<%BANNER%>

Evaluating the Potential Effectiveness of Community Redevelopment Agencies to Improve Socio-Economic Conditions within t...

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0043791/00001

Material Information

Title: Evaluating the Potential Effectiveness of Community Redevelopment Agencies to Improve Socio-Economic Conditions within the Redevelopment Area a Case Study in Gainesville, Florida
Physical Description: 1 online resource (104 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Torres, Crystal Marilyn
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2011

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: community -- redevelopment
Urban and Regional Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Urban and Regional Planning thesis, M.A.U.R.P.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Despite their popularity, little evidence supports the effectiveness of Community Redevelopment Agencies (CRAs) to improve socio-economic conditions in redevelopment areas. Using the Eastside Gainesville Community as a case study, this study assesses the effectiveness of CRAs at improving socio-economic conditions in redevelopment areas. A lack of private sector investors exacerbates existing declining conditions in economically distressed neighborhoods, creating a need for government intervention in the form of redevelopment policies. However, as history has shown, the intentions of redevelopment policies and the actual outcomes have not always been consistent and have emphasized physical improvements rather than direct benefits to residents. This study uses an outcome based evaluation, which provides the framework needed to determine how effectively a CRA can improve socio-economic conditions of the Incorporated Eastside. Comparisons within each study area over time and between the two study areas are examined. Outcome evaluation is conducted by measuring the change in socio-economic indicators. Specific, socio-economic indicators are chosen to assess whether certain community conditions have improved. Findings reveal the redevelopment plans have promised increased jobs and opportunities for all residents in the redevelopment area, yet benefits seem to have eluded the low income residents who could benefit the most from increased job opportunities In addition, CRAs are more likely to invest in capital improvements, which offer greater return than social programs, confirming criticism that local governments increasingly act like businesses. In addition alternative approaches to community redevelopment may offer greater socio-economic gains, but further research is necessary to reach conclusions. Furthermore, this study concludes that if Alachua County is determined to improve socio-economic conditions in the Unincorporated Eastside, a CRA that balances physical enhancements and social investment is needed. Simply investing in physical enhancements alone will not offer an improved quality of life for residents of the Unincorporated Eastside Community. Lastly this study recommends greater emphasis on workforce development and outlines several steps to implement this recommendation.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Crystal Marilyn Torres.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.U.R.P.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local: Adviser: Larsen, Kristin E.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2013-06-30

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2011
System ID: UFE0043791:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0043791/00001

Material Information

Title: Evaluating the Potential Effectiveness of Community Redevelopment Agencies to Improve Socio-Economic Conditions within the Redevelopment Area a Case Study in Gainesville, Florida
Physical Description: 1 online resource (104 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Torres, Crystal Marilyn
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2011

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: community -- redevelopment
Urban and Regional Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Urban and Regional Planning thesis, M.A.U.R.P.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Despite their popularity, little evidence supports the effectiveness of Community Redevelopment Agencies (CRAs) to improve socio-economic conditions in redevelopment areas. Using the Eastside Gainesville Community as a case study, this study assesses the effectiveness of CRAs at improving socio-economic conditions in redevelopment areas. A lack of private sector investors exacerbates existing declining conditions in economically distressed neighborhoods, creating a need for government intervention in the form of redevelopment policies. However, as history has shown, the intentions of redevelopment policies and the actual outcomes have not always been consistent and have emphasized physical improvements rather than direct benefits to residents. This study uses an outcome based evaluation, which provides the framework needed to determine how effectively a CRA can improve socio-economic conditions of the Incorporated Eastside. Comparisons within each study area over time and between the two study areas are examined. Outcome evaluation is conducted by measuring the change in socio-economic indicators. Specific, socio-economic indicators are chosen to assess whether certain community conditions have improved. Findings reveal the redevelopment plans have promised increased jobs and opportunities for all residents in the redevelopment area, yet benefits seem to have eluded the low income residents who could benefit the most from increased job opportunities In addition, CRAs are more likely to invest in capital improvements, which offer greater return than social programs, confirming criticism that local governments increasingly act like businesses. In addition alternative approaches to community redevelopment may offer greater socio-economic gains, but further research is necessary to reach conclusions. Furthermore, this study concludes that if Alachua County is determined to improve socio-economic conditions in the Unincorporated Eastside, a CRA that balances physical enhancements and social investment is needed. Simply investing in physical enhancements alone will not offer an improved quality of life for residents of the Unincorporated Eastside Community. Lastly this study recommends greater emphasis on workforce development and outlines several steps to implement this recommendation.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Crystal Marilyn Torres.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.U.R.P.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local: Adviser: Larsen, Kristin E.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2013-06-30

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2011
System ID: UFE0043791:00001


This item has the following downloads:


Full Text

PAGE 1

1 EVALUATING THE POTENTIAL EFFECTIVENESS OF COMMUNITY REDEVELOPMENT AGENCIES TO IMPROVE SOCIO ECONOMIC CONDITIONS WITHIN THE REDEVELOPMENT AREA: A CASE STUDY IN GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA By CRYSTAL M. TORRES A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011

PAGE 2

2 2011 Crystal M. Torres

PAGE 3

3 To my mother and my father

PAGE 4

4 AC KNOWLEDGEMENTS There are several people who have helped me along this journey. I would like to thank the members of my thesis committee, Dr. Kristin Larsen for guiding me through this process and helping me to produce a paper I am truly proud to have writt en, and Ferdinand Lewis for always pushing me to go one step further. Most importantly I would like to thank my family for always believing in my abilities. Finally I would like to thank Cory for always finding the time to help me.

PAGE 5

5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................ ................................ ............................... 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 8 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 10 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 13 Community Redevelopment in the Eastside Community ................................ ........ 14 Purpose and Organization ................................ ................................ ...................... 16 2 REVIEW OF THE L ITERATURE ................................ ................................ ............ 17 Problems of Low income Communities ................................ ................................ ... 17 Jobs ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 18 Healt h ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 20 Goods and Services ................................ ................................ ......................... 21 Crime ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 22 Policies that have Contribut ed to Concentrated Poverty ................................ ......... 23 The FHA and the Interstate Highway Act ................................ ......................... 23 Local Land Use and Zoning ................................ ................................ .............. 24 Urban Redevelopment Programs ................................ ................................ ..... 25 Overview of CRA History in Florida ................................ ................................ ......... 27 Legislative Backgroun d of Florida CRAs ................................ ................................ 28 Finding of Necessity ................................ ................................ ......................... 28 Tax Increment Financing ................................ ................................ .................. 29 Criticism of Community Redevelopment Programs ................................ ................ 30 Focus on Economic Projects ................................ ................................ ............ 30 Stakeholder Influence ................................ ................................ ....................... 31 Lack of Oversight ................................ ................................ ............................. 32 Alternative Methods to Community Redevelopment ................................ ............... 32 Best Prac tices ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 34 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 37 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 39 Outcome Evaluation ................................ ................................ ............................... 39 Comparison Conditions ................................ ................................ .................... 40

PAGE 6

6 Criticisms of Outcome Based Evaluation ................................ ......................... 41 Da ta Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 41 Case Studies ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 42 Local Government Documents ................................ ................................ ......... 42 C ensus Data ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 43 GIS Mapping ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 43 Indicators ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 44 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 44 4 FINDINGS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 50 CRA Activity in the Eastside Community ................................ ................................ 51 Desired Outcomes ................................ ................................ ............................ 52 Relationship to Other Plans ................................ ................................ .............. 55 CRA Outcomes ................................ ................................ ................................ 56 Socio economic Findings ................................ ................................ ........................ 57 Poverty and Unemployment ................................ ................................ ............. 58 Public Assistance ................................ ................................ ............................. 59 Edu cational Attainment ................................ ................................ .................... 59 Median Income ................................ ................................ ................................ 60 Homeownership ................................ ................................ ............................... 60 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 61 5 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 80 Summary of the Study ................................ ................................ ............................ 81 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 82 Despite Government Programs; Poverty and Unemployment Exist ................. 82 Eastside CRA Operates Like a Business ................................ ......................... 83 Social Objectives Neglected ................................ ................................ ............. 83 Potential of an Unincorporated Eastside CRA to Improve Socio economic Conditions ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 84 Implications ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 85 Practical ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 85 Approach ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 86 Li mitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 87 Final Word on Findings ................................ ................................ ........................... 88 6 CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 89 Recommen dations ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 90 Further Research ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 93 APPENDIX A CONDITIONS OF BLIGHT ................................ ................................ ..................... 97 B LOCAL GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS ................................ ................................ 98

PAGE 7

7 C CENSUS DATA ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 99 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 100 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 104

PAGE 8

8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Socio economic goals & indicators ................................ ................................ ..... 49 4 1 Eastside Redevelopment Plan objectives and initiatives ................................ .... 76 4 2 Incorporated Eastside Area budget and implemented project list 2006 .............. 77 4 3 Incorporated Eastside Area budget and implemented project list 2008 .............. 78 4 4 Incorporated Eastside Area budget and implemented project list 2009 .............. 79 6 1 Examples of partners in local Workforce Development system .......................... 95 C 1 Census Data ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 100

PAGE 9

9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Incorporated & Unincorporated Eastside census block groups ......................... 47 3 2 Incorporated & Unincorporated Eastside census tracts ................................ ...... 48 4 1 Percent of population living below poverty ................................ ......................... 62 4 2 Unemployment rate ................................ ................................ ............................ 63 4 3 Percent of households receiving public assistance ................................ ............ 63 4 4 Percent of population 25 years and old er with a high school degree .................. 64 4 5 Percent of Popula tion 25 years and older with a bachelor's d egree ................... 65 4 6 Median household in come ................................ ................................ .................. 66 4 7 Rate of homeownership ................................ ................................ ...................... 67 4 8 Incorporated CRA & Unincorporated CRA (proposed) ................................ ....... 68 4 9 Alachua County population (2000) ................................ ................................ ..... 69 4 10 Minority population (2000) ................................ ................................ .................. 70 4 11 Percent of populati on living below poverty (2000) ................................ .............. 71 4 12 Population unemployed (2000) ................................ ................................ ........... 72 4 13 Population 25 years and older with a high school dip loma (2000) ...................... 73 4 14 ......................... 74 4 15 Median household income (2000) ................................ ................................ ...... 75

PAGE 10

10 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S CDBG Community Development Block Grant CPTED Crime Prevention through Environmental Design CRA Community Redevelopment Agency FHA Federal Housing Administration SJI Seattle Jobs Initia tive TIF Tax Increment Financing

PAGE 11

11 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Urban and Regional Planning EVALUATI NG THE POTENTIAL EFFECTIVENESS OF COMMUNITY REDEVELOPMENT AGENCIES TO IMPROVE SOCIO ECONOMIC CONDITIONS WITHIN THE REDEVELOPMENT AREA: A CASE STUDY IN GAINESVILLE, FLORIDA By Crystal M. Torres December 2011 Chair: Kristin Larsen Major: Urban and Regional Planning Despite their popularity, little evidence supports the effectiveness of CRAs to improve socio economic conditions in redevelopment areas. Using the Eastside Gainesville Community as a case study, this study assesses the effectiveness of CRAs at improving socio economic conditions in redevelopment areas. A lack of private sector investors exacerbates existing declining conditions in economically distressed neighborhoods, creating a need for government intervention in the form of redevelopment pol icies. However, as history has shown, the intentions of redevelopment policies and the actual outcomes have not always been consistent and have emphasized physical improvements rather than direct benefits to residents. This study uses an outcome based eval uation, which provides the framework needed to determine how effectively a CRA can improve socio economic conditions of the Incorporated Eastside. Comparisons within each study area over time and between the two study areas are examined. Outcome evaluation is conducted by measuring the

PAGE 12

12 change in socio economic indicators. Specific, socio economic indicators are chosen to assess whether certain community conditions have improved. Findings reveal the redevelopment plans have promised increased jobs and oppor tunities for all residents in the redevelopment area, yet benefits seem to have eluded the low income residents who could benefit the most from increased job opportunities In addition, CRAs are more likely to invest in capital improvements, which offer gre ater return than social programs, confirming criticism that local governments increasingly act like businesses. In addition alternative approaches to community redevelopment may offer greater socio economic gains, but further research is necessary to reach conclusions. Furthermore, this study concludes that if Alachua County is determined to improve socio economic conditions in the Unincorporated Eastside, a CRA that balances physical enhancements and social investment is needed. Simply investing in physica l enhancements alone will not offer an improved quality of life for residents of the Unincorporated Eastside Community. Lastly this study recommends greater emphasis on workforce development and outlines several steps to implement this recommendation.

PAGE 13

13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Community Redevelopment Agencies (CRAs) have been touted for their ability to facilitate economic growth and development in economically distressed neighborhoods. CRAs operate within a framework that uses new development, infrastruc ture improvements, job creation, and private investment to revitalize slums or blighted areas (Appledom, 2006). As Rogers and Tao (2004) explain, targeted economic gover This strategy enables local governments to access funding that would otherwise be unavailable within the redevelopment area. The devolution of public services from federal to state to local responsibility means that where you live is an increasingly strong determining factor in your access to public goods and services (Dreier, Mollenkofp, & Swanstrom, 2004). Local governments are highly dependent on taxes for funding public goods and services; therefore, while higher income neighborhoods typically enjoy ample funding for their schools and parks, low income neighborhoods continually lack the funds for maintenance and improvements of public goods and services (Briggs, 2005). F into different local governments has led to supposedly equal citizens [having] unequal Without government intervention, the social and economic states of these lower income communities are likely to decline further. However, despite support from planners, politicians, private investors, and others involved in redevelopment, very little research supports the effectiveness of CRAs to improve socio economic conditions of

PAGE 14

14 such distressed communities. Evidence of the success of CRAs is usually provided in the form of increased tax revenues and higher property values, not in the form of decreased poverty or unemployment (Krumholz, 1991). Local governme capital improvements that offer greater profits, while investment in social improvement programs and projects tends to be delayed until additional funds become available. With few exceptions, CRAs have continuously shown the tendency to pursue economic initiatives rather than social ones. Higher return gained from economic activities has encouraged an entrepreneurial like atmosphere, where CRAs focus on economic improvements first and socio economi c improvements later, or not at all (Delaney, 2004). The general success of CRAs to increase property values and tax revenue has been a contributing factor to more and more localities pursuing the establishment of CRAs, including Alachua County. This stud y evaluates the potential effectiveness of a CRA to improve socio economic conditions in one Gainesville community. Despite their popularity, little evidence supports the effectiveness of CRAs to improve socio economic conditions in redevelopment areas. Th erefore as the use of CRAs becomes more popular in Alachua County, the effectiveness of CRAs must be evaluated in a more thorough manner, including the improvements in job opportunities and homeownership as well as property values in the evaluation. Commun ity Redevelopment in the Eastside Community For many years the portion of the Eastside Community that is located within stressed neighborhood. The

PAGE 15

15 neighborhood has historically been a minority neighborhood isolated from the remainder of Gainesville and its public goods and services (Fisher, 2010). Evidence confirms that the Eastside Community has higher rates of poverty and unemployment than the buildings, overgrown sites, and lack of infrastructure discourage development from occurring in the community. Acknowledging the need for investment an d development of the area, the City of Gainesville established an Eastside Community CRA in 2001 (Fisher, 2010). Since the adoption of the Eastside Redevelopment Area, the Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency has made efforts to improve the condition s in the community through initiatives such as infrastructure improvements and building faade programs. In general, improvements have occurred in the form of physical enhancements to the redevelopment area. Just east of the Gainesville city limits is anot her section of the Eastside Community that has suffered from similar isolation and lack of funds and investment. Incorporated Eastside Community, the unincorporated area has no t been designated a redevelopment area. Lack of infrastructure improvements, an abundance of underdeveloped commercial land, deteriorated housing and inefficient land use patterns have disadvantaged the community and reflect an urgent need for investment a nd redevelopment in the area. Acknowledging the need for investment and redevelopment, Alachua County has proposed the establishment of an Unincorporated Eastside CRA. Observing the community redevelopment approach most often used by CRAs to achieve redev elopment and exploring alternative methods provides this study with

PAGE 16

16 material to make recommendations. Furthermore, due to the fact that private developers instead of low income residents often reap the benefits of redevelopment programs, it is important to remain critical of programs that target redevelopment of distressed neighborhoods (Krumholz, 1991). In addition, an evaluation of the Incorporated Eastside Redevelopment Area is included as a case study concerning CRA efforts to improve socio economic con ditions in the Eastside Community. Purpose and Organization The purpose of this study is to critically examine local redevelopment efforts intended to improve socio economic conditions within the redevelopment area. In order to evaluate CRAs, Chapter 2 pro vides information pertinent to understanding the context surrounding the problems of low income communities along with past and present government solutions. This review addresses economic segregation, decline of economic mobility, and policies that encour age economic segregation. In addition, Chapter 2 provides an overview of Community Redevelopment policy in Florida, background information on the legislation regarding CRAs, and a critique on the use of CRAs. Chapter 3 outlines the methodology for evaluati ng the effectiveness of the Incorporated Eastside Community CRA. As a means to determine the potential effectiveness of a CRA to improve socio economic conditions in the Unincorporated Eastside Community, Chapter 4 presents the results of the evaluation of the Incorporated Eastside CRA in order to discuss impacts of CRA efforts on socio economic conditions. Chapter 5 analyzes the findings and relates them back to the literature and research question. In addition, Chapter 5 discusses the implications of this study on planning practice and approach, and provides conclusions, as well as, recommendations and discussion of possible future research.

PAGE 17

17 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERA TURE Low income neighborhoods are disproportionately burdened by poverty, unemploymen t, and crime (Briggs, 2005; Drier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstorm, 2004). Redevelopment and investment in these low income neighborhoods is needed to improve socio economic conditions. However, redevelopment policies meant to improve such conditions often failed to offer relief in the form of affordable housing, employment, or enhancement in educational attainment in the redevelopment area. Instead redevelopment programs have continually emphasized construction and other physical improvements. Even with strengthen ed regulations that require redevelopment agencies to involve the community in the redevelopment process, criticism of redevelopment outcomes still exists. Outlining the problems of low income neighborhoods, their causes, and government response to these problems provides the foundation for evaluating the effectiveness of CRAs to address socio economic issues. Problems of Low income Communities Although there are many reasons for decreased economic mobility and cyclical poverty, this study focuses on geog raphical factors that disadvantage individuals living quality of life and their ability to improve their economic standing. Without investment in economically distressed nei ghborhoods, these communities continue to lack the capacity to promote upward mobility and a higher quality of life. However, before any recommendations can be made concerning the best approach to community redevelopment, it is first necessary to explore a nd gain a deeper understanding of the problems that exist in low income communities.

PAGE 18

18 Americans believe in general that if you work hard, you will prosper. However, the ability of Americans to improve their economic standing is decreasing and much lower whe n compared to other advanced nations (Drier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstorm, 2004). bound society, and we cannot count on mobility 2004, p .25). Economic mobility or the ability of an individual to move from one income % of people who were in the bottom 40 % of income distribution in 1969 remained in that group twenty five years later [and] only 5.8 % had climbed the ladder to the richest 20 % Increasing economic segregation has further inhibited those living in concentrated poverty from improving their ec onomic standing (Wilson, 1987). Living in a low income neighborhood often means reduced quality of neighborhood amenities. Briggs (2005) describes low income neighborhoods as traps and wealthier neighborhoods as springboards where affluent people have acce ss to opportunities and the low income remain constrained by poverty. Where you live matters and the neighborhoods in which you reside have a significant impact on the quality of available goods and services. Jobs The distance between location of residence ability to find employment. A spatial mismatch exists between where low income individuals live and where the jobs they are qualified for are located (Ihlandfeldt, 1994). this rational market theory does not take into account the very limited housing options

PAGE 19

19 for low income families in the more affluent suburbs (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004, pg. 67). The effects of spatia l mismatch are evident when looking at the Gautreaux program in Chicago, which helped low income households move out of the inner city and into suburbs. The program found that individuals who moved to the suburbs had much higher rates of employment althoug h their wage was not higher, and they did not receive more hours than those employed where they previously lived (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). One of the major benefits to this program was the impact it had on the children who moved to the subur bs compared to households that moved but remained in the city. The suburban children were much more likely to attend college and have higher paying jobs with benefits (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004) Overall the research conducted on the Gautreaux p rogram supports the argument that place matters. relocating them to the suburbs, programs that simply help low income individuals find jobs, such as the Personal Responsibility a nd Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, have had only minimal success. These job placement programs do not take into account the fact that only one in twenty welfare recipients owns a car, which further limits their access to jobs (Dreier, Mollenko pf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Residents of low income neighborhoods are also disadvantaged by the decreasing use of newspaper advertisements to hire new employees. Instead, employers increasingly use employee networks to find good workers (Dreier, Mollenkopf, an d Swanstrom, 2004). Due to the fact that low income households belong to social

PAGE 20

20 networks that often only include individuals with similar circumstances, the use of employee networks limits low Health Th e economic segregation of the wealthy population from the low income population has had detrimental effects on the health of those who reside in neighborhoods with concentrated poverty. Areas of concentrated poverty suffer from higher mortality, obesity, a nd psychological distress compared to areas of non poverty (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Although the location alone cannot completely account for these health conditions, the lack of access to healthcare in low income neighborhoods inhibits ind they may need. Even with Medicaid supplying insurance to the low income and elderly, forty five million Americans do not have health insurance (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). In addition, not a a large percentage of those without insurance are the working poor. Although the income and central city neighborhoods remains low (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). For example, some low income neighborhoods have one physician for more than 3,700 children, while their counterparts in the suburbs have one doctor for every 400 children (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom 2004). Limited options for decent affordable housing force many low income households to reside in older buildings, many of which have health code violations (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Lead paint is still present in many of these older bui school (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Furthermore, lower property values

PAGE 21

21 and tax revenue in low income neighborhoods result in very limited funding for parks an d recreational resources, leading many children to play in the streets and putting them at risk of traffic accidents. Higher rates of crime also cause safety concerns and cause many people to stay indoors to avoid neighborhood crime (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Another locational factor that impacts the health of low income families is the tendency of garbage transfer stations and power plants to be located in economically distressed neighborhoods. Both have detrimental impacts on air quality. A s a result, low income communities tend to have higher rates of asthma. High levels of cockroach allergens in inner city areas have also been linked to asthma in young children. One study by Rosenstreich (1997) found that children exposed to cockroach alle rgens were three times more likely to be hospitalized than children who had not been exposed to these allergens. Furthermore, during the 1990s, when the number of people with asthma grew from 7 to 17 million, a majority of these people lived in areas with concentrated poverty (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004, pg.80). Goods and Services In addition to diminished job and healthcare opportunities, low income neighborhoods suffer from lack of retail stores, while more affluent neighborhoods have an overs upply. Not only do people from low income neighborhoods have to travel further to find quality goods, they must also travel further to acquire retail jobs. According to Bingham and Zhang (1997), retail stores in affluent neighborhoods offer employment to 6 7 per 1,000 residents, compared to only 16 out of 1,000 in low income neighborhoods. Although a clear need exists for retail and food stores in low income neighborhoods, the higher costs associated with increased insurance rates, theft,

PAGE 22

22 parking rates, and land assembly discourages private investment (Drier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). The lack of shopping options in low income neighborhoods has (Drier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Furthermore, lack of retail creates a situation where low income households are increasingly burdened by the cost of goods: P oor people can only cut their expenditures on food so much, even when they spend considera bly less than middle class families. That is why low income families spend 30 % of their income on food, compared to the national average of less than 13 % What people pay for groceries depends on where they live and shop. Not only is food cost generally hi gher for those living in low income neighborhoods but many low income households do not have access to a personal automobile, adding another $400 to $1000 a year for taxis or transit (Drier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004, pg. 87). Crime According to Clow ard and Ohlin (1960) the inability of low income neighborhoods to provide residents with job opportunities has led to significantly higher rates of crime when compared to middle class neighborhoods. Without access to decent paying jobs, residents in impove rished areas are more likely to turn to crime to provide themselves Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004, pg. 93). The blue collar jobs that were once located in working class neighbor hoods are gone (Dreier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstrom, 2004). Today service jobs are mostly located in middle income communities, requiring skills and higher education that many low income people lack. Clearly place does in fact impact the quality of resources a vailable to residents. As income inequality and economic segregation continue to grow, the concentration of poverty grows with it, limiting the opportunity for upward mobility. The segregation

PAGE 23

23 between low uneven geography of income households are located in communities that lack the capacity to promote upward mobility (Briggs, 2005, x). However, far from being an inevitable evolution or a historical accident, the segregation of di fferent income households was the result of several polices that encouraged sprawl, economic segregation, and concentrated poverty. The next section examines some of the most influential policies that have shaped urban form and encouraged economic segregat ion in the United States. Policies that have C ontributed to Concentrated Poverty Evaluation of public policies is needed to create informative feedback loops that provide policy makers and implementers with useful recommendations regarding how to improve program effectiveness. Through further review of the influences that public policy has had on urban form and economic segregation, this study seeks to outline ways that public policy has directly and indirectly worked against residents of economically dis tressed neighborhoods. Historically, four primary public policies contributed to concentrated poverty and blight in low income neighborhoods (Cashin, 2004). These are the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), the federal Interstate Highway program, local l and use and zoning regulations, and urban redevelopment programs (Cashin 2004). The FHA and the Interstate Highway Act Together the FHA and Interstate Highway Act created the perfect combination of cheap housing and convenience needed to draw people away f rom cities and into the suburbs (Duany, 2010). For the first time, the federal government offered long term, low payment mortgages, which the average working class family could afford. Worsening

PAGE 24

24 conditions of the inner cities further encouraged those who c ould afford to move to take advantage of the opportunity to become homeowners and escape the problems of the city. The idea of living far from jobs, goods, and services may not have been so attractive without the Interstate Highway Act, which made the comm ute from the suburbs faster and feasible for the average American (Duany, 2010). Furthermore, as working class and more affluent households moved to the suburbs, investment and development followed resulting in further decline of urban neighborhoods. Loca l Land Use and Zoning In addition to federal policies, local policies and regulations in the form of land use and zoning restrictions have also had a significant influence on the development patterns of American communities and encouraged concentrated pov erty and blight conditions (Cashin, 2004). Local governments are increasingly dependent on local taxes to fund public services. Unfortunately this dependency has resulted in low income communities that are unable to provide residents with crucial goods an d services. Creating an environment where local governments constantly compete with each other residents from working class and affluent suburbs (Drier, Mollenkopf, & Swanstro m, 2004, p.111). Minimum lot sizes and the prohibition against apartment buildings in affluent neighborhoods have kept the low income out of these wealthier communities. The 1926 Supreme Court decision in Euclid v. Ambler Euclid to ban apartment buildings from neighborhoods with single family housing, and further enabled economic segregation. Since then zoning has increasingly become a way for local governments to protect property values and to exclude noxious land uses,

PAGE 25

25 in 2004, p.113). These land use and zoning controls further segregated low income and more affluent households into different neighborhoods. As the working class and affluen t families moved to the suburbs, private business investment moved with them. Further disadvantaging the increasingly concentrated low income inner city neighborhoods and encouraging investment in the suburbs was the cheaper land and reduced regulations fo r commercial development (Cashin, 2004). Partially due to the lack of job opportunities, residents in economically distressed communities have had no other choice but to continue to live in areas that offer minimal opportunities for increased income and qu ality of life. Urban Redevelopment Programs Redevelopment programs have often been cited as a form of assistance that has harmed not helped the residents of the redevelopment area (Simon, 2001). The federal Housing Act of 1949 introduced a means for local government to establish and fund redevelopment programs. Urban redevelopment, which was meant to revitalize economically distressed downtowns, has often been cited as a contributor to concentrated poverty (Levy, 2009). Although urban redevelopment, or urba n renewal as it was called then, had goals for increasing the amount of affordable housing for low income households, commercial development took priority. Local governments used powers of eminent domain to buy and sell land at a cheap price to private dev elopers who were more concerned with commercial development since it yielded higher profits than affordable housing. Demolition of dilapidated housing occurred much faster than construction of new affordable housing, resulting in the dislocation of an esti mated 3.8

PAGE 26

26 million people from their homes (Drier, Mollenkofp, & Swanstrom, 2004). The program allowed 810,000 units to be constructed to house low income individuals and families, however not even half of the projected units were built (Drier, Mollenkofp, & Swanstrom, 2004). In fact only 320,000 units were built from 1949 to 1960 (Drier, Mollenkofp, & Swanstrom, 2004). Furthermore, housing created through the urban renewal program packed as many people as possible into austere block style buildings that wer e visually and often physically isolated from the community. Instead of providing more people with out of their homes and businesses, destroyed social ties, and dispersed residents Mollenkofp, & Swanstrom, 2004, p. 131). Simon (2001) describes the conditions associated with redevelopment of distressed communities: The redevelopment process enco uraged such injustice by weakening democratic constrains on governmental aid to development; by creating various economic incentives for localities to undertake it; and by subsidizing the private partnerships through sweetheart land deals, cheap finance, t ax breaks, and publicly provided infrastructure tailored to [developer] investments (pg. 9). Direct investment by the federal government for urban renewal ended in the 1970s when funds were consolidated into Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) progra ms (Simon, 2001). These programs allow local governments to exercise more discretion in choosing projects for redevelopment (Simon, 2001). The urban renewal program may have ended in the 1970s, but redevelopment continued to be a priority for local governm increased taxes from revitalizing areas. Rather than the increases in taxes going into

PAGE 27

27 the general fund, taxes are diverted into a redevelopment trust fund for investment in the distres sed community (Simon, 2001). During the 1970s, redevelopment policies were amended to require local governments to include public stakeholders in the planning process, as well as increased protection and compensation for the displacement of initial residen ts of the redevelopment area. However, questions remained concerning how effectively the redevelopment benefits reached low income residents and whether redevelopment agencies pursued activities that benefited private developers rather than residents. The next section provides further detail concerning redevelopment in Florida and criticism of Community Redevelopment Agencies. Overview of CRA History in Florida Rapid population growth in Florida coupled with inefficient growth patterns in the form of spr awl fostered decline in many historic downtowns and central business districts, as well as further isolated low income populations to exclusively low income neighborhoods (Delaney, 2004). These factors in addition to the negative impacts that growth has ha prompted redevelopment in the State of Florida (Delaney, 2004; Degrove and Turner 1998.) The pressure on local government to provide public goods and services coupled tax regulations, which limit taxing methods have encouraged alternative means to increase local tax revenue (Delaney, 2004). Florida established its community redevelopment agency legislation in the late 1960s. During the 1970s, several of the largest metropolitan areas, including Ft. Lauderdale, Miami, and Orlando established CRAs (Delaney, 2004). After the success

PAGE 28

28 of the first group of Florida CRAs, many other municipalities and counties became interested in CRAs as a means to foster increasing their tax base. By the 1980s the number of CRAs reached nearly 40 agencies, and by 1990 this number more than doubled (Delaney, 2004). To date, there are over one hundred forty CRAs in Florida (Appledom, 2006). In the next section the Community Redevelopment Act will be described in detail to offer a deeper understanding of the purpose, objective, and process of establishing a Community Redevelopment Agency. Legislative Background of Florida CRAs Acknowledging the existence of slums and blighted areas throug hout the State, Florida Legislature adopted the Community Redevelopment Act of 1969 ( Appledom, 2006) This act further acknowledges that the physical deterioration of a community often exacerbates poor neighborhood conditions such as higher rates of juveni le delinquency, impairs economic growth, and decreases the local tax base. In addition, the Act recognizes the need for redevelopment of blighted areas as a matter of state to be endangered by areas that consume an excessive proportion of its revenues because of the extra services required for police, fire, accident, hospitalization, and other forms of F.S. 1 63.335). Finding of Necessity Before a local government can establish a CRA and obtain the powers under the through a Finding of Necessity report. The Finding of Necessity report document s the need for redevelopment of the area by identifying specific conditions of blight or slum as defin ed in the Florida Statutes ( Appendix A). Once areas of blight or slum are identified,

PAGE 29

29 the governing body may then establish a CRA. As a legal entity separ ate from the city or county, CRAs have the power to contract, borrow funds, and buy and sell property in their own name (Delaney, 2004). Although not required by statutes, the majority of Florida CRAs are governed by city or county commission boards; howev er Florida Statue allows for a mix of CRA board members that can consist of advisory members from the community and elected officials (F.S. 163). Once the CRA is established the board may then finalize the redevelopment boundary, draft and adopt a redevel opment plan, and submit it to the Florida Department of Community Affairs for final approval. The Community Redevelopment Plan must be consistent with existing Comprehensive Plans, Future Land Use Plans, and other long range plans of the municipality or co unty. The Community Redevelopment Plan must also outline the financial plan of the CRA, including capital improvements and indebtedness (Delaney, 2004). Within the designated area, community elements such as housing may be included (F.S. 163). Tax Increme nt Financing The Community Redevelopment Act provides local governments with funding strategies to redevelop the area. In 1977, the benefits of enacting a CRA were significantly increased by an amendment to the Redevelopment Act allowing municipalities or counties that have adopted a Community Redevelopment Plan to establish tax increment financing, or TIF, and a redevelopment trust fund where TIF revenues are deposited (Rogers and Tao, 2004). Tax increment financing districts have an expiration period of 30 years but can be extended up to 60 years. The tax revenue that is deposited into the Redevelopment Trust Fund can only be used on redevelopment activities previously outlined in the

PAGE 30

30 Redevelopment Plan (Appledom, 2006). Although the majority of CRAs conc entrate efforts on one redevelopment district, some CRAs have multiple districts because of CRA expansions, resulting in TIF districts with different timelines. Tax increment funding is unique in that it does not require a locality to raise funds through l ocal taxes. Instead, it funds public investment in a redevelopment area by capturing for a time, all or a portion of the increased property tax revenues, resulting from private investment stimulated by the redevelopment of the area (Appledom, 2006). As d values within the TIF district at their value when a redevelopment program is adopted. Subsequently, as property values increase, cities or counties continue to receive ad va becomes the tax increment and is placed into the redevelopment trust fund (Delaney, 2004, p. 86). In addition to TIF, bonds or notes can be issued for redevelopment for a maximu p. 86). Criticism of Community Redevelopment Programs Focus on Economic Projects Imbed ded in CRAs is the desire to increase agency profits. The pressure to increase property values and taxes has led to an environment where CRAs are more inclined to put money into economic projects (Delaney, 2004). The desire to increase agency profits creat es an immediate bias for CRAs to focus agency funds toward economic projects rather than social programs. Delany (2004) describes economic projects as activities that benefit landowners and developers such as commercial or

PAGE 31

31 infrastructure improvements; as o pposed to social projects or programs that benefit quality of life improvements such as parks or affordable housing. Economic investments garner more support because they yield higher returns and at a much faster rate than social projects. Delany (2004) c onfirms that social programs and projects consume agency profits and offer little or no economic return. Therefore agencies, especially in their first few years while trying to create capital for development, focus on economic improvements that will offer faster increases in property taxes. As a result of the entrepreneurial focus of CRAs, projects such as parks, libraries, and affordable housing are neglected due to their inability to generate immediate agency profits (Delaney, 2004). Stakeholder I nfluence Another reason behind the tendency of CRAs to invest in capital improvements is the influence that business stakeholders and public administrators have during the final stages of prioritizing projects (Delaney 2004). During the planning process, official s than residents. According to research that investigated redevelopment programs in 12 U.S. cities, social projects and resident influence tend to lose steam during the final stages of goal prioritizing (Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002). In these final stages of prioritizing projects, residents tend to have less influence while the business el ite and agency officials have the power to make the final call on what projects get funded. Further, although local officials are required to give public notice and conduct several public meetings for plan adoption, amendments and budgetary changes are adv ertised to a much lesser degree, resulting in decreased public participation, which generally

PAGE 32

32 means less focus on social projects by agencies (Delaney, 2004). This problem has resulted in many criticizing the inequity of stakeholder influence during the C RA planning process. Lack of Oversight Related to the problems of equity concerning stakeholder influence is the lack of oversight that occurs after CRAs are established. Once CRAs move into implementation of the Community Redevelopment Plan, little state or regional oversight exists beyond the annual report due at the end of each fiscal year (Delaney, 2004). Community Redevelopment Agencies are mandated to send plans and amendments only to taxing authorities within the county or municipality, unlike compre hensive plans which until June 2011 required a state review every five years (Delaney, 2004; Florida Department of Economic Opportunity, 2011). The lack of oversight that occurs after CRA establishment has led critics to argue for increased eligibility req uirements. As of now only 2 of the 14 characteristics of blight and slum must be documented in order for a CRA to be established. With these standards, even wealthy suburbs have been designated as blighted (Krumholz, 1991). Abuse of CRA power throughout th e state has been a common criticism, however needs further research to be conclusive. Alternative Methods to Community R edevelopment lopment projects will provide jobs and benefits to the community at large; however, this has not been the case for many redevelopment areas (Krumholz, 1991, pg. 298). For this reason, alternative methods to community redevelopment are explored in this stud y. Exploring alternative methods contributes to understanding the different approaches a CRA can take to improve socio

PAGE 33

33 economic conditions in the Eastside community. Up until now, this study has mainly described the business like approach of CRAs, which wi redevelopment (Krumholz, 1991, pg. 298). works from a framework that t argets socio economic improvements more directly. The resident targeted approach focuses resources directly on those, typically residents, who are the intended beneficiaries of redevelopment programs, but who often receive little of the benefits due to th e priority given to capital improvements. Krumholz (1991) offers a set of solutions that are tied to the facilitation of economic mobility through investment in education, job creation, and increasing the incomes of the low income and working class. This m odel is more focused on harnessing the tools of community redevelopment to directly benefit the most disadvantaged residents. Improving the education of children from impoverished households has been proven to reduce dropouts and increase the likelihood o f attaining higher education. Providing increased funding for head start and other early education programs is essential to closing the education gap that exists between economically distressed and more affluent communities (Krumholz, 1991). Not only does this help close the education gap that exists, but it also produces a more skilled labor force that is s shown over and over again that enhancing education can result in long term income gains. The other key component to the resident targeted approach involves investing in workforce

PAGE 34

34 development, including job training and labor subsidies. In contrast to the trickle down approach whose benefits may never reach those who desperately need it, the resident targeted approach provides wage subsidies to employers, which can immediately put people to work and increase wages. This approach operates from the belief th at expensive subsidies for development are better spent on direct job creation and are far more effective in decreasing unemployment. Improving the skills of the local labor force and its productivity involves a fundamental paradigm shift away from the be lief that low income people will automatically benefit from development (Krumholz, 1991). Furthermore, Krumholz (1991) argues that even if this approach does not spur development, at least residents in need will receive these tangible benefits. Best Practi ces A critical component of a resident targeted approach to community redevelopment Lee and Hunter, 2009, pg. 476). Workforce development encompasses more than simply job training programs, it inclu pg. 194). Though replicating best practices identically from other communities i s limited due to differing legislative environments, funding resources, stakeholders, labor markets, and other regional differences, exploring popular initiatives can lead to identification of guiding principles for a successful resident targeted initiativ e focused on creating jobs. The Seattle Jobs Initiative (SJI) was established in 1995 as part of the Annie E. year effort to link disadvantaged low income residents with living wage jobs. At the core of this initiative is a set of four goals: aid residents in attaining

PAGE 35

35 living wage employment (i.e. at the time $8/hr.), promote and facilitate job retention, facilitate employer involvement in creating or adapting job training curricula to match employer needs, and provide human services th at support completion of job training programs and long term job retention (Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002). This program followed a three phase process, including planning, capacity building, and implementation. The first phase involved community organization s, government officials, residents, business stakeholders, and educators. Combining pinpointed employment barriers of the target population, and identified programs to co pg. 201). After the planning phase a 3 year capacity building phase took place, in which SJI evaluated initial pilot programs and adapted them accordingly. The SJI group acted as intermediaries between clients (low income residents) and service providers (employers and educators), allowing the agency to work closely with employers to provide skilled workers and to work with educators to adapt training program curricula to meet employer needs. As a result from 1997 to 2008, almost six thousand targeted residents were placed in jobs with living wages (average wage in 2008, $11.84). In addition, over 60 % of workers remained employed at the same job for over a year, and 40 % of those who gained employment have received an increase in wages since initial employment (Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002). Opportunity Chicago is a component of the Transformation Chicago Plan, which seeks to revitalize low income neighborhoods with a focus o n public housing and its residents. Opportunity Chicago offers an example of how networking jobs, housing, and

PAGE 36

36 services are critical to raising the standard of living for disadvantaged populations. nect low skilled public housing initiative are to: 1. Expand and enhance the existing workforce service delivery system to maximize employment opportunities for CHA residents ; 2. Promote innovative employment skills and training programs; 3. Engage employers in the design and execution of sector or industry based partnerships; 4. Advocate for public policies that support sustainable improvements to the public workforce development sys tem; and 5. other low income communities and populations (Chicago Jobs Council, 2008, n.p.). Several strategies have aided the Chicago Workforce Initiative in successfully pl have fostered collaboration between public and private sectors (Chicago Jobs Council, 2008). In addition targeted sectors, training and education programs, and intermediaries are essential to the Opportunity Chicago framework. By targeting sectors for employment, the Opportunity Chicago Initiative is able to focus job training and Jobs Coun cil as the intermediary provides a central hub of information where partners can go to find the information needed to solve problems. For example, employers can communicate specific training requests to improve the quality of employees assisted by the init iative. Collaboration through the intermediary has created a communicative environment in which all parties involved benefit. Employers receive more qualified

PAGE 37

37 employees, Employees are able to retain employment, and training partners receive useful feedback on how to improve their curricula (Chicago Jobs Council, 2008). Another Chicago example of the resident targeted approach to community redevelopment and economic development is the Jane Addams Resource Corporation, which provides technical assistance and training to employees of metalworking firms and training for the unemployed. In addition to training, the Jane Addams Resource Corporation works with employers to identify career ladders. These programs have increased the incomes of many low income indiv iduals. Two critical strategies have helped to make these programs successful: linking work ready employees to immediate employment and targeting growing employment sectors (Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002). Leveraging city investment and economic development i nitiatives, SJI can identify employers willing to participate in the initiative, providing jobs to work ready employees and increasing job opportunities for low income residents uses on how to structure job place residents in jobs in growing sectors or occupations with well Through these strategies SJI, Opportunity Chicago, and the Jane Addams Resourc e Corporation have offered tangible benefits to low income residents. Summary As Chapter 2 has detailed, a need exists to target investment in economically distressed communities due in part to several federal and local, policies and regulation, which hav e encouraged the isolation of low income households from moderate and higher income neighborhoods. Planning has addressed the need for investment in distressed neighborhoods through a series of redevelopment programs; however

PAGE 38

38 benefits of targeted redevelop ment have often failed to reach intended beneficiaries, namely the residents of the redevelopment area. Community Redevelopment Agencies have the potential to offer an improved quality of life for residents of the redevelopment area through investing in hu man capital and physical enhancements of the community. However, capital improvements have often outweighed social programs. Furthermore, three targeted resident approach initiatives are offered as examples of how redevelopment could focus on workforce dev elopment. The methodology that follows outlines the procedures used to conduct an evaluation of the potential of an Unincorporated Eastside CRA to produce socio economic improvements.

PAGE 39

39 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY This section details the methods used to evaluat e the effectiveness of the Incorporated Eastside CRA, as well as the potential effectiveness of an Unincorporated program goals were realized, resulting in improvement s of specific neighborhood conditions. Neighborhood conditions are defined in this paper as the socio economic conditions of the neighborhood, which are detailed further in the indicators section. The effectiveness of a policy or program is generally dete rmined using outcome evaluation after a period of implementation. The outcome evaluation of the Incorporated Eastside CRA is realized using socio economic improvements as a measure of effectiveness. Due to the fact that the primary purpose of this paper is to determine the potential effectiveness of an Unincorporated Eastside CRA before implementation, the outcome evaluation of the established Incorporated Eastside CRA will serve as a case study, indicating the effectiveness of a CRA in improving conditions nearly identical to that of the Unincorporated Eastside Community. To do so, this study used outcome based evaluation The remainder of Chapter 4 provides an overview of outcome based evaluation, discussion of sources used, and rationale for the case stud y selection. Outcome Evaluation The increasing importance placed on accountability has shifted the attention of evaluation from process evaluation to outcome based evaluation (Schalock, 2001). Outcome based evaluation focuses on the degree to which a progr objectives have been accomplished (Schalock, 2001). By comparing goals and objectives of a given program to the actual results, outcome based evaluation

PAGE 40

40 determines the effectiveness of the program. This specific type of outcome based evalua are three main reasons to use effectiveness evaluation: comparing goals and objectives provi ding feedback information for program improvement (Schalock, 2001). Applying effectiveness evaluation requires that comparison conditions be established. The comparison conditions utilized in this report are detailed below. Comparison Conditions Two primar 49). This study utilizes both types of comparisons. Within group evaluation compares conditions prior to the establishment of a given program to changes of conditions after program implementation (Schalock, 2001). For example, this paper utilizes a within group evaluation to compare the socio economic conditions before and after implementation of a CRA. Between group evaluat ions compare conditions of a group that has received program benefits to the conditions of a group that has not received program benefits. Between groups evaluation is used to compare outcomes of the Incorporated Eastside Community, which received CRA ben efits, to the Unincorporated Eastside Community, which has not received CRA benefits. Conducting both within group and between group evaluations will provide a deeper analysis of the potential effectiveness of a CRA. Illustration of the outcome based eval uation used in this study can be found at the end of C hapter 3 C omparison of goals and outcomes is the focus of this evaluation (Figure 3 1) In order to compare desired outcomes to actual outcomes, comparison

PAGE 41

41 conditions and indicators must be identified. In addition, indicators must be established as a measurement tool in order for specific data to be collected and then compared. Criticisms of Outcome Based Evaluation The main criticism of outcome evaluation is that it does not evaluate the process th e implementation phase of the policy. Due to the focus on outcomes, researchers have argued that outcome based evaluation offers only partial understanding of program performance (Scheirer, 1994). Specifically, the implementation phase has great potential for unequal stakeholder influence, especially between developers and residents, which warrants attention. As noted in Delaney (2004), some researchers have argued for a more holistic evaluation method that looks at both the process and the outcomes. The im plementation phase is much less understood and researched than outcome evaluation. Understanding the implementation phase of the policy process provides a more holistic understanding of the effectiveness and performance of a program, which allows easier id entification of areas for improvement (Browne and Wildavasky, 1984; Chen, 1991).While process evaluation may offer a more holistic assessment of CRAs, evaluating the implementation phase is beyond the scope of this study; therefore it is not included. Data Collection Several methods were used to collect data for this study, including reviewing redevelopment documents from the City of Gainesville and Alachua County, Census data, American Community Survey 2005 2009 data, and GIS mapping tools. The following s ections discuss these data sets in greater detail.

PAGE 42

42 Case Studies Conditions in the Eastside Community create an ideal situation for evaluation of the effectiveness of a CRA. The Eastside Community consists of an incorporated and unincorporated area; one of which has experienced the interventions of a Community Redevelopment Agency. Comparing the socio economic conditions over time will answer the two main research questions of this study 1) Has the Eastside CRA been effective in improving neighborhood condi tions and 2) what is the potential of a CRA to improve neighborhood conditions in the unincorporated Eastside Community. The Eastside Community was chosen due to the readily available data and ongoing efforts to establish an Unincorporated Eastside CRA i n Alachua County. Furthermore, as evident in the literature review, public policies do not always achieve their intended outcomes. Evaluating the effectiveness of the established CRA is an important part of understanding the potential of a similar CRA prog ram to achieve desired outcomes in the unincorporated portion of the Eastside Community. Local Government Documents Information regarding the Eastside CRA was gathered from both city and county documents. 1 Plan East Gainesville: Final Report (2003) and th e Eastside Community Redevelopment Plan (2006) provided information concerning redevelopment goal and objectives. In addition, the Incorporated Eastside CRA annual reports were reviewed to compare redevelopment objectives (Eastside Community Redevelopment Plan) with actual implemented projects (Gainesville CRA Annual Reports). Annual budgets 1 D ocuments concerning the Eastside Community were obtained from the Alachua County Growth Management Department, City of Gainesville, and Gainesville CRA website located a t http://www.gainesvillecra.com/

PAGE 43

43 provided further information regarding the prioritization of project funding between economic activities and social activities. The Alachua County Comprehensive Plan (2 011) was also examined to explore the relationship of the Community Redevelopment Plan (2006 and 2010) with existing Alachua County Plans for the Eastside Community. Appendix B provides more detail concerning the local government documents used in this stu dy Census Data Census data was used to compare socio economic conditions within the Incorporated Eastside Community over time and between the Incorporated Eastside and the Unincorporated Eastside Communities. Where census data was not available, the Ameri can Community Survey was used to supplement data on socio economic changes. Specifically, data from 2005 2009 estimates was used to provide a description of socio economic conditions during this period of time for both the Incorporated and Unincorporated E astside Communities. Furthermore, Incorporated and Unincorporated Eastside are compared at the Census block group level ( Figure 3 2), except for poverty for 2005 2009 estimates, which uses census tracts ( Figure 3 3). In addition, Appendix C provides a tab le of Census Data used in this study. GIS Mapping Geographic Information System (GIS) data was obtained from the Florida Geographic Data Library, Alachua County GIS Department, and U.S. Census Bureau. Using GIS allows the researcher to conduct spatial anal ysis of a given area. In this case, GIS enabled a spatial understanding of specific socio economic characteristics such as poverty, low median income, minority populations, and unemployment. This tool

PAGE 44

44 also aids in confirming or refuting the argument that l ow income households tend to be concentrated to certain areas of a community, in this case the Eastside Community. Indicators Chapter 4 compares the socio economic conditions of the Unincorporated Eastside Community with the conditions of the Incorporated Eastside Community over a time period of twenty years. Through this comparison, this study evaluates whether or not the redevelopment area has experienced improved socio economic conditions over time. For purposes of this study socio economic indicators ar e defined as follows: Socio Economic Indicators will refer to poverty, unemployment, median household income, homeownership rate, percent of households receiving public assistance, and educational attainment. Table 3 1 outlines specific socio economic goal s and indicators that will be used to measure the outcomes discussed and assessed in Chapter 4. These socio economic goals were chosen due to their prominence within the Redevelopment Plan and availability of data to measure each indicator. Evaluating thes e goals is essential to determine the effectiveness of intended goals to create socio economic gains within the Eastside Community. Summary The study M ethodology relies on outcome evaluation to determine effectiveness of CRA initiatives to improve neighbor hood conditions. Some scholars have highlighted the need for evaluation to address both the process and outcome in order to be a truly holistic evaluation; however process evaluation is beyond the scope of this paper. Including process analysis would requ ire a far more detailed analysis of the structure of the Eastside CRA, implementation of objectives, and stakeholder influence. This study

PAGE 45

45 seeks to first determine the effectiveness of CRA, which may then led to further studies, as discussed in the C onclus ion. Several types of data are used including local government documents and Census and American Community Survey data. Indicators for effectiveness are defined in order to faci litate an understanding of the Findings in Chapter 4.

PAGE 46

46 Figure 3 1. Effectiven ess evaluation model (Adapted from Schalock, 2001, p. 44)

PAGE 47

47 (Alachua County GIS Department, 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 3 1 Incorporated & Unincorporated Eastside cen sus block g roups

PAGE 48

48 (Alachua County GIS Department, 2011; U.S. Cens us Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 3 2. Incorpor ated & Unincorporated Eastside census t racts

PAGE 49

49 Table 3 1 Socio economic goals & i ndicators SOCIO ECONOMIC GOALS MEASUREMENT (INDICATORS) LOCATION IN REDEVELOPMENT PLAN JOB CREATION: Pursue economic development initiatives that include job creation, retention and expansion Decrease in unemployment Decrease in poverty Increase in median household income Pg. 4 5 HOMEOWNERSHIP: Facilitate Homeownership through subsidizing loans, down payment assistance, and work equity. Increase in homeownership Pg.6 7 and pg. 14 EDUCATION : Encourage investment of human capital through technical education programs, neighborhood centers for educational opportunities and training. Increase in attainment of education Pg. 5 a nd pg.13 (Fisher, 2010)

PAGE 50

50 CHAPTER 4 FINDINGS In Chapter 4 a brief overview examining hindrances to investment in the Eastside Community, as well as events leading to the adoption of an Incorporated Eastside CRA are presented to provide context for the eva luation. Then, an outline of the Incorporated intended socio economic efforts with actual project funding. Comparing intended redevelopment objectives and projects with actual redevelopment activity reveals an inclination of the Incorporated Eastside CRA to place priority on economic projects rather than social projects or programs. Economic projects refer to trickle down improvements such as infrastructure enhancements and dow ntown marketing. Social projects refer to resident targeted improvements, which are meant to directly benefit the residents of the community through programs such as, affordable housing, and workforce training and placement. Furthermore, examining the budg et and project list, projects and actual implementation, especially concerning intended job training, homeownership assistance programs, and edu cational resources. Next, C hap ter 4 includes an evaluation of the effectiveness of the Incorporated CRA in improving socio economic conditions. As noted in Chapter 3 socio economic improvements are evaluated through measuring the change in indicators (poverty, unemployment, public ass istance, educational attainment, homeownership rate, and median household income). For example, socio economic improvements in the Eastside Community could be reflected in a decrease in poverty and unemployment. Lastly Chapte r 4 summarizes findings of the evaluation.

PAGE 51

51 CRA Activity in the Eastside Community The Eastside Community is located in the City of Gainesville in Alachua County Florida. Historically, the Eastside Community was a thriving area with an active agricultural presence and resident communi ty. However, as development and investment moved toward the interstate highway (I 75) located in the western part of Gainesville, the Eastside Community began to decline due to disinvestment (Renaissance Planning Group, 2003). Construction of I 75 in the 1 960s encouraged contributing to the deterioration of many architecturally significant homes. In addition, the growing university population further encouraged development of West Gainesville, resulting in minimal commercial and residential development in the Eastside Community throughout the 1970s and 1980s (Asset Property Disposition, Inc. & Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency, 2006). Isolation of the Eastside Community f rom for personal travel and freight transportation are other reasons for lack of development and investment in the Eastside Community (Asset Property Disposition, Inc. & Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency, 2006, pg. 4). Consequently, the Eastside Community suffers from a lack of neighborhood amenities such as banks, groceries, restaurants, and robust transit connections. In addition, the Eastside Community is plagued by higher rates of crime, unemployment, and poverty (Alachua County Growth Management, 2011; Renaissance Planning Group, 2003). Acknowledging the need to invest in the Eastside Community, the City of Gainesville and the Gainesville Chamber of Commerce es tablished an East Gainesville Task Force (Task Force) in the 1990s (Asset Property Disposition, Inc. & Eastside

PAGE 52

52 Community Redevelopment Agency, 2006). City officials and residents partnered to form the Task Force, which prepared the first action plan outli ning redevelopment of the Eastside Community, and in 1996 the Task Force recommended establishment of a Community Redevelopment District in the City of Gainesville (Asset Property Disposition, Inc. & Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency, 2006). After ad option of the Finding of Necessity report in 2000, the City of Gainesville commissioners adopted the redevelopment plan and established the Eastside Community Redevelopment Area in 2001. The Eastside Redevelopment Plan was amended in 2006 to include a grea ter portion of the Incorporated Eastside Community. Furthermore the Disposition, Inc. & E astside Community Redevelopment Agency, 2006, pg. 4). Desired Outcomes The guiding principles of the Eastside Community Redevelopment Plan maintain a commitment to improving the quality of life of life for all residents of the Eastside Community, through a sustainable approach, which takes into account social, economic, and environmental factors of the community (Fisher, 2010). Social and economic objectives include creating opportunities such as housing, jobs, cultural resources, and neighborhood services for residents of all backgrounds. The redevelopment plan outlines seven objectives each of which is supported by initiatives that provide the framework for implementation of the redevelopment g oals. Table 4 1 outlines specific social and economic initiativ es. Social initiatives directly improve socio economic conditions of residents, while economic initiatives indirectly have the potential to improve socio economic conditions for community residents.

PAGE 53

53 The first objective is Economic Development and Innovati on in the redevelopment area ( Fisher, 2010, pg. 4) This objective promotes job creation, tax revenues, and an improved standard of living within the redevelopment area. Initiatives include both social and economic activities such as assembling land, remov ing barriers for private investors, and education and workforce development. In addition, this objective seeks to move toward a technology based economy by supporting development of innovation technologies and knowledge. The second objective is Commercial Activity (Fisher, 2010, pg. 5). The Redevelopment Plan acknowledges the need for increased access to amenities, such as grocery and retail stores, to provide both shopping and employment opportunities for residents. The main goal here is to facilitate eco nomic activity in the form of a commercial hub that will concentrate economic growth in economically distressed Eastside Community. The third objective is Housing, which seeks to increase the overall options available to both renters and owners (Fisher, 20 10, pg.6). Through incentives that assist with infrastructure costs, density bonuses, and stormwater assistance, the redevelopment agency seeks to encourage construction of quality housing in the form of mixed income neighborhoods. Initiatives also includ e down payment assistance programs and work equity in an effort to increase homeownership in the area. These programs have the potential to directly improve the socio economic conditions of the residents in the Eastside Community. Work equity can provide j obs to residents while simultaneously increasing the number of affordable housing options, through recruiting residents of the community to constructing affordable housing.

PAGE 54

54 According to the Redevelopment Plan the fourth objective Infrastructure Improvemen ts is essential to achieve other redevelopment goals (Fisher, 2010, pg. 8). These other goals include accommodating infill and redevelopment, achieving equity with the western portion of Gainesville, and encouraging investment by private investors. The fifth objective Urban Form, seeks to improve the overall scale and composition of the neighborhood (Fisher, 2010, pg. 9). This objective facilitates the shift from a disconnected automobile scale to a pedestrian scale that focuses on improved streetscapes and walkable neighborhoods, while discouraging large blocks that disrupt the street grid. In addition, the redevelopment plan also includes strategies for investing in public spaces and cultural amenities that promote resident pride in their community. C rime in the Eastside Community has been significantly higher compared to both the City of Gainesville and Alachua County. Through infrastructure improvements and use of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) principles, the CRA seeks to decr ease crime and create a safe environment for residents. The sixth objective in the redevelopment plan, Sustainability, outlines a pledge to the social, environmental, and economic well being of the community (Fisher, 2010, pg. 11). This objective also main tains that ensuring the social well being of Eastside Community residents is essential to the success of the redevelopment plan. Yet, sustainability initiatives emphasize environmental sustainability focused on preservation of natural resources, rather th an social sustainability programs focused on building human capital, through increasing educational attainment or community building.

PAGE 55

55 The seventh objective, Sense of Community, focuses on the need to improve the identity and increase pride in the communit y (Fisher, 2010, pg. 13). Initiatives include investing in neighborhood centers, supporting historic and cultural amenities, marketing the community to improve perceptions, and exploring creative ways to reduce crime. This objective seeks to improve both the resident and investor perceptions of the community, thereby encouraging economic development. The last objective is Funding Financing, Management, and Promotion of the redevelopment area (Fisher, 2010, pg. 13). Through investment in both large and sma ll scale projects, the CRA hopes to promote equitable funding and financing for private investors and residents. Initiatives include funding different types of projects such as affordable housing, promoting the community to investors, and creating an inven tory of commercial land for future development opportunities. Relationship to O ther Plans consistent with those of Alachua County. Alachua County like the Eastside CRA has outlined a pl an that maintains a commitment to sustainable development, through promoting a balance of economic opportunity, social well being, and environmental protection of natural resources (Alachua County, 2011). According to the Comprehensive Plan, sustainable de velopment will ensure the conservation of environmental resources, as well as provide residents with the economic means necessary to achieve a higher standard of living (Alachua County, 2011). In order to achieve this type of growth and development, the Co mprehensive Plan outlines Future Land Uses that concentrate development and economic activity in Urban Clusters, one of which encompasses the Unincorporated Eastside Community.

PAGE 56

56 Furthermore, the Future Land Use and Urban Polices section of the Comprehensive Plan specifically highlight the need for investment in the Eastside through identification of a future Activity Center meant to provide residents of the area with jobs and neighborhood amenities. Identification of Urban Clusters, as well as an Eastside Ac tivity Center and adoption of the Eastside Master Plan into the Comprehensive Plan signals the importance of investment in the Eastside Community as a critical component to the successful implementation of the overall plan. CRA Outcomes In order to assess implementation of the Eastside Community Redevelopment projects lists. As TIF revenues increase for the Eastside Redevelopment Area, tracking the amount of funding generated and returned to the community is essential. As written, the guiding principles and objectives describe an agency that balances social and economic purposes; however review of the project list and 2006, 2008, and 2009 budget reveals that agency efforts emp hasize physical improvements in the Eastside Redevelopment Area. The budget primarily consists of investments in the form of physical improvements, such as the faade program, infrastructure enhancements, CRA office building, bus shelters, and the Hawthorn e Road caf. One notable investment has been the money invested in the Cotton Club, which will serve the increase access to healthier foods and provide a public space, this do es not directly improve socio economic conditions. The CRA budgets make no mention of funding affordable housing projects or social programs such as homeownership assistance or workforce development.

PAGE 57

57 ing agency profits by investing in projects that are likely to experience higher and faster increases in property values. Despite the Redevelopment Plan objectives, which include initiatives for enhancing human capital through workforce development and inc reased education resources in documents reveal investment in socio economic improvements have occurred t hrough subsidizing construction activity in the redevelopment area rather than subsidizing the labor force or investing in job training programs, which seek to directly in f luence job creation. Tables 4 2 to 4 4 provide the Incorporated Eastside CRA budget, illustrating the findings just described. The next section investigates the implications of agency activity on socio economic conditions and asks the question: Has the in vestment in physical improvements resulted in improved socio economic conditions in the Eastside community? This question is explored further using the socio economic indicators outlined in Chapter 3 to measure improvement. While direct causality cannot be proved, improved socio economic conditions can indicate that establishing a CRA with a TIF may contribute toward intended socio economic outcomes. Socio economic Findings Socio economic indicators of blight in the Eastside Community reflect a decline in s ocio economic conditions in the community. While there may have been slight gains from interval to interval (1990 2000 to 2005 2009), socio economic conditions for each of the indicators measured have worsened compared to 1990 conditions. Despite the estab lishment of an Incorporated Eastside CRA in 2001, little if any improvement in the

PAGE 58

58 economic conditions has occurred. Findings show that the community has become more economically distressed since the 1990s, with higher rates of unemployme nt and poverty, lower educational attainment, lower rates of homeownership, and lower median household income. Poverty and Unemployment No significant improvements in poverty or unemployment measures have occurred since the Incorporated CRA was establish ed. In fact, overall poverty and unemployment have increased. Although, the Incorporated Eastside experienced lower rates of poverty in 1990 compared to the Unincorporated Eastside, both 2000 and 2005 2009 estimates show higher rates of poverty compared to the Unincorporated Eastside area. Considering the establishment of the Incorporated Eastside Redevelopment Area, one would think that the employment rate would be increasing, however evidence shows otherwise. Overall, poverty in the Eastside Community ha s increased since the 1990s. In 2000, the Unincorporated Eastside experienced a significant decrease in poverty from 28.15 % in 1990 to 22.59 % in 2000; however by 2009 the percent of the population living below poverty surpassed even 1990 numbers reaching 3 3.7 % Furthermore, the percent of the population living below poverty in the Incorporated Eastside has nearly doubled since 1990 (24.79 to 43.5 % ). Poverty in the Unincorporated and Incorporated areas has increased by 5.6 % and 18.71 % re spectively since 1990 Figure 4 1 illustrates the increase in poverty since 1990. Unemployment in the Eastside community has increased since 1990; however unemployment has been much more severe in Unincorporated Eastside, more than doubling the rate of unemployment in 1990 (8 to 16.9 % in 2009). Unemployment in the

PAGE 59

59 Incorporated Eastside has remained relatively constant in the range of 9 to12 % while unemployment in Unincorporated Eastside has been more unpredictable, ranging from 6.4 to 16.9 % Compared to the City of Gainesville whose 1990 and 2000 unemployment rate did not exceed 5.9 % the Eastside Community continually faces higher rates of unemployment and a disproportionate concentration of residents b elow the poverty line. Figure 4 2 illustrates the changes in unemployment from 1990 to 2009. Public Assistance Despite the increase in poverty and unemployment, public assistance has not increased to meet the needs of low income households. Public assistance in the form of food stamps, medical assistance, temporary rent assista nce, and mortgage assistance has decreased significantly since the 1990s in both the Unincorporated and the Incorporated Eastside areas. Specifically, from 1990 2009, public assistance has decreased in the Unincorporated and Incorporated Eastside from serv ing 14.52 to 2.08 % of the population and 11.9 to 2 % of the population, respectively. The decrease in public assistance over the 20 year pe riod is illustrated in Figure 4 3. Educational Attainment Increasing unemployment, poverty, and a decrease in public assistance for low income households has placed further stress on the community and resulted in a degree. Educational attainment in Eastside has declined for the Incor porated Area since the 1990s and experienced little improvement in the Unincorporated Area. Findings show an increase in attainment of high school degrees from 1990 to 2000, but a sharp decrease from 2000 to 2009. Furthermore, the percent of high school de grees in the Incorporated Eastside has been continuously lower than the Unincorporated

PAGE 60

60 Eastside. As illustrated in Figure 4 4, the percent of people 25 years and older with a high school degree has decreased back to 1990 levels for both areas. The percent of the Incorporated Eastside, while the Unincorporated Eastside witness ed a slight increase. Figure 4 5 illustrates the change in attainment of a bachelor degree for the Unincorporated and Incorporated Eastside from 1990 to 2009. Median Income Median household income decreased since 1990 in the Eastside Community. The Incorporated Eastside experienced an increase from 1990 to 2000, but this trend did not continue into 200 9. Median household income decreased for both the Incorporated and Unincorporated Eastside from 2000 to 2009 by $4,000 and $8,000, respectively. Although, median income in the Unincorporated Eastside has been consistently higher in each interval compared t o the Incorporated Eastside, it has declined overall from 1990 to 2009. Decline in household income i s illustrated in Figure 4 6. Homeownership Homeownership in the Eastside community has also decreased over time. In 1990, homeownership stood at 66 % for t he Unincorporated and 34 % for the Incorporated Eastside Community; however by 2009, these number s decreased to 55% and 33.8 % respectively. Furthermore, homeownership in the Incorporated Eastside has remained at about half the percent of the Unincorporated area. In addition, homeownership rate of 39.8 % in 2009. The lack of homeownership in the Eastside community is representative of the lack of improved socio economic condit ions for many

PAGE 61

61 low incom e community residents. Figure 4 7 illustrates rates of homeownership for the Incorporated and Unincorporated Eastside Communities from 1990 to 2009. Summary The Incorporated Eastside CRA has had positive effects on the physical appea rance and property values of the redevelopment area through programs focused return physical improvement projects has left social initiatives by the wayside. Although, the Easts ide Redevelopment Plan considered human capital and social improvements high priority objectives, these objectives were marginalized when it came down to project implementation. The decision of the Incorporated Eastside CRA to invest in large capital impro vements has not resulted in a successful trickle down of benefits to those who need it the most. Instead, as Krumholz (1991) describes projects are funded; buildings are constructed; but poverty and unemployment continue to plague low income neighborhoods.

PAGE 62

62 (U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 1. Percent of p opulation living below poverty

PAGE 63

63 (U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Cen sus Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 2 Unemp loyment r ate (U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 3. Percent of households rece iving public a ssistance

PAGE 64

64 (U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 4. Percent of p opulation 25 years and older with a h igh s chool d egree

PAGE 65

65 (U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 5. Percent of Population 25 years and older with a Bachelor's Degree

PAGE 66

66 (U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Cen sus Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 6. Media n household i ncome

PAGE 67

67 (U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2005 2009; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 1990; U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 7 Rate of h omeownersh ip

PAGE 68

68 (Alachua County GIS Department, 2011) Figure 4 8 Incorporated CRA & Unincorporated CRA (proposed)

PAGE 69

69 ( U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 9. Alachua County p opulation (2000)

PAGE 70

70 (U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 10. Minority p opulation (2000)

PAGE 71

71 ( U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 11. Percent of p opula tion l iving b elow p overty (2000)

PAGE 72

72 ( U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 12. Population u nemployed (2000) Population Unemployed

PAGE 73

73 (U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 13. Popula tion 25 years and older with a h igh s chool d iploma (2000)

PAGE 74

74 (U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 14. Population 25 years and older with a b d egree (2000)

PAGE 75

75 (U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000) Figure 4 15. Median household i ncome (2000)

PAGE 76

76 T able 4 1 Eastside Redevelopment Plan objectives and i nitiatives Objective Resident Targeted Initiatives Trickle down Initiatives 1.Economic development Remove barriers to education and workforce development Remove barriers for private investors, technology based economy 2 .Commercial Activity Provide incentives to maintain businesses and attract new investment 3.Housing Increase housing options Down payment assistance programs & work equity 4.Infrastructure Infrastructure improvements 5.Urban Form Physical enhancemen t of the community such as developing design guidelines 6.Sustainability Ensuring the social well being of residents through investing in human capital (education and community building) Preservation of natural resources 7.Sense of Community Reducing cr ime, investing in neighborhood centers Improving perceptions of the neighborhood through a marketing campaign 8. Funding, Financing, Management, & Promotion Fund affordable housing Promoting community to investors & create inventory of commercial land for future opportunities (Fisher, 2010)

PAGE 77

77 Table 4 2 Incorporated East side Area budget and implemented p roject l ist 2006 FY2006 Area Budget Fund Balance $234,889 Total Additions $273,577 Minus: Payroll & Operating Expenses $57,351 Total Liabilities and Fund Balance $ 345,470 Project Funding List Faade Grant Program $24,313 Coordinated Public Signage $104 Capital Projects $17,219 Eastside Marketing $2,855 Demolition Project $14,686 Eastside Design & Technical Standard $5,010 Transfer to other Funds $21,892 Eastside Expansion Plan $20,000 Total, Projects $163,430 (Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency, 2006)

PAGE 78

78 Table 4 3 Incorporated East side Area budget and implemented p roject l ist 2008 FY2008 Area Budget Fund Balance $1,010, 009 Total Additions $536,459 Total Liabilities and Fund Balance $ 1,010,009 Project Funding List Transfer to CRA Operating Fund $59,716 Coordinated Public Signage $122 Capital Projects $8,317 Eastside Marketing $4,252 Transfer to Other Funds $21 ,873 Eastside Design & Technical Standards $800 Eastside University Avenue Medians $20,769 Eastside Project Prof Activity $6,000 Cotton Club Project (873 SE 7 th Street) $19,290 Gateway Project (University Avenue and SE 15 th street) 8,962 Acquisit ions/ Options $36,875 Kennedy Homes Project (SE Hawthorne Road and SE 18 th street) $20,000 Total, Projects $206,976 (Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency, 2008)

PAGE 79

79 Table 4 4 Incorporated East side Area budget and implemented p roject l ist 2009 FY2009 Area Budget Revenues $759,738 Minus: Payroll & Operating Expenses $129,086 Minus: Total Debt Service & Development Agreements $21,875 Project Funding List CRA Office Building $51,000 Faade/Paint Program $30,000 Cotton Club/Perryman Grocery ( 873 SE 7 th Street) $75,000 Hawthorne Road Caf (SE Hawthorne Road) $232,827 Bus Shelters $75,000 15th Street Improvements $40,000 Gateway (University Avenue and SE 15 th street) $25,000 University Avenue Medians & Improvements $55,000 Acquisitio ns (of land) & Options $25,000 Total, Projects $608,827 (Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency, 2009)

PAGE 80

80 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION The emphasis on Community Redevelopment Agencies as generators of economic growth has created a need for evaluation of th eir effectiveness in realizing their intended public purpose, namely job creation and reduction of poverty. This study seeks to determine the effectiveness of CRAs in improving socio economic conditions within the redevelopment area. The increasing gap bet ween higher income and lower income households exacerbates conditions in economically distressed neighborhoods, creating a need for government intervention in the form of redevelopment policies. However, as history has shown, the intentions of redevelopmen t policies and the actual outcomes have not always been consistent and have indeed emphasized physical improvements rather than direct benefits to residents. Over the past 80 years, many programs intended to help lower income persons instead benefited priv ate developers and investors. This history has created a low rightfully so. Thus evaluation and accountability is critical to ensure more equitable distribution of such re development benefits. Furthermore, because of the dependence of local governments on property taxes, activities targeted in redevelopment plans must be examined critically to ask who is benefiting. This study has examined this exact concern and determined that the increased increments in property taxes has outweighed the needs for social programs, thereby creating little if any improvement in socio economic conditions in the redevelopment area.

PAGE 81

81 Summary of the Study This study relied upon the utilization o f an outcome based evaluation, which provided the framework needed to determine effectiveness of a CRA to improve socio economic conditions of the Incorporated Eastside. Comparisons within each study area over time and between the study areas were examined Outcome evaluation was conducted through measuring the change in socio economic indicators. Specific, socio economic indicators were chosen to assess whether certain community conditions had improved. Findings reveal that the Eastside Redevelopment Plan includes social improvement objectives, but further review of the budget shows that funding priorities emphasize physical improvement of the area, probably since these improvements offer greater TIF profits. Comparing conditions from 1990 to 2009 provides this study with sufficient data to identify trends in specific socio economic conditions occurring in the Eastside community during this time period. Socio economic trends can be one ocio economic goals, though this study does not presume to prove direct causality between the establishment of the CRA and socio economic conditions in the community. The fact that decline has continued though is quite telling of the lack of influence on t he part of the CRA. Specifically, poverty increased with little improvement in job opportunities for low come residents, as evident by the increase in unemployment in the area. In addition, the Incorporated Eastside has not fared better than the Unincorpor ated Eastside even though the former has a CRA while the latter does not. Although property values may have increased, TIF profits are put back into the community mainly in the form of physical improvements not social programs.

PAGE 82

82 Discussion Despite Governme nt Programs; Poverty and Unemployment Exist In this case study of the Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency, it appears that general criticisms of community redevelopment practices hold true; redevelopment has not meant more job opportunities for residen ts thus far. Findings confirm the Eastside redevelopment programs like many other government redevelopment programs have failed to offer any significant aid to the majority of low income residents in the redevelopment area. The majority of redevelopment be nefits continue to assist trickle down public private partnerships that arise from CRAs, rather than people based assistance directly targeting residents. Looking at the unemployment rate in both the Incorporated and Unincorporated Eastside, one can see th at jobs have not increased for residents of the Eastside Community. Evident from the increasing redevelopment trust fund, the Eastside CRA has and development. These efforts consisted of mainly enhancements to the physical appearance of sites (Eastside Gateway, street and median improvements, faade/ paint programs, and bus shelters) in order to generate more development in the area. However when this development will occur is not known, therefore it is of urgent necessity that the CRA consider programs that more directly create jobs as discussed in the literature review. The desperate need for job training and placement has not been addressed as a priority in the impl ementation of the Eastside Community Redevelopment Plan. Instead the CRA has focused its attention on first improving the physical appearance of the community

PAGE 83

83 Eastside CRA Operates Like a Business This study seems to confirm criticism that local governm ents are acting more and more like a business concerned with the bottom line rather than improved socio economic conditions and opportunities for the low income. As discussed in the literature review and overview of the CRA budget, agencies tend to focus o n investments that offer the fastest and highest return, such as commercial and infrastructure improvements, especially in the first part of their roughly 30 year life span. Emphasis on economic activities has meant neglect of social programs such as affor dable housing and homeownership assistance programs, which as evident from declining rates of homeownership in the area, is desperately needed. Instead of offering these tangible goods to low income residents; developers, land owners, politicians, and deve lopment officials seem to be gaining the most from government subsidized development (Krumholz, 1991). In addition, the dependency of local government on property taxes further encourages CRAs to operate like a business. Tax increment financing mechanisms create the majority of redevelopment funding, therefore it makes the most sense (from the business perspective) to pursue projects that will increase revenue for the redevelopment trust fund. This perspective has not proven to be as profitable for resident s of the Redevelopment Area. Residents of the Redevelopment Area have not experienced a decrease in the rate of poverty or unemployment of the area, nor have the residents seen an increase in homeownership opportunities. Social Objectives Neglected Intende d objectives and initiatives with a resident targeted emphasis were not

PAGE 84

84 investment in human capital may occur after the agency has retained more revenue and grows its trust fund, but in the meantime, an entire generation may miss an opportunity to receive job training and educational resources. Until the benefits from large projects attainment, homeownership, and median household incomes, all the while unemployment increases and needed public assistance decreases to almost nothing. This paper has made it clear a need exists to reassess local government economic action and a need to a sk who is benefiting from these projects. Potential of an Unincorporated Eastside CRA to Improve S ocio economic C onditions Although a need for investment exists, as evident by the declining socio economic conditions in the Unincorporated Eastside, this stu dy reveals that a similar CRA would do little to improve socio economic conditions. In addition, maps support the argument that poverty, unemployment, and low income households tend to be concentrated in specific areas of a locality. Furthermore, significa ntly lower educational attainment in the Unincorporated Eastside compared to the City of Gainesville and Alachua County overall, suggests that this area is unlikely to experience socio economic improvements without investment in human capital. Physical red evelopment of economically distressed communities alone is not enough to reduce poverty and unemployment, or increase incomes for residents of the redevelopment area. In order for an Unincorporated CRA to be effective in improving socio economic conditions redevelopment needs to be more closely linked to new jobs for the residents of the redevelopment area.

PAGE 85

85 Implications Practical Findings confirm a need for redevelopment and investment in the Unincorporated Eastside; however findings also reveal a better way to approach development of the Eastside Community may exist through increased investment in social initiatives and human capital. If Alachua County wants to improve the socio economic conditions, stronger commitment to programs that directly create job s, reduce poverty, and increase educational attainment should be considered. Perhaps a better balance targeted approach would yield profits and create actual gains in jobs. Most importantly planners shou ld seek out alternative means to achieve desired outcomes before settling on popular models as the answer. Planning practitioners who face the need for economic development and job creation should not immediately accept that the most common practice is ne cessarily the best. Just because CRAs have been successful in raising property values, does not necessarily mean such an agency offers the best solution for job creation. The net gain in revenue has not resulted in an equitable distribution of benefits. The ethics of planners should be held to a higher standard by their peers and resident populations, however low income populations who could benefit most from relationships with public entities are often left out of the planning process. Though the Eastsid e Redevelopment Agency has made efforts to include the public in the planning process, influence of resident stakeholders becomes less weighted during the goal prioritization phase during which public officials make the final decisions concerning

PAGE 86

86 project f unding. Therefore planning practitioners need to hold themselves accountable and evaluate program success more critically. Approach Low income neighborhoods with concentrated poverty exist partially due to the public policies that have continually favored sprawling development, thereby drawing affluent and middle income households and their resources out of cities and into suburbs. The growing physical distance between where low income people live and where higher income people live has meant decreased opp ortunities in low income neighborhoods over time. The involvement of government in encouraging concentrated poverty has created a need for government to aid low income neighborhoods in reversing this situation. However local redevelopment programs focused on large scale projects via the trickle down approach have rarely led to socio economic gains for low income residents, hence fueling the debate concerning CRAs. The theoretical basis of this study is that though CRAs often successfully raise property valu es and tax revenues, they may not actually be having a positive impact on job creation and reducing poverty (Krumholz, 1991). This debate has provided the foundation on which this study was developed, providing grounds for an evaluation of the effectivenes s of CRAs to improve socio economic conditions. Findings reveal that the Incorporated Eastside case study has not revealed gains in socio economic conditions over time, despite the establishment of a CRA. In spite of similar results elsewhere, local redev elopment programs geared toward promoting economic stability in economically distressed neighborhoods continue to pour the majority of their funds into the physical development of the area with little direct investment in the people (Fitzgerald, 1993). The implications of this study for theory of

PAGE 87

87 local community redevelopment is that investment in the redevelopment of large scale projects may not be the most efficient means to create jobs. This study suggests a need to evaluate the effectiveness of these pr ograms and rethink approaches. Alternative approaches as discussed in the literature review, emphasize programs that directly benefit area residents themselves. Initiatives to make education and work force training more responsive to the economy are criti cal to the success of community redevelopment that seeks to benefit low income and minority residents. Lower attainment of high school and bachelor degrees contribute to higher rates of tainment are reduction of poverty are essential to stabilizing local economies and producing environments conducive to economic mobility (Sharkey, 2009). Therefore, utilization of a resident targeted approach, which emphasizes workforce development may offer greater socio economic gains if utilized by community redevelopment programs. Limitations This study has relied upon available data in the form of scholarly literature, Ce nsus Data, and local government documentation; however this limits the ability to Interviews involving residents, CRA officials, Alachua County and City of Gainesville officials w ould allow for a more in depth analysis of stakeholder influence on the redevelopment process. Census and statistical data fail to reflect the actual experiences residents have had with the redevelopment efforts. Interviews and surveys may not change the n umbers but these anecdotal resources could offer further insight into activity surrounding the redevelopment. In addition, an empirical study using statistical

PAGE 88

88 analysis to assess causality between establishment of a CRA and changes to socio economic condit ions would be informative. Final Word on Findings The redevelopment plans have promised increased jobs and opportunities for all residents regardless of income, yet benefits seem to have eluded the low income residents who could benefit the most from incre ased job opportunities Findings confirm that CRAs are more likely to provide subsidies that benefit the private developer, than the low income residents, confirming that local government is acting more and more like a business. In addition, alternative app roaches may offer greater socio economic gains, but further research is necessary to reach conclusions. Overall this study offers a glimpse into the debate concerning CRA profits, benefits, and outcomes. Chapter 6 will provide further concluding remarks ab out this study, recommendations, and future research opportunities

PAGE 89

89 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS The growing inequality of opportunities available in low income neighborhoods compared to more affluent neighborhoods has meant a greater concentration of poverty has addressed the needs of low income neighborhoods through creation of programs targ eted redevelopment strategy is designating an economically distressed community as a Community Redevelopment Area. Community Redevelopment Agencies use economic development tools such as tax increment financing to spur investment and redevelopment through capturing the additional taxes that result from designating an area as a redevelopment district. Dependency on TIF generated revenues creates an environment that encourages agencies to act like a business, which has meant priority of projects goes to those that yield the highest return in TIF profits. As the popularity of CRAs increases due in part to the ability of local governments to use TIF once they have established a Community Redevelopment Agency and adopted the redevelopment plan, evaluation is need ed to determine the effectiveness of CRAs. Urban policies such as urban renewal have continually targeted redevelopment programs in declining low income neighborhoods in order to address problems of concentrated poverty, lack of affordable housing, and une mployment. The recent popularity of using CRAs to address these problems has created a situation reminiscent of earlier urban redevelopment that failed to provide affordable housing or employment assistance for low income residents. Instead, developers and private investors benefited from large subsidies and cheap land. Learning from past mistakes of

PAGE 90

90 redevelopment programs and lack of oversight that took place, evaluation of public policies and programs is essential in order to ensure the community actually benefits from the redevelopment. Though current redevelopment agencies, including the Incorporated Eastside Community, embrace elements of mixed income housing, improvement of cultural amenities, and commitment to job creation, these redevelopment agencie s seem to be operating with the main objective of raising property values and taxes, not directly investing in the labor force. Even if the Incorporated Eastside Community does offer potential jobs in the future, the CRA thus far has not invested in the hu man capital of the community directly. In order to enable greater success in job creation and retention in the future, investment in the labor force to make job training and education programs more responsive to the economy is needed. Rather than waiting f or low wage jobs to be created after investing millions of dollars in huge capital improvements and large industries, increased emphasis on empowering and uplifting this community is needed, not simply looking for ways to provide minimum wage jobs. Recomme ndations Therefore, in order to reach greater success in socio economic gains, the Eastside CRA must make workforce development a greater component of the Community Redevelopment Plan. The following outlines several steps the Eastside CRA can take to inves t in workforce development and why each contributes to workforce development. Identify a Target Employment Sector Sectors should be targeted based on growth rates, number of entry level jobs, living wages, and potential for advancement (Fitzgerald and Le igh, 2002). Identifying county or municipal economic development

PAGE 91

91 goals and initiatives can offer a starting point for the CRA to target workforce development toward specific sectors. Create an Inventory of potential partners to be included in a workforce d evelopment network initiatives involve a network of providers that offer a comprehensive range of services Furthermore researc h confirms that job placement is only part of successful workforce development. Prior to job placement, social support services may be required to prepare the resident for full time employment. These services range from drug treatment and psychological co unseling to planning for day care and transportation (Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002). In addition, social service support offered after job placement can aid in resolving problems, which can lead to greater job retention and advancement opportunities. Exampl es of potential partners and potential roles for each type of partner are described in Table 6 1. Identify an intermediary or create one as part of the Community Redevelopment Plan Having a network of service providers is only as effective as the delivery and Leigh, 2002, pg. 208). Intermediaries foster collaborations and partnerships in ord er to achieve goals and objectives of the workforce initiative, as well as reach specific partner goals. For example, the Seattle Jobs Initiative created subcommittees for each targeted sector, which included b rokers who served as the intermediaries betwee n

PAGE 92

92 employers and clients, working with community based organizations to improve training in order to better prepare workers for specific sector jobs. Encourage local training and education providers to be more responsive to the needs of prominent workfor ce sectors As described in Fitzgerald and Leigh (2002), encouraging education providers to be more responsive to the needs of targeted workforce development matches training programs and education to targeted sectors to positions for differing client skill levels. This system provides low income residents with jobs that have potential adv ancement opportunities due to job placement in growing sectors, instead of simply placing individuals in low wage jobs that have little opportunity for advancement, which has often been the case with many federal job training programs (Fitzgerald and Leigh 2002). Critical to the success of a resident targeted approach is the need for community redevelopment practitioners to acknowledge education gaps between low income residents and sector demands as a community redevelopment problem. Acknowledging this e ducation gap is the first step toward Focus on improving employment retention and identifying opportuni ties for advancement Two key components to workforce development and perhaps the most challenging are increasing employment retention and opportunities for employment advancement. The Seattle Jobs Initiative offers several strategies to address job retent ion and opportunities for advancement. One example is a peer mentoring

PAGE 93

93 program, which offers methods to overcoming workplace issues such as lack of diversity that can lead to uncomfortable situations for minority clients. In addition, the Seattle Jobs Ini tiative collaborated with employers to created employment ladders coupled with training programs in an effort to increase the possibility of employment advances. Establish a precedent and system for accountability and evaluation (feedback mechanisms must be built into the program) As this study has pointed out, evaluation and effective feedback mechanisms are essential to creating a responsive community redevelopment strategy that adapts to changing needs of the community. In addition, evaluation can pro mote accountability through tracking and comparing program goals and outcomes. Further Research This study has mainly focused on explaining the problems that exist in low income communities and describing certain measures taken to alleviate these problems In addition, findings revealed a need to pursue alternative measures to community redevelopment that are more conducive to generating jobs and improving human capital. Exploring these types of alternatives and conducting an outcome based evaluation provi des further evidence that alternative approaches can offer greater socio economic gains. Additional, studies could include an evaluation that compares the trickle down approach to the resident targeted approach in order to draw more conclusive results conc erning which method provides greater socio economic gains for low income residents in the redevelopment area. In addition, conducting an evaluation that compares several CRAs would offer greater understanding of the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of CRAs to improve socio economic conditions by focusing on CRAs

PAGE 94

94 that have invested in social programs as well as physical enhancements. Lastly conducting an empirical based study between different communities would provide needed statistical evidence to support the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of resident targeted approach over the trickle down approach.

PAGE 95

95 Table 6 1 Examples of partners in l ocal Workforce Development s ystem Partnership Organization Roles COMMUNITY COLLEGES & TECH Sante Fe Community College Florida SIATech at Gainesville Job Corps Center Professional Academy Magnet at Loften High School Offers certificate and associate degree programs Provide career counseling and job placement assistance Provide technical assistance to employers COMMUNIT Y BASED ORGANIZATIONS Innovation Gainesville Gainesville Community Foundation Gainesville Technology Enterprise Center Boys & Girls Club of Alachua County East Gainesville Development Corporation Recruit community residents for training programs Provide literacy tied to education and training programs Offer career counseling and assessment Refer residents to support services while in education or training programs SOCIAL SERVICE AGENCIES Gainesville Housing Authority Alachua County Housing Authority Ala chua Family Services Center Dept. of Social Services (Alachua County) Provide transportation Recruit community residents Refer for health care (including mental health) Provide day care ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AGENCIES & ORGANIZATIONS Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency Gainesville Office of Economic Development Gainesville Council for Economic Outreach Alachua County Chamber of Commerce Identify emerging employment and training needs of local employers Identify key industries and occupation for bu ilding comprehensive economic and workforce development programs Recruit employers to advise on education and training programs EMPLOYERS TARGET SECTORS Technology Health Care Education Advise on curriculum Encourage students through job shadowing an d mentoring programs Provide internships for students and teachers Establish hiring agreement (Adapted from Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002, pg. 206)

PAGE 96

96 Table 6 1 Continued Partnership Organization Roles LA BOR Advise on curriculum Work with employers on restructuring occupations Establish new points of entry for apprenticeships programs UNIVERSITIES University of Florida Offer baccalaureate programs for graduates of associate degree programs in technical fields as part of 2+2+2 tech prep programs Serve as intermediaries in developing integrated workforce development systems Provide data and analysis on workforce related issues HIGH SCHOOLS Professional Academy Magnet at Loften High School Eastside High School Buchholtz High School Gainesville High Sch ool P.K. Yonge Developmental Research School Provide technical preparation (tech prep) curricula Encourage students to pursue careers in technical fields through career awareness, internships, etc. Provide college and job placement assistance (Adapted fr om Fitzgerald and Leigh, 2002, pg. 206)

PAGE 97

97 APPENDIX A CONDITIONS OF BLIGHT The following conditions are identified by the Florida Legislature in the Redevelopment Act (Section 163.340) as being indicative of blight: (a) Predominance of defective or inadequ ate street layout, parking facilities, roadways, bridges, or public transportation facilities; (b) Aggregate assessed values of real property in the area for ad valorem tax purposes have failed to show any appreciable increase over the 5 years prior to the finding of such conditions; (c) Faulty lot layout in relation to size, adequacy, accessibility, or usefulness; (d) Unsanitary or unsafe conditions; (e) Deterioration of site or other improvements; (f) Inadequate and outdated building density patterns; (g) Falling lease rates per square foot of office, commercial, or industrial space compared to the remainder of the county or municipality; (h) Tax or special assessment delinquency exceeding the fair value of the land; (i) Residential and commercial vacancy rates higher in the area than in the remainder of the county or municipality; (j) Incidence of crime in the area higher than in the remainder of the county or municipality; (k) Fire and emergency medical service calls to the area proportionately higher tha n in the remainder of the county or municipality; (l) A greater number of violations of the Florida Building Code in the area than the number of violations recorded in the remainder of the county or municipality; (m) Diversity of ownership or defective or unusual conditions of title which prevent the free alienability of land within the deteriorated or hazardous area; or (n) Governmentally owned property with adverse environmental conditions caused by a public or private entity.

PAGE 98

98 APPENDIX B LOCAL GOVERNM ENT DOCUMENTS DATE PUBLISHED (most recent to oldest) DOCUMENT TITLE AUTHOR 2011 Alachua County Comprehensive Plan Alachua County 2011 Alachua County Eastside Community Redevelopment Area: Finding of Necessity Report Alachua County 2010 Community Redeve lopment Plan for the Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency Fisher, Kelly H and Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency 2010 Gainesville CRA Annual Report Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency 2008 Gainesville CRA Annual Report Gainesville Com munity Redevelopment Agency 2006 Gainesville CRA Annual Report Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency 2006 Eastside Community Redevelopment Plan Asset Property Disposition, Inc. & Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency 2003 Plan East Gainesville : Final Report Renaissance Planning Group and Metropolitan Transportation Planning Organization in Association with Alachua County, City of Gainesville, Gainesville Regional Utilities, and Florida Department of Transportation.

PAGE 99

99 APPENDIX C CENSUS DATA A ll data in the following table is extracted from block group level data except for Labor Force and Education statistics from the 2005 2009 ACS estimates. Where block group data was not available, tract level data was used to provide an estimate. However i t should be noted that this estimate is for a larger area. Three tracts make up the Unincorporated area 6, 7 and 14. The percent of people in the Labor force was divided by the population (5980 / 11054) of the three tracts to find the percentage of the pop ulation in the labor force for 2005 2009 ACS estimates. Eight tracts make up the Incorporated area 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, and 19.02.The percent of people in the Labor force was divided by the population of the tracts (21,151/ 38693) to find the percentage of the population in the labor force for 2005 2009 ACS estimates

PAGE 100

100 Table C 1 Census Data Characteristic Unincorporated Eastside 1990 Unincorporate d Eastside 2000 Unincorporated Eastside ACS 2005 2009 Incorporated Eastside 1990 Incorporated Eastside 2000 Incorporated Eastside A CS 2005 2009 Population 5949 6318 6543 22535 26521 27763 Percent of Population with HS Degree 20.5% 43.02% 21.4% 11.7% 34.4% 12.5% Percent of Population with BS Degree 3.5% 3.7% 4.11% 6.6% 6.3% 3.9% % of Population in Labor Force (16 & older) 42.9% 33.65% 54.1% 49.1% 45.3% 54.6% % Labor Force Employed 92% 93.6% 83.1% 90.1% 87.9% 88.95% % Labor Force Unemployed (Unemployment Rate) 8% 6.4% 16.9% 9.9% 12.1% 11.05% Households 1880 1945 2064 9,477 11444 11421 Owner Occupied 1242 1205 1219 32 28 3334 3860 Rate of Homeownership 66% 61.2% 61% 34% 29.1% 33.8% Median Household Income ($) $38,144.98 $36,054.31 $31,966 $27,057.07 $31,653.43 $23,014 Percent of Population Living in Poverty 28.15% 22.59% 33.7% TRACT 24.79% 39.40% 43.5% TRACT HH r eceiving Public Assistance 14.52% 7.4% 2.08% 11.9% 6.04% 2%

PAGE 101

101 LIST OF REFERENCES Alachua County. (2011) Alachua County Comprehensive Pl an. Retrieved October 23, 2011, from< http://growth management.alachuacounty.us/comprehensive_ planning/index.php > Alachua County GIS Department (2011) Generated by Crystal Torres. Data retrieved from < http: //growth management.alachuacounty.us/gis_services/gis_data/ > Alachua County Growth Management. (2011) Alachua County Eastside Community Redevelopment Area: Finding of Necessity Report Appledom, Brenda (2006) City Beautiful: Establishing Community Redevelo pment Areas in Florida. Conservation Clinic, Center for Government Responsibility. University of Florida Levin College of Law Asset Property Disposition, Inc. & Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency (2006).Eastside Community Redevelopment Plan Bingham, R D., & Zhang, Z. (2001). The economies of central city neighborhoods. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. Brennan, J. and Hill, E. W.(2005). America's Central Cities and the Location of Work. Journal of the American Planning Association, 71(4), 411 432 Br iggs, X. S. (2005). The geography of opportunity: Race and housing choice in metropolitan America. Washington D.C: Brookings Institution Press. Brown, A. and Wildavsky, A. (1984) What Should Evaluation Mean to Implementation. In Pressman, J. and A. Wildavs ky, Implementation. Berkley; University of California Cashin, S. (2004). The failures of integration: How race and class are undermining the American dream New York: Public Affairs. Chen, H. (1990) Beyond the Entrepreneurial City: Municipal Capitalism in San Diego. Journal of Urban Affairs 24(5),556 581 Chicago Job Council. (2008). Opportunity Chicago: Our Strategies. In Opportunity Chicago. Retrieved October 22, 2011, from Cloward, R. A., & Ohlin, L. E. (1960). Delinquency and opportunity: A theory of delinquent gangs. Glencoe, Ill: Free Press. Crawford Lee, M., & Hunter, P. (2009). A People centred Approach to Economic Development (PCED): Brokering Economic Inclusion as a Route Way to Improving Competitiveness. Local Economy, 24(6/7), 473 486

PAGE 102

102 DeGrove, J.M. and Turner, R. (1998). Local Government: Coping with Massive and Sustained Growth. In Huckshorn, Robert J. ed. Government and Politics in Florida, 2 nd Ed. Gainesville: University of P ress of Florida DeLaney, K. D. (2004). Pursuit of agency profits: An evaluation of community redevelopment agencies in Florida. Thesis (Ph. D.) -Florida Atlantic University Dreier, Peter, John Mollenkopf, and Todd Swanstrom. 2004. Place Matters: Metropolit ics for the Twenty First Century, 2nd ed. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas Duany, A., Plater Zyberk, E., & Speck, J. (2010). Suburban nation: The rise of sprawl and the decline of the American dream. New York: North Point Press. Fisher, Kelly H. (2 010) Community Redevelopment Plan for the Eastside Community Redevelopment Agency. Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency. Fitzgerald, Joan. (1993) Labor Force, Education, and Work. In R.D. Bingham and R. Mier, Theories of Local Economic Development: P erspectives Across the Disciplines (pp. 125 146) Newbury Park: Sage Publications. Fitzgerald, J., & Leigh, N. G. (2002). Economic revitalization: Cases and strategies for city and suburb Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage Publications. Florida Department of Econo mic Opportunity (2011) Florida Evaluation and Appraisal of Comprehensive Plans. Retrieved on October 11, 2011 from . Frieden, B. J., & Sagalyn, L. B. (1989). Downtown, Inc: How America rebuilds cities. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency (2006 Annual Report. Ga inesville, Florida. Retrieved from < http://www.gainesvillecra.com/index.php > Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency (2008) Annual Report. Gainesville, Florida. Retrieved from < http://www.gainesvillecra.com/index.php > Gainesville Community Redevelopment Agency (2009) Eastside Area Plan. Gainesville, Florida. Retrieved from < h ttp://www.gainesvillecra.com/redev_eastside_plan.php > Hannerz, U. (1969). Soulside: Inquiries into Ghetto Culture and Community. Ihlanfeldt, Keith. (1994) The Spatial Mismatch Between Jobs and Residential Location Within Urbn Areas. Cityscape. 1(1), 224

PAGE 103

103 K rumholz, Norman. (1991) Equity and Local Economic Development. Economic Development Quarterly. 5 (4) Levy, J. M. (2009). Contemporary urban planning. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Pearson/Prentice Hall. corner Men. Boston: Little,Brown. Renaissance Planning Group (2003) Plan East Gainesville: Final Report. Metopolitan Transportation Planning Organization in Association with Alachua County, City of Gainesville, Gainesville Regional Utilities, and Florida D epartment of Transportation. Rogers, C. & Tao, J. (2004) Quasi Experimental Analysis of Targeted Economic Development Programs: Lessons From Florida. Economic Development Quarterly. Vol. 18 No. 3 Rosenstreich, David L. (1997) The Role of Cockroach Allergy and Exposure to Cochroach Allergen in Causing Morbidity Among Inner city Children with Asthma. New England Journal of Medicine 336 (19) Schalock, R. L. (2001). Outcome based Evaluation. Springer Science & Business Media. Retrieved from EBSCOhost. Scheirer, Mary Ann. (1994) Designing and Using Process Evaluation. In Wholey, J. S., Hatry, H. P., & Newcomer, K. E. (2010). Handbook of practical program evaluation. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Sharkey, Patrick. (2009) Neighborhoods and the Black White Mobility G ap. Economic Mobility Project Simon, W. H. (2001). The community economic development movement: Law, business, and the new social policy. Durham [N.C.: Duke University Press. U.S. Census Bureau; American Community Survey, 2005 2009 Summary Tables; generate d by Crystal Torres; using American FactFinder; Retrieved from < http://factfinder.census.gov > U.S. Census Bureau; Census 1990, Summary File 3; generated by Crystal Torres; using American FactFinder; Retrieved f rom < http://factfinder.census.gov > U.S. Census Bureau; Census 2000, Summary File 3; generated by Crystal Torres; using American FactFinder; Retrieved from < http://fact finder.census.gov > Wilson, Julius W. (1987) The Truly Disadvantages: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

PAGE 104

104 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Crystal Torres he University of Florida. Her undergraduate research focused on sustainable transportation alternatives. She will graduate in December 2011, with a Master of Arts in Urban and sts include transportation, community redevelopment, and sustainable urban design.