Switching Cameras

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Title:
Switching Cameras Newspaper Photographers Transitioning to Online Videography
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1 online resource (126 p.)
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english
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Johnson,Kecia Anrio
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University of Florida
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Degree:
Master's ( M.A.M.C.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Mass Communication, Journalism and Communications
Committee Chair:
McAdams, Melinda J
Committee Members:
Cleary, Johanna
Armstrong, Cory

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Subjects / Keywords:
adoption -- journalism -- news -- newspaper -- newsroom -- online -- photographer -- photojournalist -- skills -- video
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
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Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.
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government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

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Abstract:
By analyzing factors that affect the work of photojournalists, this study attempts to present a well-rounded view of how photojournalism and U. S. newsrooms are affected by the adoption of online video. Through a survey of photographers, the research uses the social constructivist theory to examine the process of video adoption within the social context of the newsroom. This research shows that most news photographers are regularly shooting video, but still photo assignments make up the majority of their work duties. This study also found that the addition of online video has not drastically affected the organizational structure of newsrooms outside of the change in job titles for photographers and technological infrastructure required for their new roles. Finally, this research shows that most photographers have developed perceptions of their audience?s characteristics and interests, and news organizations typically produce the type of video that they assume the audience wants to view.
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
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Includes bibliographical references.
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Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
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This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Kecia Anrio Johnson.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local:
Adviser: McAdams, Melinda J.

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Applicable rights reserved.
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lcc - LD1780 2011
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UFE0043458:00001


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1 SWITCHING CAMERAS: NEWSPAPER PHOTOGRAPHERS TRANSITIONING TO ONLINE VIDEOGRAPHY By KECIA A. JOHNSON A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATON UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011

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2 2011 Kecia A. Johnson

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3 my Lord and Savior Jesus finish this thesis. To Jesus, with all m y love and sincere appreciation

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my parents, family, friends, fellow students and co workers who have supporte d me and encouraged me throughout my years in graduate school. I would also like to thank my committee for their constructive criticism and participation in helping me complete this final thesis project. I appreciate my chair, Melinda McAdams, for her exp ertise and knowledge in this study area, and my committee members, Cory Armstrong and Johanna Cleary. Above all else, the excitement and faith they expressed in my research helped throughout the semesters I spent working toward the final vision we develope d for this study. Their direction has been invaluable. Finally, a special thanks to the multimedia journalists and news photographers at the Miami Herald for being the inspiration for my research, and to the National Press Photographers Association for hel ping me recruit respondents for my survey research.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 7 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 10 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 15 ................................ ................................ .......................... 16 Training ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 17 Innovation and Fear ................................ ................................ ......................... 20 ................................ ................................ ..... 22 News Photographers as Journalists ................................ ................................ ....... 24 ................................ ................................ ...................... 27 Routines in Online News Production ................................ ................................ 27 Ro utines of News Photographers ................................ ................................ ..... 28 Changing Work Practices ................................ ................................ ................. 30 Newsroom and Organizational Routines ................................ ................................ 34 Organizational Norms ................................ ................................ ....................... 35 Newsroom Culture ................................ ................................ ............................ 36 Organizational Development ................................ ................................ ............ 36 Convergence ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 38 Changing Organizational Structure ................................ ................................ .. 39 Workflow ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 43 Departmental structure ................................ ................................ .............. 45 Extra Media Influences ................................ ................................ ........................... 47 Internet Technology ................................ ................................ .......................... 47 Societal Factors ................................ ................................ ................................ 48 Broadband access ................................ ................................ ..................... 49 MiniDV camcorders and video shar ing web sites ................................ ...... 50 What We Know Now ................................ ................................ ............................... 51 The Economics of Newspapers ................................ ................................ ........ 52 The Statistics of Online News Video ................................ ................................ 53 Photojournalists Blog about Transition to Video ................................ ............... 54 New Skills, Roles and Duties ................................ ................................ ............ 57 Relevant Theory ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 61 Relevant Definitions of the Present Study and Research Questions ...................... 68 the Adoption of Video in Newspaper Newsrooms? ................................ ....... 68

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6 udience Relate to the Quality or Type of Online Video That is Produced for the Web Site? ...... 70 RQ3: How Do Changes in Organizational Structure Relate to the Production of Online Video Content in Newspaper Newsrooms? ................................ ... 70 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 73 4 RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 78 RQ1: How H ave Work Practices Changed as a Result of the Adoption of Video in Newspaper Newsrooms? ................................ ................................ ................. 79 Quality or Type of Online Vi deo That is Produced for the Web Site? .................. 82 RQ3: How Do Changes in Organizational Structure Relate to the Production of Online Video in Newspaper Newsrooms? ................................ ........................... 83 5 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 92 RQ1: How Have Work Practices Changed as a Result of the Adoption of Video in Newspaper Newsrooms? ................................ ................................ ................. 93 Quality or Type of Online Video That is Produced for the Web Site? .................. 96 RQ3: How Do Changes in Organiz ational Structure Relate to the Production of Online Video in Newspaper Newsrooms? ................................ ......................... 100 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 103 APPENDIX: SURVEY ................................ ................................ ................................ 109 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 118 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 126

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7 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4 1 ................................ ................................ ............ 85 4 2 Comparison of employment status as a photographer by age (years) ............... 85 4 3 Time spent shooting a typical video ................................ ................................ .... 86 4 4 Time spent editing and producing a typical video ................................ ............... 86 4 5 Frequency respondents are expected to collect both still photos and video on a single assignment ................................ ................................ ....................... 86 4 6 Shooting video requires a photojournalist to carry too much equipment on assign ments ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 88 4 7 Perceived audience demand and media category ................................ .............. 88 4 8 Most viewers would rather see audio slideshows than online vide o ................... 89 4 9 ............ 89 4 10 Type of video most commonly viewed on your n ................ 89 4 11 Who you are most concerned with pleasing ................................ ....................... 90 4 12 Opinions of the audience ................................ ................................ .................... 90

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8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 ................................ ............................ 72 4 1 Years of employment as a p rofessional news photographer .............................. 85 4 2 Frequency respondents were expected to complete assignments ..................... 87 4 3 Number of assignments re spondents receive in a typical day ............................ 87 4 4 Perceived audience demand and media category ................................ .............. 88 4 5 Most photographers report to/ answ er to ................................ ............................ 90 4 6 .............. 91 4 7 News organizations provide appropriate eq uipment/ technology for video ......... 91

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9 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communica tion SWITCHING CAMERAS: NEWSPAPER PHOTOGRAPHERS TRANSITIONING TO ONLINE VIDEOGRAPHY By Kecia A. Johnson August 2011 Chair: Melinda McAdams Major: Mass Communication By analyzing factors that affect the work of photojournalists, this study attempts to present a well rounded view of how photojournalism and U. S. newsrooms are affected by the adoption of online video. Thr ough a survey of photographer s, the research uses the social constructivist theory to examine the process of video adoption within the social context of the newsroom. This research shows that most news photographers are regularly shooting video, but still photo assignments make up the majority of their work duties. This study also found that the addition of online video has not drasti cally affected the organizational structure of newsrooms outside of the change in job titles for photographers and technological infrastructure required for their new roles. Finally, this research shows that most photographers have developed perceptions o interests, and news organizations typically produce the type of video that they assume the audience wants to view.

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10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Journalism is a profession marked by change. Practitioners have to be flexi ble in handling the abrupt interruptions of daily routines such as breaking news and shifting deadlines, as well as coping with ongoing organizational changes. For journalists, accepting change means acknowledging that journalism can never be confined to a specific set of practices or skills because it is constantly evolving (Gade, 2004; Gade & Perry, 2003). Research has shown that during periods of transition and change in journalism, newspaper job ads reflect different hiring standards when it comes to th e knowledge, skills and ability they expect new employees to possess (Cleary & Cochie, forthcoming). The researchers showed that in the past three decades employers are particularly interested in finding employers who are able to perform more tasks on thei r own in a focused, driven and efficient manner (Cleary & Cochie, forthcoming). In the new media landscape, journalists are often taking cues from an audience which has been empowered to be in control of its media choices in terms of timing, format and pla tform. However, increasingly newspapers are focusing less on how to capture audiences with a single platform and more on providing content in different ways and through multiple forms of distribution (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2009). This organ izational trend requires adopting new technologies and skills in the newsroom. Technology was historically an essential part of news photography, requiring photographers to understand cameras, lenses, lighting and the chemistry and equipment used in film processing and printing (Russial, 2000). Ever since digital imaging entered newsrooms in the early photojournalists have been expected to adjust to new training and hiring criteria (Russial & Wanta, 1998), equipment and

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11 software (Fahmy & Smith, 2003; Tirohl, 2000), work practices and archiving (Bossen, Davenport & Randle, 2006; Russial, 2000), ethical standards (Newton, 2000; Lowery, 2003; Winslow, 2009) and now job roles, as some are taking on the broader title of digital journalist or visual communi cator with the advent of multimedia production (Newton, 2000; Russial, 2008). Although this research acknowledges the importance of technology in photojournalism, using the social constructivist theory this study sheds light on the entire new media climat e and culture of newsrooms that have led to staff photographers becoming more involved with multimedia production The social constructivist theory is a sociological theory of knowledge. The theory process t hat takes pla ce because of interac tions in a group, and it argues t hat learning cannot be separated from its social context (Graduate Student Instructor Teaching and Research Center UC Berkley, n.d.; Vygotsk y & Cole, 1978). Since this research is grounded in social con structivism it transition to shooting video for the onlin e version of the newspaper is simply a matter of learning to operate new media technology T herefore this study does not emphasize the video softw are, equ ipment and technology that have been introduced to news photographers Instead, the research asks, w hat other factors have shaped how photojournalists embrac ed video work as a part of the profession ? T he social constructivist theor y allows the adoption of online video to be examined as a learning process which is shaped by the complex interaction between photojournalists, their work routines, their perceptions of the audience and newsroom environments and structures.

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12 This study build s on Paulussen and Ugil le (2008) who used the social constructivist theory to study the adoption of interactivity and user generated content in newsrooms. The researchers said that t he adoption process comprises three production factor s: work practices, organizational structure audience They create d ways to measure the adoption of interactivity in newsrooms by examining the cumulative affect the production factors had on the overall acceptance of new ways of doing journalism The present rese arch measur e s the extent to which a sample of U.S. photographers has adopted online video practices and the role of production and organizational factors in this process. In 2010, n inety four p rofessional photojournalists participated in a n online survey that investigated their experience with sh ooting and editing online video The questions in the survey were formed around the three production factors work practices, perception of the audience and organizational structure that build the photojournalists social environment at work. The survey measured how these factors were related to the adoption of online news video. The survey was mainly publicized through the National Press Photographers Association (NPPA) which is an organization that attracts the membership of professional news photographers because of its dedication to ethics and advancing the profession in the twenty first century. What has been missing in the literature about new media in U.S. newsrooms is a broad study of how visual journalism is expanding and how this is affecting professional photographers shooting video. By using the social constructivist theory this study was able to explore several concerns some professional news photographers have about adopting video practices and it gai ned insight about how they perceive their audience and changes in their work

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13 experience. Instead of focusing on the new technology that is being learned, the theory puts the photojournalist at the center of the research as an active learner who collaborate s with oth ers in order to bring meaning to new work experiences (Graduate Student Instructor Teaching and Research Center UC Berkley, n.d.; Vygotsky & Cole, 1978). Studying news photographers in the social context of the work place will help identify areas for further research and solidify respect for them as a significant subgroup of journalists in the newsroom. For the purposes of this study, online video or videography will refer to video which is produced by profession al journalists for a newspaper w eb site. Newspaper photographers may also be referred to as photojournalists, visual journalists or visual communicators throughout this research, because in twenty first century media their work is often referred to as visual journalism (Newton, 2000). There fore this research with a range of subgenres published or broadcast with accompanying w ords and usually as part of a package that may include other visual elements, such as headlines, charts still photographs in print media, the term is increasingly includes television news, which is predominately video but occasionally uses still photos, and Internet news, which is know n for simultaneously using several different visual media to tell a story (Newton, 2000). Visual communication researchers will benefit from a quantitative study that describes the views and experiences of photojournalists working in U.S. newsrooms

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14 during a time of great change. This study expands the body of research on photojournalists and visual communication. Even though media sociologists have developed a significant body of research about the production of news content, photojournalism has been largely excluded and ignored in these studies (Bolack, 2001). Newsrooms may benefit from the practical nature of this research by comparing their o Finally, the adoption of new practices and platforms may affect not only how news is produced but also what content newspapers decide to publish in their online and print editions. In 2005 video started b ecoming prevalent on newspaper w eb sites (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2006). A couple years after news organizations started to invest in video practices and technology, newspapers began facing wide spread layo ffs and buyouts. Between 2008 and 2009 there were approximately 14,000 reported layoffs in all newspaper jobs (Smith, 2011), and between 2007 and 2010 approximately 13,500 full time journalists lost their jobs (ASNE, 2011). In addition to taking up the sla ck left by so many job losses, photojournalists also had to learn to use new equipment and to tell stories in new ways. In light of the social constructivist theory, t his study examines that experience and its impact on the work of photojournalists.

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15 CHAPT ER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW the levels of influence on news content to organize and guide the discussion of news photographers and online video. Visually the model uses a group of fiv e concentric circles to represent the different influences that affect the daily news content which is at the center of the model (Lawrence, 2006; Shoemaker and Reese, 1996). Throughout the years the levels of influence have remained similar in conception if original model in attempts to more accurately describe how the interaction between the levels of influence affect content (Keith, 2010). This research will cover how thes e levels organizational routines, and social or extra media affect news content (Pang, 2010; Shoemaker and Reese, 1996). According to Keith (2010), Shoemaker and Ree model of influences on media content should be reconceptualized to acknowledge the persistent lack of established routines in professional multimedia journalism and to better account for the production power of individual new media producers. Several account for the dynamic influences on journalism (Lawrence, 2006). and broadcast content and prod uction (Keith, 2010) as well as to explore the idea that some levels of influence are generally more powerful than others at shaping media content. This research will not argue that any one level of influence has had more direct or immediate effects on onl ine video content nor will it examine relationships among the

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16 a road map leading to a better understanding of how professional news photographers have experienced online video. For example, this research will not discuss the fifth level of influence, which is media ideology, but instead it will explore what we know now about the new media landscape and online journalism, specifically online video. Like Shoemaker and Reese also focus in large part on factors that are related to production. content and are i nvolved in the conception, research, framing and production of online video. The transition news photographers make to shooting and editing video is more than just a change in camera and equipment because it often requires a change in their mindset and the way they approach news stories and interviews. Factors intrinsic to the journalist and how journalists view their audience are thought to have strong influences on news content (Armstrong, 2006; Shoemaker and dset is concerned, this section will point to literature about the knowledge and training photojournalists need to feel confident media, their attitudes toward the audience or users, and the norms that shape how news photographers interact with and view themselves compared to other groups of journalists in the newsroom. All of these factors shape the mindsets of news photographers.

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17 Training Although newspapers are training repor ters to collect still images and video to go along with written assignments, photojournalists, because of their background in visual communication, are specifically being targeted to become videographers (Gitner, 2009 a ; Russial, 2008). For photojournalists to be confident and make a successful transition to shooting online video, training is a key step. The information age, which is need more information and knowledgeabl e workers (Quinn, 2002, p. 5). The demands of the information age also call for better educated journalists and organizations that invest in their staffs, and Quinn (2002) recognized that both are important for the evolution and survival of newsrooms. Quin n also argued that some of the key roles in the information age will require journalists to take information and make it more useful to the audience and find new ways to preserve knowledge for later adaptation. This will take training and skill, and ultima tely time and money (Quinn, 2002). According to Overman (2008), multimedia training and video skills, which include shooting and need skilled and experienced television vi deographers to shoot for their w eb sites and believes that skilled and knowledgeable leadership establishes standards for the workers (Overman, 2008). For most newspaper photographers the transition to online video required more than just a change in the type of camera they used. In most cases learning to shoot and edit video for news w eb sites required photojournalists to undergo training in videography, which could be formal training sessions sponsored by their news organizations or training they sought personally and paid for out of pocket. Training may

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18 have also taken the form of trial and error experimentation with capturing and producing video or learning from other journalists who already have video experience. In one study of public and commercial television companies in Spain and Britain, researchers found that training was regarded as essential in all the newsrooms studied (Aviles, Bienvenido, Sanders & Harrison, 2004). After several years of digitization of newsroom operations, several news dire ctors reported that the biggest challenge they faced in training journalists to adapt to new technologies was convincing them that it would make their lives easier (Aviles et al., 2004). According to the researchers, training often meant that journalists s pent their own time learning new skills in mostly technically oriented areas without financial compensation. The upside was that these training programs decreased the amount of time journalists spent on technical matters, which allowed them to pay more att ention to news content (Aviles et al., 2004). Training is not just about acquiring a new skill set, but training also affects the mindsets of workers. Several studies have shown how training relates to self efficacy and performance in employees. Aviles et al. (2004) found that training was important for our news programmes depends on journalists working rapidly and accurately, and with total confidence in their own abil Business literature consistently shows the influence training has on the mindsets of workers. One study used original survey and archival data from fac tory and office employees at a factory to study how differences in s kill and attitudes about work related to their job performance (Nollen & Gaertner, 1991). The research showed that factory workers who received on the job training and who had longer working experience

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19 received higher performance ratings than factory worke rs who did not. However, in the case of office workers, on the job training and work experience did not significantly affect performance ratings, but those who had positive attitudes about work received higher performance ratings. From these results Nolle n and Gaertner (1991) concluded that the way skill and attitudes affect job performance will depend on the type of work that is being done. Schwoerer, May, Hollensbe and Mencl (2005) found that training also affects self efficacy and performance expectancy According to their research, performance expectancy refers to the intention to meet and acceptance of performance expectations or goals. The authors make a clear distinction between performance expectancy and self efficacy because performance expectancy is defined as a cognitive intention while self increases experience with the relevant tasks and can enhance self efficacy, is expected to result in greater acceptance or intention to undertake the necessary action steps to meet performance goals. Therefore performance expectancy is a precursor to performance outcomes (Schwoerer et al., 2005 ). Their field study of young salespeople who participated in an intense training found that training experiences designed to equip participants to cope independently with a challenging work situation had a positive influence on work specific self efficacy

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20 acceptance of and intention to meet performance goals, which is performance expectancy. With in the context of the present research, results suggest that video training programs sponsored by news organizations could very well enhance the cognitive intention photojournalists have to make their best effort and meet the expectations of their employer s (Schwoerer et al., 2005) Work specific self efficacy beliefs focus on the specific competency relating to the skills needed for job performance. These beliefs influence the specific intentions photojournalists have to engage in the necessary means to ac complish goals and succeed in the work assignments related to online video. Innovation and Fear Introducing any innovation to an organization can cause fear and anxiety in employees, which may affect mental attitudes and the execution of work. Some reporte rs admit that incorporating entirely new technology is a source of added pressure (Aviles et al., 2004). The Internet, which extended the global reach of the media, coupled with experiments in convergence journalism, created a frightening environment for e ditors and reporters (Killebrew, 2002). Nguyen (2008) studied the develop ment of driven defensive innovation atte mpts at online publication (p. 91). This culture of fear and defensiveness led to perceptions of the Internet as a threat to traditional media instead of as presenting opportunities. Nguyen (2008) breaks up the development of online news into two stages. The fi 90s when news organizations felt pressured by the

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21 sudden and massive flow of online content led to the Internet being viewed as a commu nication revolution (Nguyen, 2008). But after establishing an online presence, in the second stage many newspapers lacked the time required to become technically, professionally and commercially prepared to harness the new media; journalists struggled to l earn new processes and adopt different values (Nguyen, 2008). Therefore in the first decade after establishing an online presence, the reluctance to invest resources into the training, research, development and exploration of online news led to settling fo multimedia presentation (Nguyen, 2008, p. 96). As a result, traditional media outlets treated the online edition as an extension of the print edition and never realized the full po affects the adoption and use of new capabilities in newsrooms. In a study of public and commercial broadcasters in Britain and Spain, Aviles et al. (2004) found that a ge made a significant difference in the mentality of reporters concerning the adoption of a new digital system in their newsrooms. Older reporters had a more negative view of the affects the digital system would have on the newsroom. When it came to econom ic issues, the older reporters in both countries were more likely to agree that a huge investment in new technology would cause news and staff budget to view the change s positively, as they felt the digital system would benefit their careers, and they were not as concerned about financial downsizing.

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22 Several questions can be raised concerning visual communicators who are learning to use new cameras, editing software and related concepts during a time of layoffs and great change in the news industry. How do fear and anxiety affect the work practices of photojournalists and the way they view the adoption of online video? How much did fear affect photojournalists adopting on line video? Were they afraid they woul d lose their jobs if they did not learn? News workers and industry observers assert that present and future journalists will be jobless unless they can tell stories using different media forms (Russial, 2008), and many believe newspapers already rely heavily on producing cross platform work; therefore, the future will require journalists to be skilled acro ss platforms (Becker, Lowrey & Daniels, 2005). Another important aspect of jo audience. This study aims to further the scholarly research in this area as it concerns photojournalists. Boczkowski (2004) studied journalists in general and found perceptions of the user to be the main produc tion factor influencing the adoption of perceptions of users in the context of value and quality of the user generated content. The researchers also considered the jour papers with strong commitment to the community paid more attention to reader contacts by encouraging readers to submit pictures and personal stories for the human interest sections. When it came to profession journalism, there was a growing realization of the importance of user generated content concerning the new technology and the qualit y and credibility of user generated content

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23 (Paulussen & influenced how they interacted with the public and the extent that newsrooms adopted interactive, new media capabilities. The s ubjective nature of visual journalism may be altering the trust between photojournalists and the audience. The audience mistrust may have implications for the way photojournalists perceive the audience. According to Newton (2000), in the twentieth century photography was used as irrefutable evidence, a view that drew support from empiricism, modernism and the scientific method, and at that time the field of photojournalism even made a move toward total objectivity. However, communications scholars eventuall y began to express their concerns about the idea of perspective of all things (Newton, 2000, p. ix). Today because digital imaging technology is so widespread in society, t he audience is aware of how easily visual reportage can be manipulated since the audience may also be shooting and editing video for the Web. Photojournalists may therefore view the public as a tech savvy audience with high expectations for the quality and ethics of professional video photojournalists may feel a sense of social responsibility and a greater need to earn and produce (Newton, 2000). percentage of national and local journalists who had a great deal of confidence in the tly since 1999. Several factors could be contributing to professional journalists losing faith in the audience and

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24 the report raises several questions. As news workers get closer to their audience, do they conclude that people have less wisdom than they th ought? Is market research influencing journalists to feel like they understand their audience more than they really to their views of news content? For example, do j ournalists feel like the news is leaving Americans unprepared to make wise decisions about complex news, or do journalists feel like news today is shallow and that their news organization is just giving the people what they want (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2007 )? According to Strauss (2008), News Photographers as Journalists Photojournalists have different mind sets than other journalists and should be studied as a unique group of news workers for several reasons (Lowrey, 2002) Historical figures and representations from the modern entertainment industry have largely shaped the public's view of photojournalists, which may lead the average person to label photojournalists as outgoing and aggressive (Freeman, 2004). For example, photojournalists are different from other news workers because their personalities must allow them to interact face to face with their sub jects in diverse settings and often for short time periods (Freeman, 2004). News photographers are also responsible for capturing images from assignments that involve death, injury, and pain, many of which mental hea l th professionals would consider traumat ic (Handschuh, Newman, & Simpson, 2003). It is also necessary to study photojournalists as a separate group of news workers because research shows that they have a distinct normative subculture and set of values different from the news workers in other dep artments (Filak, 2004;

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25 Lowrey, 2002; Lowrey, 2003). Simply put, this means that news photographers as a group tend to view issues differently than other groups of journalists in the newsroom. While much has been researched about journalism careers and job satisfaction, photojournalists have not been studied as extensively as other groups in the newsroom (Freeman, 2004). Most of the literature about photojournalists and the work they do surrounds the norms of this group and how digital imaging and technology changed work practices and ethics in news photography. Instead of looking at the work of journalists as a singular or monolithic effort, Lowrey (2002, 2003) used literature from the sociology of work to show how the newsroom is an environment of normative conflict where subgroups of journalists seek to control newsroom decision making. The author delved into the mindsets and norms of different groups of journalists as they sought influence in the newsroom. According to Homans (1950) norms specify what the members of the group or others outside the group should do, ought to do, and are expected to do under given circumstances, and these informal social rules often become clearer if a professional violates them (as cited in Lowrey, 2002, p. 417). Lowrey (200 2) found that visual journalists have been concerned with portraying themselves as journalists in the newsroom even though they reported that editors and reporters discussed journalistic knowledge (knowledge of stories, news values, and news judgment) as b eing over their heads (p. 420). However, according to Lowrey, as technicians to become

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26 among occupational subgroups and observance of distinct sets of norms affect the daily decision making about n ewspaper presentation work. Lowrey found that during negotiation, for the sake of the organization, visual journalists tried to avoid open conflict with other subgroups. In negotiation visual journalists, being the less dominant group, often compromise by adopting the norms of word journalists. Therefore, even though it is apparent that subgroups compete, Lowrey (2002) concluded that by dodging open conflict, subgroups may be sacrificing important debate about how news should be visually framed for the audi ence. These same subgroup norms were also shown to have a slight effect on digital standards (Lowrey, 2003). The research also showed that in matters of news judgment in t he ethics of photography, visual journalists rely on the advice of print editors and reporters in the dominant subculture. structures and normative patterns of complex news organizations. These conditions ultimately affect their mentality, work practices and decisions about news content. In video journalists and multimedia r eporters. These subgroups bring unique values and norms with them, which influence newsroom culture and the work practices of photojournalists and online video content.

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27 news value s on the back burner in order to avoid open conflict with other subgroups with different norms. If the research on the mindsets of journalists is applicable to photojournalists who also shoot and edit online video, it can be concluded that several factors might influence the way they view innovations in the newsroom and the way they approach changes in their routines. Norms not only set photojournalists apart from other groups in the newsroom, but norms also have been found to in fluence work routines. Routines are defined as habitual, patterned or repeated practices that are accepted as appropriate professional practices (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). Researchers have identified several routines in the production of news (Lowrey, 1999 ; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Tuchman,1978). This section will examine the literature on routines in online news production and the routines of photojournalists as well as the past and present changes in work practices for news photographers. Routines in Onli ne News Production Currently mass communication researchers are trying to pinpoint and establish patterns in the routines of online news production. In a study of participatory journalism, ere highly institutionalized, which means journalists were usually given a set number of planned assignments each day for which they tended to rely on prominent sources and official suppliers of information. In other words, there was not much enterprise in their daily schedules, and journalists tended to rely on the same organizations and representatives

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28 for interviews. Therefore, in daily routines professional journalists did not incorporate user generated content in the newsgathering process. The research ers found that some journalists were concerned because they thought working with user generated content would change their tasks and increase their workload. Also, Paulussen and Ugille (2008) showed that journalists did not see themselves having enough tim e, resources, and manpower to complete their core tasks, much less taking on the additional work of handling user generated content and interacting with users. In a similar study of online production rou tines, Chung (2007) found that w eb site producers wer e hesitant to fully adopt interactivity, citing specifically quality control of user contributions and cost concerns. Managing interactivity such as posting reporter e mail addresses and monitoring forum comments created more work in the newsroom. Routines of News Photographers It can be uncomfortable and even discouraging for journalists to change habitual and patterned behaviors. Routines help journalists manage organizational constraints and allow them to claim accuracy and objectivity by providing guide lines in how to cover news events (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996 ; Tuchman, 1978 ). According to Bolack (2001), visual journalists have adopted many of the qualities valued in print journalism. According to Rosenblum (1978), photojournalists are socialized into th e profession, and the social constraints of the work environment influence many aspects of their work, including the aesthetic qualities of their photographs (as cited in Bolack, 2001, p. 9). Working environments often seek to minimize the subjective and i nterpretive capabilities of photojournalism. By following the established norms, photographers are able to gain respect among editors and reporters (Gleason, 1998).The expectations for the roles of

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29 news photographers also have shifted from a technician to a journalist skilled in many areas related to news gathering, processing and presentation (Berry, 1976). Ohrn (1983) conducted an ethnographic study of photojournalists at three major metropolitan newspapers and examined how photojournalists work within th e organizational structure of their newspapers. Ohrn found a strong presence of routines in creating assignments, shooting assignments and selecting photos that would be published. Based on prior knowledge of an event, its participants and its location, p hotographers typically had one or more specific images in mind. The photojournalists types of assignments. She also found that it was routine for photographers to enter regional and national contests and that they valued assignments that have the potential to be contest winners (Ohrn, 1983). In a more recent ethnographic study of work routines and photojournalism practices in three metropolitan newsrooms, Bolack (2001) e xamined how work routines were influenced by norms and values and organizational beliefs and needs. Bolack also studied how these factors affected the content and aesthetics of newspaper photographs. From observation and face to face interviews the author found that photo editors and photographers followed many routines in their daily work to ensure that they would manage daily work flow and produce images that would meet the news the types of photographs their news organization valued, and they had methods for capturing these kinds of images as well as techniques to e nsure they did not overuse these methods in daily assignments. Photographers mentioned several practices for maintai ning their

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30 creativity in routine situations, rekindling their passion for photography outside of the newsroom, and finding new techniques to improve their skills. Some of these norms included challenging themselves to take photographs in new ways, pursuing personal photography and places to display work outside of the newspaper, and observing and asking fellow staff photographers for insight. Photographers also visualized the images they wanted to collect before arriving at the scene and drew from their pre vious experiences to strategize about how to capture those photographs. In summary, the photographers usually followed routines when composing and shooting assignments, but they were dedicated to reinventing mundane assignments. Changing Work Practices In general, journalists in the digital age are increasingly working in multimedia companies, and they are taking on additional roles, which Aviles et al. (2004) referred to ms, Aviles et al. (2004) predicted that multi skilling seems to be a trend that would increase in the near future mainly because of economic reasons. However, the researchers found that digitization and expanding work practices seem to have an ambivalent i mpact on journalism. For example, in the studied newsrooms, where Spanish organizations were further ahead in digitization than the British newsrooms, multi skilling required journalists to edit pictures for stories on their own personal computers and expa nd their focus, which had mainly been editorial content, making them more involved in photo found that the general view was that multi skilling was a desirable developme nt and a general requirement in most newsrooms. Editors reported that multi skilling resulted in higher quality news content because one person writes the text and edits the images for

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31 a better combination of words and visuals, increased versatility and sp eed in production, as one journalist could quickly make corrections and adjustments to stories without going through multiple channels. However, several editors emphasized the downsides of multi skilling. Some expressed that journalists were having to wor k harder and had less time to pursue stories or carry out traditional journalistic practices like fact checking and finding contextual information. Others were concerned that multi skilling was causing journalists news outlets, resulting in journalists handling responsibilities they do not enjoy and therefore may not pay much attention to, news values for journalists, especially those who work in the 24 hour news environment (p. 97). practices are changing because news organizations increasingly expect more from aphers shoot a much wider range of assignments and are expected to take on greater roles as journalists. Oftentimes they are asked to research and collect images for long term assignments that may take months to photograph and require travel to other count ries. Photographers are also expected to work as a team with editors, reporters, designers, illustrators, and stylists on feature assignments (Bolack, 2001). In the face of all these changes in routines and work practices, photographers still confront the challenge of being asked to shoot the same types of daily assignments and being responsible for capturing visually interesting images from situations that they

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32 might consider mundane. Historically, photojournalists have had to manage new work tasks and adj ust their routines to stay current in the news industry. newsrooms. For example, are work practices changing and therefore leading photojournalists to seek training in videograp hy? Or are photojournalists self motivated and seeking additional training in order to ad video to their repertoire? Are photojournalists even interested in receiving additional training, or are news organizations requiring additional training? Russial (20 08) points to several changes in work practices and organizational structure because of inn 70s digitization shifted workload from production departments into newsrooms. A decade later pagination created a fundamental change i n news production. Production workers lost their jobs, and editors using newsroom computers replaced the work practices of cutting and pasting together newspaper pages. Pagination also led to increased specialization at mid size to larger newspapers becaus e it required expensive equipment and extensive training, so economically it made sense for design specialists to replace editors in handlin g page 90s digital image processing did not really change task specialization for photojour nalists because they continued the technical work of processing photos, although they now use computer software instead of darkroom processes. However, digital imaging did shift some work from photo technicians to photojournalists and editors. And finally, the Web has both increased and decreased specialization. Some newspapers have separate online departments with online

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33 specialists while others blur the lines and integrate online work into the daily routines of the print newsroom (McCombs, 2007). Angela Grant, a multimedia producer and journalist, publishes the popular News Grant, who worked in the San Antonio Express New s photo department, said most worried about how to fit new responsibilities into their current work schedules. They perceive that their bosses want them to do new things as well as Grant, who produce d three to four videos for daily assignments each week, also mentioned that from her experience in training photographers, they were worried that the quality of their work would suffer because they had to shoot stills and video. products they create. They care very deeply about the product and work they do. With video, photographers are more concerned about communication, November 21, 2008). Guillermo Calzad a, a multimedia photojournalist who works for The San Antonio Express News shooting still photography and video, mentioned that on the days when he shoots and edits video, he is unable to handle still assignments because of the time it takes to produce vid eo. This means that the still photo workload on the staff is increased. Calzada also said the addition of video assignments and online slideshows all of my assignm ents until the end of the day, when I would develop and print at the

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34 end of my shift. So in the year 2008, I file photos from any given assignment It can be difficult to thorough ly explore the work routines of photojournalists without considering the routines of the newsrooms in which they work. Journalists are socialized into the system and develop professional values that reflect the policies of the publisher and support the org and values are used in determining which events become news and result in a standardization of news content across media. Therefore, it is necessary to include newsroom and organizational routi nes in the discussion of photojournalists transitioning to videography. To be successful within an organization, news photographers must develop practices that allow them to produce content with the resources, time constraints, and equipment afforded them by the newspaper (Bolack, 2001). Newsroom and Organizational Routines Media scholars have noted several goals of news organizations which include informing readers, knowing the target market, producing quality content, attracting and retaining good employe es, and increasing profit margins (Hansen, Neuzil, & Ward, 1999; Jeffres, 2002; Lavine & Wackman, 1987). Mass communication literature shows that organizational goals often create change in the training, work routines, news values, professional roles and a ttitudes of news workers (Cleary, 2006; Daniels & Hollifield, 2002; Gade, 2004; Killebrew, 2002; Nguyen, 2008; Verwij, 2009). Since newsroom routines and organization greatly influence the work of photojournalists and the resulting news content, this secti on of the present research will explore newsroom influences by discussing organizational norms that affect photojournalists, newsroom

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35 culture, organizational development, convergence, and the changing organizational structure of newsrooms as it relates to workflow and change on the department level. Organizational Norms Bolack (2001) observed and interviewed 14 photographers and five photo editors in their newsrooms and on assignment. Using ethnographic research methods, Bolack tried to identify organizatio nal and professional norms that affect photojournalists and environment influences their values and the images they produce. The findings also showed that the structure of the phot o departments are designed to help photojournalists efficiently use resources and to minimize instability in planning and producing daily news content. It is in this system or environment where news photographers learn procedures and values that help them achieve professional goals and meet organizational standards (Bolack, 2001). ability to perform example, the researcher found that while photographers at some newspapers are gaining respect, they still struggle to be considered equal with other journalists in the newsroom. The pursue their professional goals, which include communicating effectively through photographs. existence in the newsroom, and organizational change influences the adoption of new technologies, as the following will show.

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36 Newsroom Culture anization not only affect the adoption of new technologies, but may also influence the working relationships between journalists and management during a time of change. Killebrew (2002) argues that an mine its level of openness to change. If an organization has been accepting of change in the past and if employees feel there is a continuation of accurate and reliable information and actions, it is likely there will be a greater acceptance of change (Kil lebrew, 2002). In a study of television newsrooms where digital systems were being introduced, researchers found that there was initial resistance to change in every case studied (Aviles et al., 2004). However, there was also a general acceptance after co mpletion because the advantages, which allowed journalists to write scripts for the images they selected and edited, outweighed the possible disadvantages. In about half of the newsrooms studied, most journalists thought the digital newsroom offered them m ore control over the final news content because they were less dependent on technicians (Aviles et al., 2004).Therefore organizational culture may impact whether or not photojournalists embrace online video and how well they adjust to shooting and editing online video. Organizational Development The process of change is usually difficult for any organization (Gade, 2004). However, change and the future of the news industry have been two of the main concerns in journalism since the rise of the In ternet and o 90s. Since then, traditional media have been pressed to make organizational and cultural

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37 adjustments to compete with other news outlets to be the first to break news and to keep up with the fast pace of the current new media landscape. Organizational development (OD) theory has its foundation in social psychology and management and is the study of how organizations evolve, learn and adapt (Gade, 2004, p. 6). values With respect to news values, the author discussed the trend of newspapers involvement of readers in deciding news and how it should be reported (Gade, 2004, p. 9). Using OD theory, Gade also examined the perceptions and attitudes that newsroom managers and rank and file journalists have about the strategies used to change newsroom culture. Ultimately Gade found that attitudes toward organizational development and morale were correlated and that as rank and file attitudes toward communicate change; they also disagreed abo ut whether or not the change improved the news organization and the quality of journalism it produced. Even though both groups agreed that change is a necessary part of journalism careers, the disagreement on major issues justifies the need to interview bo th high ranking editors and rank and file journalists when assessing change in newsrooms. Killebrew (2002) points to literature by Schein and Legare that shows how increase s levels of anxiety and defensiveness, creates higher levels of job dissatisfaction and, if human resources issues are not addressed, increases employee

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38 turnover and decreases morale and performance. Killebrew also points to human psychology to show three ways people deal with cultural change: through the unconscious, psychological transference, and human defense mechanisms. Individuals may unconsciously revert to previous tactics used when confronted with change. Therefore positive or negative experiences in the past can cause individuals to help create an atmosphere of acceptance for change or to look for ways to block the progress of change. In converged or merger like environments, organizations also create their own defensive routines where groups from both sides avoid change as a way to dodge embarrassment and protect themselves. Convergence Convergence has shaken the foundations of organizational structure and work practices newsrooms once knew. The technology of convergence is also providing journalis ts with many opportunities for interaction with journalists working in other platforms and in other newsrooms. In converged newsrooms, shared information is produced for and displayed on multiple media platforms, mainly print, television and Internet outle ts (Killebrew, 2002). There are also arguments that the economics of cross platform work as a cost effective option for newspapers (Strauss, 2008). Killebrew (2002) descr ibes the revolutionary changes convergence is making in newsrooms as a two evolving world of news delivery (p. 39). The first of the two fronts is a technological battle where the creation, pac kaging and delivery of content are at the center of the conflict. The second front is from a provider standpoint, where professionals are trying to survive changes in job roles and practices. These organizational changes, along with

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39 the Internet and new me editors in converged newsrooms (Killebrew, 2002, p. 40). In one study, researchers regulated, hierarchically ordered job roles and digital technology as an added sources of pressure on their statuses and job security (Aviles et al., 2004). Killebrew (2002) makes some suggestions for lessening the dissonant and fearful atmosphere in newsrooms. He points to research that shows the most important factor for job satisfaction is tied to leadership behavior and in merging organizations, managers must be ready answer questions and to inform journalists of changes as a way to reduce stress. Killebrew (2002) emphasizes the role management plays in helping journalists adjust to newsroom change. For example, creative individuals are more productive when managers are engaged in understanding the creative process of thei r work. In one study, a news director emphasized processing change from within and reported the following: The most important thing is creating enthusiasm for change among your own rnal meetings, with all the groups in the newsroom. This enabled us to address and answer all the questions they had about their concerns ( Aviles et al., 2004 p. 93). Changing Organizational Structure Research shows that organizational structure plays an i nfluential role in facilitating change in the workplace as well as the adoption of technologies and innovations in the newsroom. Boczkowski (2004) found that the American dailies organized relationships between online and print departments in various ways. Different structural organization

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40 ultimately led to differences in the adoption of multimedia and interactivity. For example, adapted both practices and product to conform t o and align with the print department. This resulted in a reproduction of the print culture and content, with shovelware in the online news. In other cases, when there was a weak presence of the print department in the online practices, online content was more likely to adopt multimedia and interactivity characteristics. On an o rganizational level, Paulussen and Ugille (2008) found that the structure of the newsrooms under study did not foster collaboration, which ultimately contributed to a culture that d id not facilitate the interactivity and participation necessary for the adoption of participatory journalism practices. Researchers found several other structural issues that affected the adoption process: strong hierarchy inside the newsrooms and between departments; separate budgets and staffing for print and online activity; internal competition among departments; distance between the print journalists and citizen journalists, which led to professional journalists ignoring user generated content and fru strated citizen journalists; and tension among newsroom staff because the content management system was perceived as too complex. This tension and lack of collaboration among ts to incorporate user generated content (Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). Using organizational development (OD) theory, Gade (2004) focused on restructuring the newsroom and redefining news values. As far as changing newsroom structure, Gade points to the trend of newspapers abandoning the traditional beat system and hierarchy in newsrooms for a more team based structure which involves

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41 cooperation across departments and collaboration in the gathering and production stages. Reorganizing the newsroom was supposed to flatten out the organizational hierarchy, create a team based system and ultimately empowers journalists to do their jobs. Yet the team based structure changed the way journalists worked and took away their ability to use individual skills they had deve loped on the job, which shows how organizational change and news culture can affect the professional identity of journalists and editorial content. Historically, when it comes to staff organization for cross platform work, the trend in job design for large newspapers has been a move toward increased specialization (Russial, 2008). Research has shown that specialization of tasks is strongly correlated to the size of the news organization. Usually mid size and larger newspapers have increased specialization, and tasks are done by journalists who have had several years to develop expertise in a certain area. However, Russial points to research that shows most newspapers are totally restructuring jobs. Within the last decade newspapers have moved to a more flexi ble, team based structure for departments, but within the teams, specialization of functions remains a key to performance. Technological changes during the first decade of the twenty first century have also contributed to changing the historical trends in job specialization and staff organization in newspapers. Innovations Another aspect of organi zational structure includes the division of departments technical workers can raise important considerations for news photographers who

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42 shoot, but do not edit video. Although the se photojournalists collect video and conduct interviews, they depend on multimedia producers to turn their raw footage into a coherent news stories. If these photographers still have still photo assignments, where should they be located in the newsroom? I n other words, should visual journalists be separated according to their job roles? Adams (2007) examined the communication between show producers and directors in television news by surveying a pair of workers from each news organization that was a part o f a sample of commercial television organizations. One of the main research questions asked how working environments were departmentalized for producers and directors. Key findings showed that most producers and editors had their primary work spaces in dif ferent rooms, floors and even buildings. Also, this physical separation of work spaces did not increase the likelihood of them scheduling to meet. However, in an effort to increase efficiency and streamline procedures, some markets moved directors into t he same departments as producers. Adams (2007) found that regardless of which department they reported to, producers and directors needed to work together to broadcast news stories on air, and oftentimes one group accused the other of not understanding the ir roles and needs in accomplishing this work. The study found that the majority of producers and directors did not schedule daily meetings before the newscast was aired. Adams (2007) points to a major irony that even though most producers and directors fo cused most of their workday on completing a newscast, they had very few planned face to face discussions about this work. These findings may

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43 producing video to have desk s near other journalists who produce video and multimedia stories. Workflow According to Zavoina and Reichert (2000), previous research into photojournalism and new technology has examined several aspects of the field, but few studies have touched on the s hift in workflow that is occurring. Based on a national survey, Zav onia and R e ichert (2000 ) discussed the differences in workflow of visual journalists in reference to photo use, placement and technical handling. The study found that as newspapers embrace new media publishing, news organizations are also creating different operating systems in photo editing and Web production. The researchers specifically focused on how dual publishing, which is used to describe newspapers publishing in print and online, ha s affected the workflow of visual journalists. Overall, the findings showed that there was no industry standard in dual publishing at the time the research was conducted. For example, the online edition of a newspaper may have a separate team of photojourn alists, but it may also use photographs from the print photojournalists that serve both publishing formats. Also, the editor that was responsible for the online edition vari ed from news organization to news organization. Zavonia and handling and publishing of news content. Although the research Zavonia and Reichert conducted is important to pho tojournalists in new media organizations, it focused on still photography and did not discuss the workflow of photojournalists who shoot and edit video and create multimedia slideshows.

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44 In one study of digital television newsrooms outside of the U.S. resea rchers found that organizations were not doing much to accommodate new digital technology and the accompanying change in work practices for journalists. Aviles et al. (2004) found that although workflow changed some, in general, digital technology was bei management positions were created to take charge of technological aspects of the new equipment and to manage the traffic of information and allocation of resources in side country several respondents speculated that their news organization introduced digital te chnology to eliminate differences between journalists and more technical jobs, such as cameramen and sound and tape editors (Aviles et al., 2004). For example, in Britain, journalists who combined journalistic and technical skills were given the new design the same time, there were some journalists in each of the countries studied who did not feel like the new digital system radically changed their jobs. In this study the new digital technology affected workflow and editorial control in the news organizations because the new digital system allowed program editors to have immediate access to the content being worked on by each reporter. The digital system also made archiving a part of the news production cycle, which changed the way newsrooms operated. Aviles et al. (2004) found that digital libraries made it easier for journalists to access and include photos in their stories, no longer required production assistants to archive material, and made librarians have a very important role in the newsroom because they decide which

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45 material will remain accessible on the server. In this one study Aviles et al. (2004) reported on just some of the ways digital technology can change organi zational structure and workflow in newsrooms. Departmental s tructure The physical layout of news departments are usually organized in a manner which reflects and supports the division among subgroups within the newsroom according to their distinctive work practices. The lines between some departments in the newsroom are becoming blurred as more reporters and visual journalists are coming together to produce multimedia news content. f cross television studios within the same buildings where they produce programs for the Web. For example, The Miami Herald produces sports related shows for local audience s such as the High School Football: Gridiron Report; College Football Blitz; and Dolphins First and Goal, where sports writers are transformed into news anchors to report the news on camera for the Web. Through Miami Herald Studios the newspaper also has s imilar Web shows for breaking news, technology, business, and entertainment. Journalists from different platforms with very distinct skills and training are sacrificing their allegiance to separate organizational cultures and news values to survive converg ence in evolving newsrooms. Some news organizations are trading in the old term the way content production, distribution and sharing is emphasized just as much as the new s itself (Platte, 2008; Strauss, 2008).

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46 In 2008 photojournalist Michael Fagans of The Bakersville Californian discussed in his blog how the newsroom underwent reorganization when video work became a dicates that the newsroom is recognizing the link between the visual communication involved in photojournalism and videography, and this type of reorganization may become a trend in other newsrooms. responsibilities photojournalists would have as a result of their dedication to online video. Journalists are even collecting new monikers because of the significant changes in their work practices (Halstead, 2009; Strauss, 2008). Fagans started to shoot v been promoted from a regular staff photojournalist to an assistant editor of his newspaper (personal communication, December 5, 2008). According to Fagans, a ll staff photographers at the paper are expected to shoot one video each week, which made the learning experience more of a team effort. Calzada, on the other hand, said he was now he enjoys the video aspect of his job (personal communication, December 13, 2008). At video total not producing high quality work. I knew that I didn't have the necessary skills. I demand much from myself and I wasn't getting much from myself. I grew tired and maybe even angry. But my skills developed over time, and I began to feel better about it. I now feel

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47 December 13, 2008). Extra Media Influences For the purposes of this research, extra media influences on news content will include the discussion of internet technology, so cietal factors, broadband access and the w idespread use of video sharing w eb sites and MiniDV cameras. Internet Technology expectations. Technorati, a blog aggregator, indicated in 2 007 that about 184 million people worldwide have started a blog (26.4 million are from the United States), and there were 22.6 million active bloggers in the Un ited States, which was about 12% of bloggers are not involved in any form of journalism, and for many of those who do see themselves as journalists, their purpose is to counter mainstream journalism (Sussman, 2009a; Who is a journalist?, 2008). Of the 2,900 bloggers Technorati studied, 49% r eported that they used video regularly in their blog postings, and of those who used audio and visual media, 73% said about half of the time they also create the photos, video or audio that they post (Sussman, 2009b). In other words, some non journalists a re just as technologically advanced as professional a journalist, which means that the audience may have high expectations for the multimedia and online content of traditional news organizations. Some argue that technology has overwhelmed media by taking a way its audience, transforming its values and changing its role and relationship to the public

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48 audience. But other catalysts of change include an oversupply of data, d eclining weekday circulations at newspapers and major social and economic disruptions (Quinn, 2002). Societal Factors Several other social factors are influencing the decisions newspaper organizations make concerning the adop tion of online video for their w eb sites. Newton (2000) discusses visual journalism as a form of human visual behavior in contemporary culture and created a theory for the twenty which the major assumption is that photojournalism will take on a crucial role in the future development of humankind. Visual reportage is a notable contributor to contemporary culture because of its pervasiveness in our daily lives and media (Newton, 2000). However, Newton also points out the irony of visual communication being less emphasized in secondary and higher level educational institutions as educators continue to debate its appropriateness in journalism curriculum. As a result the respect for visual jour s is t hreatened by a new surge to emphasize verbal skills. To counter the illiteracy and declining verbal skills in North American society, journalism students are required to take several writing related courses, but few higher level institutions emphasize the study of visual communication, and most consider one course or none sufficient for graduation. Newton (2000) argues, sophisticated use of the visual, thus enhancing xii ).

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49 Broadband a ccess The Pew Internet researchers (2010) summarized extra media influences by update sites like Facebook and Twi tter the popularity of video sharing sites like and the embrace of video features by untold numbers of websites, have all Journalism (2006) also linked the growth in online video to the expansion of broadband (Huang, 2007). Studies show that the consumption of streamed videos, which dramatically increased in 2004, is positively correl ated to whether the consumer has a broadband connection (McGann, 2004), and the more network and content creators pursued online video content, the more anticipation for this rich media grew (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2002; Burns, 2006). Theref ore, publisher s made haste to redesign their w eb sites to allow more video (Cohen, 2005). According to the Pew Internet researchers (2010), broadband users are most likely watching or downloading online video b ecause their findings showed 75% of adults wit h broadband access at home watch online video and 89% of the entire population of online video watchers have home broadband access. Since December 2005 Melinda McAdams, who teaches university courses in online journalism in the U.S. and conducts scholarly research on online press, has closely followed the use of multimedia to tell journalism stories in her blog, Teaching Online Journalism (http://mindymcadams.com/tojou/). At times the blog also points to scholarly research about online video, and helps read ers put the numbers into context. In a blog post McAdams argues that online journalists and communications scholars should not take broadband access for granted.

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50 McAdams (2010) writes: Like the growth of radio, and then television, the growth of online v ideo is fueled by access to technology. Television devices were not always as available to them, easy to get, and not overpriced. MiniDV camcorders and video sharing w eb sites Other societal influences affecting the adoption of online video in professional phenomenon. Although the firs t video cameras were created for television broadcast and were too large, heavy and expensive for use outside the studio, in the past two decades technology has increasingly put MiniDV camcorders and small point and shoot cameras in the hands of amateurs a s videos have become commonplace in society. This has paved the way for several developments in mass communication such as s s on newspaper w eb sites (Lasica, 1998), which allows viewers to watch news clips instantly if they missed scheduled television broadcasts, and the influ x of a number of video sharing w eb sites such as which was launched in 2005, making it simple for anyone with Internet access to post and view videos online (Hopkins, 2008). The potion of adul t Internet users who watch video o n these sites has grown from 33% in December 2006 to 61 % in an April 2009 survey (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2010). Some professional news organizations now offer all, or at least some, of their material through the partnership program (Weber, 2007), and educators in secondary and higher level classrooms use the site as a supple mental learning tool (Mullen & Wedwick, 2008).

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51 Recently, Direct was developed and allows news organizations to imbed t he upload functionalit y of directly on their w eb sites, enabling organizations to request, review, and re broadcast user submitted videos with ease. News organizations are using the tool as an easily integrated audience engagement platform and cus tomizing the interface to appeal to specific audiences. With Direct the audience can upload videos to eb site without leaving the page, and the moderation panel enables editors to review and approve or reject submitte d videos. This tool in eb sites because all videos include a li eb site when viewed on Several news organizations, including The Washington Post, ABC News, and NPR are already using th e service ( Direct, 2009). T he popularity of video sharing w eb sites and the commonplace use of flash memory cameras, which are replacing MiniDV cameras that used tapes, are cuing newspaper managers to place great emphasis on online development in hopes that Internet advertising can help to offset declining print advertising revenue and attract more readers, but this requires reporters and editors with multimedia skills such as video production (Adams, 2008). These changes are being made as U.S. new srooms are facing precarious times because of media challenges and broader economic shifts (Russial, 2008). What We Know Now This section will give some of the most up to date discussion directly concerning online video and photojournalists. By examining what is known about the economics of newspapers, statistics related to online news video, the contemporary journalist and the skills, roles and duties journalists are striving to master, this section will identify relevant

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52 areas that formal scholarly rese arch has not yet explored. It will discuss information that is compiled and reported on blogs and w eb sites that are produced by credible journalists and news organizations. The Economics of Newspapers Recently major newspaper publishing companies have re sorted to unprecedented layoffs because of decreasing revenues (Romenesko, June 2008 ). According to Jim known blog for the nonprofit journalism school The Poynter Institute, as well as memos and other internal documents leake d from news o rganizations, in 2008 the McClatchy Comp any reduced its workforce by 10% in order to save $70 million a year. In the first five months of 2008 McClatchy 14.2% and adverti sing revenues had declined 15.4% onl ine advertising grew by 11.9% (Romenesko, June 2008). The blog also points to the downsizing at the Gannett Company, Inc., the largest newspaper publisher in the United 0 newspaper jobs were eliminated (Romenesko, December 2008). The American Society of Newspaper Editors (2011), a nonprofit professional organization that has been conducting a census of professional full time journalists since 1978, estimates that between 2007 and 2010 daily newspapers lost 13,500 newsroom jobs. Although newspaper staffs all over the United States are shrinking, the news does not stop. Newsrooms must continue to produce content for the print and online editions. So what does that mean for the reporters in the newsroom? How are these dramatic reductions in newsroom staff affecting the roles and responsibilities of journalists?

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53 The Statistics of Online News Video Mass communication literature shows that there has been a steady increase in new s video in the past several years. In 2005 there were signs of more investment in video by news organizations (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2006). Huang (2007) studied how news w eb sites used rich media in production and found that by the end of 2 005 about 4 2% of the top newspaper w eb sites displayed video ( p. 89). However, most of these w eb sites failed to feature video on their homepages and made other poor choices when it came to displaying video in ways that would easily attract viewers (p. 90) At that time more than half of Americans (52% ) said they were not watching more online video because they did not know it was available (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2009). Also, these pioneering w eb sites did not produce original video material and mostly relied on AP video (Huang, 2007). These conditions left many news workers and industry observers questioning the relevance of online news video and wondering whether viewers liked watching video online. Then by 2006, attitudes toward digital jo urnalism began to change as online activities were one of few areas bringing in revenue for newspapers, and even the digital laggards in the industry began to add video to w eb sites (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2007). According to a report by The Bivings Group (2008), 61% of top newspapers used the Internet to display video in 2006, which increased to 92% in 2007 and 100% in 2008. Advertising in online video through commercials that precede staff produced video continues to grow rapidly. In 2010 v ideo advertising brought in $1.4 billion and had the largest growth rate, 39% (after growing 38% in 2009), out of all forms of online advertis ing, but it only accounts for 5% of overall online advertising revenue (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2011 ).

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54 According to McAdams (2010) online video is still growing and gaining viewers. For example, The Pew Internet & American Life Project (2010) reported that seven in ten adult Internet users (69% ), which is roughly half of all adults in the U.S., have used the Internet to watch or download video. The report also found that 18 to 29 year olds watch the most online video. The percentage of Internet users who reported watchi ng news video increased from 37% in 2007 to 43% in 2009. Also 56% of young adults betwe en the ages of 18 and 29 reported they watch news video (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2010). Photojournalists Blog about Transition to Video In recent years a major trend in the journalism industry has been a shift of power from journalistic insti tutions to the individual journalist (State of the News Media, 2009). Although this trend is ongoing, the signs are very clear as the audience is using Internet search engines, Twitter e mail and blogs to follow the voice and work of individual professio nal journalists. Several photographers wrote about the adoption of video in their newsrooms on personal blogs where they began posting their photography, multimedia projects and videos. Colin Mulvany, a multimedia producer at The Spokesman Review in Spokan e, Washington, was a still photographer for the first 18 years of his career. In 2005 Mulvany transitioned to shooting video and audio s eb site and started a video journal where he uses video to cover life in the region wher e he works. Then in 2008 he started a blog, Mastering Multimedia (http://masteringmultimedia.wordpress.com/), where he expresses the challenges newspaper still photographers face when transitioning to shooting and editing video.

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55 Mulvany (2009) writes: One of my great frustrations as self taught newspaper video storyteller is that I have not been able to find much help in taking my editing beyond the tight shots into basic sequences. But when it comes to really understanding timeline. d video editing software and techniques when he was the only journalist shoo show that different news workers increasingly began to ask for his help once they started their own video projects. This ev entually led to w eb site to accommodate more video and Mulany being moved out of the photo different position was not easy, and Mulvany remember managing editor talked to him about the change because he had never been a manager nor did he ever want to manage anyone. He wrote that word editors began to assign video without understanding what made a good video story; he wa s moved to a different newsroom was reconfigured after 26 people took buyouts or were laid off; and editors and mangers pushed to budget in equipment and training for the mobile journalists, online producers and photographers who remained in the newsroom. Eventually Mulvany moved away from the idea that every reporter in the newsroom should learn to shoot video to a philosophy of finding people who really wanted to shoo t video, equipping them with the tools and training they would need to succeed.

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56 During the years when circulation, advertising and earnings were falling at an accelerated pace and reductions in news staff and news space were increasing, this movement to on line video also gave journalists an opportunity to collect income from several sources, create a brand for themselves, and develop professionally in order to offer more skilled reporting from the field (State of the News Media, 2009). However, the 2010 Ame rican Society of News Editors (2011) census of journalism jobs showed a slight increase in the number of newsroom employees in online and traditional newspapers. The estimated numbers rose from 41, 500 in 2009 to 41, 600 in 2010. This increase is significa nt because it shows a reversal the downward spiral where 13,500 newsroom jobs were lost between 2007 and 2010 (ASNE, 2011). The existing body of scholarly research about photojournalists in multimedia ne wsrooms is not only incomplete; it is almost nonex istent. However, as more newsrooms commission photojourna lists to shoot video for their w eb sites, bloggers have chronicled this transition. Fagans, of The Bakersfield Californian started a blog, Digital_mojo (http://postmanfan.blogspot.com/), to celebrat e and discuss multimedia journalism and to explore different influences on storytelling. Fagans (2007) explains in a blog post that part of his new job is editing daily video, and he discusses some of the things he learned about moving the narrative along with B roll, which are cutaway shots cut to leave out extraneous words. The blog posts outline progression and changes in how Fagans developed as a videographer and how the newsroom was changing to adapt to the addition of video. For example, in the beginning of 2008, Fagans million videos

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57 ans (2008) also discussed how his newsroom was reorganized. New Skills, Roles and Duties As journalists acquire new skills and newsrooms change to accommodate multimedia reporting, the debate between specialization and diversification of journalism skills continue. Some argue in favor of specialization, saying that journalists need only understand how different platforms are used, while others insist that all journalists need to be cross trained (Russial, 2008). But do some photojournalists feel pressured to learn new skills and diversify their reporting, especially when online journalists say they have escaped the staff cuts and layoffs traditional print journalists have suffered over the last few years and credit their work in online content with saving t heir jobs (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2009)? Even with 2007 being a tough year for newspapers, Internet journalists proved to be more optimistic about the future of journalism than broadcast and print journalists (Project for Excellence in Journ alism, 2007). Not all photojournalists view the adoption of new practices the same. Some may look forward to learning new skills and responsibilities and view it as enhancing their professional status and increasing variety in their assignments. Others ma y not want to add video training and work to their daily still assignments, let alone transition completely to a new form of storytelling (Gitner, 2009 b ; Newspaper Guild Press Release, 2007). An article in News Photographer 2004) emphasized the importance of adopting new skills in photojournalism. As newsrooms downsize, specializing in niche platforms and audiences is one solution. But the article warned that specializing in a single medium may limit ones future. According to News

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58 Photographer (2004), the learning curve is going to be constant for anybody who wants to stay in the business. Those thinking of themselves strictly as still photojournalists may find that their skills are outdated in the job market. The article also points out that as video camera technology improves, digital frame grabs will most likely replace still photos. This may lighten the heavy load of equipment some photojournalists have on assignments where they are required to gather both video and still i mages. news events (Strauss, 2008). When John Strauss, an experienced TV journalist and p rint reporter, covered the Indiana State Fair for the Indianapolis Star he decided it would be the perfect opportunity for his newspaper to experiment with cross platform reporting all in the same news cycle, but it was exhausting for the reporter. Accord ing to Strauss (2008): Do that for a week and a half, and you'll not only need a backpack for the gear, you'll want a vacation to recover, even if you're a former television and wire service reporter. But as a test of what's possible when it comes to onlin e it a realistic test of multimedia solo journalism? Probably not. I had extensive video experience from a stint in TV, was trained in fast filing at the AP, and as an online editor and t rainer at our paper, was motivated to work 12 hour days to see what could be done. Without a doubt, the better way to generate that amount of content would be to use at least two people, with duties tailored to their specific skills (p. 19). Does adding vi their workload? Mark Bickel, digital editor at the News Press in Fort Myers, Fla., does not think so. According to Bickel, "If you can push a button on a point and shoot (camera), you can ge

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59 Dirck Halstead, former Time magazine photographer and editor of The Digital Journalist, helps host Platypus Workshops and boot camps that empower and prepare photojournalists to survive and prosper in the face of changing circumstances in the media. From these popular crash courses in new media, photojournalists who have learned to shoot and edit video as well as create multimedia projects are sometimes aqua tic mammal. These mammals are also known for being resilient and tough, which are qualities photojournalists need to brave the technical challenges and conceptual differences they may face in multimedia (Halstead, 2009). Once photographers start shooting v ideo for assignments, to some extent they will still draw on their background in visual communication. For example, Welter (2008) points to arguments that frame grabs are the best way to implement mergers in photography and video technology. A frame grab i s a single video frame that is electronically captured and stored in one of several picture formats. This allows a journalist who is shooting video to use part of the video clip as a still image, which is especially helpful when an assignment requires both stills and video. According to David Leeson, an executive producer at The Dallas Morning News, the only thing that changed in the transition to video is the camera (as quoted in Welter, 2008). From this point of view, photojournalism and videography have many similarities. One example of the integration of still photography and online video can be observed when still images are imported into and used in digital video editing software. Michael Fagans (2007), assistant photography editor, blogged about one o popular videos about a carjacking, which was not shot with video. Instead the

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60 photographer assembled still photos in Final Cut Pro, a video editing system used by effects, and it is one way journalists give life to still photos online and maintain the visual interest of the viewers. Until Russial (2008) pos ed several questions about what types of online content most newsrooms were publishing and which staff positions were producing the content, most studies of newspaper video were simple content analyses that did not detail how much video appeared on newspap er w eb sites or which staff positions were assigned search showed that more than 50% of newspapers posted staff produced videos a few ti mes per week, and only about 15% (mostly larger newspapers) posted staff produced videos a few times per da y. Although most newspapers (80% ) reported having a separate group or department for online journalists, Russial found that photojournalists were primarily responsible for video at their newspapers. A little more than a q uarter of the newspapers reported that they had staff videographe rs who handled video for their w eb sites, and very few had a TV partner to provide video. Since an average newspaper with a circulation of 100,000 has about 10 photographers, and only a few s taff videos are p roduced weekl y, Russial (2008) concluded that in most U.S. newsrooms, video is a significant part of the work week only for a few photographers. Also, most newspapers reported that the online staff handled video editing tasks. If the major ity of U.S. newspapers are posting staff produced videos to their w eb sites each week, several questions can be raised about this adoption and how it has

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61 affected the jobs of visual journalists. How was online video introduced to newsrooms? What factors we nt into determining which photojournalists would be responsible for collecting and editing this video? What has the learning experience been like for news photographers who have become videographers? Relevant Theory Instead of viewing the transition some still photographers are making to online video as a simple switch of camera equipment, this research will examine several factors within U.S. newsrooms that led to this change. Although learning new technology is an essential part of the transition, what o ther factors shaped the learning experience of these journalists? If this discussion focused only on the technological developments to which news photographers are exposed, it would fail to acknowledge the social and cultural factors that influence how and to what extent photographers are using online vide o to tell stories (Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). Using the social constructivist theory, this research will examine the adoption of online video as a process which is shaped by the complex interaction between photojournalists, their work routines, and newsroom environments and structures. The social constructivist theory is a sociological theory of knowledge that was developed by post revolutionary Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky. According to Crawford (199 6), Vygotsky used the theory to make significant contributions to psychology and the understanding of human development in a social context. Vygotsky focused on the connections between people and the socio cultural context in which they act and interact in shared experiences. The psychologist also studied communication aimed at inter subjectivity, which is a shared consciousness of culturally significant phenomenon mediated by the use of language and other symbolic tools (Crawford,

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62 1996, p. 44). Social cons tructivism argues that social interaction precedes development and that cognition and consciousness are end products of social behavior and socialization. Vygotsky was considered a cognitivist because he believed that psychology can be fully explained by t he use of experiment, measurement and the scientific method. However, he rejected the theories of other cognitivists who believed it was possible to separate learning from its social context (Graduate Student Instructor Teaching and Research Center UC Berk ley, n.d.; Vygotsky & Cole, 1978). For example, Piaget's theory of cognitive development viewed the development of human intelligence as a series of stages to be achieved. Vygotsky, in contrast, believed that development is a process that should be analyze d, instead of a product to be obtained (Riddle & Dabbagh, 1999). Therefore, social constructivism is not to be confused with social constructionism, which focuses on the artifacts that are created through the social interactions of a group. Instead social learning process that takes place because of their interactions in a group. Social constructivism is a widely used theory among education scholars and has influenced several learning theories and teaching methods i n the field. Education scholars have applied social constructivism to study aspects of education including children with mild learning disabilities (Mallory and New 1994); and literacy learning of education is based on its principles that offer several themes and ideas about the way people learn. One main premise of social constructivist th eory is that learning is a collaborative process (Graduate Student Instructor Teaching and Research Center UC

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63 Berkley, n.d.; Vygotsky & Cole, 1978) between the learner and the More Knowledgeable Other (MKO), which refers to anyone else who has a better und erstanding than the active role in learning and collaborates with the MKO to facilitate meaning construction (Graduate Student Instructor Teaching and Research Center UC B erkley, n.d.; Vygotsky& Cole, 1978). This thinking began to replace the more traditional, one way didactic education models where an instructor transmits knowledge to students who mostly used rote memory to learn information. These principles represent a s hift from the individualistic and intrapsychological models of development and learning to more inclusive practices in learning environments with an emphasis on the socio cultural context (Mallory and New, 1994; Sivan, 1986). Additionally, several educatio n scholars have conducted studies on the benefits of increasing the use of student discussion in the classroom, and these studies both support and are grounded in theories of social constructivism (Nicholls and Pena Shaff, 2004; Sawyer 2004). When applied to organizations, social constructivist theories have been used to study communication technology. According to social constructivist theory, work group members share identifiable patterns of meaning and action concerning communication technology (Fulk, 19 93). In a study of electronic mail use among a group of scientists and engineers, Fulk (1993) found evidence of work group patterns as social influences on technology related attitudes and behavior were consistently stronger when individuals were highly at tracted to their work groups. Also, social influences operated above perceived task characteristics, ego network based social influence, media expertise and demographic characteristics.

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64 Fulk (1993) was ultimately interested in how the work group members we re constructing meaning in their working environment. Taking the mutual determinism of technology and social structure into consideration, Fulk questioned which specific social processes engaged the individual participants. The researcher had worked with o ther scholars to identify different social psychological processes that could explain the coordinated patterns of meanings and behaviors work group members had toward technology within their social groups. From a previous study Fulk and colleagues found t hat social information influenced how workers perceived media characteristics, communication task requirements, attitudes toward communication media and media use behavior. Using social constructivist theory with respect to constructing meaning can be part icularly interesting when applied to understanding technology, which is constantly because their processes are often poorly understood and because they are continuously rede signed and reinterpreted in the process of implementation and ask several questions about the equivocality of communication technology, for example, how does it arise a nd how is it resolved in the process of utilization? Although the social constructivist theory has not been widely used to understand technology in the field of journalism, taking after Fulk (1993) this research plans to raise and address similar questions attitudes toward adoption of online video in newsrooms. This research plans to look at news photographers as a group within the newsroom to examine how social influences

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65 and processes affect how they asc ribe meaning to the video technology that has been introduced in most U.S. newsrooms. Even with the perceived veracity and historical significance of news images, recent studies have failed to examine photographers and photojournalism as an important compo nent of mass communication and the construction of social meaning (Bolack, Using social constructionist and organizational theoretical perspectives, Bolack examined the p ractices that allow news photographers and photo editors at metropolitan newspapers to manage the unpredictable nature of their workday. By studying the routines photo editors and photographers use when performing their jobs and their criteria for assessin g the quality of their work, the study provided understanding of how news photographs become constructed symbolic objects. According to Bolack, the influences and actions of editors, peers and professional organizations work together to socialize photojour nalists into the system. This socialization affects professional values, how news photographers do their work and how they judge the quality of the images they produce. The same factors could affect the socialization of news photographers as they shoot, ed it and ascribe meaning to the videos they col lect and produce for newspaper w eb sites. Ultimately, Bolack (2001) suggested that further research into the influences of the news organizations and the professional socialization of photojournalists may lead t o more knowledge about how visual reality is constructed and communicated. This research will adopt the social constructivist approach Boczkowski (2004) used to study the process by which professional newsrooms adopt new technologies,

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66 specifically multimed ia and interactivity. Boczkowski recognized a gap in studies about news making and pointed to research that acknowledged how little academic attention had been given to how technology transformed news production. Unlike much of the early research about how computerization in newsrooms affects editorial content, & Ugille, 2008, p. 28), a view that emphasizes technology as the single source causing very complex phenomena in the newsr oom (Boczkowski, 2004; Cottle, 1999). Instead the researcher considered the newsroom as a social environment and examined how production factors which are organizational structure, work practices and representations of the user shape the adoption proces s of multimedia and interactivity in newsrooms. From ethnographic case studies of three online newspapers in the United States, Boczkowski (2004) found that when journalists had general awareness of and basic access to the Web technologies for multimedia a nd interactivity, they took advantage of them differently based on variations of the dynamics of the technology adoption process. Boczkowski also noted that differences in the dynamics of the adoption processes were associated with the three production fac tors. In other words, having the necessary technology was not enough to predict how thoroughly journalists would more important role in how they decided to use thes e capabilities. This research is also inspired by Paulussen and Ugille (2008), who drew on theory development of participatory journalism in professional newsrooms. Paulussen and

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67 but took into account the influences of work practices and daily routines, organizational In a qualitative st udy of four Belgian newsrooms owned by the newspaper company Concentra Media, Paulussen and Ugille (2008) conducted in depth interviews and made observations in the newsrooms. The researchers focused on the extent to which professionals were willing to use user generated content and found that several factors influenced their decisions. Ultimately Paulussen and Ugille (2008) found that newsrooms are sluggish in incorporating user generated content and that organizational structure, work practices and journ generated content contributed to this trend. This research will expand on Paulussen and Ugille (2008) by measuring the extent to which a sample of U.S. photographers has adopted online video practices and the role of production and organizational factors in this process. The researcher aims to find more generalizable results about the social constructivist theory than Paulussen and owned by the sa me media company. From previous literature that emphasized the influence of work practices, organizational structure and perception of the audience on the adoption of technologies in the newsroom, the following exploratory question was used to guide this r esearch: How is online video being adopted by photojournalists in U.S. newsrooms? Although technology triggers change in journalism (Pavlik, 2000), this research will address how the incorporation of online video in newsrooms is not only affected by

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68 techno logical developments but is also a process made up of three critical factors: organizational structure, work practices, and perceptions of the user or audience. Therefore, the present research poses a number of questions about the perceptions, attitudes an d experiences of photographers shooting video. Relevant Definitions of the Present Study and Research Questions To address the exploratory question that drives this research it is necessary to define key concepts and phrases that are central to the study. For the purposes of this research the adoption of online video will refer to how effectively production factors work practices, organizational structure, and perceptions of the audience work together to ensure the regular practice of online video in p roducing journalism. Modeling after Boczkowski (2004) and Paulussen and Ugille (2008), the present research used similar definitions of work practices, organizational structure and perceptions of the audience. The survey instrument was built around these t hree concepts and the corresponding research questions. Practices Changed a s a Result o f the Adoption o f Video i n Newspaper Newsrooms? For this study, work practices refer to the way the individual photojournalist works which will include daily routines, assignment of tasks, division of labor, job duties and responsibilities and work load. These are similar concepts to those Paulussen and Ugille (2008) considered when exploring work practices in relation to participator y journalism. Some of the key phrases and topics that were used to measure work practices for the present research include description of job related responsibilities; frequency of various assignments, having enough time to complete assigned tasks during s alaried hours, the amount of time spent on those tasks, and perceived difficulty

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69 of managing workload. The photographers were asked different questions about shooting, editing, and producing still images, audio slideshows and online video. For the purpose photographs; audio slideshows refers to a succession of still photographs that are accompanied by journalist narration or music; and online video refers to news video produced for and published on newspaper w eb sites. Shooting means the capturing of both still images and moving video, while editing and producing were at times used interchangeably to refer to the process of integrating visual imagery, which includes still photos, text and video with collected sound, which includes words, music and ambience. This also encompassed preparation of photos, video and audio to meet the to figure out the degree of adoption by asking photojournalists about the level of sophistication of the video their newspaper publishes. For example, they were asked if the videos they shot and produced required complex edits. The survey instrument also inquired about workload and job duties within the work excluding overtime. For example, if a photojournalist is paid to work from 10 a.m. until 7 p.m. five days each week, those hours would be considered sala ried. The research was aimed at finding out if the adoption of video caused photographers to spend extra time at work. Since changing work practices are an important part of adopting new technology, this research plans to increase scholarly literature on t he work practices of photojournalists

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70 RQ 2 : How Does t o f the Audience Relate to the Quality or Type o f Online Video That is Produced for t he Web Site? the How news photographers view the importance of their jobs may directly relate to how they view the audience as well as the wants and needs of viewers. The key phrases and topics u included what photojournalists thought about the general demand for online video, what type of multimedia viewers enjoy most, and what characteristics describe the audience. Several of the surv ey items that address perceptions of the audience ask photojournalists about viewer preferences. Therefore, this research aims to discover more about how photojournalists view the sup ply and demand for online video RQ3 : How Do Changes i n Organizational St ructure Relate to the Production of Online Video Content i n Newspaper Newsrooms? For the purposes of this research, organizational structure will be defined similarly to Paulussen and Ugille (2008), who measured the concept in terms of hierarchies of job p rofiles, and available technological infrastructure (p. 31). When it comes to newsroom hierarchies, Boczkowski (2004) analyzed the centrality of the relationship between print and online newsrooms to see whether the presence or absence of the print newsroo m in online routines affected the adoption of multimedia and interactive technologies. For this study newsroom hierarchies will refer to work flow and chain of command in order to determine whether or not the adoption of online video influenced who photogr aphers answered to and who reviewed their work. One of the items on the

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71 newsroom. Th ese questions aim to find out whether photo editors continue to supervise the work of photojournalists who have more multimedia assignments. The research seeks to find out whether a change in job duties influenced a change in supervision of photographers. Technological infrastructure is another concept that will be used to assess organizational structure. Modeling after Paulussen and Ugille (2008), technological infrastructure relates to the available technology, equipment and training that is available fo r journalists to do their work. One survey question asks if photojournalists the research will explore whether the newspapers had organized training in place to ensure t hat photographers were prepared to transition to videography. This research will also consider the physical organization and division of the departments in the newsrooms as well as job titles and department names. Several questions on the survey inquired a bout departmental structure, which referred to how photojournalists were divided in the newsroom according to their work practices. For example, with the adoption of online video some news photographers who transitioned to online video may have been taken out of the photo department, placed in an online or video department, or even given the title of visual journalist or videographer. Some of the main measures of changing organizational structure included an explanation of the workflow of various assignment s, new equipment and software, and reorganization and changing location and title of the photo department. Photographers have expressed different opinions and sentiments about reorganization of the newsroom resulting fr om

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7 2 the adoption of online video T her efore this research aims to gain more insight about how, if at all, organizational structure relates to video pro duction. shape trigger generate Figure 3 odel Copyright (2004) Wiley. Used with permission from (Pablo J. Boczkowski, The process of adopting multimedia and interactivity in three online newsrooms, Journal of Communication John Wiley and Sons) Editorial effects Production f actors Organizational Work Representations structures practices of users Adoption processes Technological developments

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73 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The researcher primarily partnered with the National Pres s Photographers Association (NPPA) to survey professional newspaper photographers in the U.S. about how the addition of online video in newsrooms has changed their jobs and how their perception of the audience, work practices, and organizational structure are related to video content. Before the online survey was opened up to collect a snowball sample, the survey was announced in a weekly e mail newsletter and on an e mail listserv that are sent to all members of the NPPA, a non profit professional organiza tion created to advance visual journalism and to promote it as a vital public service. NPPA's 9,000 to 10,000 members are divided into 11 regions based on the individual member's home address. Although other journalists (for example, broadcast news photogr aphers) and individuals interested in visual communications had access to the survey, this research only targeted visual journalists who are traditional press photographers and who also have experienc e shooting video for newspaper w eb sites. Founded in Bo ston, Massachusetts, in 1946, the NPPA was chosen for this research because it has been a popular professional organization among photographers in the U.S., attracting a wide range of journalists through a monthly magazine, News Photographer, and access to several other resources, benefits and professional development opportunities (NPPA, 2009). NPPA attracts worldwide membership among visual journalists and those whose occupation and educational pursuits have a direct relationship to the field. NPPA member ships are also extended to broadcast journalists, but they were not included in this study. The organization provides professional membership, family membership, student membership, and

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74 retired professional membership in the U.S. and Canada, and internatio nal membership options. The first preference was to use the NPPA membership list to randomly select a sample of visual journalists from the population of visual journalists working for newspapers who are also members of NPPA. They would be e mailed a lin k to the online survey. However, NPPA does not disclose membership lists or the contact information of its members. Therefore a link to the survey, using the Qualtrics survey tool, appeared for two months in the summer on NPPA's weekly online newsletter. T he first month the survey ran every week from May 12 until June 9 2010. At the end of the first month the researcher was not satisfied with the response rate so the survey was published every week from July 28 until August 25. In another attempt to increas e the number of responses, the survey was sent to all NPPA members who subscribe to the mail listserv. The link to the survey was sent out on July 26, and at that time the NPPA listserv reached 869 people in 16 countries. From there the re searcher photojournalists inviting them to take the survey and forward it to their colleagues and peers. Finally, the researcher used the USNPL w eb site (http://www.usnpl.com/), which lists U.S. newspapers by state, to find newspapers that listed staff directories with e mail addresses. The researcher sent e mails to the photographers and photo directors at selected newspapers. From each state, the researcher invited employees fro m at least two newspapers to take the survey and to pass it along to other news photographers. The survey link, which includes initial invitations and thank you and reminder e mails, was e mailed until the end of September.

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75 Each time the survey was distrib uted, introductory comments appeared above the link to briefly describe the study and invite professional news photographers to take the survey. After reading the description, respondents clicked on a link which directed them to the survey. The researcher received approval from the Institutional Review Board, and the consent form and survey are in Appendix A. In this study three main research questions were addressed, and a few of the questions solicited answers about the degree to which online video has b The questionnaire was made up of 41 questions. The researcher chose an online questionnaire because it is a cost effective way to reach respondents from different parts of the United States, is easy for responde nts to share with others, and offers privacy to respondents, which could result in more honest answers. A survey method was chosen because previous studies that explored the adoption of an innovation using the social constructivist theory used qualitative methods, such as in depth interviews with journalists, to examine only a small number of newsrooms (Paulussen & Ugille, 2008; Boczkowski, 2004). Therefore by using survey methods this study obtained a different kind of dataset than previous studies that re lied on the social constructivist theory. Sometimes gathering a sample that reflects the population being studied is difficult to do using online surveys because there can be problems getting a complete sampling frame. Therefore the survey was posted for s newsletter. The intent was to attract a large enough number of respondents from a diverse sample of newspapers with respect to number of employees, geographic

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76 location, types of ownership and experience with change because these factors may affect the extent to which a newsroom adopts online video. The questionnaire took about 15 minutes to complete, and at the end respondents were invited to e mail the link to any of their peers or colleagues who would be willing to parti cipate. This snowball sampling method was used because getting a wide range of photographers was a very important and strategic part of the research. With newsrooms recently experiencing a great deal of organizational and economic change in the form of reo rganizing and layoffs, the snowball method allowed photographers who were recently laid off or forced into an early retirement to have access to the questionnaire if they were no longer members of NPPA. The researcher originally hoped to get 300 responses. However, after several months of recruiting participants, the survey was closed on September 30 2010 with 101 responses. The respondents were visual journalists from various levels of the newsroom hierarchy. If editors and managers had once been photogra phers, their responses were used because they oversee and oftentimes carry out newsroom procedures, policies and changes (Gade, 2004). This means responses from editors and managers could be well informed and reliable when concerning the work of visual jou rnalists. Rank and file photojournalists were chosen because they gather information, create content and communicate with the audience. For these reasons they might have different roles in the change process, assessments of implemented change, and attitude s toward the established newsroom culture and practices than the editors (Gade, 2004). Finally, the researcher used SPSS, a statistical software application, to analyze the survey results. Seven respondents who did not complete most of the survey were

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77 dele ted from the sample, which left 94 respondents. Also, questions that respondents failed to answer were coded as missing variables.

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78 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS perceptions were affected by the adoption of online video in newspaper newsrooms. Eighty seven percent (n = 82) of respondents reported that the number of staff photographers at their newspaper organizations decreased within the last 5 years. Of the 15 respondents who were not worki ng as staff photographers at the time of the survey, 73.3% (n = 11) reported that they once had staff positions but they were laid off, had been fired, or quit to do freelance work. For analysis, many of the survey items were separated according to two wor k categories; photographers and visual journalists, depending on how they described themselves. Table 4 1 shows the responses to a survey item that asked respondents to mark the choice that best described them professionally. For better comparison, the 5 w ork categories were split into 2 groups. The photographer group (n = 43, 45.7%) were professionals who reported spending the majority of their time on still photo assignments. The remaining 4 categories (photo editor, photographer/videographer, video edito r and other) were collapsed into 1 category called visual journalists (n = 51, 54.3%). Although the visual journalist group had some work experience in still photography, most were also involved in several other areas such as editing, teaching and directin g, managing, reporting, multimedia, and technical support. Therefore the visual journalist work category encompasses those who are responsible for the broader tasks of journalism that deal with the collection and production of still and moving news imagery Collapsing these categories enabled more meaningful analysis and tabulation.

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79 Several of the survey items required answers on a scale of 1 to 5. In some cases these scales were collapsed and reduced for more meaningful tabulation because the total number of respondents was low. The simplification of the scales also allowed for statistical tests to be conducted when cell counts were originally too low after results were tabulated. Chi square tests and two sample t tests were conducted to detect statistica lly significant differences in the way these two groups responded to important questionnaire items that would give insight to how their work life was influenced by online video. RQ1 : How Have Work Practices Changed a s a Result of the Adoption o f Video i n N ewspaper Newsrooms? Eighty two percent (n = 78) of the participants work full time for 1 news organization, and 61% (n = 59) reported that they have been professional news photographers for more than 20 years. About 93% of the respondents (n = 88) remember ed a time when shooting still photo assignments was their only task, and 98% (n = 92) reported they currently shoot or ed eb site. Table 4 1 shows th eir years of experience. In a typical day the respondents reported receiving an average of 1.65 video assignments (n =79, SD= .62) and 3.21 still photo assignments (n = 89, SD= 1.23). An independent sample t test comparing the mean number of still photo as signments and the mean number of video assignments respondents received in a typical day found a significant difference between the means, t (78) = 1.56, p<0.05). A paired sample t test was calculated to compare the mean percentage of work time spent shoo ting video and the mean percentage of work time spent shooting still photo assignments in a typical

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80 week. The mean percentage of time spent shooting stills was (M = 46.1%, SD = 29.46) and the mean percentage of time spent shooting video was (M =15.9%, SD = 20.41). Therefore, in most weeks, respondents in this sample spent a significantly higher percentage of their week shooting still photo assignments t (93) = 7.75, p< 0.01). The mean for the percentage of a typical work week spent editing still photos (M = 26.9%, SD = 25.68) was also higher than the mean for the percentage of a typical work week spent editing video (M = 17.5%, SD = 21.69), t (93) = 2.97, p< 0.01). Participants were asked to break down their typical week according to the percentage of time t hey spent on tasks related to shooting and producing. For each task listed they could choose from 0 to 100% When comparing the mean percentage of time (M = 73.1%, SD = 47.27) respondents spent shooting and editing still photos in a typical week to the mea n percentage of time (M = 54.5%, SD = 44.71) they spent on all of their other duties, the difference was statistically significantly different, t (93) = 2.58, p= 0.01). When it came to shooting a typical video, 38.7% (n = 31) of respondents reported that they spend less than 1 hour and 38.7% (n = 31) reported spending 1 to 2 hours. When it came to time spent editing and producing a typical video, 35.4% (n = 28) of respondents reported spending 2 to 3 hours, and 25.3% (n = 20) spent 3 to 5 hours. Also, 53.7 % (n = 54) agreed that the vide eb site required complex edits. Table 4 3 shows the time respondents spent shooting a typical video, and Table 4 4 shows the time respondents spent editing and producing a typical vide o. A chi square test was conducted to find out if there are significant differences in how often the 2 categories of journalists were expected to collect both stills and video

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81 on a single assignment. For the purposes of analysis, the 5 answer choices on the scaled survey item were collapsed into 2 categories (not frequently and frequently) to represent the frequency in the table. This analysis showed significant differences in the frequency photographers were required to collect video and stills compared to visual j ournalists, X (1, n = 88) = 10.91, p < 0.01). Photographers were expected to collect both at a statistically significant higher frequency than the visual journalists work category. Table 4 5 shows the crosstab and chi square coefficient for this analysis Overall, respondents were expected to complete still photo assignments daily, and respondents were expected to complete video assignments between 1 and 3 times a week. Figure 4 2 shows how respondents reported the frequency that they are expected to com plete video and still photo assignments, and Figure 4 3 shows the daily breakdown of the number of video and still assignments they receive. When asked if they had enough time to finish their work during salaried hours, 35.5% (n = 33) of respondents answer Also, a two sample t test for difference between proportions showed no statistically significant difference (p = 0.74) between the photojournalists (n = 14, 37%) and visual journalists (n = 19, 40%) who repo rted having enough time to complete assignments during salaried hours. Also 55.3% (n = 19) of respondents said shooting video requires photojournalists to carry too much equipment on assignments. In order to compare perceptions about equipment between phot ographers and visual journalists, a chi square test was conducted. This test was found to be statistically significant, X (2, n = 94) = 6.81, p < 0.01) as photographers said the extra equipment necessary for video assignments is

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82 Table 4 6 shows the crosstab and chi square coefficient for this analysis. RQ2 : How Does t he News Perception of the Audience Relate to the Quality or Type of Online Video That is Produced for t he Web Site? Treating the data as nominal variables a chi square test of independence was conducted to compare level of viewer demand for still photos to the level of viewer demand for online video. For the purposes of analysis, the answer choices in a 5 item index that measured viewer demand were collaps ed into 3 categories (low, average and high) to represent the frequency in the table. Figure 4 4 shows how respondents perceived audience demand for still photography and videography on 2 different survey items. Table 4 7 shows the crosstab and chi square coefficient for this analysis, and a statistically significant difference between the demand for still photos and video was found, X ( 2, n =172) = 65.5, p<0.01. However, in the case of viewer demand for audio slideshows compared to viewer demand for onlin e video, 29% (n = 27) of respondents said that viewers would rather see online video than audio slideshows. A chi square test was conducted to see if there was a statistically significant difference between the way the 2 work categories perceived viewer de mand, and the results were significant, X (2, n = 93) = 8.93, p<0.01. Photographers were statistically more likely to say the audience preferred audio slideshows to video. Table 4 8 shows the crosstab and chi square coefficient for this analysis. Also, 64 .9% (n = 61) of respondents said viewers would rather see an o nline photo gallery than video. When participants were asked to report the top 3 types of video that were most commonly produ eb site without ranking them, breaking

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83 new s (n = 64, 23.3%), feature stories (n = 58, 21.1%), and general assignment (n = 64, 20.7%) were the top choices. However, participants reported that breaking news (n = 55, 31.2%), sports (n = 41, 23.3%), and feature stories (n = 26, 14.8%) were the top 3 k inds of video mo eb site. Table 4 9 and Table 4 10 show the types of video respondents thought were the most commonly produced and the most commonly viewed eb site, respectively. Respondents were asked whom they were primarily concerned with pleasing when it came to their work for each type of work output: still photography and video A chi square test of independence showed no statistically significant differences between photographers and visual jou rnalists in terms of whom they were concerned with pleasing, X (2, n = 166) = 1.15, p = 0.56. The tabulation for this chi square test is not shown in a table because the results were not significant. The answer choices were not ranked, and participants c ould choose all answers that applied. Respondents in this survey were most concerned with pleasing their audience (n = 81, 48.8%) and themselves (n = 66, 39.7%) with the work they produced. A chi square test of independence was performed to determine if a opinion of the audience depended on their work category. The results were not significant, X (3, n = 215) = 0.90, p = 0.82. Table 4 12 shows the cross tabulations for e audience. RQ3 : How Do Changes i n O rganizational Structure Relate to the Production of Online Video i n Newspaper Newsrooms? Results show that in the past most photojournalists reported to photo editors (n = 50, 53.2%) and photo directors (n = 30, 31.9%) w hile multimedia editors had little

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84 reported that today most photojournalists still report to photo editors (n = 32, 34%) and photo directors (n = 29, 31%), and the supervision by multimedia editors (n = 8, 8.5%) has slightly increased. Figure 4 5 shows the differences between whom photographers answer to today and to whom they answered to in the past. Respondents were asked about changes in job titles and editorial positions tha t occurred within the last 5 years in their newsrooms. Most respondents (n = 55, 76%) reported that photographers had changed job titles. Fewer said that print reporters, picture editors, print editors and other editorial positions had changed job titles. Also, 62% of respondents (n = 58) reported answering to the same editor when they sho ot eb site as when they shoot still photo assignments. When it came to opinions about organizational structure concerning training, there was some association between the way professionals who primarily shot still photos and those who handle other multimedia and editing tasks viewed their level of video training (p = 0.10). Also, 58.5% (n = 55) of respondents said that they did not receive adequ ate and appropriate training from their employers in shooting and editing video while 22.3% (n = 21) agreed that they did. Figure 4 6 shows how respondents answered when questioned about the quality of training they received from employers in shooting and editing video. However, respondents (n = 55, 59.4%) agreed that in most cases their news organization provided the appropriate equipment and technology for them to shoot and edit video. Figure 4 7 shows how participants responded to this survey item.

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85 Tab le 4 ategories Total (N=94) Work Category Respondents % Photographer 43 45.7 Photo Editor 8 8.5 Photographer/Videographer 29 31 Video Editor 10 9. 4 Other 4 4.2 Table 4 2. Comparison of employment status as a photographer by a ge (years) 25 34 35 44 45 Total Employment status (N = 17) (N = 19) (N = 35) (N = 21) (N = 93) Full time News 13 17 32 16 78 Part time News 1 0 1 1 3 Freelance (somet imes) 1 0 2 0 4 Freelance 1 1 0 0 2 Worked News (Past) 0 0 0 2 2 Little No News Work 1 1 0 2 4 Figure 4 1. Y ears of emplo yment as a professional news p hotographer 1 8 8 11 7 59 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 <1 1 to 5 6 to 10 11 to 15 16 to 20 >20 Respondents Years of Employment

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86 Table 4 3. Time spent shooting a t y pical v ideo Total (N = 80) Time (hours) Respondents % 31 38.7 1 2 31 38.7 2 3 10 12.5 8 10.0 Table 4 4. T ime spent editing and producing a typical v ideo Total (N = 79) Tim e (hours) Respondents % 19 24.1 2 3 28 35.4 3 5 20 25.3 12 15.2 Table 4 5. Frequency respondents are expected to collect both still photos and video on a single a ssignment Not Frequently Frequently Total Work Category (N = 36) (N = 52) (N = 88) Visual Journalist 56% 44% 56.8% (28) (22) (50) Photographer 21% 79 % 43.2% (8) (30) (38) X =10.91 d f=1 p <0.01

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87 Figure 4 2. Frequency respondents were expected to complete a ssignments Figure 4 3. Number of assignments respondents receive in a typical day 14 2 33 8 33 12 12 70 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Video Stills Respondents Never 1-3 times/Month 1-3 times/ Week Daily 35 12 40 11 6 30 23 15 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 Video Stills Respondents 0 1 2 3 >3

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88 Figure 4 4. Perceived audience demand and media c ategory Table 4 6. Shooting video requires a photojournalist to carry too much equipment on a ssignments Agree Neither Disagree T otal Work Category (N = 52) (N = 20) (N = 22) (N = 94) Photographe rs 55.8% 45% 22.7% 45.7% (29) (9) (5) (43) Vi sual Journalists 44.2% 55% 77.3% 54.2% (23) (11) (1 7) (51) X =6.81 df=2 p < 0.03 Table 4 7. Perceived audience demand and media c ategory Low Average High Total Media Category (N = 46) (N = 53) (N = 73) (N = 172) Sti ll Photography 3.4% 27.6% 70% 50.6% (3) (24) (60) (87) Videography 50.6% 34.1% 15.3% 49.4% (43) (29) (13) (85) X =65.5 df=2 p <0.01 3 24 60 43 29 13 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Low Average High Respondents Audience Demand Still photography Videography

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89 Table 4 8. Most viewers would rather see audio slideshows than online v ideo Agree Neither Disagree Total Work Category (N = 26) (N = 40) (N = 27) (N = 93) Pho tographers 61.5% 50% 22% 45.2% (16) (20) (6) (42) Visual Jo urnalists 38.5% 50% 78% 54.8% (10) (20) (21) (51) X =8.93 df=2 p <0.01 Table 4 it e Total (N = 93) Typ e of Video Respondents % Animals 8 3 .0 Breaking News 64 23.3 Features 58 21.1 General Assignments 57 20.7 Political 18 6.5 Popular Opinion 7 2.5 Special Reports 22 8 .0 Sports 41 14.9 Total 275 1 00 .0 Table 4 10. Type of video most commonly viewed on your n ewspa site Total (N = 93) Type of Video Respondents % Animals 11 6.3 Breaking News 55 31.2 Features 26 14.8 General Assignments 19 10.8 Political 10 5.7 Popular Opinion 2 1.1 Special Reports 12 6.8 Sports 41 23.3 Total 176 100 .0

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90 Table 4 11. Who you are most c oncerned with p leasing My Audience My Editor Myself T otal Media Category (N = 81) (N = 19) (N = 66 ) (N = 166) Still Photography 51.7% 9.2% 39.1% 52.4% (45) (8) (34) (87) Videography 45.6% 13.9% 40.5% 47.6% (36) (11) (32) (79) Table 4 12. Opinions of the a udience Educated/ Short Atten tion Span/ News /Tech Intelligent No Time No C lue Savvy Total Work Category (N = 64) (N = 69) (N = 28) (N = 54) (N=215) Photographers 27.4% 33.7% 14.7% 24.2% 44.2% (26) (32) (14) (23) (95) Visual Journalists 31.7% 30.8% 11.6% 25.8% 55.8% (38) (37) (14) (31) (120) Figure 4 5. Most photographers report to/ answer to 50 30 2 12 32 29 2 8 23 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Respondents Answers The Past The Present

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91 Figure 4 mployers Figure 4 7. News organizations provide appropriate equipment/ technology for v ideo 4 17 18 24 31 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 Strongly Agree Agree Neither Agree/Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Respondents Answers 9 12 29 14 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 Never Rarely Sometimes Quite Often Always Respondents Answers

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92 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION The social constructivist theory would argue that the adoption of online video is a product of a complex socialization process that takes place in the newsroom. The process of incorporating video, which includes learning and constructing its meaning and value, cannot be separated from it s social context in the newsroom. Social constructivism asserts that the production factors work practices, perception of the audience, and organizational structure have significant influence on video adoption as a learning process. The cumulative effect of the production factors can help determine whether news organizations are taking the necessary steps to make sure video thrives as a storytelling format. This research attempted to study news photographers as a unique group within the newsroom. It also e xamined how social influences and processes affect how photographers ascribe meaning to the video technology that has been introduced into most U.S. newsrooms. The most interesting insight this study provided is that photojournalists who once only shot sti ll photo assignments are now receiving daily video assignments, and these photographers are often collecting both still photos and video for the same assignment. Respondents in this study are also concerned with pleasing the audience for news video, and re sults show that the type of video respondents said their newspapers produce usually fits the interests of viewers. However, results indicate that other than changing the job titles of photographers and providing the necessary equipment to shoot and edit, n ews organizations are not making many structural changes to help foster the adoption of video in their newsrooms.

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93 RQ1 : How Have Work Practices Changed as a Result of the Adoption of Video i n Newspaper Newsrooms? The successful adoption of a new technology or capability is usually propelled and accompanied by a significant change in the work practices and routines of the professionals who are learning a new skill set (Boczkowski, 2004; Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). In this study the participants reported an ove rall expansion in their work practices, which includes an increase in their workload and the skills necessary to do their jobs. Although the majority of the respondents were news photographers who now have various levels of experience shooting and producin g online video, most of their work day is still spent with still photography. In a typical day most professionals who participated in the survey are receiving twice as many still photo assignments as video assignments, and respondents spent almost 30% more of their week shooting still photo assignments than shooting video assignments. They also spent a higher percentage of their work week editing still photos than video editing. However, when respondents do work on video, they said it is a time consuming an d complex task. It is not enough to simply compare the amount of time these professionals spend on video and still photo assignments as an indication of how much their work practices have changed. Most of the respondents said they remember a time when the y did not have any video work at all; therefore, all video practice is a completely new change in Forty respondents (49.4%) said they typically receive one video assign ment per day. This could be viewed as a drastic change in the daily routine of a professional. This is also significant because when you add the time it takes the majority of respondents to shoot (1 2 hours) and edit (2 5 hours) a typical video, that means that many of these

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94 professionals spend anywhere from three to seven hours each time they c omplete a video assignment ( Table 4 3 and Table 4 4). This research not only showed that work practices were expanding, but employers are also expecting more from jo urnalists who work in photography. In this case, a broadening of expectations means that employers increasingly expect photographers to be equipped for video each day, to multi task during assignments, and to switch between and maintain the mindsets necess ary for both video and still photo work. For example, professionals who are responsible for both still and video assignments may have a lot more to think about than a professional who just works with one format. In order to effectively collect video for a news story, the photographer must consider sound, remember unique equipment such as tripods and headphones, and they may even approach the scene of an event and interact with subjects in a different way than they would if they were collecting still photos. Employer expectations are not only apparent in the frequency at which respondents are assigned various work, but also the frequency with which they are expected to complete this work, or the rate of turnaround. For example, 40 respondents said they are assigned 1 video on a typical day, but only 12 respondents said they were expected to complete video daily. Instead, 33 respondents reported that they are expected to complete videos about 1 to 3 times per week, and 26 respondents said they turn around a v ideo once per month or less. Also, 53 respondents said they receive 2 to 3 still photo assignments on a typical day, but 70 (76.1%) respondents reported that they are expected to complete photo assignments daily. This means that the

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95 photojournalists may a lso be balancing a more complicated schedule for deadlines as they work to manage assignments in different formats with different rates of turnaround. Even though it is clear that there has been a significant learning curve for the respondents, it is not evident if the expanding work practices and increase in employer expectations are directly caused by the addition of online video in these newsrooms. Several respondents had negative views of the changes in their work practices relating to video. But do we have reason to assume that these perceptions are accurate? Are the changes associated with online video solely to blame for the changes in work routines? Several other factors compounded with the adoption of online video may cause these photojournalists to feel overwhelmed with their routines. For example, most respondents said that within the last five years the number of staff photographers in their newsrooms has decreased. This most likely increased the workload for those photographers still working i n newsroom photography departments, independently of the addition of video work. Also, the frequency with which respondents are assigned video may have an impact on how they feel about video assignments. Since most of the respondents spend most of their t ime on still photography, whenever they are assigned a video or expected to collect both stills and video on a single assignment it takes them out of their professional norms. This may exaggerate the impact they feel video is having on their work experienc e. Paulussen and Ugille (2008) found similar results concerning how see themselves as having enough time, resources and manpower to complete their

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96 core tasks, not to m ention new responsibilities. For example, in this study many respondents said adding video asks too much of journalists, requires too much equipment, calls for com plex edits, and that they do not have enough time to complete their work during salaried hour s. Since breaking news was reported to be the most commonly produced and most commonly viewed video, the time sensitive circumstances under which this type of video is collected could be a reason why these journalists view video work as time consuming and one journalist to handle along with shooting photos for a single assignment. RQ2 : How Does t Perception of the Audience Relate to the Quality or Type of Online Video That i s Produced for t he Web Site? A s their audience, their peers, and their work will directly influence how well journalists accept and adapt changes related to online video, which ultimately affects the content th at is published. Therefore, by analyzing the perceptions of the respondents in this survey, the researcher gained insight about how these perceptions may affect video content. For example, if respondents feel like the video work they do satisfies the need s and demands of their audience, they may view their experiences learning and working in video as meaningful. Also their perceptions will likely affect their attitude toward and the quality of the news video they produce. This research did pinpoint some pe rceptions the respondents hold about the audience, but it did not determine how these perceptions directly affect the video content. According to the respondents, the audience overwhelmingly would rather see photos, which include still photos in gallerie s and audio slideshows, than video. There

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97 demand for stills and video. Table 4 8 shows 70% (n = 60) of respondents said still photos were in high demand, and 50.6% (n = 43) of respondents said the demand for video was low. This perception of the audience being in favor of still photos should be questioned. Maybe the respondents themselves would rather view still photos and audio slideshows than online video. Also, this perceived audience demand for still photography may be linked to the negative work experiences some respondents had with video. If photojournalists view their changes in work practices negatively, they may ascribe their preferences onto the audience. Previ ous research has shown that the important factor influencing the adoption of interactivity and new media capabilities in the newsroom (Boczkowski, 2004; Paulusen & Ugille, 200 8). Therefore, the their level of acceptance of and feelings about video work in general. Most respondents also said that the audience prefers online photo galleries mo re than video. For the purposes of analysis, online video was considered to be a more complex media format than still photos because it demands more of photojournalists in terms of learning new editing software and equipment. The results showed that as the type of media became more sophisticated, respondents reported that the demand for that media is lower. This was not entirely the case when demand for video was compared to demand for audio slideshows. Overall, 29% of respondents said online video is in hi gher demand than slideshows, while 28% of respondents said the audience prefers slideshows. However, there was a statistically significant difference in the way photographers and visual journalists responded to this survey item. Most photographers

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98 said tha t the audience would prefer to see slideshows, while most visual journalists disagreed. These perceptions are in line with the patterns of media production respondents reported. Results showed that respondents are assigned more still photos in a typical d ay than video, and that they were expected to complete still photo assignments at a higher frequency. However, some of this is because video takes more time to produce, od video. When it came to production of audio slideshows, the respondents were still assigned more video in a typical day and expected to complete video at a higher frequency than audio slideshows. Overall, the news organizations represented in this resear ch seem to cater to the news patterns and characteristics of their audiences when it comes to the type of online video that is produced. These results show that for the most part, the types of news video that organizations most commonly produce are also wh at the audience views. The respondents said breaking news was the most commonly produced and most commonly viewed genre of online news video. Although feature stories and general assignment videos were the next most commonly produced video, respectively, t he journalists felt that most viewers watch sports video more than feature stories. In general, respondents think that their audience is made up of educated and intelligent people who have short attention spans and little time for news. If the respondents are in fact correct about their smart and busy audience, it would make sense that breaking news, general assignment, sports and feature videos would be produced and viewed more than other genres. As characterized by the respondents, the audience for online

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99 news video is not made up of casual Web browsers but intelligent people who are on the go and a re probably drawn to newspaper w eb sites specifically to follow up on the latest news and sports events. These findings support previous research that shows fac tors intrinsic to the journalists and their views of the audience influence news content (Armstrong, 2006; Shoemaker and Reese, 1996). the only major factor in what type new s video is produced. Also, the researcher is not characteristics and interests. This research has not established reasons why the an accurate description of the audience. Respondents said that they were more concerned with pleasing their audience and working to satisfy their own professional standards than they were concerned with pleasing their editors. They were also more concern ed with pleasing their audience with their still photo work than with their video work. However, in general, respondents were most concerned with pleasing their audience with their work regardless of the media category. This finding is interesting because video is one of the newest skills news photographers have been expe cted to master, and they are not overwhelmingly concerned about what their editors think about their video work. Maybe respondents are less concerned with pleasing their editors because if editors are overworked, they may not give them much feedback anyway. This lack of concern to please editors might also be linked to their views about whether or not employers provided the appropriate training for this media. The quality of on the job train ing in business settings has been

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100 found to significantly affect whether employees accept the goals and intend to meet the performance expectations of their employers (Schwoerer et al., 2005). RQ3 : How Do Changes i n Organizational S tructure Relate to the Pr oduction of Online Video i n Newspaper Newsrooms ? For the purposes of this research, social constructivism would assess the extent to which structural changes in news organizations were made in order to foster the healthy development of video in newsrooms. Theorists would also consider a lack of change in organizational structure as affecting the video adoption. In other words, what are news organizations doing structurally, besides providing the appropriate technology and software, which influences the adop tion of video? For example, a change in job titles practices and the added roles that photojournalists have taken on as a result of the video adoption process. Or news organ izations may decide to reorganize the workflow or hierarchy in photography departments in ways that will support and accommodate the routines in video. In this study most respondents reported that news photographers still report to photo directors and ed itors more than to multimedia editors even though they are now expected to shoot and produce video. Even when they are collecting and editing still photos and video for assignme nts, their editors usually do not change. New skill sets, work routines and exp ectations have been added, but these changes have not drastically affected organizational structure when it comes to hierarchy of command in the photography departments of newsrooms represented in this survey.

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101 Respondents said that news photographers have undergone a change in job titles as a result of their expanding and changing job roles. This is interesting because most A high percentage of respondents were not satisfied with the level of vid eo training they received, but most respondents felt like their news organizations provided them with the appropriate technologies and equipment they needed to get the job done. These results were in line with the research Aviles et al. (2004) conducted on job training at commercial television stations. In the past, management argued that new darkroom production and creating digital archiving systems (Aviles et al., 20 04), but learning to shoot, edit and produce news video does not simplify the work of photojournalists. Unlike training for news photographers in the past related to the digitization of the newsroom, management cannot use the same arguments for why journal ists should embrace video technology and training. News video provides photographers with an opportunity to learn a wholly new skill, which most likely increases the workload of the professionals who embrace this new storytelling platform. Previous resear ch has shown that training is not just about mastering a new skill set, but in fact affects the mindset of the news worker (Nollen & Gaertner, 1991; Schwoerer et al., 2005). In this research, training did not have a significant impact on time efficiency in video work. The time it took respondent s to shoot and edit video was not statistically significantly associated to their quality of training. For example, the photojournalists who were satisfied with the quality of their video training d id not spend a significantly different amount of time shooting and editing. Therefore

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102 the level of training may not always affect the time it takes or ease with which a professional completes an assignment. The fact that the respondents did not think the ir video training was adequate or appropriate may indicate that their confidence, self efficacy and performance have suffered (Nollen & Gaertner, 1991; Schwoerer et al., ect the overall performance of the news organization. which recognized patterns of newspapers introducing new technologies but not investing the time it takes to harness new media, learn new processes and adopt new values. In most newsrooms represented in this study, the journalists were given the appropriate and necessary equipment, but they did not feel that enough training was provided.

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103 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION The research er used the following exploratory question to guide this study: How is online video being adopted by photojournalists and newsrooms in the U.S.? This study audience are i nfluencing the adoption of video more than the organizational structure of the newsrooms represented in the research. Photojournalists have gone from no video work to receiving about one video assignment per day, and oftentimes they are collecting both sti lls and video on a single assignment. Also, these photojournalists are concerned with pleasing the audience, and their perceptions of the intelligent and busy individuals and their interests match the breaking news, sports and general assignment video they demand for still photos exceeds their demand for video, which may be linked to these However, acco rding to most respondents, when it comes to organizational structure, most newsrooms have only made strides to change job titles of photographers and to equip them with the technology they need to shoot and edit video. There has not been significant traini ng or changes in workflow that would help usher in and establish video as a meaningful storytelling method in these newsrooms. These findings are important when viewed in light of the social constructivist theory. Although technology does trigger changes in news, without other factors influencing the adoption process, technology alone is not enough to maintain the desired innovations in news content that video was introduce to create. In previous research, even when journalists had general awareness of and basic access to the Web

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104 technologies for multimedia and interactivity, they took advantage of them differently based on variations in the dynamics of the technology adoption process (Boczkowski, 2004). Therefore, these differences in the dynamics of the a doption processes are associated with the three production factors studied in this research. One major limitation of the present research is that it relied on the memories of photographers about the frequency at which they carried out various assignments, their type of news vi deo that is published to their w eb site as well as the complexity of video edits. For example, the respondents said the audience would rather see st ill photography than video, but the researcher could not determine why respondents have this perception nor if their perception of the audience actually influence s what content is published to w eb sites. T herefore the researcher could only speculate about the audience demand for these platforms. The survey was also limited because it did not offer definitions or descriptions for news photographers in different newsrooms or to professionals with diverse work histories and experiences. One weakness of the present research was the sample size of the survey, which limited the statistical analysis and generalization of the results. Although there are several benefits to Web based s urveys, which allow researchers to cut costs by collecting information through self administered electronic questions, Adams and Cleary (2007) found several deterrents and distractions usually make it difficult to get busy news workers to complete them. On the go journalists who are often competing with

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105 deadlines have generally been reluctant to dedicate time to complete surveys for academic research (Adams & Cleary, 2007). Another limitation of this research is in the sample collection methods. Without ran domization, the researcher chose to solicit responses by using an online directory of newspapers. More strategic recruitment of diverse newsrooms and respondents may produce more conclusive or insightful results about how online video is affecting newsroom s and news content and how it is related to changes in work practices and organizational structure. A mixed methods approach could produce more conclusive and significant results. Future research could use a combination of survey and content analysis. Su rvey methods could be used to collect data from the respondents about how they perceive changing work practices, how these work practices affect them personally, and the patterns and schedules of online video work in newsrooms. However, content analysis wo uld be a more accurate way to collect information about the complexity of video edits and how often newspapers publish various types of assignments. Qualitative methods such as in depth interviews with news photographers and editors could be used to get a clearer picture about how changes in organizational structure and hierarchy of command in newsrooms relates to the adoption of video. Using a survey alone may not have been the best way to measure the relationship between news video and organizational stru cture, and workflow and hierarchy could be better examined through on site observation and qualitative interviewing. Photographers have their own special culture within the newsroom. Future research could study news photographers as a unique subgroup to fi nd whether those who shoot video have established norms and routines for video production. Studies

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106 could also survey news photographers who have been hired within the last 10 years about work practices, job expectations, and perceived audience preferences because their views may be different from professionals who have been working for 15 to 20 years. From this study 70% (n = 66) of the respondents said they have been professional news photographers for more than 15 years. There could be significant differe nces in attitudes toward change between older professionals and younger hires who are just entering the industry. It would be interesting to see whether the more recent hires are accepting and embracing new platforms more than the seasoned photojournalists Future researchers could focus on the responses of more recent hires as well as the effects of convergence where newspapers are partnering with local television stations. With layoffs and downsizing in photography departments, it would be interesting to see whether video is being collected and multi purposed for both television and newspaper w eb sites. It would also be interesting to see whether experienced television videographers are shooting and editing video for newspapers. Future research could also explore the amount of still photography and video newspapers publish. Future studies could explore how editors make decisions about the frequency of assignments and which multimedia is appropriate. Researchers could also compare the types of videos that ar e most commonly assigned, such as breaking news, to those that are most commonly viewed, such as sports. Another avenue for future research could include the average length of the videos respondents produce. For example, information about video length may help explain why it took the respondents a certain amount of time to shoot and edit or it may help the researcher understand why respondents said the audience would prefer to view still

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107 photos. If the respondents are producing videos that are considerabl y long, it may affect their perception of video and their beliefs about whether the audience would have time to view them. Changes in organizational structure relat ed to video could be explored in more detail, specifically training and job titles. Future researchers may study how quality of training or satisfaction with training may affect the self efficacy of journalists and their efficiency in completing new tasks and acquiring new skills. As far as job titles are concerned, this research established tha t within the last five years staff photographers have undergone the most changes. Future studies could seek to establish the nature of these new job titles and the reasons behind why these titles were changed. Thus the researcher could establish whether th e changes in job titles were associated with the changing work practices of photojournalists who added video to their repertoire This study advanced the social constructivist theory by using quantitative methods to explore a group of photojournalists who were learning to shoot and edit video with in the social context of separate and diverse newsroom s Scholars have traditionally used the social constructivist theory to research the learning process of a group of individuals who share the same social enviro nment Therefore previous constructivist studies have examined how a group has created meaning in a single or a few social settings. This study brought together the perceptions and experiences of professional s from different news organizations in order to challenge the theory by transcending the org anizational boundaries to understand the shared meanings of photographers who have been exposed to video work. Photographers are an interesting group to study because they are different from word journalists in several ways. Instead of using the theory to

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108 understand one group of photojournalists in a single newsroom, this study has increased awareness of the general c oncerns of photojournalists who represent several organizations. Therefore this research is advan cing the social constructivist theory by broadening its reach and paving the way for future rese archers to use the theory to analyze on a larger scope. from still photograph y to online videography is more than a simple switch in camera equipment. Through the analysis of work practices, perceptions of the audience and organizational structure, it was evident that these factors play a role in whether photographers embrace and a ccept video work. This research also began to view the their typical work day is changing because of online video. This study has also established starting points for future conversation about what news organizations can do structurally to make newsroo ms a place for photographers to feel supported and have meaningful interactions with their p eers and editors, which may ultimately facilitate their learning experiences.

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109 APPENDIX A SURVEY

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110 Q1 I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the procedure. I understand that I may print this page for my own r ecords. I agree. I do not agree. I will n ot participate in the study. Q2 I currently shoot or edit video for my job. Yes No Not applicable Q3 Was there a time in your professional career when you only shot still photos (no audio or video)? Yes No Not applicable Q4 When I shoot video for our w eb site, I answer to a different editor than when I shoot stills. True False Not applicable Q5 I have enough time to finish my work during salaried hours. True False Not applicable Q6 In a typical day how many of the following assignments do you receive? 0 1 2 3 More than 3 Video Stills Audio Slideshows

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111 Q7 In general, at what frequency are you expected to complete the following kind of assignments ? Daily Never Less than once a month About once a month 2 3 times a month About once a week 2 3 times a week Video Stills Audio Slideshows Q8 Who reviews your work? Photo editor Video editor Online editor Multimedia editor Not Applicable Video Stills Audio Slideshows Q9 When it comes to the following assignments, whom are you concerned with pleasing? Myself My editor My audience Not applicable Video Stills Audio Slideshows Q10 In a typical week, what percen tage of your work time do you spend on the following activities? Please slide the bars to the right. ______ Shooting stills ______ Shooting video ______ Editing stills ______ Editing video _____ Management/ administration ______ Other

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112 Q11 At your newspaper, within the last five years there have been changes in job titles for which of the following jobs? Check all that apply. Reporters Picture editors Print editors Photographers Other editorial positions ____________________ Q12 Complete the statement by checking all that apply. The audience for my newspaper's online video is/has... Educated Intelligent Tech savvy News savvy Little time for news Short attention spans No clue about news video Other ____________________ Q13 Our newsroom has separate departments for the following. Check all that apply. Video Photo Photo and video together Multimedia/online production Design (print) Design (Web) Other ____________________ Q 18 What types of videos are most commonly produced for your newspaper's w eb site? Choose the top three. Animals Political Sports Feature Special Reports Breaking news General assignment Man on the street/ popular opinion I don't know.

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113 Q19 What kinds of videos are most viewed on your new spaper's w eb site? Choose the top three. Animals Political Sports Feature Special reports Breaking news General assignment Man on the street/ popular opinion I don't know. Q20 Today, most photojournalists in my newsroom report to: Photo editor Photo director Onl ine editor Multimed ia editor Other: Please specify. ____________________ Q21 In the past, most photojournalists in my newsroom reported to: Photo editor Photo director Online editor Multimedia editor Other: Please specify. ____________________ Q22 Choose the answer that best completes the following statement: Within the last 5 years, the number of staff photographers at your news organization has: Increased Decreased Remained the same Q23 My news organization provides the appropriate equipment and technology for me to shoot and edit video. Never Rarely Sometimes Quite often Always

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114 Q24 The videos posted to our w eb site require complex edits. Never Rarely Sometimes Quite often Always Q25 At my workplace photographers who shoot and ed it online video work in a separate department/location from the other photographers. Never Rarely Sometimes Quite often Always Q26 In general, how often are you expected to gather BOTH still photos and video on a single assignment? Never Rarely Some times Quite often Always Q27 On average, how much time do you personally spend shooting a typical video? Less than 1 hour 1 2 hours 2 3 hours More than 3 h ours Not applicable Q28 On average, how much time do you personally spend editing/producing a typical video? Less than 2 hours 2 3 hours 3 5 hours More than 5 hours Not applicable

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115 Q29 How would you describe the viewer demand for st ill photos on your newspaper's w eb site? Very low Low Average High Very high I don't know. Q30 How woul d you describe the viewer demand for video on your newspaper's Web site? Very low Low Average High Very high I don't know. Q31 Most viewers would rather see a photo gallery than online video. Strongly disagree Disagree Neither agree nor disagree Agree Strongly agree Q32 Shooting video requires a photojournalist to carry too much equipment on assignments. Strongly disagree Disagree Neither agree nor disagree Agree Strongly agree Q33 I received adequate and appropriate training from my empl oyer in shooting and editing video. Strongly disagree Disagree Neither agree nor disagree Agree Strongly agree

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116 Q34 Most viewers would rather see audio slideshows than online video. Strongly disagree Disagree Neither agree nor disagree Agree Stron gly agree Q35 Adding video assignments to a photographer's still assignments is asking too much of photographers. Strongly disagree Disagree Neither agree nor disagree Agree Strongly agree Q36 At your newspaper, within the last five years, what typ e of changes have occurred in the photo department? (For example, reorganization, title of department, merging with or splitting into other departments, or where photographers are located in newsroom.) Please explain. Q37 What were your primary reasons fo r starting to shoot and edit video? Please explain. Q38 Currently, are you a member of NPPA? Yes No Q39 What is your gender? Male Female Prefer not to report Q40 What was your age on your last birthday? Younger than 18 years old 18 24 years old 25 34 years old 35 44 years old 45 54 years old 55 years or older

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117 Q41 Mark the choice that BEST describes you: I am pri marily a still photographer. I am primarily a videographer. I shoot both video and stills in my work. I am p rimarily a pictu re editor. I am primarily a video editor. Other (6) ____________________ Q42 Mark the choice that BEST describes your employment: I work full tim e for one news organization. I work part tim e for one news organization. I work freelance, prima rily for n ews organizations. I work freelance, some times for news organizations I did work primarily for news organizatio ns in the past, but not now. I have done little or no work for news organizations. None of the above describes my employment. Q43 How long have you been a professional news photographer? Less than 1 year 1 5 years 5 10 years 10 15 years 15 20 years More than 20 years I am not a pro fessional news photographer. Q44 If you are not a staff photographer at a newspaper now, which of the fo llowing describes you best? I have never been a staff photographer at a newspaper. I was a staff photographer at a newspaper, but I was laid off, fired or q uit within the past 2 years. I was a staff photographer at a newspaper, but I quit to go freela nce within the past 2 years. I was a staff photographer at a newspaper, but I quit to go freelance more than 2 years ago. I was a staff photographer at a newspaper, but I was laid off, fired or quit more than 2 years ago. None of the above describes me.

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118 LIST OF REFERENCES Adams, J. (2008). Industry guidance could help j programs prepare print majors for convergence. Newspaper Research Journal, 29 (4), 81 88. Adams, T. (2007). Producers, directors, and horizontal communication in television news productio n. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 51 (2), 337 354. Adams, T.L., & Cleary, J. (2007).Surfable surveys: Using Web based technology to reach newsroom respondents. Electronic News 1 (2), 103 120. Armstrong, C. (2006). Writing about women: An exam ination of how content for women is determined in newspapers. Mass Communication and Society 9 (4), 447 460. Au, K. H. (1998). Social constructivism and the school literacy learning of students of diverse backgrounds. Journal of Literacy Research, 30 (2), 297 319. Avils, J., Len, B., Sanders, K., & Harrison, J. (2004). Journalists at digital television newsrooms in Britain and Spain: Workflow and multi skilling in a competitive environment. Journalism Studies 5 (1), 87 100. Bivings Group. (2008, Decembe newspapers. Retrieved December 3, 2009, from http://www.bivingsreport.com/resources/2006v2007v2008.gif Boczkowski, P. (2004). The processes of adopting multimedia and interactivity in three online newsro oms. Journal of Communication, 54 (2), 197 213. Boczkowski, P. (1999). Understanding the development of online newspapers. New Media & Society, 1 (1), 101. Bolack, M. (2001). Constructed images: The influences of news organizations andsocialization in photo Dissertations and Theses Database at the University of North Texas Libraries. Bossen, H., Davenport, L., & Randle, Q. (2006). Digital camera use affects photo procedures/archiving. Newspaper Research Journal 27 (1), 18 32. Breed, W. (1955). Social control in the newsroom: A functional analysis. Social Forces,33, 326 335. Burns, E. (2006, March 23). High powered Internet users identified as online news consumers. Retrieved December 04, 2009, fro m http://www.clickz.com/3593846 interactivity and users of interactive features. Convergence, 13 (1), 43 61.

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121 Killeb rew, K. (2002). Culture, creativity and convergence: Managing journalists in a changing information workplace. JMM: The International Journal on Media Management, 5 (1), 39 46. Lasica, J. (1998). Video comes to the World Wide Web. American Journalism Revie w 20 (1), 48. Lavine, J. M., & Wackman, D. B. (1987). Managing media organizations: Effective leadership of the media New York: Longman. Lawrence, R. (2006). Seeing the whole board: New institutional analysis of news content. Political Communication, 23 .d oi: 10.1080/10584600600629851 Lowrey, W. (2002). Word people vs. picture people: Normative differences and strategies for control over work among newsroom subgroups. Mass Communication & Society, 5 (4), 411 432. Lowrey, W. (2003, June). Normative conflict in the newsroom: The case of digital photo manipulation. Journal of Mass Media Ethics,18 (2), 123 142. Lowrey, W., Daniels, G., & Becker, L. (2005). Predictors of convergence curricula in journalism and mass communication programs. Journalism & Mass Commun ication Educator, 60 (1), 32 46. Mallory, B. L. & New, R. S. (1994). Social constructivist theory and principles of inclusion: Challenges for early childhood special education. The Journal of Special Education, 28 (3), 322 337. McAdams, M. (2010, June 6). On line video still growing, gaining viewers. Message posted to http://mindymcadams.com/tojou/2010/online video still growing gaining viewers/ McCombs, R. (2007, June 29). Blurring boundaries: What print journalists can learn from video editors Poynter Online. Retrieved from http://www.poynter.org/column.asp?id=101&aid=125795 Message posted to http://www. clickz.com/3467211 Mullen, R., & Wedwick, L. (2008). Avoiding the digital abyss: Getting started in the classroom with YouTube, digital stories, and blogs. Clearing House, 82 (2), 66 69. Mulvany C. (2008, March 29). The times are a changing. Message posted to http://masteringmultimedia.wordpress.com/2008/03/29/the times they are a changing/

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124 Russial, J. (2000). How digital imaging ch anges work of photojournalists. Newspaper Research Journal 21 (2), 67. Retrieved from Academic Search Premier database. Russial, J. (2008) "Newspapers and online content: Platform agnostic or sectarian? (Resubmitted)" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Marriott Downtown, Chicago, ILOnline < PDF >. 2011 03 11 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p272971_index.html Russial, J. (2009).Growth of multimedia not extensive at newspapers. Newspap er Research Journal 30 (3), 58 74. Russial, J., &Wanta, W. (1998).Digital imaging skills and the hiring and training of photojournalists. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75 (3), 593 605. Sawyer, K. R. (2004). Improvised lessons: Collabora tive discussion in the constructivist classroom. Teaching Education, 15 (2), 189 201.doi:10.1080/1047621042000213610 Schwoerer, C. E., May, D. R., Hollensbe, E. C. and Mencl, J. (2005), General and specific self efficacy in the context of a training interve ntion to enhance performance expectancy. Human Resource Development Quarterly, 16 111 129. Shoemaker, P., & Reese, S.D. (1996). Mediating the message: Theories of influences on mass media messages Longman, New York, NY. Sifry, D. (2007, April 5). The sta te of the live Web. Message posted to http://www.sifry.com/alerts/archives/000493.html Sivan, E. (19 86). Motivation in social constructivist theory. Educational Psychologist, 21 (3), 209 233. Stepp, C. (2007, October/November). Transforming the architecture. American Journalism Review. Retrieved December 4, 2009, from http://www.ajr.org/Article.asp?id=4402 Strauss, J. (2008). Backpack journalism print and online: The balancing act. Quill, 96 (2), 18 19. Sussman, M. (2009a, October 19). The state of the blogosphere 2009: Who are the bloggers? Retrieved from, http://technorati.com/blogging/article/day 1 who are the bloggers1/page 3/ Sussman, M. (2009b, October 21). The state of the blogosphere 2009: The how of blogging. Retrieved from, http://technorati.com/blogging/article/day 3 the how of blogging1/

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125 Tirohl, B. (2000). The photo journalist and th e changing news image. New Media & Society, 2 (3), 335 352. Tuchman, G. (1978). Making news: A study in the construction of reality New York: The Free Press. Verweij, P. (2009). Making convergence work in the newsroom: A case study of convergence of print, r adio, television and online newsrooms at the African Media Matrix in South Africa during the national arts festival. Convergence: The Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 15 (1), 75 87. Vygotsky, L. S., & Cole, M. (1978). Mind in society: The d evelopment of higher psychological processes Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Weber, T. (2007, March 2). BBC strikes Google YouTube deal BBC News. Retrieved January 17, 2009, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/6411017.stm Welter, T. (2008). Grabbing still frames in a video world. News Photographer,63 (7), 62 63. Who is a journalist?(2008). Journalism Studies. 9 (1), 117 131. Retrieved from http://pdfserve.informaworld.com /38028_731247143_790457763.pdf Winn, P. (2009, August 21). The state of the blogosphere 2008: Introdu ction. Retrieved from http://technorati.com/blogging/article/state of the blogosphere introduction/ Winslow, D. (2009). Multimedia ethics. News Photographer, 64 (9 ), 22 29. YouTube Direct. (2009). Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/direct Zavoina, S., & Reichert, T. (2000). Media convergence/management change: The evolving workflow for visual journalists. Journal of Media Economics, 13 (2), 143 151.

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126 BIOGRAPH ICAL SKETCH Kecia Anrio Johnson was born in Gainesville, Fla. When she began college, to help decide he r major she drew on experiences in elementary school where she was published in the newspaper as a kindergartener and served as a morning news anchor. in 2006 from the U niversity of Florida, Gainesville. In 2007 she decided to pursue a summer of 2008 she was a multimedia intern at the Miami Herald, and the photojournalists and videographers who mentored her were the inspiration for her thesis research. Her main goal is to contribute to society by using her communication skills to help inform and improve the lives of those around her.