaginary Orient, which is quintessentially positive. I n in fact derives from the blue lotus of the Orient and represents a symbol of mythic immanence, transcendental love, eternal longing, and total reconciliation of all dualities. German lite rary fairy tales with Orientalist motifs served as vehicles for escapist imagination and for German readers of the early nineteenth century who longed to flee their war torn country and take refuge in the fantastic world of t he Arabian Nights Considering the harsh realities of political re pression, economic hardship, and the burdens of social struggle during the period of the Biedermeier era the Volk (people) could ly forge t about the sorrows of workaday life
202 remedy its anguish, and drown its fears about an uncertain future in poetic utopias. Literary fairy tales with Orientalist topoi, such as Wilhelm Mrchenalmanache ( Fairy Tale Almancs 1825 1827 ) offered the Ge rman readership a fantasy alternative to the ir daily routine in a demystified, modern world of a rationalized society. While the individual could resort to the tales the Kuns tmrchen to cure the ills of society as a whole. In his Fairy Tale Almanacs Hauff uses the design of a multilayered diegesis to distance the reader fur ther from reality, stresses a cultural connection through Biedermeierian values and the sensation of Gem tlichkeit (coziness) and employs veiled criticism of the German political apparatus through the narrative perspective of the Other Besides the fantastic dimension of escapist imagination, I discussed the material aspect and elaborated on luxury goods from the East with a focus on the real drug opium. My research on the works of German as well as British Romantic authors has shown that opium consumption lead to pleasurable and unpleasurable d reams of the Orient that served as an inspiration for fantasy writing during the era of Romanticism. For the German Romantics and the educated classes t he ancient Orient and its rich mythological heritage represented a model form for a pan German identit y. Thus, in the quest for crafting a German national identity the academic German bourgeois intelligentsia turned to the East United by little more than geography and a common language the German states had been at war with France since 1792, which, fol dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, gave rise to a new German national consciousness. Folk poetry, fairy tales, folk songs and sagas, so the Romantics believed, Volksgeist (fo lk spirit) of the German people that had gone lost over
203 unearth and spread the rejuvenating power of the German folk soul that was buried within the remnants of tradi tional folk tales. Besides the German Volksmrchen ( folk tales) by the Brothers Grimm, literary fai ry tales with Orientalist themes enabled readers to define their national identity either in opposition to the foreign Other or through the Romantic conception that placed the origins of mankind and therefore of the Germans in the East. I tale Der goldne Topf ( The Golden Pot alludes to the Orient as a utopian and elysian place In sharp contrast to the para disiacal depiction of the East and its exotic inhabitants, the Western bourg eois world appears as dull and its citizen s a s narrow minded and tedious. The literary fairy tales scrut inized in this dissertation, and especially Der goldne Topf contradict Edward s. In his book Orientalism as a political doctrine and ideology created by the West as a f orm of domination over t he East. Further he argues that Western novelists and travelers portray Eastern women in their wr itings as sensual creatures of male power fantasies and envision the Orient as the locus of sexual pleasures and inhibitions (207). However, my analysis of Melck Maria Blainville (1812) and Isabella von gypten ( Isabella of Egypt 1812) has revealed that German literary fairy tales shed a positive light on exotic heroines and elevate the Oriental woman to a figure that personifies a higher truth and spirituality, a meaningful and soulful existence, and a capacity for transcendence In Kunstmrchen do not eroticize the Exotin nor evoke the stereotypical image of the seductive, supine odalisque in a forbidden harem. Oriental women are not described as passive, silent submissive, and dependent as Said has argued, but rather as independent, active, strong, and superior. Still, Oriental women in German literary fairy tales
204 uphold the clichs of beauty, femininity, and mystery, and thus contribute to a romanticized, idealized, enigmatic image of the Orient. The research of my dissertation was limited to the genre of literary fairy tales and the time period of German Romanticism from 1795 to 1848, which leaves scope for further research in the pre and post Romantic eras Furthermore, the genres o f poetry, songs, folk tales, novels, and adventure novels, deserve cl oser examination In particular, I have solely touched on Martin Dschinnistan ( 1786 1789) Johann Karl August Melechsala (1786), Ludwi Almansur (1790) and Abdallah (1795), August Talismane gegen die lange Weile ( Talismans against the Boredom 1801 Gedichte und Phantasien ( Poems and Fantasies, 1804), West stlicher Divan ( West Eastern Divan 1819), August von Platen Hallermnde Die Abbasiden ( The Abbasids 1829), Bilder des Orients ( Pictures of the Orient 1831 1833), Ferdinand Freiligrath volume Orien t Cycle (1892). An important question for future research is whether the portrayal of the East in German literary productions changed toward the end of the nineteenth century when Germany became a unified nation state in 1871 and, in 1884, decided to join the race for colonies in Africa. Additional research should be conducted to determine if German writers of the eighteenth and nineteenth century used Othering in their literary works to make anti Enlightenment, anti European, or anti political statements. Based on my study, German Kunstmrchen with Orientalist topoi were not created as a space for subversion and for rebellious ideas to grow However, authors such as Wilhelm Hauff employed literary fairy tales a s a space for cr iticism of the colonial project of the West for critiquing a utilitarian prosaic, bourgeois lifestyle, and as a
205 space for satire a nd irony with regard to the German political system. Moreover, German Kunstmrchen were not written to make an anti Enlighte nment argument. T he Ro mantic creed s idea of a progressive universal poetry, does not exclude science but rather seeks to embrace scientific knowledge as integral part of various art forms and to create wholeness by fusing empiricism and reason with mysticism and the irrational Except for Novalis, Franois Ren de Chateaubriand, and Samuel Taylor Coleridge, few Romantic writers had much to say for o r against the Enlightenment, a term that did not exist in the early nineteenth century Finally, further resea rch should examine in depth the representation of the Orient in German literature as mysterious locale Albert Einstein (1870 1955) once said in his Glaubensbekenntnis (Creed, 1932) : Das Schnste und Tiefste was der Mensch erleben kann, ist das Gefhl des Geheimnisvollen. Es liegt der Religion sowie allem tieferen Streben in Kunst und Wissenschaft zugrunde The most beautiful thing we can experience is the mysterious. It is the source of religion as well as of all true art and all science ) (Pfeifer 27 28) As I have highlighted in my dissertation, literary fairy tales served as a medium for Romantic writers to codify the Orient as mysterious. This mysteriousness encapsulates a quintessentially positive meani ng since it is inextricably interwoven with the wondrous, the fantastic, and the divine. The Romantics could only turn to the East for poetic inspiration and fantasy escapes from reality for as long as the Orient preserved its enigmatic nature as an exotic locus of magical wonders. Hence, according to the credo of the Romantics, the Eastern world must always remain a mystery and metaphorically speaking, the Oriental woman must remain veiled.
206 APPENDIX EUROPEAN REPRESENTAT IONS OF ORIENTAL WOM EN Figure A 1. The Grand Odalisque (1814) painted by Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres. Figure A 2. Odalisque and Slave ( 1842) painted by Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres.
207 Figure A 3. Harem (1851) painted by Thodore Chassriau. Figure A 4. The Toilette of Esther ( 1841) painted by Thodore Chassriau.
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219 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Claudia Mareike Katrin Schwabe a nat ive of Germany, graduated from Friedrich Ebert Gymnasium M hlheim am Main in 2000 She holds two b achelor degrees in International Business Administration from the University of Northumbria in Newcastle, England and in International Administrative Management from the Business School Accadis in Bad Homburg, Germ any. After she decided to focus on a teaching career, she obtained her m aster s degree in Teaching Business Education from Georgia College and State University in 2006. That same year, she received the Out standing Student Award For two years, she taught G erman, French and Business Education at high school level. In 2008, she entered the Ph.D. program in German Studies at the University of Florida. Her principal research interests are in the area of eighteen th and nineteenth century R omantic literature, Ge rman folklore, as well a s literary and folk fairy tales In 2010, she received the Graduate Student Teaching Award for exceptional achievement in teaching and in 2011, she emerged as scholar award finalist of the Madelyn Lockhart Disse rtation Fellowship Award. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Florida in the spring of 2012 and accepted the position of Assistant Professor of German at Utah State University.