Cuban Charanga

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Title:
Cuban Charanga Class, Popular Music and the Creation of National Identity
Physical Description:
1 online resource (431 p.)
Language:
english
Creator:
Witmer,Sunni
Publisher:
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
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Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Music
Committee Chair:
Crook, Larry N
Committee Members:
Tremura, Welson
Stoner, Kristen L
Perrone, Charles A

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
charanga -- cuba -- danzon -- flute -- identity -- music -- nationalism -- orquesta -- popular -- tipica
Music -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
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Music thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract:
Recent literature on class and identity has opened up new theoretical territories that help us understand the heterogeneous nature of culture. In few instances is this more evident than in the evolution of musical genres and ensembles created in the Caribbean during colonization. The origins and development of modern Cuban charanga?a term that describes both a popular musical ensemble and the music it performs?is a specific case in point. Then and now, charanga continues to migrate out, creating points of comparison between home and host while continuing to establish the social boundaries that define identity. My research centers on the origins and development of charanga. I propose that an examination of charanga, informed by theoretical analyses of national identity and class, is a relevant and original contribution to the field of ethnomusicology.
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
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Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
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This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Sunni Witmer.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local:
Adviser: Crook, Larry N.
Electronic Access:
RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2012-08-31

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Applicable rights reserved.
Classification:
lcc - LD1780 2011
System ID:
UFE0042758:00001


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1 CUBAN CHARANGA : CLASS, POPULAR MUSIC AND THE CREATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY By RUTH M. SUNNI WITMER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011

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2 2011 Ruth M. Sunni Witmer

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3 For my parents, E. Earl and Dora M. Witmer y mis abuelos, Manuel y Mara Margarita Garca

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are very few successes in life that are accomplished without the help o f others I would have never achieved what I have without the kind encouragement, collaboration, and support from the following individuals. I would first like to express my gratitude to my Ph.D. committee, Larry Crook, Kristen Stoner, Welson Tremura, and Charles Perrone for their years of steadfast support and guidance. I would also like to thank Martha Ellen Davis Cristbel Daz Ayala, and Robin Moore for their additional contributions to my academic development. It has been an honor to have been mentored by such superb scholars and musicians. What I have learned about becoming a musician, a scholar, and friend, I have learned from all of you. In addition, I would like to thank the following scholars for their efforts in assisting me with my research: Richard Phillips and Paul Losch from the University of Floridas Latin American Collection, Robena Cornwell and Michelle Wilbanks from the University of Floridas Music Library Lesbia Orta Varona from the U niversity of Miamis Cuban Heritage Collection, and Veronica Gonzlez from Florida International Universitys Cristbal Diz Ayala Collection. Assistance in digitizing recordings and collaboration in transcribing was provided by Rollins College students P eter MacColeman and Theodore Henderson. Peter digitally remastered three recordings in this dissertation from 78rpm original recordings and Theodores tremendous skills and assistance in transcribing and music editing made the deeper level of detail in the musical transcriptions possible. My research benefited greatly from my collaborations with these scholars My colleagues in Cuba were also invaluable to my research. In addition to the numerous individuals who gave of their time and talents to assist m e, it was Cuban

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5 music scholars Martha Esquinazi Prez and Enrique Zayas Bringas who at all times sought to teach me as much as they could about Cuban music. They took me into their homes, they became my dear friends, and I consider them part of my family. I would also like to thank Cuban charanga flute player, Rene Lorente and his wife Rosamar a Lorente, for all they have done to teach me about the charanga tradition. They have been tireless in answering my questions and have allowed me to learn about charanga from one of its greatest flute masters. Often, the most difficult aspects of fieldwork and archival research are just having a place to rest ones head and finding a good meal to eat. While I worked in Miami, Marcela De Faria Casaubon and Joaquin Casaubon graciously allowed me to stay in their home and Marcelas parents, Joo and Aurea De Faria, made sure we had plenty of good Brazilian food to eat. I am very grateful for their generosity and hospitality. I especially would like to thank all my dear friends who never let me lose sight of my goal. They made me laugh, held my hand, gave me hugs, and always let me know they were there for me. In particular I would like to thank Laura Robertson and George Trucano for their many years of treasured f riendship. Above all, I give thanks every day for my friendship with Kristen and Dan Stoner Their thoughtfulness, charity and love have been the trusted rock upon which I have stood all these years. M y most sincere appreciation goes to my family for th eir unwavering trust, their constant support, and their love. I am blessed to have such a close and loving family and I am eternally grateful to have all of them in my life. And t o Nichol I give my deepest love and gratitude.

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6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ 8 LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... 9 LIST OF OBJECTS ....................................................................................................... 16 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... 17 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 18 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 20 Statement of Purpose ............................................................................................. 20 Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................... 28 Methodolog y ........................................................................................................... 46 Literature Review .................................................................................................... 51 2 THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHARANGA ENSEMBLE .............. 72 Etymological Origins of the Terms Cuban Charanga and Charanga francesa .... 72 Cuban charanga ............................................................................................... 77 Charanga francesa ........................................................................................... 84 Historical Organology of Charanga Ensembles ...................................................... 89 The Five key, Wooden Charanga Flute ................................................................ 104 3 THE CHARANGA REPERTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC ...................................... 111 Contradanza ......................................................................................................... 119 Danza ................................................................................................................... 140 Danzn ................................................................................................................. 144 Danzonete ............................................................................................................ 161 Mambo .................................................................................................................. 170 Chachach ............................................................................................................ 183 Tira Tira ................................................................................................................ 200 4 PERFORMANCE PRACTICES OF CHARANGA POPULAR MUSIC ................... 215 5 CONCLUSIONS: THE ROLE OF POPULAR MUSIC AND CLASS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF CUBAN NATIONAL IDENTITY ......................................... 281

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7 APPENDIX A DISCOGRAPHY ................................................................................................... 293 B FIVE KEY FLUTE FINGERING CHART ............................................................... 296 C INTERVIEWS AND CORRESPONDENCES ........................................................ 304 D MUSICAL TRANSCRIPTIONS ............................................................................. 306 LIST O F REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 419 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................... 431

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8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 16th21st centuries ......... 73 2 2 The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 18th century ................... 73 2 3 The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 19th century ................... 73 2 4 The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 19th20th centuries ......... 74 2 5 The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 20th21st centuries ......... 74 3 1 Contradanza musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation ..... 116 3 2 Danza musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation ................ 116 3 3 Danzn musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrume ntation .............. 117 3 4 Danzonete musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation ......... 117 3 5 Mambo musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation .............. 117 3 6 Chachach musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation ........ 118 3 7 Tira Tira musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation ............. 118

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9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2 1 Juan de Dios Alfonso Armenteros ...................................................................... 74 2 2 1869 photograph of the orquesta tpica, Orquesta Flor de Cuba ........................ 75 2 3 Enrique Pea Snchez ....................................................................................... 75 2 4 La O rquesta Tpica de Enrique Pea Snchez ................................................... 76 2 5 T he 1858 logo illustration for La Charanga ......................................................... 79 2 6 A bastonero (ba ton holder) ................................................................................. 80 2 7 T he 1859 logo illustration for La Charanga ......................................................... 81 2 8 Th e 1858 cover illustration for La Charanga ....................................................... 83 2 9 A Jules Martin ophicleide .................................................................................... 91 2 10 T he pailas criollas played by Demetrio Pacheco ............................................... 9 2 2 11 The pailas criollas ............................................................................................... 93 2 12 1999 photo of the pailas criollas ......................................................................... 93 2 13 A giro (gourd scraper) ....................................................................................... 94 2 14 A quijada (donkey jawbone) ............................................................................... 96 2 15 The Charanga de Jos D oroteo Arango Padrn Pachencho ......................... 100 2 16 Photo of onekey flutes ..................................................................................... 105 2 17. Photo of French fivekey ebony flute with silver keys ....................................... 106 2 18 French fivekey flutes constructed out of different woods ................................. 106 2 19 The Selmer logo on the five key flute of Rene Lorente ..................................... 107 2 20 Three views of the Selmer fivekey flute of Rene Lorente. ............................... 107 2 21 The keys of the Selmer fivekey flute of Rene Lorente. .................................... 108 2 22 The keys of the fivekey flute ............................................................................ 108

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10 3 1 Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) ................................................. 119 3 2 The A section of San Pascual Bailon, the oldest known contradanza ............ 123 3 3 The B section of San Pascual Bailon ............................................................. 124 3 4 1758 brochure cover of Arte del danzar a l a francesa by Pablo Minguet Irol 126 3 5 Manuel Saumell Robredo ................................................................................. 129 3 6. Ignacio Cervantes Kawanagh ........................................................................... 129 3 7 Ernesto Lecuona y Casado .............................................................................. 130 3 8 The cinquillo rhythm ........................................................................................ 133 3 9 The piano score for Los Ojos de Pepe ........................................................... 137 3 10 Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) ................................................. 140 3 11 The Paseo Bsico en Cajita [The Basic Box Step] of the danza ..................... 143 3 12 Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) ................................................. 144 3 13 Cornetist and director Miguel Failde ................................................................. 146 3 14 1903 photograph of the Orquesta Tpica de Miguel Failde ............................... 146 3 15 The 1877 manuscript copy of F aildes Las Alturas de Simpson ..................... 147 3 16 Printed piano score of Miguel Faildes Las Alturas de Simpson ..................... 148 3 17 The tresillo rhythm ........................................................................................... 151 3 18 The 3/2 clave rhythm. ....................................................................................... 152 3 19 The 2/3 clave rhythm. ....................................................................................... 152 3 20 Clarinetist Jos Urf ......................................................................................... 153 3 21 El Bombn de Barreto, by Jos Urf ................................................................. 154 3 22 An 1898 photo of La Charanga de Antonio Papaito Torroella ........................ 155 3 23 Circa 1920s photo of the Orquesta Antonio Mara R omeu ............................... 156

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11 3 24 Circa late 1920s promotional photo of the Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu with the singer Fernando Collazo ..................................................................... 157 3 25 Barbarito Dez singing with the Orquesta Gigante de Antonio Mara Romeu ... 158 3 26 Barbarito Dez, La Voz de Oro del Danzn .................................................... 158 3 27 1920s photo of Miguel Vasquez, El Moro ....................................................... 159 3 28 192 0s photo of Baldomera Rodrguez .............................................................. 159 3 29 Aniceto Daz, the Father of the Danzonete .................................................... 161 3 30 1930s photo of the Orquesta Aniceto Daz ....................................................... 162 3 31 The piano score for the danzonete, Rompiendo la Rutina (Breaking the Routine) ........................................................................................................... 163 3 32 The lyrics to the first sung danzn, a danzonete titled Rompiendo la R utina (Breaking the Routine) ................................................................................... 164 3 33 Paulina lvarez ................................................................................................. 165 3 34 1931 photo of Orquesta Elegante with singer Paulina lvarez ......................... 165 3 35 A circa 1940 photo of the Charanga de Paulina l varez .................................. 166 3 36 Circa 1937 photograph of the Orquesta Belisario Lpez ................................. 166 3 37 Circa 1930s photo of La Orquesta Cheo Beln Puig with singer Alfredito Valds .............................................................................................................. 167 3 38 The CD cover for the Orquesta Cheo Beln Puig ............................................. 167 3 39 1933 photo of Las Maravillas del Sig lo with singer Fernando Collazo .............. 169 3 40 1940s photo of Las Maravillas del Sig lo with singer Fernando Collazo ............ 169 3 41 Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) ................................................. 170 3 42 Circa 1943 photo of Arcao y sus Maravillas ................................................... 172 3 43 Photo of Arsenio Rodrguez y su Conjunto ....................................................... 172 3 4 4 CD cover for Dancing the Montuno with Arsenio Rodrguez and his Band: 19461950. ...................................................................................................... 173 3 45 Circa 1950s photo of the big band of Damaso Prez Prado ............................. 173

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12 3 46 2004 album cover for The Mambo King, Prez Prados 19511953 remastered recordings ...................................................................................... 174 3 47 Pho to of Orestes Lpez circa 1940s ................................................................. 175 3 48 Photo of Israel Cachao Lpez, circa 1940s .................................................... 176 3 49 1940s photo of La Orquesta Radiofonica de Arcao y sus Maravillas .............. 178 3 50 CD cover for Danzn Mambo by Antonio Arc ao y sus Maravillas: 19441951 ................................................................................................................. 178 3 51 DanznMambo chord progression with unresolved dominant chord. .............. 180 3 52 DanznMambo anticipated bass pattern. ........................................................ 180 3 53 Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) ................................................. 183 3 54 1940s photo of violinist Enrique Jor rn, composer of La Engaadora ............ 184 3 55 1951 photo of Orquesta Amrica, founded in 1942 by Ninn Mondjar ........... 185 3 56 Manuscript copy of the A and B sections of La Engaadora .......................... 186 3 57 The chachach rhythm created by Enrique Jorrn. ........................................... 187 3 58 Chachach piano rhythm. ................................................................................. 188 3 59 Chachach bass pattern. .................................................................................. 188 3 6 0 1938 photo of Orquesta Ideal ........................................................................... 189 3 61 1950s photo of Orquesta Enrique Jorrn ........................................................... 189 3 62 A 1928 photo of the Orquesta Neno Gonzlez with flutist Jos Antonio Daz .. 190 3 63 Album cover, From the Danzn to the Cha Cha Ch with the Orquesta Neno Gonzalez ................................................................................................. 190 3 64 1950s Promo photo of Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira. (Wild Panc ho and his GoGet Em Hotshots) ............................................................ 191 3 65 The original O rquesta Fajardo y sus Estrellas .................................................. 191 3 66 2000 CD cover of Bembe Records recording of Orquesta S ublime ................. 192 3 67 Guillermo Rubalcaba ........................................................................................ 192

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13 3 68 Las Estr ellas Cubanas (Cuban All Stars) ......................................................... 193 3 69 Album cover for 1961 rec ording of Las Estrellas Cubanas ............................... 193 3 70 Las Estrellas Cubanas performing for the live Domingo con Rosillo program at Radio Progresso. .......................................................................................... 194 3 71 Las Estrellas Cubanas performing for the live Domingo con Rosillo program at Radio Progresso ........................................................................................... 194 3 72 1939 photo of the legendary Orquesta Aragn ................................................. 195 3 73 1950s photo of Rafael Ley ................................................................................ 196 3 7 4 1960s album cover for Orquesta Aragn with flutist Richard Eges. ................ 196 3 75 Current photo of Orquesta Aragn with flutist Eduardo Rubio .......................... 1 97 3 76 1950s photo of Jos Rolando Lozano ............................................................ 198 3 7 7 1950s photo of Richard Eges ......................................................................... 198 3 7 8 1990s photo of Richard Eges ......................................................................... 199 3 79 1980s photo of Orquesta Aragn in Cuba with flutist Rene Lorente ................. 199 3 80 Rene Lorente performing in Miami, Florida ...................................................... 200 3 81 Album cover for Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira ....................... 201 3 82 2002 photo of Alberto Pancho El Bravo Cruz Torres. .................................... 203 3 83 Memorabilia of Pancho El Bravo. ..................................................................... 203 3 84 Pancho El Bravos ritmo tira tira ....................................................................... 205 3 85 Pancho El Bravos ritmo tira tira played on the giro. ...................................... 205 3 86 Syncopated rhythms in the melodic instruments interlock with the straight rhythms in the percussion to create the tira tira rhythm. ................................... 206 3 87 1950s photo of Farajo y sus Estrellas ............................................................... 207 3 88 1950s photo of Jos Fajardo in Cuba ............................................................... 208 3 89 1960s photo of Fajardo y sus Estrellas in Miami, Florida ................................. 208 3 90 Circa 1960s photo of Orchestra Broadway in New York ................................... 209

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14 3 91 The CD cover for Orquesta Broadways 40th Anniversary ................................ 209 3 92 Eddy Zervign, flutist with the oldest charanga in the U.S., Orquesta Broadway ......................................................................................................... 210 3 93 Flutist Eduardo Aguirre, the original director of Original de Manzanillo ............ 210 3 94 1968 photo of flutist Eduardo Aguirre, then the director of Original de Manzanillo in Havana, Cuba ............................................................................. 211 3 95 2000 photo of Charanga Tpica Tropical from Miami, Florida ........................... 211 3 96 2008 photo of flutist Eduardo Aguirre, now the director of Charanga T pica Tropical in Miami, Florida ................................................................................. 212 3 97 Left to right: Eduardo Aguirre, Rene Lorente, and Eddy Zer vign in Miami, Florida in 2010 .................................................................................................. 212 3 98 2009 photo of Londonbased Charanga del Nor te, led by flutist Sue Miller ...... 213 3 99 La Charanga Central ........................................................................................ 213 4 1 Measures 2125 of Paella, writte n by Machito and Joseto Valds ............... 218 4 2 Measures 5976 of La Can tina, written by Richard Eges ............................. 221 4 3 The caption on the CubaNostalgia website ...................................................... 224 4 4 The Music page for CubaNostalgias website ................................................... 225 4 5 Rene Lorentes FaceBook page ....................................................................... 226 4 6 Rene Lorentes Facebook profile photograph. .................................................. 227 4 7 Sunni Witmer and Rene Lorente in Miam i, Florida on December 18, 2010 ...... 237 4 8 Charanga Flute Trill/Mordent, full y notated. ...................................................... 239 4 9 Various Baroque tonguing patterns used by charanga flute players ................. 240 4 10 Measures 80139 of Rene Lorentes improvised flute solo in La Cant ina, composed by Richard Eges ........................................................................... 244 4 11 Photograph of Antonio Arcao playing the charanga flute ................................ 245 4 12 The altered headjoint of Rene Lorentes charanga flute. .................................. 246 4 13 Ca. 1910s photo o f Juan Tata Fr ancisco Pereira ........................................... 252

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15 4 14 78rpm Columbia recording label of Linda Cubana, by Tata Pereira .............. 253 4 15 Measures 119 of the transcription of Linda Cubana by flutist Tata Pereira. .. 254 4 16 1930s photo of composer and flutist Jose to Valds ........................................ 256 4 17 78rpm Panart recording label of the Orquesta Ideal performing Paella, by Machito and Joseto Valds ............................................................................. 257 4 18 Measures 7477 of the montuno section of Paella by flutist Joseto Valds and Machito. ..................................................................................................... 258 4 19 78rpm Victor recording label of the Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu .............. 260 4 20 The intro and beginning of the montuno section, measures 56 71, of Partiendo Coco by flutist Antonio Mara Romeu ............................................. 262 4 21 Pancho El Bravos flute improvisations in the montuno section of Tira Tira Callejero .......................................................................................................... 264 4 22 The tira tira percussion rhythms in Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo. .. 265 4 23 Pancho El Bravo ............................................................................................... 266 4 24 Album cover for Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira ....................... 267 4 25 The lyrics to Tira Tira Ca llejero by Pancho El Bravo. ..................................... 268 4 26 Pancho E l Bravo performing live in 1969 .......................................................... 269 4 27 Measures 5962 of Tira Tira Callejero ............................................................ 270 4 28 Compact Disc cover for Rene Lorente y s u Flauta con la Orquesta Aragn .... 271 4 29 The chachach rhythm. .................................................................................... 274 4 30 The tira tira giro rhythm .................................................................................. 274 4 31 Measures 66 through 142 of Rene Lorentes improvised flute solo in La Cantina. ........................................................................................................... 278 4 32 The tira ch rhythm structure in La Cantina:. ................................................. 279

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16 LIST OF OBJECTS Object page 4 1 Video recording of Rene Lorente performing Mira a ver quien es: Baila, Catalina (Look Who it Is: Dance, Catherine), composed in the 1950s by Victor Marin. (MPG file 41.0 MB) ...................................................................... 247 4 2 1924 audio recording of Orquesta Tata Pereira performing the danzn, Linda Cubana, with Tata Pereira on flute. (WAV file 34.5 MB) ....................... 251 4 3 Ca. 1930 audio recording of Orquesta Ideal performing the danzn, Paella, by Machito and Joseto Valds, with Joseto Valds on flute. (WAV file 30.6 MB) ................................................................................................................... 255 4 4 Ca. 1937 audio recording of The Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu performing the danzn, Partiendo Coco by Antonio Mara Romeu with Francisco Delabart on flute. (WAV file 30.5 MB) ............................................................... 259 4 5 1960 audio recording of Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo featuring the tira tira rhythm and Pancho El Bravo on flute. (WAV file 25.2 MB) ............. 263 4 6 1986 live audio recording of Rene Lorente performing La Cantina by Richard Eges, with Orquesta Aragn. (WAV file 50.0 MB) ............................. 272

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17 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CHC Cuban Heritage Collection at the University of Miami DAC Daz Ayala Collection at Florida International University LAC Latin American Collection at the University of Florida

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18 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CUBAN CHARANGA : CLASS, POPULAR MUSIC AND THE CREATION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY By Ruth M. Sunni Witmer August 2011 Chair: Larr y N. Crook Major: Music Recent literature on class, race, identity, nationalism, and transnationalism has opened up new theoretical territories that continue to move us closer to better understanding the dynamic and heterogeneous nature of culture. In few instances is this more evident than in the evolution of musical organology, genres, and ensembles cr eated in the Caribbean via the interactions of ongoing sociocultural influences from the colonization of the New World. The origins and development of modern Cuban charangaa term that describes both a popular Cuban musical ensemble; identified through i ts primary instrumentation of flute, violin, bass, piano, and Cuban percussion; and the music it performs, such as contradanza danza, danzn, mambo and cha cha ch is a specific case in point. Beginning in 1791, the arrival into eastern Cuba of several t housand eliteclass FrancoHaitian refugees fleeing the Haitian Revolution brought cosmopolitan French culture to Cuba. This migration changed the cultural panorama of Cuba in less than fifty years and it was into this milieu that the modern charanga ensemble (the successor to the extant brass, military style orquesta tpica ) and its associated musical genres and styles, developed. Charanga then ostensibly moved west to Havana in the nineteenth

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19 century, certainly to New York in the early twentieth centur y, and later to Miami after the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Further, as was the case onehundred years ago, it remains the case today that charanga continues to migrate out, creating points of comparison between home and host country while defining the soci al boundaries of Cuban identity. By examining the ability of class to shape national identity as well as the transnational and translocal nature of the transmission of charangas instrumentation and musical and dance forms from Europe to the New World colonies, from colony to colony, and from the colonies to the rest of the world, we can substantiate the ways in which identities are formed through imagination, nostalgia, and the construction of authenticity. To date, I have found no scholarly or popular publications written exclusively, or extensively, on charanga. Certainly, little work has been done to tie charanga to larger theoretical constructs. Research on charanga has been limited to the historical and descriptive. My work centers on the theoretical concepts of class and national identity as the basis for investigation into the formation and development of charanga. The transcription of representative songs from associative musical genres and the analysis of charanga performance pract ices proved critical for l inking these theoretical, historical, and descriptive aspects of charanga. Also essential was the analysis of the role of the flute in the charanga ensemble as a primary identifier of the charanga sound. I propose that an indep th analysis of charanga, informed by analyses of national identity and class is relevant, original, and a solid contribution to the field of ethnomusicology. Investigat ing the role of class, national identity and the transnational and translocal character istics of the origins and development of charanga is the focus of this research.

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20 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Statement of Purpose The primary purpose of this research is to describe and interpret Cuban charanga, to ascertain its origins and evolution, to assess the impact the theoretical construct of class had on its development, and to explain the role charanga played in the affirma tion of Cuban national identity. C haranga i s a subject of importance in the formation of Cuban national identity because it is an exemplary illustration of the ways in which societies us e expressive culture to create national consciousness. In my research, one of the things that most interested me about charanga was how it seemed to be so ubiquitous throughout Cuba, and how easily identifiable it was as Cuban music throughout much of the rest of the world, yet how so little had been written about its his tory and evolution and how few scholars (or anyone else, for that matter) had examined charanga in its totality, i.e., as an ensemble as well as the musical genres it performs. Even noted Caribbean scholar Michael Largey commented to me after a presentati on I made on charanga at a conference once (and loosely paraphrased here), Gee, I never thought about the role of the charanga ensemble in the performance of this music. I think youre on to something. Another aspect that made this lack of scholarly att ention to charanga so interesting to me was the fact that the music al genre for which the ensemble is most noted, the danzn, is the national music and dance of Cuba. In addition, other genres of music played by the charanga ensemble, such as the mambo and the chachach, are international in scope. A fair amount of information had already been written about these musical genres. Logically, wouldnt someone have already done extensive study

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21 on the ensemble responsible for bringing us this popular music? Didnt anyone wonder why this ensemble is seemingly so important to the Cuban people? Surprisingly, this had not been the case. Mentions of charanga have been limited to brief explanations of its historical and descriptive aspects and most of what has been written has been about the musical genres. So why then, was so little written about charanga on a deeper level, even by Cuban scholars? It appeared to me that one of the reasons was because charanga had been naturalized, i.e., that charanga was taken for granted by Cuban society I suspected that the charanga ensemble, and its music, had become so familiar, so central to the Cuban experience, that awareness of charanga was considered simply common knowledge. Charanga was an integral part of Cuban identity and did not need explanation. There was no need to elaborate. My conversations about charanga with Cubans and other scholars reinforced my contemplations. Charanga was often seen as comprised of essential elements in Cubas musical complex, but not as a complete entity unto itself. I felt that no one was critically analyzing charanga because Cubans already know what charanga is, just like everyone knows what music is, until they t ry to define it. What I discovered was that despite the fact that many individuals both in and outside of Cuba claim to be able to tell you anecdotally that they can define charanga, in the final analysis they are often in disagreement over details, both c ultural and musical, and many find it difficult to articulate their understanding of exactly what charanga constitutes, i.e. there is no affirmative portrait. That said, establishing a range of definitions or c onceptualizations about charanga was not the ultimate goal of my

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22 research, especially given the fact that it has proven impossible to do so given the vast number of musical, social, and cultural elements embedded in peoples perceptions of charanga that are by nature open to interpretation. Rather, I looked towards theoretical concepts regarding national identity formation and class constructs for a greater understanding of charanga and what it means when an ensemble or the music it performs is identified as charanga. At first, just articulating the terminology, its meaning, and the significance of the term charanga within Cuban society was a daunting task. What I discovered is that charanga stands not only for the name of a distinct ensemble and as a term used to desc ribe the music performed by this ensemble, but it is also a contrived verb, changar a slang term used to describe the desire to play charanga music, to dance to charanga music, to party to charanga music. I was confronted with the notion that charanga is so integral to Cuban national identity that Cubans have even transformed the noun charanga into a verb; to be or to do charanga. This is revealing in terms of Cuban identity construction: c haranga is important enough to become an action, something to do, or be, and not just a thing in Cuba. Analysis of the evolution of the instrumentation of the ensemble also proved telling. Throughout the course of approximately the last two hundred and fifty years, the word charanga has come to describe a fair number of instrumentation combinations. Just figuring out, through the analysis of historical documentation, what defined the charanga ensemble was complicated. Determining a direct evolutionary line from the earliest ensembles defined as charanga, to th e modern ensemble we are familiar with today served no purpose. There is no direct evolutionary line. Determining a timeline

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23 for the evolution of the ensemble and categorizing the different manifestations and instrumentations of these ensembles did, how ever, provide a greater understanding of the contemporary ensemble and the musical genres for which it is most famous. It also tied the ensemble to other historical evolutions, especially those regarding the music. What was also of interest to me, was the fact that the principal instrument in the ensemble, and the sound that most identifies this ensemble as Cuban, is the flute, specifically, the fivekey wooden French Baroque flute. Of added significance, was the fact that the ability to play this instrum ent is quickly becoming a lost art. I wanted to learn as much as I could about playing this unique instrument before the last of the charanga flute masters died. Interestingly, it is notable that now that charanga flute playing is considered endangered, that three doctoral dissertations will be published on charanga in the spring of 2011. Two of these dissertations deal primarily with the performance practices of the charanga flute, where prior, there had been no dissertations written on charanga, ever. Clearly, the analysis of charanga performance practices is just beginning to receive the intellectual recognition it deserves. Regarding performance practices, ch aranga flute virtuoso Rene Lorente states that from the 1940s through the 1960s, duri ng the golden age of the modern charanga, most ensembles played according to the stylistic attributes established by violinists Enrique Jorrn and Rafael Ley, the directors of Orquesta Aragn, they themselves developing their stylistic traits from the perf ormance practices of earlier ensembles such as the orquestas tpicas (typical orchestras)1 (Personal interview 2010) It was Jorrn and Ley who set the rules for modern charanga performance practice that charangas to 1 All translations are my own unless otherwise stated.

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24 this day still emulate. The performance practices created by Jorrn and Ley are often referred to as playing in the tpico (typical) style and are considered by contemporary musicians to be the most authentic trademark of charanga performance. My analysis of these performance practices in turn raised deeper theoretical questions, such as how charanga creates notions of authenticity and nostalgia, and it was this multi layered nature of charanga that I wished to uncover. I also worked to understand how Cuban charanga is imagined and position ed within Cuban society as well as within the international communities of Cuban exiles and expatriates, both historically and in a contemporary context and how charanga demonstrates that music can effectively be used to generate national sentiment in the service of nation building As mentioned, c haranga, as a subject of importance in the formation of Cuban national and musical identity, illustrates the ways in which societies use expressive culture to create and maintain a national consciousness. It is well documented that the elite of many societies have historically used music as a tool for creating a unified national character. Indeed, national identity ideas have been long studied and rooted in many works on romantic nationalism by art music scholars. Recent work by ethnomusicologists on the role of popular music in the creation of national identity has also contributed to our understanding. Robin Moore (1997) has chronicled how afrocubanismo, the early twentieth century Afro Cuban artistic mov ement, helped shape Cuban national identity via greater social acceptance of AfroCuban expressive culture. Gage Averill (1997) likewise explained the role popular music played in creating national identity and maintaining political power in Haiti, and Pa ul Austerlitz (1997) has showed how the merengue was realized as a potent symbol

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25 of Dominican identity I point out that it was Cuban intellectuals and the elite class that were first responsible for placing charanga in the national spotlight, but it was not without significant contributions from the underclass as well What is interesting to note in this case is that charanga was chosen to be the pivot point between the upper and lower classes and that this class structure dichotomy was abetted using the charanga ensemble especially when it came to the common practice of including musicians of differing race and social class within the ensemble. One could ask why charangaas opposed to perhaps other musical traditions that were more closely associated with the romantic notion of the folk was socially elevated by Cuban intellectuals and the elite class. Was it because it served to further separate the elite from the proletariat in public social venues? Was the use of expensive European instruments such as the flute, piano, and violin a status symbol of social rank and prosperity? Was it the desire to depict the national character of Cuba as predominately white and of Iberian descent i.e., Spanish criollo (creole)?2 Answers to these questions are unequivocally, yes. In other words, t here appear to be several reasons why charanga was chosen as a symbol of national identity and the international representation of Cubanness. In an effort to understand these reasons, I turned to Peter Wade (1998) and his work on the creation of national identity and the heterogeneity of social processes 2 According to Thomas M. Stephens, the term criollo (creole) has several meanings, and all of them imply a racial construct and describe differing phenotypes for human beings. The common denominator is that all definitions of criollo define a person born in the Americas, particularly in the Caribbean. In essence, the term criollo is defined as a person of European (primarily Spanish) heritage, a person of African (black) heritage, or a person of mixedheritage (any combination of phenotype) born in the New World. The term mulato, a bi racial person of African and European heritage, is sometimes used interchangeably with criollo (1989: 86). The term criollo can also define or describe the material and expr essive cultural products, such as music, of persons born in the Americas.

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26 among elite classes in nationalist movements, as well as Thomas Turino (2003) who identifies two distinctly different phases of national and cultural identity building in Latin Amer ica from the 1820s to the 1970s. Following Wade and Turino, whose work I cover more thoroughly later in this chapter, I have observed that the formation of the charanga ensemble and the invention of the musi cal genres and styles it performs have been historically linked in Cuba to both the nineteenthcentury romantic nationalism phase of Cuban national identity creation primarily a criollo based independence movement as described by Turino as well as Cubas m odern twent ieth century populist movements Charanga has also migrated out, primarily to the U.S., and is located with in a hemispheric, transnational, and global community, making it an important site for understanding and identifying Cuban national ident ity. We find in charanga a good example of how m usic from throughout the Caribbean has historically challenged dominant notions of class, race, ethnicity, nation, and geopolitical bound aries and how in the post colonial Caribbean, music still plays a form ative role in the articulation of nationalism, especially in the face of globalizations tendency to homogenize identity and reinforce a panLatin culture. I t has been written in the literature on Cuban music (Aln Rodrguez 1998; Daz Ayala 1994, 1999 2003, 2006 ; Manuel 1985, 1988, 1991, 1995, 2009a, 2009b; Roberts 1999; Sublette 2004) that late eighteenthcentury charanga ensembles first performed contradanzas (contradances) from Spain in the ballrooms of the Cuban elite and that the performance of thi s music was influenced by African musical practices. These criollo dance genres formed the basi s for the creation of later Cuban musical genres such as the contradanza danza, and ultimately, the danzn. The ensemble most

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27 associated with the performance of danzn, Cubas official national music and dance genre, is the charanga. Charanga ensembles are also the primary ensembles involved in the performance of other popular genres and styles of music, such as the mambo and the cha cha ch that beginning in the 1940s, likewise came to represent Cubanness on an international scale. In my research, I examine the historical, social, and cultural factors that facilitated the movement from Europe into the New World of charangas antecedent ensembles and musical forms, styles, and genres. I identify the major charanga ensembles and most important charanga flute players from the nine teenth through the twenty first century. I give special attention to the flute because it became t he virtuosic solo instrument in the ensemble as well as the idiomatic representation of charanga musical style. A nalysis of the type of flute used in charanga ensembles the preferred fivekey, French Baroque flute, as opposed to the silver Boehm system fl ute yields insights regarding the notion of tradition versus modernity and progress, a critical element in the construction of national identity. By studying charanga ensembles, I show how performance practices and the choice of the instruments themselves intersect ed with notions of class in the shaping of Cuban national identity and t hrough this analysis of both material and expressive culture, I provide a deeper understanding of the way identity is constructed. I have also researched how and why elements of charanga moved from Spain, France, and Africa, to Haiti, then to eastern Cuba and from eastern Cuba to Havana, and later to the U.S. I argue that charanga, as a tradition and nostalgic symbol of authentic national identity has endured because of the ways in which its translocal and

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28 transnational character is reinforced. In my analysis of the music al genres associated with charanga I illustrate how music can serve as a means by which people create a marker to recognize place and how they establish th e physical, social, and cultural boundaries that separate societies and/or groups within societies In conclusion, I ascertain the ways, and to what extent, charanga has been used within Cuban society to construct national and class identity and how this identity is imagined and articulated. Theoretical Framework Several theoretical orientations inform my analysis of charanga: t he neoMarxist concept of class, as well as issues of identity and nationalism I focus on the concept of class as presented by A nthony Giddens (1973) in my analysis of Cuban social structure. I turn to Martin Stokes (1994) and Thomas Turino (1999) regarding notions of identity as it relates to music. I refer to definitions of nationalism as posit ed by Benedict Anderson (1983) inc luding Turinos (2003) and Peter Wades (1998) articulation of issues regarding nati onal identity in Latin America for explanations of how music can create imaginings of identity and nationalist sentiment. C ombining these orientations and approaches demon strates how charanga operates as a site where multifocal identities are created and maintained. In The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies Giddens states that the generic concept of class includes a variety of different analyses of the ways in which societies are structured. He posits that in addition to the most prominent notion of class structure the socio economic str ucture articulated by Karl Marx, that other premises exist as well For Giddens, ideas about class and social stratification also encompass neoMarxist concept s such as the manual/nonmanual labor model (1973: 82), i.e. elite privileging for nonmanual labor and the role of authority and power (or lack thereof) in

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29 the determining of ones social sta tus (1973: 118) The concep t of a closed social system is also a factor in the establishing of class hierarchy (1973: 120) It describes the propensity of social groups to exercise inclusionary and exclusionary practices based upon criteria such as phenotype, religion, level of education, morals, language, etc The social closure equation also determines access to opportunities and rewards through a process of privileging and subordination. Consequently, t he rights to determine what material culture is created and what manifestations of expressive culture are allowed to predominate within society privileges the ideologies and modes of elite intellectual thought and therefore, the ability to create and maintain social, economic, political, and ideolog ical power of certain social groups over others. It is this sense of class that informs my work. Initially in colonial Cuba, the European elite held sway over almost all representations of expressive culture within the greater society. All other forms, s uch as African derived or Spanish folkloric expressions were marginalized. Over time, this position changed as Cuba looked to the expressive culture of the subaltern as potential symbols of national identity in the early twentieth century Inclusion, however, was still brokered by the upper classes. For example, it was not until the mid nineteenth century that Cuban elite began to develop the notion of a criollo nation, made manifest by the recognition and inclusion of expressive cultural forms from var ious segments and classes within society. The syncretizing of Africanderived rhythmic elements with the melodic and harmonic elements of Spanish European musical genres such as the waltz and the contradance was a slow process of acceptance on the part of the elite. Over time, the elite and upper classes began to view Cuban identity as comprised of

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30 expressive cultural elements from all members of Cuban society, yet the public articulation of the concept of a criollo nation was not fully realized until the early twentieth century by elite artists and intellectuals such as Alejo Carpentier (19041980) and Fernando Ortiz (18811969) This example, in substantiation of Giddens, shows that is through hierarchical social class structure that social groups obtai n the power to determine the role of expressive culture within society, and this is especially true in terms of the history and evolution of charanga. D iscourse on the concept of class in Cuba should also encompass, to some extent, the role of race within Cuban society. The notions of race and class in Cuba are essentially inseparable and the interchanges between them are critical factor s to consider when analyzing the creation of a Cuban national identity. To fully factor in race as a component o f Cuban identity construction, however, would go far beyond the scope of this dissertation, especially given that there already exists within the literature several important works on the role of race in the construction of Cuban national identity, Robin M oores Nationalizing Blackness : Afrocubanismo and Artistic Revolution in Havana, 19201940, being a prime example. Nonetheless, there are key points to be made about race in Cuba that directly correlate to an understanding of class and identity These correlations are implied whenever analytical statements are made about class in Cuba. Throughout its history, Cuba has undergone several transitions whereby preexisting notions of class and social stratification have been challenged and/or altered due to changes in social, economic, or political forces. Some of the most d ramatic changes in social structure came about in the nineteenth century when charangas

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31 musical genres were first beginning to manifest due to the expansion of sugar production and the necessary introduction of enslaved Africans into Cuban society Louis A. Prez, Jr. states that: The successful use of slave labor relied on more than force and violence [in altering Cuban society]. It rested, too, on a number of ideological form ulations, all of which had as their central premise the notion of unequal social evolution. Whites proclaimed themselves innately superior to nonwhites. Race not only served as a useful justification of slavery but it was used to justify both the exclusion of people of color from political participation and the imposition of barriers to social mobility Cuban society was divided by class and color (1995: 92). Determining the criteria for establishing racial and class divisions within Cuban society took on heightened importance due to the privileging that social, economic, and political power granted to certain groups. Important to this study is the realization that barriers of class and race within Cuban social structure were pervasive, but not exclusive. Class and racial lines were often crossed due to economic and political expediency. But to say that they were crossed frequently is not to suggest that they were crossed equally freely by all parties or that such crossing challenged the premises upon which they had been constructed (Prez 1995: 92). This was all the more reason for the lines of social stratification to remain as stable as possible. This historical stability later again came under fire as Cuba sought to establish a national identity in the late nineteenth century Robin Moore states that by the early twentieth century, it was Cuban intellectuals and elites such as Alejo Carpentier and Fernando Ortiz and their work on the valorization of Africanderived culture within Cuban society who serve d as the intellectual foundation for the formation of modern Cuban thought and the imagining of a new criollo nation. Moore writes: Cuban intellectuals, politicians, and artists defined their culture and society in terms of creole or mulatto imager y. The mulatto nation metaphor

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32 [referred] to a physical process the racial mixing of Caucasians, Africans, and indigenous peoples over the centuries but, more important, [it also referred to] a cultural one involving the fusion of once distinct systems of language, religion, artistic forms, and other expression into a unique composite (1997: 1). Carpentier, Ortiz, and other members of the Grupo Minoristas (The Minority Group) a social faction comprised of the artistic, intellectual, and elite minority demo nstrate[d] a significant break with previously held conceptions of Cuban society, from which Africaninfluenced culture was almost entirely excluded (Moore 1997: 2). The Grupo Minoristas challenged the decades long social practices of strict class hierarchy and racial discrimination in Cuba, and in turn, fostered the rise of the afrocubanismo (Afro Cuban) movement which recognized the cultural contributions of all members of Cuban society, especially those of African descent. The arts of socially marginalized blacks, for centuries ignored or dismissed by Cubas [elite and] middle classes, took on new significance as symbols of nationality (Moore 1997: 2). Contemporary scholarship seeks to better understand this change in Cuban national identity b y clearly identifying how that identity was comprised. In the case of charanga, it is important to determine how the ensemble and its music have been tied to identity creation, and for clarification of this development, one must consider theoretical conce pts of identity. E thnomusicologist s Thomas Turino (2008) and Martin Stokes (1997), have articulated how identity is constructed and maintained especially in terms of its relationship to music. Stokes states that music is meaningful not entirely but largely because it provides means by which people recognize identities and places, and the boundaries w hich separate them (1997: 5). Turino, in support of Stokes, likewise emphasizes the associations between identity, place, and boundaries when analyzing the role of music in identity construction. Turino presents a model for defining self,

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33 identity, and culture: what is suggested is ongoing dialectical interactions between individuals and their social and physical surroundings realized through observable p ractices (2008: 94). He posits that theories about expressive cultural practices should first begin with an understanding of the self and individual identity. Turino conceptualizes the self as comprising a body plus the total sets of habits specific to an individual that develop through the ongoing interchanges of the individual with her physical and social surroundings. Identity involves the partial selection of habits used to represent oneself to oneself and to others by oneself and by others; the emphasis on certain habits and traits is relative to specific situations. Finally, what is usually referred to as culture is defined here as the habits of thought and practice that are shared among individuals (2008: 95). Undoubtedl y, class identity is a major distinction in an individuals concept of self, especially ones positioning within the social hierarchy relative to others. Styles and genres of music favored by groups or individuals reveals ones place within the social hie rarchy and further privileges or discriminates individuals based upon the music with which they are associated. This is certainly true when discussing charanga beginn ing in the nineteenth century. Analysis of class and identity articulates how the Cuban elite historically preferred Western art musics melodic and harmonic influences for this is what they were familiar with in Europe while the African rhythmic components were first seen as distasteful and uncultured, as were AfroCubans themselves. Popular music genres performed by the charangas in the salons and ballrooms of the elite reflected a European social identity and made clear the dissimilarities between elite European (white) criollo identity and anything O ther. In the slow journey to becoming a racially mixed criollo nation, this perspective changed, but the change was gradual and the

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34 musical inventions adopted primarily African derived rhythmic components were at first subtle so as to be made palatable to the elite and middle classes before bei ng allowed to flower fully into main society unaltered (which the afrocubanismo movement helped to foster). Important to this study, Stokes further define s identity has having a multiplicity of constructs (1997: 13). For example, r ural urban identity is described as one factor of the theoretical construct of cosmopolitanism in both of its forms, the one world notion of a single humanity, as well as the elite privileging notion used to describe urban sophisticates. R acial identity has been determine d to be a social construct and not a biological mandate, and other identities such as gender and ethnic identity inform us of the myriad of ways in which individuals as well as nations and nationstates are involved in the construction of a sense of self a nd social connection (individual and social identities) T ransnational identity establishes a dialectic between home and host country and national identity describes identity formations involving nationstates. H istorian Benedict Anderson, in his highly revered Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (1983), presents the idea that the nation is not only a geopolitical entity (the nationstate) but that it is a symbolic identity construct as well. He states that the nation is an imagined political community It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion (1983: 5 6). In the instance of Cuba, we understand the nationstate to not only be the geographic boundaries of the island, but the national identity imaginings in our case, imagined through Cuban music particularly charanga

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35 and discourse about Cuban music of Cubans who live both in and outside o f that geo political boundary primarily in Miami and New York The more recent work of ethnomusicologists such as Paul Austerlitz provide further example. Austerlitz writes that m usic specifically merengue, was purposely used by the Trujillo government in the Dominican Republic to promote the idea of nationhood and that this case is no isolated example (1997: 52 ) The move to institute merengue as a symbol of Dominican national identity was calculated and deliberate on the part of Trujillo, causing a major shift in how the elite self identified.3 The elevation of the merengue to that of national music is also a good example of what Anderson con siders the fluidity of national identity construction. He states that nationstates, like individuals within society, are constantly shifting orientations as people define them. As individual identity is always evolving, likewise the cultural identity linked to the nationstate evolves as well. Identity is not a static construct. Historian Franklin W. Knight states that by the middle of the nineteenth century, Cubans had already begun to manifest a rebellious sense of national identity more precocious t han any found elsewhere in the Caribbean (1990: 227). Indeed, if we look at Cubas social and political history over the last one hundred and fifty years, we find a nation set on establishing a distinct identity with the goal of complete sovereignty.4 U nderstanding how Cuban charanga is imagined and positioned within Cuban society 3 Rafael Lenidas Trujillo Molina (18911961) was president of the Dominican Republic from 1930 to 1938 and again from 1942 to 1952. He was from modest beginnings and resented the el ites distain for the expressive culture of the subaltern. In response, he declared that the merengue, a musical genre of the lower classes, would be the national music of the Dominican Republic, much to the initial horror of the elite and upper classes. 4 For more information on Cubas political history in the twentieth century, see Chapter 16: Cuba During the 20th Century, in Rogozi ski, 2000: 225.

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36 as well as within the international communities of Cuban exiles and expatriates both historically and in a contemporary context demonstrates how music can be effectively used to generate nation building. Charanga, as a subject of importance in the formation of Cuban national and musical identity, illustrates the ways in which societies use expressive culture to create and maintain a national consciousness. Knight posits that geography had a lot to do with the fact that Cuba has always been politically conscious. Its position as the largest island in the Caribbean, combined with its strategic maritime location, made Cuba a focal point in the transatlantic communication network. In addition, a large network of colonists from Spain exercised strong administrative functions within a well run civil society in Cubas urban centers. Ample trade, strong governance, and access to international influences allowed Cuban society to achieve a well developed social class hierarchy. After the advent of sugar cultivation in the 1750s, population numbers boomed on the island. The birth of a stratified society featuring an emerging middle class in Cuba began shortly thereafter. Over time, various groups of emancipated people of color, primarily peasant farmers, were aspiring to, and even joining, the ranks of middleclass European immigrants. Many settled in Cubas urban centers and established themselves as teachers, artisans, musicians, merchants, bankers, military officers, politicians, shopkeepers, etc. (Moya Pons 2007: 307). Santos Gracia adds, Durante este perodo, en los salones de bailes de los centros y sociedades perfectamente definidas por estamentos sociales y color de la piel continuaron practicndose la danza, el rigodn, el vals y el danzn, este ltimo con fuerte incidencia hasta esta fecha como el baile nacional de Cuba ( 2002: 38). [ During this period in the dance salons and social centers of the elite clearly defined by socia l class and skin color the (elite) continued to practice the danza, the quadrille the waltz and the danzn, the latter with

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37 great enthusiasm until such time that it became the national dance of Cuba.] The combination of these important historical fac tors helped to make Cuba the shining symbol of social, political, and civic achievement in the Caribbean, especially in terms of the accomplishments of individual members of the elite. Knight states that: The individual achievements of the Cuban Creole el ite were not, in the great majority of cases, unique in the history of the Caribbean or of the mainland colonies. What appears exceptional in the Cuban case, however, is the relatively large size, cohesiveness, and self confidence of this group. While political astuteness encouraged the Cuban settler elite to support Spanish government, it identified increasingly with its homeland and by the beginning of the nineteenth century, that homeland was unmistakably Cuba (1990: 232). Considering Knights assessme nt of Cubas emerging criollo national identity in the midnineteenth century, and what we know about expressive culture in Cuba during this time, particularly the music, what we can deduce is that the Cuban creole elite were well on the way to building a distinct national identity and that Cuban music, a unique combination of popular music genres influenced by art music styles and vice versa served as a part of that effort. For example, i n Cuba, the contradanzathe antecedent popular music genre to the danza and later, danzn was both a rural, planter class paired dance, as well as inspiration for the eliteclass art music genres composed in the conservatories and cultivated by art music composers such as Ignacio Cervantes Kawanagh (18471905) Manuel Saumell Robredo (ca. 18171870) and Ernesto Lecuona y Casado (18951963) Not only was the incorporation of popular music genres into the art music compositions of the elite a substantial step towards adopting popular genres and styles as symbols of nation al identity, but as Carpentier argues, the very compositions

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38 themselves were a product of the composers personal Cuban identity reflecting a national sentiment. He states: Cervantes poses the question of a national character as a problem that can only be solved by the peculiar sensibili ty of the individual composer. His Cubanness came from within. It was not a stylized reworking of a received notion, nor speculation over what existed in the environment. Thus, he was one of the first musicians in the Ameri cas to see nationalism as resulting from idiosyncrasy (2001 [1946]: 212). In essence, according to Carpentier, Cervantes was the first Cuban criollo composer to confirm that a sense of national identity was inborn and not taught (2001 [1946]: 124). This e ssentialist ideology links up with the romantic nationalist notion that somehow the soul of a people springs naturally from the land or local environment. In other words, Carpentier is espousing the idea that Cubanness comes from within, a view very m uch aligned with the ideology of romantic nationalism. This position therefore gains strength by claiming that identity is something that is naturalized. Carpentier further states : the genres known today as the [ son ] clave the criolla and the guajira were born from the considerable Cubanized contradanza in 6/8. And from the 2/4 contradanza came the danza, the habanera, and the danzn with its ensuing more or less hybrid offshoots (2001 [1946]:147). In this statement, Carpentier is ideologically link ing African rhythmic elements and the sphere of AfroCuban culture to romantic nationalist ideas.5 He states that a move 5 Orozco Gonzlez writes: La mezcla de rasgos y expresiones de la accin bailable y del disfrute popular vinculada al complejo son con formas inusitadas del pensamiento abstracto, resulta una de las caractersticas ms interesantes, importantes y sorprendentes no solo de lo musical en este complejo sino tambin de su vinculo con otros aspectos extramusicales dados en el modo de vida y en las necesidades expresivas: estos rasgos incluyen formas del sentimiento cotidiano, de concepciones filosfico populares de un sentido sutil de lo irnico conjuntamente con un sentido especifico del goce y gracejo populares, todo ello mezclado con reflexiones analticas vinculadas con intenciones dinmicas de marcada singularidad y, a su vez, asociadas a un sentido popular y a la vez arraigado del sentimiento patrio (1992: n.175). [ The mix of features and expressions of dance and popular enjoyment of the son complex, linked with forms of abstract thought, is one of its most interesting important, and surprising characteristics, not only for the music in this complex but also because of its link with other extramusical aspects conveyed in the way of life and Cuban expressive attributes: these features include daily sentiments, philosophical and popular conceptions with a subtle sense of irony in conjunction with a specific sense of enjoyment and popular wit, all mixed with analytical reflections related to dynamic

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39 towards triple meters in creolized Cuban musical forms such as the contradanza came from the influence of, and preference for, neoAfrican/Afro Cuban twoagainst three polyrhythmic structures. What Carpentier is claiming is that a preference for creolized musical genres directly led to the establishing of a distinct, criollo musica l identity. What lends support to Carpentier s statement is that throughout the evolution and development of these genres, the creation of a specific genre, the danzn, was to become the national dance and music of Cuba. What established this music performed by the charangas as distinctly Cuban, was its acceptance and perpetuation by all classes of Cubans. Indeed, one of the most important features of the contradance was the way its popularity cut across social classes (Manuel 2009a: 4). The contradan za was so popular in Cuba that it was the only musical and dance form at home both in the salons of the Cuban elite and in the clubs of the black and creole districts. Its popularity stemmed from its combination of socially acceptable and upwardly mobile European salon genres with AfroCuban rhythmic flair. The contradanza cut across class lines and its direct descendent, the danza was played and danced by all social classes in the salons and in the streets. Shortly thereafter, the next music genre in t he evolution of charanga music, the danzn, became the national dance and music of Cuba. Carpentiers statement about how musical genres reflect national identity demonstrates that t he notions of nation and identity are complex, varied, and intertwined. T urino contributes yet another perspective. He posits that in conjunction with theoretical analyses of the social and cultural complexities inherent in establishing intentions marked individuality and, in turn, associated with popular thought, and yet root ed in national sentiment .]

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40 nationalist sentiment, scholars must also look to the historical complexities that have directed nations in their moves to create national identity. This is particularly important in Latin America given its historical associations with colonialism. Turi no identifies two distinctly different phases of national and cultural identity building in Latin America from the 1820s to the 1970s (2003: 169) The first phase Turino identifies is characterized by the eighteenthand nineteenthcentury criollo based i ndependence movements that were preoccupied with territory, economic vitality, and establishing political principles. In this phase, the elite of the individual ly emerging nations were privileged in their control over the processes of nation building and this was certainly true in Cuba. The second phase identifies t wentiethcentury nationalist movements in Latin America. These events are categorized by Turino as populist movements intent on linking formerly disenfranchised and subaltern populations to t he state. Unlike the first phase that privileged the elite citizenry, the second phase is characterized by a need for a more inclusive notion of the nation that features combinations of elite/suba ltern groups. The Cuban Revolution of 1959 is a good example. In addition, Turino identifies two basic types of musical nationalism that exist ed and/or currently exist in many Latin American nationstates: 1) the state generated and eliteassociated forms ; and 2) the reformist popular or the folkloric styles ( 2003: 170) B oth types of music nationalism are historically layered in relation to the elite as well as the inclusive or populist nationalist periods in Latin America. Wade, in Music, Blackness and National Identity: Three Moments in Colombian History (1998), argues that there is a tendency among scholars to view the construction and maintenance of a national identity as an effort on the part of the elite to create a

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41 common vision among members of a nationstate. He points out that current scholarship on nationalism supports the idea that principles of equivalence constitute nationstates. Wade argues for a broader approach, however, stressing that class homogeneity works, in fact, in a way contrary to the construction of national identity. He state s that analysis focuses on what nationalist discourse itself defines as ideal homogeneity with little attention to the evident paradox that total homogeneity would entail the obliteration of the differences of hierarchy within the nation that even nationalist elites struggle to maintain (Wade 1998: 2). Wade does not mean to imply, however, that the concept of heterogeneity in class construction has been ignored in the scholarship. Heterogeneity, however, is conceptualized as 1.) either as a set of resistant strategies or hybridities6 enacted by the masses which are then set against the homogeneity of the imagined modern nation established by the elite, or 2.) the struggle of one potential nation and in this sense, he is referring to a social iden tity subset, be it ethnic, racial, religious, etc. within the nationstate. For example, Bruno Nettl states that if music expresses personal or group identity, it plays a role in negotiating relationships between unequals, as a way for a dominant group t o reinforce its hegemony, or for a subordinate population to fight back at some level (2005: 256). This common oppositional paradigm is one that sets a n homogenizing national elite against a heterogeneous subaltern culture that is 6 According to Aparicio and Jquez (2003), cultural hybridity is primarily a postmodern theoretical construct (which can also be applied to historical situations) that refers to two distinct concepts: 1) the transculturation of t he traditional by new technologies and other forces of modernity; and 2) the inclusion of traditional culture into modern spaces, as would have been the case in colonial Cuba as well as modern Cuba today. Cultural hybridity is conceived as a binary construct that encompasses multiracial, multiethnic, intergeneratio nal, and multi class elements. It operates by juxtaposing folkloric/traditional icons/instruments with modern elements, merging traditional performance practices with modern concerns.

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42 perceived to be resista nt or in opposition to the elite. As Wade maintains, The recent lit erature on hybridity tends to fit this mould by seeing new hybrid cultures or cultural elements as resistant, counter hegemonic, or contestatory forces which challenge the modernist proj ect of the nationstate (1998: 2). Wade posits that rather than understanding nationalist discourse as a simple dichotomy of a cohesive elite versus a varied resistant populace, we instead should look at how nationalism is constructed within a liminal space inside of itself. According to Wade, d ominant power has always worked best when it is classifying and differentiating. This is how hierarchies are constructed and maintained. The elite class, in trying to create national sentiment and establish it s characteristics, uses heterogeneity to resignify the meaning of diversity. Importantly, it is only throug h the recognition of diversity and I would add that it does not matter if it is positive or negative recognitionthat a unity can be imagined. Posi tive recognition of diversity is seemingly positioned as good and inclusive and therefore it seems, would naturally establish unity. Negative recognition of diversity, however, is used to perpetuate exclusivity. Ironically, exclusivity often creates a desire within the excluded, i.e., the subaltern (and in Cubas case, the black and poor), to strive towards assimilation. It is the idea of assimilation, the hope of assimilation and acceptance that creates an imagined unity. The rise in status of the Cuban musical genre, the danzn, to that of national musical genre is a good example of this process. Describing the attitude of the elite toward the nascent danzn in the late nineteenth century, considered at that time to be the emergent national music and dance of Cuba, Vasquez and Zayas state:

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43 Los ataques que recibi el Danzn en sus inicios fueron totalmente de corte racista y colonialista. Los libelos de la poca, al servicio de la clase dominante, lo consideraban una manifestacin de la plebe, pues decan que era msica propia de los negros y mulatos Aunque en Matanzas las bailadores negros y mestizos ya disfrutaban de una pieza de cuadro la que llamaban Danzn, esta careca de una msica especfica. Tuvieron que esperar a que se produjera un proceso de integracin nacional bien asimilado por la familia Failde, para que apareciera este gnero de indudable corte nacional y popular. Es por ello que el Danzn es considerado como contribuyente a la formacin de una conciencia nacional (1998: 19). [ The attacks that the Danzn received in the beginning were totally racist and colonialist. The pamphlets of the time, written in service to the ruling class, considered the danzn a manifestation of the people, and claimed that it was the music solely of blacks and people of mixed race. Although in Matanzas, black and mixedrace dancers were already enjoying a squaredance they called Danzn, this dance was not associated with a specific genre of music. They had to wait for a process of national integration to occur, the one assimilated through the Failde family, for there to be no doubt that this kind of music was both nationalist and popular. That is why Danzn is regarded as contributing to the formation of a national consciousness.] In this case, the charangathe ensemble that performs danznacted as a symbol of the elite, yet most of the musicians who performed in charangas and orquesta tpicas were black or of mixed race, most often directed by a white, educated, musically literate member of the elite or upper classes Inclusion in the ensemble most likely led to a belief by the members of the underclass that they too could join the ranks of the elite and middle clas s through assimilation into the symbol (the charanga) of a unified nationalist identity. Regarding the use of music by the elite in signifying national sentiment, Wade also warns that w e must not fall in to the trap of thinking that specific sounds are mec hanically linked to such things as class division. The sociologist Theodor Adorno (19031969) also concurs that researchers should not blindly accept the simplistic notion that identity, especially class identity, could be cleanly matched to any element of

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44 musical expression. Adorno (1976) points out that all music carries aspects of the contradictory or opposing tendencies and characteristics of society as a whole. Indeed, this is an inherent dialectic that in Marxist inspired analysis is associated with class. Keeping this in mind, the idea that social boundaries, identities, and negotiations of the space between them can only occur in the context of relativities and opposition is an important consideration. There is also a tendency to s ee the creation of nationalist music as a homogenizing action of the elite to which the masses either resist or conform. That is, they really play no part in the creative enterprise of nation building but only respond to that which is initiated from above. Wade calls again for a more broad approach. If music is seen as a m eans of imagining communities and thereby constituting them then this opens up flexibility in grasping its representational role (1998: 16). Like Wade, Christopher Waterman (1990) su ggests that popular musical ensembles and genres (such as charanga) are not a simple manifestation of cultural hegemony by the elite or, in dialectical opposition, a protest by the masses against social dominance. Popular styles have rarely [only] trickl ed down from the Westerneducated elites or bubbled up fr om an autochthonous wellspring (1990: 8). Waterman has shown that ideas and actions regarding the hegemony of the elite versus the resistance by the masses operate within a field of subtle negotiat ion. Understanding who plays major roles in establishing identity within societies and what that means for all members of that society is critical for understanding class as it relates to charanga. What is also important to consider is the idea that musi cians are constantly adopting new musical practices, transforming them according to their own social influences, and

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45 then reinterpreting them as symbols of their own identities manifest onto larger cultural constructs. C haranga musicians are a solid example of this phenomenon. In addition, t his notion that charanga as a social institution came about through a top down (elite to subaltern) process is overly simplistic. In reality, the elite first rejected the primarily AfroCuban musical and rhythmic inf luences of the subaltern. In an effort to establish a distinct criollo national identity, the elite found socially acceptable ways of gradually accepting these musical influences such as Africanderived rhythmic elements as long as they were made palata ble through syncretization with European art music practices. The importance of charanga is that it was one of the primary routes through which the national music and dance genre, the danzn, became acceptable as a cultural ident ifier to the upper classes as charanga musicians were considered educated musicians... charanga musicians performed in legitimate establishments (Gerard 2001: 66). With trained musicians and mainly European instruments figuring prominently in the ensemble, the Eurocentric elite class of Cuba could eventually relate to and begin to accept music such as the danzn Importantly, what this established was an avenue for the elite in creating and expressing a national identity through music. Analyzing the role of class in creating identity through expressive culture, primarily music, informs us of the myriad ways in which class is articulated and identity constructed. Understanding the concept of nation and nationstate is also critical to in the analysis of the function of music w ithin society and the way it operates with in spheres of negotiation to establish national identity. Applying theoretical concepts of class, identity, and nationalism to the analysis of charanga provides a clearer portrait of

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46 charanga and helps us to under stand how Cuban national identity is constructed and affirmed through expressive culture. Methodology Three primary methodologies of data gathering and analysis constitute the basis for my research: fieldwork, historical research, and the musical analysis of scores, transcriptions, and recordings. Fieldwork included the collection and analysis of ethnographic data, primarily in Cuba. Historical research was undertaken in several archival collections of Cuban documents and music. I then created full score musical transcriptions of select recordings for the purpose of analysis. The two most important geographic sites for my research were Cuba and South Florida. By observing charanga musicians and ensembles in the field, I was able to gather sufficient dat a to support my hypotheses. The gathering and analysis of this data allowed me to describe the role of class, and the transnational and translocal characteristics of the origins and development of charanga, as it helped to shape Cuban identity. Fieldwork in Cuba was critical to investigating charanga. Four trips to Cuba, from 1992 to 2009, informed my research. Two key urban centers, Havana and Santiago de Cuba, were important research sites because it was in these urban centers that charanga was first created and is still being actively performed. In Havana and Santiago de Cuba, I met with famous charanga musicians, such as the flutist, Alberto "Pancho El Bravo" Cruz Torres (19282009) Fieldwork in South Florida was also of critical importance due to the fact that many important charanga musicians have migrated to Miami and surrounding vicinities during the last fifty years. Flutist Ren Lorente from Orquesta Aragn, arguably the

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47 most famous and influential twentiethcentury charanga ensemble, now lives in Miami. Lorente performed with Orquesta Aragn in Havana from 1984 until 1990, replacing Aragns most famous flutist, Richard Eges in 1984. Flutists Eduardo El Rubio, also from Orquesta Aragn and Joaqun Oliveros El Jilguero de Cent ro Habana both now live in the U.S. Flutist Eduardo Aguirre also lives in Miami and is the leader of the Charanga Tpica Tropical ensemble. Prior to moving to the U.S., Aguirre led La Original de Manzanillo in Havana, another very famous charanga ensemb le. T he remaining charanga musicians from the height of modern charangas popularity in the 1930s, 1940s, and1950s, are of advanced age. It was my goal to locate and interview as many of these charanga masters as possible before we lose more of this imp ortant knowledge base. Most of what these musicians know about charanga has only been superficially documented, usually in magazine articles, etc. One of the primary objectives in my fieldwork was to record their oral histories in an effort to document t heir knowledge and experience before it is lost to history. Interviews consisted of intensive, structured, multi session discussions with select charanga musicians, as well as short, impromptu interviews with associated individuals such as other musicians, audience members, and ensemble support personnel. Both the structured and impromptu interview formats were integral to my investigation due to the different types of information typically gathered using this methodology. The objective of the interview process was to understand the lives of these individuals from their own perspective. During the structured interviews, I asked for narratives (oral histories), descriptions and/or definitions of selected terminology, and identification of important

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48 social a ctors. In both the structured and impromptu interviews I looked for central social and cultural themes and for the repetition of critical incidents. I also repeated back to individuals the information I have gathered from them for verification purposes. Whenever conflicting information was revealed, I asked for further clarification from my informants, and if still conflicted, I noted any discrepancies in my analysis. I then looked to the literature for elucidation and discussed these variants with othe r Cuba scholars. Another important component of my fieldwork was the video and audio documentation of charanga musicians and ensembles. Almost all structured interviews were video recorded. Audio and video recordings were made of select public performanc es by established charanga ensembles. Written documentation was made of each interview and recording session. The purpose of creating this logged account was to structure collected data in such a way that facilitation of analysis would be achieved with less effort and without error. Applying techniques I learned from visual anthropology, I catalogued each encounter with charanga musicians and ensembles and tagged key terms and concepts in the data. This allowed me to search for key words and gave me inst ant access to identified video and audio recordings. Written field notes were also logged according to date and key words. Half of the work to be done in participant observation fieldwork is participation, and for ethnomusicologists that frequently means participating in the performance of the music one studies. Indeed, I have always recognized the importance of adopting what Mantle Hood first termed as a bi musical approach to my research. Over the last years, I have become more acquainted with charan ga flute players and their performance

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49 practices. I have taken lessons in charanga flute playing from several of the players I interviewed. Discovering which charanga mu sicians prefer and/or play the fivekey, wooden French flute, and who plays the moder n Boehm system flute likewise provided for a more indepth analysis of charanga performance practices. Historical research into the charanga tradition presented insights and revealed data that contemporary participant observation and oral history could not. Through careful research of the archival records found in repositories such as the University of Miamis Cuban Heritage Collection, the University of Floridas Latin American Collection and the Biblioteca Nacional Jos Marti and Museo Nacional de la Msica in Havana, I was better able to substantiate the propositions I present in my research, such as charangas relationship to the creation of class and national identity and the role of class in that process. Indeed, much of the information I researched about charanga is decidedly historical in nature However, i t is this tie of the present to the past that provided me a necessary and solid basis for description and analysis. I gathered as much data as is feasible from the repositories of historical data mentioned above, among other sources I verified the authenticity of my sources by cro ssreferencing the literature. I catalogued data on charanga musicians, ensembles, scores, transcr iptions, and recordings and organized this evidence in order to draw reasonable conclusions. Access to this data was relatively easy in the U.S. The University of Miamis Cuban Heritage Collection holds a vast wealth of material central to my research, including newspaper articles and other types of periodicals such as magazines. The University of Floridas Latin American Collection is likewise worldrenowned for its

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50 resources on Cuba and includes similar and complementary, types of materials to those found at UM. It was my experience collecting data in Cuba, however, that was more problematic. While I was able to access materials in the Biblioteca Nacional Jos Marti in Havana, there were precious few resources to examine, and most of what was available was limited to books and periodicals that I was able to obtain in the U.S. The situation w as similar for the Museo Nacional de la Msica in Havana and the Universidad de Oriente Biblioteca Central in Santiago de Cuba. I understand from my colleagues in Cuba that things have been getting better regarding the amount of material available in thes e collections. A number of books I needed for my research were provided by my contacts in Cuba who have been very generous in acquiring requested materials for me. Much like the methodology I used in my research on historical data, I also investigated m usical scores transcriptions, and recordings in order to draw better conclusions about the musical evolution of charanga. To my benefit, more recordings of charanga are now being produced and many important recordings are available for purchase over the internet. In addition, I conducted research in the Cristbal Daz Ayala Collection at Florida International University and corresponded directly with Sr. Daz Ayala, who now lives in Puerto Rico. The assistance I received from Sr. Daz Ayala was invaluable. The Daz Ayala C ollection is the largest collection of recorded Cuban music in the world featuring over 25,000 LPs, 14,500 78 rpm recordings, 4,500 cassettes containing radio interviews with composers and musicians, 4,000 pieces of sheet music, 3,000 books, and thousands of CDs, photographs, videocassettes and paper files. Among the collection's rarest items are recordings made in Cuba from the

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51 early half of the twentieth century. M ost of my research of Cuban music al recordings occurred at this site. Once fieldwork was completed and all relevant data collected, I began the process of data analysis. This process was conducted using three techniques for presenting qualitative data: the interpretive analysis of all extramusical phenomena; explanations of the how and why in addition to where, what, and whenan event occurs; and the musical analysis of recorded sounds and written transcriptions and scores. The final product of this analysis is the researched presented in this dissertation. Literature R eview Compared to other Cuban ensembles and genres of Cuban music, little has been written about charanga and relatively little has been written about the subject within the last ten years. What has been written has been relegated to brief mentions of th e subject in larger works on the music of Cuba or of Latin America. These semi encyclopedic or general information works provide only historical and/or descriptive information and constitute the majority of what has been published on charanga in any lan guage Ethnomusicologist Peter Manuel has arguably published the most information about charanga in English. He provides several resources that define the instrumentation of the ensemble and he cites examples of the music the ensemble performs. Manuel s most comprehensive treatment of charanga can be found in two volumes he edited: Cuba: From Contradanza to Danzn, in Creolizing Contradance in the Caribbean (2009 a : 51 112), and; Latin America and the Caribbean in Popular Musics of the Non Western World (1988: 2483). Manuels third edited volume, Essays

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52 on Cuban Music: North American and Cuban Perspectives ( 1991), includes a chapter on charanga, written by John Murphy. Similar information was published in the book Manuel wrote, with assistance from Kenneth Bilby and Michael Largey, Caribbean Currents: Caribbean Music from Rumba to Reggae (1995) Ned Sublette, in Cuba and its Music: From the First Drums to the Mambo (2004), also mentions charangas (and the musical genres they performed) from an historical perspective, providing a very helpful approach for grasping the larger picture regarding musical evolution in Cuba. In addition, Charley Gerard has provided information on charanga in the U.S., especial ly in refe rence to jazz, in Music from Cuba: Mongo Santamaria, Chocolate Armenteros, and Cuban Musicians in the United States ( 2001) Max Salazar has followed suit with Mambo Kingdom: Latin Music in New York (2002). Cuban scholar Olavo Aln Rodrguez has published in both English and Spanish on the subject of charanga. Like Manuel, he too covers the topic as tangential to the larger picture regarding Cuban music, yet he does provide substantial historical and descrip tive data. Two works stand as example: Gneros Musicales de Cuba: De lo Afrocubano a la Salsa (1992) and; Cuba Part 3, Section 5, in The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music Vol. 2, edited by Dale Olsen and Daniel Sheehy ( 1998: 822839). Another impor tant Cuban scholar is Cristbal Daz Ayala. His works, titled Discografa de la Msica Cubana: Volumen I, 1898 a 1925 (1994), Cuando Sal de La Habana: 18981997, Cien Aos de Msica Cubana por el Mundo (1999), Msica Cubana del Areyto al Rap Cubano (2003), and Los Contrapuntos de la Msica Cubana (2006) have been essential to my research on Cuban music and musical recordings.

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53 Other important Cuban scholars of note informed my research: Radams Giro, the author of El Mambo (1993), Panorama de la Msica Popular Cubana (1998), and El Diccionario Enciclopdico De La Msica Cubana (2007); Helio Orovio, who wrote El Danzn, el Mambo, y el Chachach (1994), as well as the Englishlanguage book, Cuban Music from A to Z (2004); Mara Teresa Linares and Victoria Eli Rodrguez, coauthors of La Msica entre Cuba y Espaa, and; Zoila Lapique Becali, the author of Msica Colonial Cubana (1979) and Aportes FrancoHaitianos a la Contradanza Cubana: Mitos y Realidad, in Panorama de la Msica Popular Cubana, edited by Radams Giro (1995). I have found no PhD dissertations dedicated exclusively to charanga although I understand that there are two dissertations on charanga performance practices currently being written: Sue M. Millers The Creative Pr ocess of Improvisation in Cuban Charanga Performance, with a Specific Focus on the Work of Richard Eges and Orquesta Aragn (at the University of Leeds, United Kingdom) and; Jessica L. Valientes Siento una Flauta : Improvisational Idiom and Performance Practice of Charanga Flutists from 1937 to 2000 (at City University of New York) There are, however, two masters theses already published on charanga. The first is John Murphys thesis, The Charanga in New York, 1987 88: Musical Style, Performance Con text, and Tradition (1988) Murphys work focuses on Cubas tpico style, the role of the charanga ensemble in performing tpico and the potential for new stylistic fusions in the U.S. Danilo Lozanos thesis (1990) The Charanga Tradition in Cuba: History, Style, and Ideology does provide historical and descriptive informationhe is, after all, the son of the famous Orquesta Aragn charanga flute player, Jose Rolando Lozano but

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54 there is little critical analysis in Lozanos wor k, as the title would imply. Lozanos importance to my research is still of great value, however, but more for his role as a principal charanga musician in California where he has performed charanga for twenty years. Regarding journal articles: there are very few scholarly articles written that focus on or mention charanga. One notable exception is Cristbal D az Ayalas La Invencible Charanga Cubana, published in Encuentro de la Cultura Cubana 200203(2627): 295 308. Also of note is Lise Waxers Of Mambo Kings and Songs of Love: Dance Music in Havana and New York from the 1930s to the 1950s, published in the Latin American Music Review 15(2): 139176. In Waxers work, what is important to my research is her treatment of issues of transnationalism and the social and cultural impacts of the movement of musicians and communities between Cuban and the U.S., primarily New York. Arguably the most important contemporary scholarship on Cuban music in general has been written by ethnomusicologist, Robin D. Moore. Moore is the leading American scholar in the field of Cuban music and his two books, Nationalizing Blackness: Afrocubanismo and Artistic Revolution in Havana, 19201940 ( 1997), and Music and Revolution: Cultural Change in Socialist Cuba (2006), in addition to his numerous articles and other publications, provide the foundation for current scholarship on Cuban music. One simply cannot do research on Cuban music today without consulting Moores work. And, while not intending to imply criticism for the lack of in depth work done by ethnomusicologists on the specific subject of charanga for all efforts to date serve an

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55 important function as the jumping off point for further investigationI must point out that what is currently published on charanga is v ery far from comprehensive and most certainly does not tie charanga to important social or cultural issues to any significant degree. As mentioned prior, t he goal of my research is to fill that lacuna by moving past descriptive and historical treatments of charanga and to analyze the concept from broader sociocultural perspectives. In order to expand past the historical and descriptive when analyzing charanga, groundwork on ethnomusicological theoretical orientations and methodological processes must be established. There were several publications I chose that best provided me with the information I needed on how to conduct ethnomusicological work based on key critical theoretical and methodological concepts. O ne ethnomusicological ethnography, Christopher A. Watermans Jj: A Social History and Ethnography of an African Popular Music (1990), and two articles on ethnomusicological theory as they relate to nationalism and identity, Thomas Turinos Nationalism and Latin American Music: Selected Case Studies and Theoretical Considerations in the Latin American Music Review 24(2): 169209, and Peter Wades Music, Blackness and National Identity: Three Moment s in Colombian History in Popular Music 17(1): 1 19, served as integral sources. Included in this list are two books on music and its relationship to identity and nationalism : Turinos Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation, and Martin Stokes edited volume, Ethnicity, Identity, and Music: The Musical Construction of Place (1997). I also consulted Anthony Giddens The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies ( 1973) and The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (1984) for information regarding the

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56 theoretical concept of class and class structure. I then looked to Benedict Andersons Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism for a greater understanding of nationalism from a sociological perspective. Combined, these books and journal articles formed the cornerstone of the publications on music and social theories central to my research. Three books on the history of the Caribbean also informed my research. Historian Franklin W. Knights work, The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism (1990) provided historical information on the creation of the Cuban nationstate, and Frank Moya Pons book, History of the Caribbean: Plantations, Trade, and War in the Atlantic World (2007) gave insights into cultural life in Cuba and Haiti, as did Jan Rogozi ski s A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak and Carib to the Present (1999) All three books provided historical documentation and statistics. In order to analyze charanga within larger social and cultural constructs, it was also necessary to review literature not only on charanga and Cuban music in general, but the body of crit ical writing about Cuban culture composed by Cuban intellectuals and literary scholars as well Literature about music and literature that includes substantial musical references, has long been a common practice in Cuban literary arts especially in term s of popular music The idea of popular music functioning as social record [per se] is not new, but it is particularly appropriate in the context of Latin America, and specifically the Caribbean, where popular song has historically had a signific ant social role in cultural life (Costello 2008: 4). Latin American popular music such as charanga is important in that it serves to reinforce the construction and preservation of individual and communal identity and social agency Analyzing works

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57 writt en by both contemporary and historically eminent Cuban intellectuals and literary scholars gave me a solid basis for understanding charanga within a greater cultural context. Kathleen Costellos work on the connection between music and the literary arts, The Composition of Culture: Popular Music and Social Identity in Contemporary Novels of the Hispanic Caribbean (2008) provided information important for understanding this close and complex relationship. What I learned was that s emiotic domains such as vis ual art, music, dance, and literature are often effective in creating social change (and a sense of national identity) because they have the potential to generate great emotion. Artists and intellectuals, as well as national leaders, have intuitively gras ped the power of this emotion to shape nationalist movements and have been quick to use the literary, visual and performing arts as preferred modalities when attempting to influence national thought in the enterprise of nation building Throughout histor y, nationalist movements have been both initiated and perpetuated by the works of artists and intellectuals. In turn, political discourse has also influenced musical production. The political and intellectual movements established to define national character in Cuba beginning in the nineteenth century were no exception. The official state effort by intellectuals and social critics such as Jos Antonio Saco (17981879) 7 to describe and define Cubanidad (Cubanness) that began in the 1830s continues today through the work of musicians, artists, and intellectuals, such as the nueva trova musician Silvio Rodrguez Domnguez (b. 1946) the visual artist Kcho Alexis Leyva Machado (b. 1970), and the poet Pablo Armando Fernndez (b. 1930). Popular music in par ticular 7 See: (Moore 1997: 117).

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58 especially in the twentieth century has been an exceptionally powerful tool for helping to structure nationalist ideologies. Given the power of music to shape national sentiment, it is important to examine and understand the role popular music has played in the establishing of Cuban social and national identity. T he creation of Cubanidad, as imagined by the Cuban people, has been an ongoing and complicated process especially given colonialisms historical stronghold on the island over the last several centuries Prior to the twentieth century during the first phase of national and cultural identity building in Latin America, as described by Turino colonial concerns over economic vitality and establishing a political ideology separate from Spain prompted the white criollo Cuban elite, acting in their own self interest, to portray the fledgling nation as a unified cultural whole. There was power in creating and controlling a unified collective consciousness mindfully established to further the go als of a newly formed dominant Cuban authority structure. Cubanidad was initially imagined, defined, and characterized by the Cuban elite and it came to represent a society identified as homogenous especially in terms of racedespite its deep racial and c lass divides. In the mid nineteenth century, early nationalist forms of musical expression such as the teatro vernculo (popular musical theatre) as well as the contradanza compositions of Saumell considered Cubas first nationalist composer according t o Carpentier ( 2001 [1946] : 179) began to rise in popularity. A gradual shift in national identity formation was taking place, but it was very subtle. Dominant (white, elite ) European cultural aesthetics still held sway although musical elements of a more criollo nature, such as the cinquillo (five part) rhythm, were to be found in popular musical

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59 expressions. A preference for European aesthetics and cultural modes of representation were also predominant in other media. It was not until the twentieth cen tury that expressive cultural links between la alta sociedad (elite society) and las clases dirigidas (the masses) were to merge into what could be considered a socially inclusive Cuban national identity. In the early twentieth century, Cuban artists and i ntellectuals known as the Grupo Minoristas (Minority Group) anthropologist Fernando Ortiz Fernndez (18811969), the writers Alejo Carpentier y Valmont (19041980) and Juan Marinello Vidaurreta (18981977), the poet Nicols Cristbal Guilln Batista (19021989), the painter Wifredo scar de la Concepcin Lam y Castilla (1902 1982), and music composers Ernesto Lecuona y Casado (1895 1963) and Alejandro Garca Caturla (1906 1940) had all began to recognize Cubas social heterogeneity. In an effort to establi sh their own, more socially inclusive notions of Cubanidad, the Cuban cultural elite began the systematic process of researching, publishing, and broadcasting through the mass media the cultural contributions of Cubas disenfranchised and subaltern populat ions, primarily the AfroCubans and the guajiros (rural peasants), as well as including the expressive elements of these socially underrepresented populations into their own works. It was not until the mid twentieth century, and partly as a result of the efforts of these artists and intellectuals, that the Cuban nationstate officially recognize d the diversity inherent in the mix of African, European (and to some extent, Amerindian) heritages of Cubas people. This paradigmatic shift in cultural and social imagination that first began to come about through the work of these scholars and artists, among

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60 others, in the early twentieth century, found its full expression in the triumph of the Cuban Revolution of 1959 The Revolution a populist movem ent intent on linking formally disenfranchised populations to the state during the second phase of national and cultural identity building in Latin America, as described by Turino helped to erase some of the legacy of the white, elite, European definition of what it meant to be Cuban by embracing the ideology of solidarity through diversity. The extent to which the Revolution was ideologically (and practically) successful in eradi cating racial and class divides, as was one of its stated goals, remains to be seen Nonetheless, the imagining of a heterogeneous Cuban society had been established and Cuba has not looked back. Perhaps more than any other individual, it is the poet and essayist Jos Mart Prez (18531895) who is held up as the political and int ellectual leader of Cubas independence movements and a creator of Cuban national identity. Considered the father of the Cuban nation, Mart was one of the early Cuban social architects who first espoused the popular, anti racist, anti imperialist, socialequality ideology that continues to hold enormous resonance in Cuba to this day. While best known for his poetry and critical writings on visual art and literature, as well as his political essays (Mart 1982, 2007), Mart also wrote several articles on Western art music in the Mexican periodical, La Revista Universal and in the Cuban newspaper, Patria which he founded as a venue for the publication of his political writings. Mart espouses a nationalist sentiment throughout his writings on music and he uses music to help illustrate and foster his concept of Cubanidad (Chirino 2009).

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61 Marts scholarship and contribution to the establishing of Cuban intellectual thought are paramount for understanding Cuban culture. Two edited volumes of Marts work, On Art and Literature by Jos Mart: Critical Writings (1982), and Jos Mart Reader: Writings on the Americas (2007) provided me with the information needed for further analysis of Cuban thought. In each of these volumes, articles and writings by Mart rev eal his thoughts on Cuban independence from Spain and the establishing of Cuban sovereignty, Cubas relationship to the U.S., his ideas for the creation of Cuban identity, and his creative writings, including the Versos Sencillos a series of semi autobiog raphical poems recounting what Marti believes on a spiritual as well as an intellectual level is the essence of Cubanness. In the essay, Our America, Mart creates a touchst one for Latin American populist movements intent on declaring Latin America as different, yet equal, to the more politic ally and economically powerful nations of Europe and the U.S. He writes: There is no prow that can cut through a cloudbank of ideas. A powerful idea, waved before the world at the proper time, can stop a squadron of iron clad ships, like the mystical flag of the Last Judgment. Nations that do not know one another should quickly become acquainted, as men who are to fight a common enemy Those who shake their fists, like jealous brothers coveting the same tract of l and, or like the modest cottager who envies the esquire his mansion, should clasp hands and become one We can no longer be a people of leaves, living in the air, our foliage heavy with blooms and crackling or humming at the whim of the suns caress, buffeted and tossed by the storms. The trees must form ranks to keep the giant with sevenleague boots from passing! It is the time of mobilization, of marching together, and we must go forward in closed ranks, like silver in the veins of the Andes ( 2007: 120). There is no doubt that the regional and nationalist sentiments espoused by Mart articulated in the most poetic of literary prose styles and contexts were instrumental in bringing about change in the political and social ideology of the Cuban people, and by extension, other nations within Latin America.

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62 In addition to the writings of Mart there is a canonical literary work on Cuban m usic that was critical to my investigations : Alejo Carpentiers La Msica en Cuba ( Music in Cuba) (1946) The book was finally translated into English by Timothy Brennan in 2001. N othing like Music in Cuba had ever existed in terms of Latin American music criticism an d analysis prior to its publication, and to its credit, even after over sixty years of academic scrutiny this book still maintains its usefulness and credibility as a work of major importance on Cuban music. Carpentiers artistic enterprise in the forties became a search for origins, the recovery of history and tradition, the foundation of an autonomous American consciousness serving as the basis for a literature faithful to the New World (Gonzlez Echevarra 1977: 107). In Music in Cuba Carpentier espouses the idea that music and culture should be studied according to geographic zones and not sovereign boundaries hence he include s the greater Caribbean in his analysis. T his inclusive form of analysis reinforces the mutuality of a pan Latin expressive c ulture, further supporting the idea that Cuba, with the rest of the Caribbean, shares a stock of similar expressive cultural for ms under a plurality of names. Throughout Music in Cuba Carpentier consistently draws parallels between these related musical and cultural forms and the process of their creation: the creolization of the entire Caribbean from the fusion of Iberian and African cultures. Another central and overarching premise of the book is the role of Africanderived and AfroCuban expressive culture8 in the creation of a creolized New World and 8 Although the importance of the cultural contributions of Cubas enslaved and their descendants is expressed in almost every chapter of Music in Cuba, there are two chapters dedicated solely to the role of blacks in the development and evolution of C ubas performing arts: Chapter S even, Blacks in Cuba; and Chapter Sixteen, AfroCubanism.

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63 ultimately, the establishing of a Cuban national identity. Music in Cuba was written in 1946, during the height of the negrismo (black pride) movement, and Carpentier, highly concerned with authenticity in all aspects of art and culture, tried to illuminate the reality of racism when building a nationalist movement. The negrismo movement, though composed mainly of white intellectuals like Carpentier and Ortiz stressed afrocubanismo and the idea that it was Africanderived practices merged with European practices ( rather than European practices alone) i.e., criollo practices, that were the principal sour ce of Cuban national identity, especially when it came to popular musical genres such as the son and AfroCuban percussion instruments. He writes: The son has the same constituent elements as the danzn. But both became so different because of their trajectory: the contradanza was a salon dance; the son was a thoroughly popular dance form. The contradanza was played with an orchestra; the son was a song accompanied by percussion. This, without a doubt, comprises the best guarantee of its originality. Thanks to the son Afro Cuban percussion, conf ined to the slave barracks and the dilapidated rooming houses of the slums, revealed its marvelous expressive resources, achieving universal status. Lest we forget, dance orchestras before 1920, in terms of percussion, were only aware of the timbales the giro or calabazo, and the claves from Havana We still remember the marvelous stupor with which the people of our generation greeted, one fine day, the [Africanderived] instruments that came from the eastern provinces, and that today are heard, poorly pl ayed, in all of the worlds cabarets (2001 [1946]: 228). What is important to note regarding charanga and its relationship to the criollo Cuban national identity espoused by Carpentier, is that the expressive elements of African and European practices cont inued to develop within the charanga ensembles and the musical genres they played. For example, the son montuno was eventually inserted into the final section of the danzn form, and black and bi racial musicians became the largest demographic among chara nga musicians.

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64 Besides the numerous articles he wrote in various journals and periodicals on the subject, Carpentier also articulated in Music in Cuba the arguments and theories surrounding negritude as well as the indigenous mestizaje movement (folkloric movement) in Cubas national discourse. To stress his point, Carpentier writes that attempts to create a work of national expression always return, sooner or later, to Afro Cuban and mestizo genres or rhythms (Carpentier 2001 [1946]: 267). As one of Cuba's most important intellectual figures of the twentieth century, Carpentier as novelist, musicologist, classically trained pianist, producer of avant garde radio programming, and influential theor ist of politics and literaturewas uniquely situated to validate this claim. In his chapter on blacks in Cuba, Carpentier also articulates his views on popular music and its AfroCuban connections. Defense of popular culture came in many forms during the early twentieth century in the Caribbean and Carpentier s work was no exception. Music in Cuba was written during a time in history where people living in the Caribbean colonies, who were also attuned to European cultural influences, did not distain popular mass culture because it was still closely identified with white European styles In support, Carpentier wrote that popular music and art music were, through theoretical analysis, both complicit and interdependent and secondly, that music should be analyzed for its social role and not purely by its commercial success. He also revealed popular musics African influences, thereby legitimizing both. According to Carpentier, it was the Africanderived and AfroCuban cultural influences in Cuba that helped erode the distinction between elite and popular music. His innovative genius

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65 helped to pioneer the serious study of popular music in Cuba and lay the foundation for acceptance and respectability for all Cuban musical genres. Carpentier also includes chapters on Cubas most important composers and musical genres in Music in Cuba, yet it is the overarching themes of the role of blacks in the f ormation of a national identity, the idea of a panLatin expressive culture that exists throughout the Caribbean, and the vali dity and value of popular music that have conti nued to shape the thoughts of countless scholars who have been fortunate enough to read this book and afford Carpentier all the intellectual credit this work merits. In addition to Carpentier Fernando Ortiz stands as another of the most significant Cuba n intellectuals in history. Ortizs Contrapunteo cubano del tabaco y el azcar ( Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar ) ( 19 40 [19 95] ) is considered one of the most important works in Cuban intellectual history and is a key source for research on Cuban cult ure. Cuban Counterpoint is noteworthy for introducing two core principles in modern Latin American intellectual thought. First, through observation made about the effects of colonialism in the Caribbean, Ortiz coined the term /concept transculturation t o describe what happens when societies in this case, European, African, and to some extent, Amerindianmerge through direct contact ( 1995: 97) Ortiz offers the term transculturation in Cuba as a meta text for the English word acculturation. He writes: Acculturation is used to describe the process of transition from one culture to another, and its manifold social repercussions. But transculturation is a more fitting term. I have chosen the word transculturation to express the highly varied phenomena that have come about in Cuba as a result of the extremely complex transmutations of culture that have taken place here, and without a knowledge of which it is impossible to understand the evolution of the Cuban folk, either in the economic or in the institutional, legal, ethical, religious, artistic, linguistic, psychological, sexual, or other

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66 aspects of its life. The real history of Cuba is the history of its intermeshed transculturations (1995: 98). Second, and important for musi c, Ortiz was among the first Cuban intellectual s to espouse the importance of incorporating the expressive culture of the subaltern and disenfranchisedin this case, the AfroCubans in the establishing of Cuban national identity. It was Ortizs anthropological work within the A fro Cuban communities in the 193 0s that caused him to consider the artistic realms and merits of these populations primarily, their musical contributions in the defining of Cubas national character. Ortiz, by using a musical metap hor in the title of his book, Cuban Counterpoint offers the musical term counterpoint as a synonym for transculturation. Counterpoint, literally note against note, represents two opposing social structures in Cuba, each associated with the cultivation, processing, and exportation of either tobacco or sugar It is these binary opposites tobacco and sugar, that Ortiz claims shaped Cuban national identity. Tobacco, representing the indigenous, the dark substance (both figuratively and literally), produced through small scale cultivation, is juxtaposednoteagainst notewith sugar, the white exogenous product requiring mechanization and massive amounts of forced labor from the enslaved. T he use of the term counterpoint in the work of Ortiz allu des to an African subtext and rhythm in a more general contrapuntal relationship to all of western music and culture. In the end, it is this expanded, transcultural notion of counterpoint that operates in Ortizs texts ( Spitta 1997: 163). The history of Cuban writings involving music takes a new turn towards the end of the twentieth century. This period is represented by a major shift in the way Cuban artists and intellectuals talk about or use music in their work. Prior to the last three decades of the twentieth century, memoirs and autobiographies by Cuban writers and

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67 intellectuals especially those in exiledid not constitute a large portion of Cuban literature. Since the late1970s and early 1980s, a substantial number of Cuban writers have written autobiographical and semi autobiographical poems, novels, and essays, primarily about their lives in exile. Two important examples are Guille rmo Cabrera Infante (1929 2005) and Gu stavo Prez Firmat (b. 1949) Rafael Rojas writes that the emergence of this genre in the most recent writing of Cuban exiles without the support of a national or continental tradition is astonishing (2008: 116). What is also important about these writers is that they are, for the most part, activist intellectuals who at one point supported the triumph of the Cuban Revolution of 1959, but have since denounced it in their writings, especially Cabrera Infante, who is particularly critical of current Cuban politics. For example, in Una Historia Inaudita (The Unprecedented Sto ry), the prologue to Natalio Galns Cuba y sus Sones Cabrera Infante writes that Galn is the musicological heir apparent to Carpentier, and lambasts the Cuban government for not recognizing him as such. He writes: La misma labor la podra haber hecho tambin el Gobierno de Cuba (que gasta por ejemplo fortunas en hacer diccionarios especiales compilados para la revancha mezquina contra los exiliados, o para la exaltacin de burcratas de la cultura en Cuba), con sus cuadros de enc uesta folklrica, sus i nvestigaciones colectivas y sus escritores pagados por el Estado cubano y a cuenta de la propaganda poltica. No lo han hecho ellos porque la historia de la msica (la ms necesaria a la felicidad, la ms exportable y la ms popular de las artes in Cuba) ha terminado, como la historia misma, con el poder totalitario y la fuga de casi todos los msicos creadores al extranjero. Es ah, fuera de Cuba, donde las ha encontrado Galn de nuevo para siempre ( 1983: xix) [ The same work could also have been done by the Government of Cuba ( which spends a fortune, for example, on making special dictionaries compiled for petty revenge against the exiles or for the glorification of the bureaucrats of culture in Cuba ), with its surveys of folklore, its research projects carried out collectively, and its writers who are paid by the Cuban state and the political advertising account They have not done this because the history of music ( the most necessary to happiness the most

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6 8 exportable and the most popular of the arts in Cuba) has ended as the story itself, with totalitarian power and the flight abroad of almost all creative musicians It is here, outside of Cuba where Galn is found again and for always (Galn 1983: xix) .] Literarily speaking, in the work of contemporary Cuban writers such as Cabrera Infante, the emphasis of music in their work shifts from the more descriptive or anthropological and/or musicological perspective, like that of Carpentier to the use of music and musical metaphors as creative elements, o ften to espouse political ideology. Cabrera Infantes most famous work, Tres tristes t igres (Three Trapped Tigers) (1967) translated into English in 1971 and again in 2004 by Donald Gardner and Suzanne Jill Levineis, in the broadest of terms, a nostalgic look at Havana nightlife in the years prior to the Revolution. The study of characters in Tres tristes tigres initiates an analysis of how Caribbean popular music mediates racial identity and plays out across classes (Costello 2008: 17) T he opening scene of the book about prerevolutionary nightlife in Cuba, is filled with jazz imagery made more reflective by its setting in the Tropicana, Havanas legendary nightclub. It is written bilingually and in Spanglish, and the narration flips and c ode switches back and forth between Spanish and English, emphasizing the sarcasm of the narrator who welcomes foreign guests primarily Americans with one hand (in English), while he metaphorically slaps them across the face with the other (in Spanish) (200 4: 3) Puns, tonguetwisters and palindromes are used frequently in the narrative, which is constructed much like jazz is composed, with an improvisational lilt. Costello states: With Tres tristes tigres Cabrera Infante reformulates literatures positi on in relation to Cuban society, weaving popular culture into a text otherwise characterized by elaborate literary stylistics. In the end, by establishing a relationship between literature, popular music and social identities, Cabrera Infante succeeds in l aying the groundwork for future generations of writers

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69 who will continue to explore this relationship and push the limits of its implications (2008: 36). One of those important writers is Gustavo Prez Firmat (b. ca. 1950s) Like Cabrera Infante, he was b orn in Havana, yet Prez Firmat was raised in Miami. His Life on the Hyphen: The CubanAmerican Way (1994) is a tale of this cultural hybridity and in the work he describes his feelings of identity as being both and either or neither Cuban and/or American. What is interesting about Life on the Hyphen, aside from the politics of identity in exile, is its relationship to music. The six chapters of the book have titles with revised subtitles: Mambo No. 1 through Mambo No. 6, with the c onclusion titled Last Mambo in Miami. Throughout the work, Prez Firmat draws parallels between what its like to grow up between two cultures, using music to describe how he makes sense of his place in society. He weaves personal observ ances of musical cultural icons, such as Gloria Estefan (b. 1957), Desi Arnaz (19171986), and Dmaso Prez Prado (19161989), with scholarly analysis of the way in which assimilation and cultural appropriation affect identity. Jorge Maach y Robato (18981961) was also born in Cuba but live d in the U.S. and taught at Columbia in the 1930s. A master essayist, his analyses of the writings of Jose Mart are considered to be the best literal and political interpretations of Martis works. Like Mart, M aach wrote critically about what it meant to be Cuban from a literary and intellectual perspective. The essays of Frontiers in the Americas (1975) analyze cultural frontiers between Cuba, the U.S., and Latin America in general and the notions of national and regional identity created between them. Regarding the arts, in his chapter on the Cultural Frontier, he describes the differences between what he terms the particularity and universality of culture ( Maach 1975: 43). What he argues

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70 is that each society contains within it certain unique characteristics (identity) including artistic qualities as well as elements of certain universal values. He recalls a story told to him by Federico Garca Lorca to illustrate his point. As an example, h e writes: A group of gypsies had gathered to hear the singing of a girl from their tribe whose voice they considered marvelous. Everyone applauded the performance except one very old gypsy who, on hearing the clear trills, uttered with muffled severity a single wor d of judgment: Paris. The voice did not seem to him anything that belonged to his people, but to the Parisians. The young gypsy understood. She went to the back of the cave and downed a glass of whiskey. Then with scalded voice, she drew from her throat the hoarse pantings that the patriarch was missing to which the latter responded with a kiss on her forehead (197 5 : 44). Maach is joined by the poet Cintio Vitier (19212009) in his efforts to define Cubanidad when Vitier asks, what is Cuban in poetry, in the sametitled work, Lo Cubano en la Poesa (1998) In his fifth chapter, Quinta Leccin, Vitier states that the only true and genuine popular poetry of the Cuban people comes from the romances (ballads) and the dcimas ( lyric song genres) of the rural Spanish peasants in Cuba. He writes that Cuban poetry is filled con el sabor y los temas de la vida campesina hasta fijar la peculiar dcima guajira, cantada al son del tiple y el giro, el lad, el tres o la guitarra (1998: 105). [ Cuban poetry is filled with the flavor and themes of country life and set by a peculiar dcima guajira (ten line country song), sung to the sound of the tiple (small, guitar like instrument) and the giro (gourd scraper), the lad (lute), the tres ( a threestringed Cuban guitar), or the (Spanish) guitar.] Antonio Bentez Rojo (19312005) is perhaps the most innovative modern Cuban intellectual in his theoretical approach to cultural analysis. In The Repeating Island (1996) Bentez Rojo uses elemen ts of chaos theory to analyze the legacy of colonialism in the Caribbean. What he illustrates is that identity in the Caribbean is a complex sociocultural phenomenon, both joining and fracturing histories, ethnicities,

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71 and political tenets. His synthesi s of theoretical constructs provides a powerful context for understanding identity in the Caribbean in modern times. When writing about music and national identity, Bentez Rojo refers to a lecture given to Cuban school children by Fernando Ortiz regarding the inclusion of AfroCuban elements in popular music to illustrate his point. He writes: It is impossible to know whether any of the music students present at this convocation took Ortiz's words to heart. What is certain is that ten years later Cuba would experience a musical revolution which, beginning with the popularization of the son, would continue with that of the rumba, conga, mambo, cha cha cha, and other rhythms. This era of musical hyper creativity, which saw a proliferation of orchestras and combos, interpreters and recordings, would forever denote Cubanness. From then on, the cultural expression that best defines what is Cuban to a foreigner is Cuban popular music (1998: 179). The writings of Cuban artists and intellectuals over the last one hundred and fifty years have provided a well spring of critical thought on issues of national identity construction Indeed, they are part and parcel of the process to create national identity and m usic has been central to the ir espoused concepts Together, works written on the subjects of charanga and Cuban music in general, ethnomusicological theories and methodologies, anthropology, sociology, Caribbean history, and Cuban intellectual thought, all informed my research. By including w ritings from various disciplines and by adopting a more comprehensive approach in my analysis, I was able to relate descriptive and historical treatments of charanga to analy ses of charanga in broad er socio cultural perspectives.

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72 CHAPTER 2 THE HISTORICAL DEVEL OPMENT OF THE CHARANGA ENSEMBLE Etymological Origins of the Term s Cuban Charanga and Charanga francesa The term charanga is most commonly used today to define the instrumentation of a Cuban popular dance music ensemble consisting primarily of flute, piano, violin, contrabass, and Cuban percussion (with variations that may include guitar and brass instruments). In the ninet eenth century, the term charanga francesa was also used to describe ensembles with this instrumentation. The term charanga was also used to define the instrumentation of the modern charangas antecedent ensembles such as the military style brass band charangas comprised primarily of brass and percussion, as well as the orquesta tpica, which added strings and Cuban criollo (creole) percussion to its brass band instrumentation, and the bungas any ensemble with a few instruments. Historically, the vario us terms applied to these charanga ensembles with their evolving instrumentation, began simply with the term charanga, a term that defined the military style brass band charangas found throughout Spain and her colonies beginning in the sixteenth century. When strings and Cuban criollo percussion were added to the ensemble in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in Cuba, the ensemble became better known as the orquesta tpica. [ See: Figures 21 to 24 .] During this time, the instrumentation of these ensembles was altered againto accommodate performances in indoor venues to include strings, piano, and flute (and excluding most of the brass) and they then became better known as danzoneras or charangas fran cesa s. As more strings and brass were added in the twentieth century, the name of the ensemble reverted back to simply, charanga. The tables below outline the evolution of the ensembles ins trumentation and nomenclature.

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73 Table 21. The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 16th21st centuries Time Period Ensemble Name Instrumentation in Cuba Instrumentation in Spain/Latin Amer Sixteenth through Twenty first Centuries in Spain and Latin America and Sixteenth through Mid Eighteenth Centuries in Cuba Charanga [Antecedent ensemble] Variations including: Fife Piccolo Flute Clarinet Saxophone Flugelhorn Cornet Trumpet Trombone Baritone Euphonium Ophecleide/Tuba Snare Drums Bass Drums Kettle Drums or Tympani Variations including: Fife Piccolo Flute Clarinet Saxophone Flugelhorn Cornet Trumpet Trombone Baritone Euphonium Ophecleide/Tuba Snare Drums Bass Drums Kettle Drums or Tympani Table 22. The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 18th century Time Period Ensemble Name Instrumentation in Cuba Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Banda Bunga Charanga Charanga francesa (in Eastern Cuba) [Antecedent ensembles] Coronet Trombone Clarinet Ophecleide Pailas Criollas Giro [Occasional addition of a chordophone (cello/bass) and/or other brass instruments] Table 23. The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 19th century Time Period Ensemble Name Instrumentation in Cuba Nineteenth Century Orquesta tpica Orquesta folklrico Charanga Bunga Charanga francesa (in Eastern Cuba) [Antecedent ensembles] Violins (two) Clarinets (two) Coronet Ophecleide Trombone Euphonium Contrabass Pailas criollas Giro

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74 Table 24. The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 19th20th centuries Time Period Ensemble Name Instrumentation in Cuba Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Charanga francesa Charanga tpica Charanga Danzonera Bunga Piano Flute Violins (two) Contrabass [ Occasional addition of P ailas criollas and Giro ] Table 25. The instrumental evolution of the charanga ensemble: 20th21st centuries Time Period Ensemble Name Instrumentation in Cuba Twentieth and Twenty First Century Charanga francesa Charanga Danzonera Piano Flute Violins (two to four) Trumpet (optional) Trombone (optional) Contrabass (or electric) Guitar (electric/acoustic) Pailas criollas /Timbales Giro Congas Voice Figure 21 Pen drawing of clarinetist and bandleader, Juan de Dios Alfonso Armenteros (18251877) by Cuban painter Juan Roberto Diago Querol (19201 955) Alfonso Armenteros directed one of the most famous orquesta tpica s in nineteenthcentury Cuba, the Orquesta Flor de Cuba, established sometime around 1869 ( Rodrguez Domnguez 1967:35) (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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75 Figure 22 1869 photograph of the orquesta tpica, Orquesta Flor de Cuba: Trombn (trombone), pailas criolla s (creole tympani), bombardino (euphonium), two violines (violins), two clarinetes (clarinets), corneta (coronet). Not shown: figle (ophiclede), co ntrabajo (contra bass), and Giro (gourd scraper) (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967:34) (Source: CHC. Public Domain.) Figure 23 Enrique Pea Snchez (18801922), cornetist and director of the Orquest a Tpica de Enrique Pea [See: Figure 45.] ( Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 67). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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76 Figure 24 La Orquesta Tpica de Enrique Pea ( Rodrguez Domnguez 1967 : 68). Personnel included Pea (director and cornet) ; Antonio Gonzlez (trombone); Fliz Gonzlez (ophicliede); Jos de los Reyes ( timbales); Jos Beln Puig (1st clarinet); Jos Urf (2nd clarinet); Julin Barreto and Alfredo Senz (violin); Rufino Crdenas (gro) and Rogelio Solis (contrabass) (Giro, Radams 2007: 216). La Orquesta Tpica de Enrique Pea was famous for being the fi rst ensemble to perform El Bombn de Barreto, written by Jos Urf. (Source: CHC. Public Domain.) The Spanish word, charanga, is defined as a brass band with percussion and several woodwinds. It typically describes a small, military style (or regimental) band.9 Prior to the invention of the saxophone,10 the clarinet was the preferred woodwind 9 Similar to Cuba, Haiti also had military style bands. K mizik (military music corps) and fanfa (school wind band) have trained many of the best musicians in Haiti and have been responsible for generations of seasoned musicians who performed not only military and art music but dance music as well. In a fanfa one typically finds brass instruments (trumpets, horns, and trombones), woodwinds (clarinets, flutes, and more recently saxophones), and percussion instruments such as the snare and bass drums (Averill 1997: 35). The history and evolution of the musical ensembles and the lives of musicians in both Cuba and Haiti hold many parallels, as will be discussed further in this dissertation. 10 Belgian instrument maker, Aldophe Sax, patented the saxophone in 1846 and designed it to be played in military bands. Being a brass instrument that produces sound by vibrating a reed, it was created to bridge the gap between the brass and woodwind instruments. It first became popular in the French and

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77 instrument The term charanga is still used in Spain and other parts of the Spanishspeaking world to describe brass band ensembles comprised of local, amateur music ians who gather to lead religious processionals and/or play for festivals and carnivals, much as they have done for centuries.11 These ensembles play while walking through the streets, giving impromptu performances of popular and patriotic songs and are led by a drum major of sorts. The term is also used to describe a certain type of informal dance or party, implying a social event popular with the general population. In addition, a charangueroa person who plays in or leads a charangais also defined as a hawker, peddler, or lucky person, which loosely fits with the idea of someone who participates in an informal celebration or festival. The amateur nature of these ensembles is also related to the term charanguera which describes a clumsy, bungling, unpolished, artless person, imbuing a pejorative connotation. Cuban c haranga Spanish colonists brought early charangas i.e., mil itary style brass band ensembles, to the New World as early as the sixteenth century ( Fernndez de Latorre 1999: 66) The term charanga was being used in Cuba to define smaller versions of these ensembles in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centur y as evidenced by Belgian military bands of the midto late nineteenth century. The Hornbostel and Sachs classification of the instrument is clarinet ( Raumberger 2010). A photograph from 1896 of a military band in Spain clearly shows saxophones being played (Fernndez de Latorre 1999:353). The saxophone is a descendent of the ophicleide, which we find in orquestas tpicas (the term later used to describe these ensembles) in Cuba duri ng the same time. 11 In Colombia, the word charanga is an archaic term used throughout the Department of Nario to describe musical ensembles that play for religious processionals. In other regions of Colombia, this ensemble is referred to as chirima and consists of wind instruments and percussion. This ensemble is also understood to be a twentiethcentury instrumental popular dancemusic ensemble that performs salsa using the same basic wind and percussion instrumentation with the addition of violins and flute. Among the most famous of these groups in Colombia is the Charanga de la Candela, de Santaf de Bogot (Davidson 1970).

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78 the writings of Cuban intellectual Esteban Pichardo (17991879), who wrote in his 1836 lexicon, Diccionario Provincial Casi Razonado de Vozes y Frases Cubanas considered to be the most important Cuban lexicon of the nineteenth century tha t a charanga was a cosa pequea, reducida o fraccionada, como la Charanga orquesta de pocos instrumentos msicos [small thing, reduced or divided, like the charanga, an orchestra with few musical instruments] (1976 [1836]) In his dictionary, Pichardo defines the charanga ensemble as a small thing implying its informal character and giving it a connotation of something inconsequential. Further proof of the existence of early charanga ensembles and their popular nature in Cuba can be seen in the first publication of the periodical La Charanga (Villergas 1858). La Charanga clearly depicts in its logos and cover page the instrumentation of these early charangas [See: Figures 25 to 28.] What the 1858 and 1859 logo illustration s reveal is that the clarinet player is the only member of the ensemble reading music. This substantiates what we know about the personnel in these ensembles: they were most likely directed by a trained musician who could read music, while the other members were musically non literate and learned their parts from the director, who also acted as composer and/or arranger. Their clothing is typical of that of the upper class and the use of the book and pen in the 1858 logo implies that at least the director was literate. It could also imply that the periodical was dedicated to writing, certainly a privilege of the elite at that time. ( In the 1859 logo, t he significance of the bells, mortar and pestle, and other items is unclear.) Another thing to note in the 1858 logo is the figure holding the baton. He is either a bastonero (baton holder), the person who calls the contradances at the balls of the elite, or the drum major of a

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79 carnival charanga. I speculate that he is some of both. Depiction of this figure as a jester ridicules the elite and their employ of a bastonero. The figure could also represent a charanguero ( acting as the drum major ) a member of the lower classes. Figure 25. This is the 1858 logo illustration for La Charanga, a monthly periodical published in La Habana, Cuba (Villergas 1858). (Source: CHC. Public Domain .) La Charanga was a satirical literary periodical that leaned towards sentimentality and jesting in its articles and cartoons. The title of this periodical is a clear reference to the informality of the charanga ensembles as well as to their popularity. According to Ned Sublette, in the 1830s much prose writing in magazines and newspapers was in a style inherited from Spain: costumbrismo, which entailed the minute description of

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80 popular scenes and customs. Much of what we know about daily life in Cuba in the nineteenth century comes from these writers (2004: 131). Figure 26. This photograph depicts a bastonero (baton holder), the person who announced dances, as well as called the contradances and other salon dances at elite balls during the eighteenth and ninet eenth centuries in Cuba. The date of this photograph is unknown but, it appears to be from the late nineteenth century. (Source: (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 31). CHC. Public Domain.)

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81 Figure 27. This is the 1859 logo illustration for La Charanga (Villerg as 1859). (Source: CHC. Public Domain .) What is interesting to note about La Charanga is that despite its satirical, seemingly lowbrow and informal nature, it is clearly a publication that caters to, and parodies, an educated upper class. The dress of the characters in the logos, on the cover, and in the cartoons, is the dress of the elite. The cover illustration [See: Figure 2 8.], as well as the illustrations included within the periodical, were made by a member of the elite, Vctor Patricio Landaluze (18271889), a Spanishborn illustrator and painter considered to be the father of Cuban national painting.12 12 Landaluze is still considered the father of Cuban painting despite the fact that he held strong ties to Spain, espoused highly c onservative political views, and took a strong stance against Cubas struggle for independence at the turn of the twentieth century.

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82 For example, in Figure 2 8, we see Landaluzes illustration for the cover page of the first publication of La Charanga. It is full of symbolis m and irony. In the illustration, the bastonero / charanguero is more prominent than the members of the elite class whom he dangles like puppets, perhaps a statement about how the elite are manipulated by the norms of high society. The charanga instrument s are also more prominent. The lettering on the bass drum reads: Gazzanigos Frezzolinos, Sociedades Annimas, Galera de Personajes Ilustras [Fans of Gazzaniga and Frezzolini, Gallery of Famous Personalities Corporation]. This minor inscription, seemingl y added only for artistic interest, is a clever reference to a particular cultural and political phenomenon occurring at the time. In his memoir, Notes of a Pianist Louis Moreau Gottschalk (18291869) reveals the meaning behind Landaluzes vague message in his recounting of the Cuban publics reactions to Marietta Gazzaniga (18241884) and Erminia Frezzolini (18181884), two famous Italian sopranos known for their overly dramatic operatic performances. Gottschalk writes: Two years ago [1858], Gazzaniga, whose gestures and acting are somewhat violent, and often exaggerated and adapted to a southern audience, had become the idol of the feminine public of Havana. The enthusiasm she excited bordered on madness. The gentlemen threw their hats to her, the ladies their embroidered handkerchiefs and bracelets. Two factions were formed whose disputes, begun in the theatre, were kept up in the streets, and often threatened to become riots. One of the factions took the part of Frezzolini, it was the enlightened a nd conservative party. The other, for Gazzaniga, was composed of the ladies and the Havanese. The young girls were gazzaniquistas or frezzolinistas and at the aristocratic balls of one or the other faction the unfortunate dancers who belonged to the opp osite party were snubbed mercilessly (2006 [1881]: 29). In this clear example, we see that Landaluzes illustration makes a bold satirical statement about the preoccupations and social customs of the elite in colonial Cuba. There are numerous other similar illustrations by Landaluze within the pages of La

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83 Charanga. Landaluzes illustrations and the articles, commentaries, and literature written within the pages of La Charanga, provide some of the best documentation of Cuban social life and expressive arts of the nineteenth century. What we can glean from La Charanga and from Landaluzes depictions in regards to charangais that amateur, military style brass band ensembles were certainly present in Cuba in the midnineteenth century and that class associat ions regarding the charanga ensemble (however defined) were also clearly established by this time. Figure 28. This is the 1858 cover illustration for La Charanga drawn by Landaluze (Villergas 1858). (Source: CHC. Public Domain .)

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84 Charanga francesa Esta blishing the origins of the term charanga francesa points towards several speculations given that there is little documentable evidence regarding how, why, and when this ensemble first became to be known as francesa especially evidence that defines exac tly what the term connotes musically given that it is not at all a French ensemble but one rather uniquely Cuban. There is tangential evidence from what we know about performance practices, sales of Europeans musical instruments, and even diasporic migr ation patterns that the predominantly brass instrumentation of antecedent Cuban charanga ensembles was altered as early as the eighteenth century to include chordophones and criollo percussion. These ensembles were also called bandas, or bunga s, or charanga francesas in Eastern Cuba. Fuentes Matons writes that the late eighteenthcentury arrival of FrancoHaitians into Santiago de Cuba were known to introducir en su particular costumbre de contradanzas y valses cantados, la Gavotte el Passepiede [s ic] y el minuet [ introduce into their particular practice of contradances and sung waltzes, the Gavotte, the Passepied, and the minuet] (1981 [1893]: 124). According to Lapique Becali, the ensembles that performed this music were comprised of one or two clarinets, two or three violins, two trumpets, a contrabass and a drum [most likely the pailas criollas ] [See Figures 210 to 212.] (2008: 69). Bacard Moreau writes that haba seis violines y guitarras, y con la msica de la trova que se compona de p fanos y tambores se bailaba el minu, la contradanza francesa y el rigodn [ they had six violins and guitars, and flutes and drums accompanied this guitar music, and they were dancing the minuet, the French contradance, and the quadrille] ( 1973 [1908] : 33 ).

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85 In the nineteenth century, most of the brass instrumentation was removed from these ensembles (only to be reinstated in the twentieth century). Scholarly consensus believes this change in instrumentation was done in the nineteenth century to accommodate the sonic requirements of indoor versus outdoor venues (Manuel, Bilby & Largey 1995). These brass band ensembles with their loud instrumentation and musical repertoire of military marches, patriotic music, and popular songs, were eventually replaced in indoor venues such as ballrooms and salons by the softer sounds of flute and string ensembles known as charangas francesas and their repertoire of contradanzas and other popular dance music. Daz Ayala offers that perhaps adding the term francesa to the term charanga in the late eighteenth century helped to signify that these ensembles were now more refined and sophisticatedas most things French were considered culturally superior in effect, reducing or eliminating the historically somewhat pejorative connotation of the charanga as something trivial, particularly when the charangas performed for the elite (1994: 134). In essence, the term fr ancesa added an air of respectability. Sublette suggests, in support of Daz Ayala, that the pretty sound of these small piano, woodwind, and string ensembles could also be characterized as sounding culturally French, primarily due to the inclusion of the piano, an essential symbol of elegance, refined taste, and upward social mobility. Sublette states that charanga francesas had been around in one form or another in Cuba probably since the first piano came from Paris to Santiago de Cuba in 1810 ( 2004: 307). While Sublette does not reference where he obtained this information, Carpentier also states (without

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86 reference) the same information (2001 [1946]: 167). Other evidence, however, of the appearance of pianos in Cuba in the late eighteenth century does exist to support their claims. What I believe is the first classified ad vertisement for a pianoforte in Cuba was placed i n a periodical from Havana Papel Peridico de la Havana dated September 9, 1792.13 It reads in part, un Fuertepiano de esquisitas voces fabricado en Londres, en precio cmodo. [For sale: a pianoforte with exquisite sound, made in London, for an affordable p rice.] What this tells us is that pianos were indeed being sent from Europe to Cuba by the late eighteenth century. In addition, another advertisement in the Papel Peridico de la Havana was placed in May, 1794 for dos flautas transversales hermosa, a un precio justo" [ two lovely transverse flutes, at a fair price]. The appearance of this advertisement shows us that transverse flutes were also present in Cuba during the same time period. This is important regarding charanga because it was the change in instrumentation to include the flute and piano that first identified the charanga or charanga francesa as an ensembl e of the elite. The claims of musicians within the charanga tradition also points to the critical addition of the piano. The legendary charanga flute player, Antonio Arcao Betancourt (19111994) also believes that the term francesa was given to the char anga ensemble precisely when it incorporated the piano. He states, They called them charanga a la francesa because before it had no piano (Hernndez 1986: 64). Another important and influential charanga flutist, Jos Antonio Fajardo (19192001) who st udied under Arcao and took over as flutist for Arcaos charanga Arcao y sus Maravillas claims that the charanga francesa ensemble evolved from the 13 The first publication of Papel Peridico de la Havana was in 1790. It was a semi weekly periodical published from 1790 to 1805.

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87 quinteto haitiano (Acosta 2006), an ensemble with instrumentation much like that of the francesas and orquestas tpicas (albeit, somewhat modified).14 Haitian musicians claim that these Haitian ensembles, in fact, were influenced by similar Cuban ensembles (Averill 1997: 53). Indeed, many of these ensembles in Cuba and in Haiti were reciprocally influence d by nature of their transcultural relationship. One can speculate that Fajardo came to his conclusion due to the fact that the elite of Port auPrince, Haiti were also entertained at their private balls and bastrengs (public dances) by ensembles with sim ilar instrumentation to that of the charangas Averill writes: The instrumental accompaniment for these events typically included either a piano or a small, Frenchinspired string orchestra called ks bastreng, which comprised cello, bass, violin, clarinet and/or trombone. The repertoire included popular European couples and figure dances: mazurkas, polkas, waltzes, lanciers (lancers), contredanses quadrilles, as well as mereng. Relatives of the bastreng ensemble could be found throughout the Caribbean region (e.g., the Cuban charanga francesa or the New Orleans Creole string orchestra (1997: 3536). Rodrguez Domnguez presents perhaps the most interesting argument He asserts that the term francesa, when applied to certain Cuban music and ensembles, signifies that they posses s musical influences from the southern United States. Rodrguez Domnguez is referring to Louisiana in general and New Orleans in particular, when he writes that: Es probable que al tomar esta ltima denominacin Orquesta Francesa derive de la influencia o cambio recproco que estableci entre la msica del Sur de los Estados Unidos y la msica cubana, todo vez que la msica de este regin norteamericana est matizada de la influencia francesa (1967: 94). 14 The instrumentation of Haitian quintetos and sextetos included combinations of the instruments listed here: keyboard (usually harpsichord); piano; flute; drum set; trumpet; voice; and, malinba, a large box like lamellaphone (related to the Cuban marimbula) (Averill 1997: 39). Bongos, more trumpets and vocalists, saxophones, and bass were later added (ibid: 53).

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88 [ I t is likely that t he taking up of this latest appellation "Orquesta Francesa" derives from the influence or reciprocal exchange established between the music of the southern United States and the music of Cuba, as the music of this North American region is always colored by a French influence. ] There are historical circumstances that support Rodrguez Domnguezs claim. After the 1730s, France could no longer make Louisiana profitable through the sale of sugar, so it relinquished the colony to Spain in 1763. Spain took control of the territory until 1803 (Moya Pons 2007: 131). During this time, Spain consistently sent Cuban musicians to Louisiana to play in military bands. These Cuban musicians then returned home with cultural and musical influences from the southern U.S.15 (Din & Harkins 1996). What this shows is that there were musical ties between Cuba, San Domingue, and New Orleans as early as the eighteenth century. In the forward to Rodrguez Domnguezs book, Iconografa del Danzn, Cuban folklorist Argeliers Len also states that without a doubt, transcultural influences existed between all three locations and for the most part, they were predominantly shaped by French cultural aesthetics (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 5). Aln Rodrguez offers yet another perspective. He states that all creole Haitians, whether they were free or enslaved, were referred to as fran ceses when they arrived en masse in eastern Cuba after the Haitian Revolution (1986: 9). Given that they also brought with them to Cuba very similar musical traditions, and performed in similar ensembles, suggests that the music and ensembles in which they performed could 15 A letter dated October 1, 1783 from Louisiana Governor Esteban Rodrguez Mir y Sabater ( 17441795) to Cubas Captain General Jos Manuel Ignacio Timoteo de Ezpeleta Galdeano Dicastillo y del Prado, Conde de Ezpeleta de Beire (1739 1823) states that Mir does not have enough musicians in his regiment because they have returned to Cuba with the other troops and he needs Ezpeleta to send him some more. He asks for clarinetists, trumpeters, and a maestro (Din & Harkins 1996: 25n).

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89 easily been referred to as franceses in order to differentiate them from the comparable Cuban musics and ensembles. The probability that the origins and evolution of the term charanga francesa is indeed a combination of all the above factors is, in my opinion, quite high. All the arguments presented here hold validity and in truth, written and photographic evidence discovered through this research supports most of these scenarios. The existence of multiple points of reference for iden tifying and defining similar cultural expressions found across tangentially related societies underscores the inherent complexity, and inaccuracy, of considering any one view as singularly legitimate. In support of this notion, further evidence of the mul tifaceted origins and evolution of charanga can be found in the historical organology of charanga ensembles. Historical Organology of Charanga Ensembles Outlining h ow the military style brass bands of the eighteenth and nineteenth century in Cuba who performed for carnivals and other outdoor events evolved into the more refined, twentiethcentury modern charanga flute and violin based ensembles best known for performing popular dance music in salons and nightclubs is somewhat complex. This is partially due to the informal nature of the ensembles and their subsequent capacity to slightly adjust their instrumentation (throughout the past two centuries) for a ny given performance. The ability to draw a clear, direct line of historical evolution is hampered by the fact that most eighteenthand early nineteenthcentury antecedent ensembles to the charanga, such as the orquesta tpica, often comprised musicians gathered together ad hoc from the military bands, the ranks of amateur and professional musicians, and the music conservatories. It can be assumed, therefore, that ensemble directors would have altered the instrumentation and

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90 performance practices of an ensemble depending on who might be available to perform. There are, however, broad generalizations that can be made about the gradual evolution of the charanga from its band like instrumentation to that of a dance orchestras due to some consistency in the written and pictorial documentation. Similar evidence regarding the music performed by these ensembles, such as the contradanza, danzn, and chachach, also provides parallel substantiation. Scholars of Cuban music typically divide the evolutional history of the modern charanga ensemble into two periods: 1) the era of antecedent ensembles such as the orquesta tpica (sometimes referred to as the folkloric orchestra) and the charanga francesa or charanga tpica, from the 1790s to 1902, and; 2) the republican peri od from 1902 until the present, where we see the emergence and development of the modern charanga ensemble. What follows is an outline of the sources of that history. Since the nineteenth century, there have been numerous publications on Spanish and HispanoAmerican music describing and defining charanga (brass band) ensembles and the music they perform. Pedrell i Sabats 1894 Diccionario Tcnico de la Msica a Spanish dictionary of music, is but one example. Likewise, there is also clear document ation and photographic evidence of the antecedent Cuban charanga ensembles referred to as orquesta tpicas as well as photographs of the charanga francesas As previously stated, these early Spanishderived military style ensembles consisted only of wind and percussion instruments and it is noted that they performed for outdoor functions such as military pageants, informal religious processionals, festivals, and carnivals. S cholars define these late eighteenthand early nin eteenth-

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91 century ensembles in Cuba fir st as bandas (bands) consisting of nine to twelve musicians (Daz Ayala 2003b: 295). Early instrumentation consisted primarily of the following brass and woodwind instruments, with the occasional addition of a chordophone: cornetines de llave (valve coronets), trombones (trombones), clarinetes (clarinets), a figle (ophecleide),16 a bombardino (euphonium), and a contrabass. Percussion instruments included the only criollo instruments: small tympani like instruments called pailas criollas ;17 and t he g iro (gourd scraper) [See: Figure s 2 9 to 2 13] ( ibid 2003b: 295). Figure 29. Photograph of a Jules Martin ophicleide. Martin was a dealer of musical instruments i n Paris between 1855 and 1876. The address stamped on the bell of this ophicleide date s the instrument between 1868 and 1873. The ophicleide is almost never used in contemporary Cuban ensembles but was often used in the orquestas tpicas even as they transitioned into charangas (Source: P hoto courtesy of Robb Stewart. Used with permissi on. http://www.robbstewart.com/Museum/19thCentury/MartinOphicleide.html ) 16 An ophicleide is an early ninet eenthcentury brass, keyed bugle. It is the predecessor of the saxophone and was replaced by the euphonium and tuba ( Morley Pegge 2010) 17 Pailas criollos evolved into the modern instrument, the timbales In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Cuba, they were creolized versions of small tympani with half round closed bottom bodies instead of the cylindrical open bottomed timbales of today. They were constructed in male and female pairs.

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92 Figure 210. Ro drguez Domnguez states that this early twentiethcentury photograph is of the pailas criollas played by Demetrio Pacheco, the timbalero for the orquesta tpica of Fliz Gonzlez and arguably the most important Cuban timbalero in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries ( Ledn Snchez 2003: 52) Contemporary charanga musi cians, however, refer to these instruments as timbales pequeos (small tympani). The use of the pailas criollas is currently undergoing a revival. (Source: ( Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 90). CHC. Public Domain.)

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93 Figure 211. Famed Cuban percussionist Amadi to Valds states that these instruments are the true pailas criollas information verified by many of the charanga musicians I interviewed. Note that they are smaller than tympani and timbales with a more shallow body. (Source: Photo courtesy of Amadito V alds. http://www.percussioncuba.com/Instrumentos.htm Used with permission.) Figure 212. 1999 photo of the pailas criollas ( Leymarie 2003: 27). (Source: Photo courtesy of Patrick Glaize. Used with permission.)

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94 In analyzing archival photographs of these instruments, it appears that the small, shallow, panlike instruments were the first to be called pailas criollas and that later, th e instrument seems to have undergone gradual transformations that deepened the body and widened the head of the drum. This was done perhaps, in an effort to gain a louder sound and/or to emulate the orchestral tympani. In personal interviews with charanga musicians such as Rene Lorente, they claim, like Valds, that the smaller instruments are the pailas criollas and the larger instruments are timbales What is certain is that the pailas criollas were the instrumental precursor to the timbales the instr ument codified in charanga ensembles in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Figure 213. Photograph of a gir o (gourd scraper). T he instrument is ubiquitous within Cuban ensembles today. (Source: Photo, El Mago de las Maracas, courtesy o f Liset Cruz: http://www.cuba photography.com Used with permission. )

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95 In the Diccionario de la Msica Espaola e HispanoamericanaI by Csares Rod icio the following instrumentation is also documented as the standard instrumentation for charanga ensembles throughout the nineteenth century: El conjunto instrumental que forma la charanga es: requinto, flautn, flauta, clarinetes, saxofn, fiscornos, cornetines, trompas, trombones, bartonos, bombardino y bajos. La charanga tuvo vida sobre todo a lo largo del siglo XIX, dando lugar a numerosas composiciones para este conjunto (1999: 572). [ The instrumental ensemble that forms the brass band is: fife, piccolo, flute, clarinets, saxophone, flugelhorns, cornets, trumpets, trombones, baritones, euphonium and bass. The brass band existed throughout the nineteenth century, resulting in numerous compositions for this ensemble. ] Specifically in Cuba (but also elsew here throughout Latin America18) during the nineteenth century ensembles that included similar instrumentation began to be referred to as orquesta s tpica s (typical ensembles). Storm Roberts describes these ensembles that performed primarily outdoors in Cuba as cornet led bands supported by clarinets and trombone, with tympani predominant in the percussion (1999: 8). When referring to the popular convention amongst pianists in the nineteenth century of performing Cuban danzones from piano scores, Manuel s tates that while this was indeed an accepted performance practice and recognized by popular music composers, most danzones were composed originally as dance music to be performed by some type of charanga instrumental ensemble. He writes that these ensembl es might consist merely of a fiddle or flute accompanied by harp or guitar [See Figure 215] [Also see: Bacard Moreau 1973 [1908] : 33.], but ideally it would constitute an orquesta tpica, which might comprise two clarinets, four violins, a flute or picc olo ( flautn ), trombone, figle (ophicleide, a sort of bass bugle), contrabass, timbales (small kettledrum), and other percussion 18 John Storm Roberts makes reference to the fact that in Mexico, orquestas tpicas are based on nineteenthcentury village dance bands, which mixed strings and wind instruments, and in turn probably developed from the military bands maintained by various Mexican regiments, playing both light classical music and popular Mexican tunes (1999: 20).

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96 instruments, such as the giro gourd scraper or even a quijada (jawbone of an ass) scraped like the giro (2009a: 71). Figure 214. Photograph of a quijada (donkey jawbone), an Africanderived idiophone found throughout the Americas (especially where there exist desc endants of enslaved Africans). The bones are dried so that the teeth become loose and rattle (an African aes thetic) when the jawbone is shaken or str uck with the palm of the hand. A small stick is also used to scrape a rhyth mic pattern against the teeth. (Source: http://www.crashandboom.com/photos.cfm Photo courtesy of Kelly Creedon. http://kellycreedon.com/ Used with permission.) Acosta likewise refers to the instrumentation and importance of the role of the orquesta tpicas and their evolution into the charanga frances a ensembles in the performance of popular dance music. He writes: Entre las agrupaciones orquestales ms representativa y de perfil ms definido, podemos mencionar la orquesta tpica del siglo pasado, en la que, junto a la percusin acompaante, sobresal a la sonoridad de los instrumentos de viento (dos clarinetes, cornetn, figle, trombn). En el propio siglo XIX surgi poco ms tarde la llamada charanga francesa, en la que predominan los violines y las flauta, que desplaz a la anterior y constituye el antecedente directo de las actuales orquestas de danzones y chachach (1998: 102).

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97 [Among the most representative and high profile ensembles we can mention from the eighteenth and nineteenth century is the typical ensemble. In this ensemble, accompanying percussion helped to project the sound of the wind instruments ( which typically consisted of two clarinets, cornet, ophecleide, and trombone). Later in the nineteenth century the instrumentation changed slightly and the ensemble came to be called the Frenchstyle ensemble, an ensemble dominated by violins and flute. This ensemble replaced the typical ensemble and is the direct antecedent of the current big band orchestras that perform danzones and cha cha chs ] References to instrumentation for cha ranga ensembles from the nineteenth century can also be found in Cuban literature. Set in 18121831, the novel Cecilia Valds o la Loma del Angel ( Cecelia Valds or Angel Hill ) ,19 written by Cirilo Villaverde (18121894), is considered to be the most important novel of nineteenthcentury Cuba and without equal in nineteenthcentury Spanish American literature (Villaverde 2005 [1882]: xi ). An early version of the novel was f irst published in Havana in 1839. Villaverde, later exiled in New York for his political activism and his role in the fight for Cuban independence from Spain, published the completed edition in New York in 1882. The novel was so popular that the story has been retold and rewritten by other novelists, made into a film, and set to musi c in Cuban composer Julio Gonzalo Elas Roig Lobos (18901970) extremely popular zarzuela (a lyric dramatic genre using popular music) Cecilia Valds Roigs zarzuela with libretto by Augustn Rodrguez and Jose Snchez Arcillawas first performed on March 26, 1932 in the Teatro Mart in Havana (Gro 2007, Tomo 4:68). 19 A ccording to Sibylle Fischer professor of Spanish Literature at New York University and editor of the 2005 publication of Cecilia Valds, Cecelia Valds is the most important novel of nineteenthcentury Cuba. It is a story of masters, slaves, and free people of color, of sugar plantations, torture, adultery, incest, contempt born out of racial prejudice, and murderous revenge: a vast canvas of life in a slaveholding colony, at times horrifying, at times quaint, but extraor dinary nevertheless, and without equal in nineteenthcentury Spanish American literature (Villaverde 2005 [1882]: xi ).

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98 In one particular scene in the novel, the protagonist, Cecilia Valds, is attending a baile de cuna (creole social dance party referred to as a cradle dance).20 Valds, a beautiful mula ta from the lower class raised in the Real Casa de Cuna (Royal Orphanage), is considered the queen of the baile s de cuna s because musicians were inspired by her unequaled beauty ( Gonzlez 1993:205). Villaverde describes the setting: In the drawing r oom were many ordinary wooden chairs lined up against the walls, and on the right as one entered from the street, a settee, with various music stands in front of it. As our story begins, it was occupied by seven black and mulatto musicians, three violinis ts a bassist a flutist [a musician playing] a pair of kettledrum[s]. The musician who was to play the clarinet was a young mulatto, well turned out and not badlooking, who despite his youth was the director of that little orchestra. He was standing at the end of the settee nearest the street. His fellow musicians, almost all of them older than he, called him Pimienta, and regardless of whether that was a nickname (for it means pepper) or his real surname, that is what we shall henceforth call him (2005 [1882]: 29). What this excerpt gives us is a glimpse into the social practices, especially in terms of race and class, of colonial Cuba. Also important, is the depiction of the instrumentation of the salon ensemble as a charanga. Further documentation of nineteenthcentury antecedent charanga ensembles can be found in the written accounts of colonists from Europe, including reports by military leaders. In his 1831 description of a social ball and gambling venue in Havana, British Major General James E dward Alexander (18031885) recounts that the band, 20 Gro states that there are many discrepancies regarding the etymology of the term bailas de cuna but that scholars agree that it was a type of popular creole dance in nineteenthcentury Cuba (2007, Tomo 1: 82). Picardo states that: Slo se recuerda hoy la expresin baile de cuna, usada antiguamente con referencia a ciertas reuniones modestsimas de gente criolla, de color generalmente, tanto para bailar como para otras diversiones o juegos: casita reducida, pocos msicos, arpa y guitarra, etc., todo que pequeo y nada de etiqueta (1976 [1836]: 143) [The expression cradle dance was used to descr ibe certain informal gatherings for creoles, generally people of color, to dance and often gamble: small private house, few musicians, harp and guitar, etc., all small and without etiquette. ]

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99 consisting of nine performers, three violins, two violoncellos, hautboys [oboes], and French horns, would play in a most animating and excellent style, a waltz, fandango, or contradanza, the latter a com bination of the waltz and quadrille (1970 [1833]: 349). Several sources state that on July 31, 1890, the first ensemble consisting of the prototypical instrumentation of a charanga francesa, La Unin Armnica, performed in the Glorieta Saratoga (an outdoor venue akin to a bandshell) on the beach of Matanzas (Daz Ayala 1994: 134, Giro 2007:9; Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 98, Surez Hernndez 2007). Instrumentation consisted of flute, violin, piano, and bass. Giro writes: En el siglo XX surgi el otro prototipo de formato instrumental del danzn: la charanga francesa (su antecedente fue la Unin Armnica, de Matanzas, que en 1890 toc en la Glorieta Saratoga, con los instrumentos siguientes: piano, flauta, violn y contrabajo) integrada por flauta de madera de cinco llaves, piano, violn, contrabajo, timbal criollo y giro o calabazo; posteriormente se agreg un segundo violn, y cuando las circunstancias lo permitan, incluan un cello y una viola (2007: 9). [In the twentieth century came another prototypical instrumental format of danzn: charanga francesa (its predecessor was the Unin Armnica, of Matanzas, that in 1890 played on the Glorieta Saratoga, with the following instruments: piano, flute, violin and bass) composed of the fivekey wooden flute piano, violin, bass, pailas and giro or calabash; a second violin was subsequently added, and when circumstances permitted, a cello and a viola were included.] Surez Hernndez (as well as Manuel and Bacard Moreau, among others) states that at times, the instrumentation for similar ensembles might have even included the Cuban harp, a descendent of the Peruvian and Mexican harp (2007). The photograph in Figure 215 is of the Charanga de Jos Doroteo Arango P adrn Pachencho. This ensemble was the last charangaguita con arpa (small charanga with harp) performing in Havana at the turn of the twentieth century. Instrumentation included two violins,

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100 cello, piano, flute, and the Cuban harp played by Pachencho (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967:98). Figure 215. The Charanga de Jos Doroteo Arango Padrn Pachenc ho. (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967:98). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.) Like Daz Ayala, Giro, and Rodrguez Dominguez, Surez Hernndez refers to this ensemble as a bunga (Daz Ayala 1994: 134, Giro 2007:9; Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 98). According to Sublette, bunga is an old Bantu word to which Cubans gave a wide variety o f meanings (2004: 307) leading to a certain amount of ambiguity regarding the most commonly used term for this ensemble. Rodrguez Domnguez states that bungas were late nineteenthcentury and early twentiethcentury ensembles consisting of piano,

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101 flute, violin, and clarinet, a slightly different instrumentation than the bungas described by Daz Ayala, Giro, and Surez Hernndez (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 97), leading to the speculation that most small ensembles during this time period, that consisted of any combination of piano and woodwinds or chordophones, were commonly referred to as bungas By the 1910s, some t wenty years after the celebrated performance by La Unin Armnica, and with the inclusion of the pailas criollas and the guiro, these ensembles began to be referred to exclusively as either charangas or orquestas francesas (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 94). B y 1920, the charanga had replaced the orquesta tpica in popularity and included a varying instrumentation of flute, piano, pailas criollas claves, giro tumbadora (conga), and two violins, and sometimes one or more of the other various brass or reed instruments. The contrabass was also sometimes included. The piano was permanently added to the charanga's instrumentation in 1910 when pianist Antonio Mara Romeu (1876 1955) established his own charanga francesa (Giro 2007, Tomo 4:85). From then on, the piano became essential to the instrumentation. The contrabass then too became a permanent addition and t he number of violins was doubled (to four) and another conga, and sometimes cello, were added. Analysis of commercial recordings from Cuba also allows us to identify certain changes in the instrumentation of the charanga ensembles. Beginning as early as 1918, but especially during the 1930s and in conjunction with the advent of the nascent recording and broadcast industries voices were also added to charanga ensembles. In the 1920s and 1930s, many charanga ensembles were performing and recording both on Cuban recording labels such as Panart as well as on American

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102 labels such as Columbia and RCA Victor primarily in Havana and New York. Charangas such as the Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu Orquesta Aniceto Daz Charanga de Paulina lvarez Orquesta Belisar io Lpez and Orquesta Cheo Beln Puig were all performing with singers during this time. Other Cuban ensembles that included voices, such as the sextetos (six member son ensembles) and septetos (sevenmember son ensembles), were also recording and enjoyi ng popular appeal through the mass media. In response to the massive appeal for popular song and dance music, the charangas modified their repertoire to include vocals (and ushered in a modified form of the danzn called the danzonete). The RCA Victor label released numerous 78rpm recordings of Cuban ensembles featuring singers (who quickly gained a celebrity status): including the 1930s recordings of Alberto Aroche (19021968) singing with the Orquesta Neno Gonzalez, Fernando Collazo (1 9091939) singing with the Orquesta Maravilla del Siglo, and Barbarito Diez (19091995) singing with the Orq uesta Maria Antonio Romeu (Fagan 1983). American ethnomusicologist Charley Gerard, in his writings regarding the transcultural nature of musical development between Cuban and American musicians as they travelled between New York and Havana to record, describes this new charanga ensemble with voices added to its instrumentation: It comes as a surprise when we hear music from other parts of the globe in which strings are successfully integrated into an exciting dance music. From Cuba comes such a music; it is called charanga. The ensemble that plays this body of music is itself called charanga, and it consists of a string section with at least a pair of violins and sometimes a cello, a solo flute and a rhythm section with timbales, bass, giro, piano and congas. Although charanga is traditionally an instrumental form, it has evolved into a vocal music, typically featuring two male voices singing in uni son (2001: 65).

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103 In addition to recordings, broadcast radio especially helped to foster the popularity of the voice in charanga ensembles. Before the 1940s, radio stations relied more on live studio performances rather than recordings for their broadcasts because recordings were more expensive to produce. The charanga's suitability for broadcast fidelity increased its popularity while the demand for the loud, more unrefined, horndominated orquesta tpicas disappeared. In addition, electric amplification for the singers eliminated the need for a strong vocal capacity and a smoother, more suave style of singing became preferred. Most importantly, radio diminished racial barriers, for while black performers were not allowed to perform in certain social clubs and salons, they could be heard in those venues, because no such discrimination existed on the radio (Moore 1997: 101104). With the inclusion of voices in the 1930s, t he current standard instrumentation of the charanga was established and the line up of flute, violins, piano, contrabass, voices, conga, giro timbales and cencerro has, for the most part, remained unchanged. What is interesting to note is that the charanga ensemble had continued to evolve to circa the 1930s, the time at which it became standardized. I posit that perhaps this was due to the fact that charanga had reached its place as a symbol of a Cuban national identity at this point and was no longer treated as something in need of development. Since the 1960s parallel with the invent ion of amplified instruments some charanga orchestras have added electric instruments, several brass instruments, and a drum set to their instrumentation (AlnRodriguez 1998). The one instrument whose inclusion and role has remained unchanged throughout the history of the charanga ensemble, however, is the fivekey, wooden charanga flute.

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104 The Five key, Wooden Charanga Flute The eighteenth century in Europe ushered in a greater sophistication in the art of musical instrument making and it was during this time that we first find evidence of the instrument known today as the archetypal orchestral Baroque flute used in the perfor mance of charanga. Due to the instruments overwhelming popularity in France, it soon came to be referred to as the French Baroque flute. By the very early nineteenth century, enthusiasm for this French Baroque flute was substantial all throughout Eu rope and by the 1830s art music composers were regularly scoring works for symphony orchestras that required these flut es in their wind sections ( Montagu 2010) .21 In England, just prior to this period, flutes were routinely added to the instrumentation of c hamber ensembles consisting of violin, oboe, recorder, and keyboard. These chamber ensembles then began appearing before paying audiences in public concerts. These same chamber ensembles in France and Germany, however, were still performing primarily in private setting in the salons of the upper classes ( Kreitner 2011) It was this tradition of playing chamber works for the salon dances of the elite, including the use of similar instr umentation to that stated above, that the French colonists brought to th e New World. Held transversely and made of various types of wood, early Baroqueera flutes featured only one key, the E flat key, played by the right hand fifth finger. This key was 21 That said, military bands and fife and drum corps, however, were still more common. Regimental bands that played in outdoor plazas were, as previously stated, more common in Cuba during this time as Cuba had yet to establish sufficient conservatories and concert halls needed to support a thriving Western art music t radition (Martinez Fernandez 1998).

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105 introduced in order to improve the instruments overall intonation and i n so doing, made the onekey flute the standard instrument of that time. 22 [See Figure 216.] Figure 216. Photo of onekey flutes marked FLORIO/LONDON (c.1795), G. ASTOR & Co./LONDON (c.1800), H. GRENSER/DRESDEN (c.1810), and G RIESSLING & SCHLOTT (c.180 5). The last flute includes a corps de rechange. (Source: Photo courtesy of Richard M. Wilson. http://www.oldflutes.com/. Used with permission.) Powell offers a more detailed description of this early Baroque flute: The cylindrical bore of the...instrument has become wider at one end than the other; the new instrument is built in several sections, instead of in one piece; its embouchure and fingerholes have altered their shapes and sizes, and are made in tube walls of increased thickness; and the new instrument has a key for the players right hand fifth finger, controlling a seventh hole added to the six of the sixteenthcentury flute (1996: 68). As the instrument evolved throughout the eighteenth century, keys were added to meet ever more challenging technical demands. The growing acceptance of equal temperament as a Western art music theoretical standard exacted further refinement of the instrument and so the body of the flute now constructed primarily of ebony or grenadilla wood23was also lengthened and divided into four sections to accommodate 22 The instrument was also the type of flute upon which Frederick the Great of Prussia performed. Frederick, a great patron of flute music, was a former student of Joachim Quantz, the composer of one of the most detailed manuals of eighteenthcentury flute performance practice currently recognized (Powell 1996: 88). 23 The fivekey flutes preferred by charanga flute players are m ade of granadillo (blackwood) grenadilla wood: Dalbergia melanoxylon, a lso called African black wood, African ebony, African ironwood, or Mpingo. The wood comes from a deciduous, shrubby tree grown in the savannah grasslands of southeast Africa.

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106 this new requirement. By the end of the century it was possible to find instruments with up to nine keys. And, despite having been given the moniker of French flute, the instrument was in fact German, invented by Johann George Tromlitz (17251805) of Bavaria in 1785(Powell 1996).24 [See Figures 2 17 and 218 .] Figure 217. Photo of French five key ebony flute with silver keys. (Source: Photo courtesy of Berkel Muziek. http://www.berkelmuziek.nl/img/oldflutes.htm Used with permission. ) Figure 218. French fivekey flutes constructed out of different woods such as ebony and the various colors of grenadilla wood. They are identified from bottom to top: Tulou (Paris, c.1835), Sax (Brussels, c.1845), Noblet (Paris, c.1860), and No (Paris, c.1900). Richard M. Wilsons website http://www.oldflutes.com/ is particularly helpful regarding information on historical flutes. (Source: Photo courtesy of Richard M. Wilson Used with permission.) The information below was provided primarily by Rene Lorente (Personal Interview 2010) and through direct observation of his fivekey flutes. The flutes were made by the It is prized for its density and resistance to moisture. Other European woodwind musical instruments such as clarinets and oboes are also now made from the grenadillas purplishblack heartwood. The tree is extremely rare and now endangered (Agroforestry Tree Database. International Center for Research in Agroforestry 2010). 24 Tromlitz's flute evolved fro m the twokey Baroque flute (Powell 1996).

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107 Henri Selmer Company who began crafting highquality musical instruments in Paris, France beginning in 1885 [See: Figures 2 19 to 2 21.] Figure 219. The Selmer logo on the fivekey flute of Rene Lorente. The stamp reads: Selmer, Paris, Made in France. (Source: All images in this document are my own unl ess otherwise stated.) Figure 220. Three views of the Selmer fivekey flute of Rene Lorente.

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108 Figure 221. The keys of the Selmer fivekey flute of Rene Lorente. In terms of construction, the five key flute is built in the key of C. There are also f lutes made in keys of Bb and Eb, but most flute s are in C. The Bb flute sounds a major second below the concert piccolo in C, and the Eb flute sounds a major fifth below the Bb flute. The instrument has a conical bore and a cylindrical headjoint. The headjoint is heavy compared to the almost fragile lightness of the body of the flute. This is perhaps why the instrument resonates loudly. Most flutes have metal lined sockets and tenons are also partially metal and wrapped in cork. The keys of the flute are Eb, F, G#, C, and Bb and are usually made of some type of metal. [See: Figure 222.] S ome keys are silver plated, but given their age, most of the silver plating has worn off extant flutes Replacement corks and pads are designed specifically for the keys of this instrument. Figure 222. The keys of the fivekey flute. (Source: Photo courtesy of Richard M. Wilson http://www.oldflutes.com/. Used with permission.)

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109 With only five keys, the French Baroque flute is fully chromatic and has an approximate range of D4 to G6. It has a forked fingering system and there can be as many as nineteen alternate fingerings for a single note, each altering the pitch in small degrees. [See: Appendix B Five Key Flute Fingering Chart.] The tone holes of the instrument are small, are placed much farther apart than they are in the Boehm flute, and can be played openhole, closedhole, or half hole. For the most part, A440 pitch had not been completely standardized during the nineteenth century, so the French Baroque flutes built during that time vary in temperance and intonation with other instruments is a challenge. T he instrument typically spans the range between 390 Hz to 460Hz (McGee 2010) and charanga flute players have created performance practice techniques to assist them in playing in tune (whic h will be discussed in Chapter Four ). This five key French Baroque flute as described above was in all likelihood the same type of flute first taken to Cuba by the FrancoHaitians in the late eighteenth century. Grossman writes that since the primary migration from France to Cuba via Haiti took place in the late 1700's and since the development of charanga orchestras mainly took place throughout the 1800's and early 1900's, it's not surprising that the flute mostly used in charanga is the Tromlitz wooden 5key flute. Even today, many still prefer this 5key flute because of its warm sound, its subtl ety, and its facility in the fourth octave, as well as a desire to keep with tradition. However, many flutists, (including the great Richard Eges of Aragn fame) have converted to the Boehm system flute for its ease in facility and more tempered scale (19 99: 34). Indeed, a number of flutists who play charanga music today some, beginning as early as the midtwentieth century have switched completely to the modern Boehm

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110 silver flute.25 Other flutists perform charanga music utilizing both the Boehm flute and the fivekey charanga flute26 depending on their particular preferences and performance practices for any given composition or performance. Most charanga flutists, however, still prefer the wooden charanga flute's warmer tone despite its complex fingering system and difficulty in playing in tune. In interviews with charanga musicians such as flutist Rene Lorente, I have been told that it is the distinct sonority of the charanga flute (that is, the wooded fivekey instrument) that most defines the sound of the charanga ensemble. Upon hearing the sound of the flute in performance, cognoscenti and dilettantes alike have been able, for the most part, to identify the music as Cuban (Personal interview 2010). The combination of the flute with the violins and the piano leaves no doubt in their minds that the ensemble is a charanga. What also informs them is the unique repertoire of musical genres played by the charangas The genre most associated with early charangas is the danzn, while the more contemporary ch arangas are more likely to be associated with nightclub genres such as the mambo and the chachach. Information regarding the history and developm ent of these genres follows in C hapter T hree. 25 The modern silver flute, now the standard for the performance of Western art music, was invented by German instrument maker Theobald Boehm (17941881) in the midnineteenth century. Boehm finished refining his c ylindrical silver flute in 1847 after the Paris Academy of Science had rejected it in 1832 (Powell 1996). 26 Anecdotal evidence places the renaming of this instrument from the French Baroque flute to the charanga flute in the 1950s in Cuba by charanga m usicians.

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111 CHAPTER 3 THE CHARANGA REPERTORY OF POPULAR MUSIC It wasn't until the 1760s, after Spain had eased trade restrictions within her Caribbean colonies, that Cuba began to develop a systematized plantation structure, and with it, the immigration of Spanish Europeans to own and manage Cubas sugar plantations. A frican slaves from west and central Africa, casualties of the Trans Atlantic slave trade, were imported to provide labor ( Rogozi ski 1999).27 With this increase in transnational social connections came rapid cultural changes in Cuba, especially in dance an d music. Spanish planters brought urban, genteel, aristocratic dances and European conservatory art music to the New World. Middleclass Iberian Peninsula and Canary Island immigrants28 imported rural, rustic peasant songs and a musical culture already ac customed to the incorporation of foreign stylistic elements such as North African Berber and other African musical styles. Enslaved Africans miraculously managed to preserve and promulgate their highly complex, polyrhythmic drumming traditions despite bei ng routinely subjected to their captors attempts to erase these cultural retentions. European and African musical and cultural influences were considerable in colonial Cuba, both in the rural areas, as well as within Cubas urban centers. Put in the sim plest terms, the music of Cuba owes its richness and diversity to the convergence of the melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic traditions primarily from 27 The role of the French colonial migrs in the expansion of the Cuban sugar industry was [also] very important. They brought with them the secrets of the trade including sugar mill administration techniques and experience in disciplining mass es of slaves (Moya Pons 2007: 224). 28 Canary Island immigrants were first brought to Cuba in t he 1550s to cultivate tobacco ( Rogozi ski 1999).

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112 Europe and Africa.29 The syncretic fusion of two basic musical components for the most part a European melodi c/harmonic structure and an African rhythmic structure came to define the highly syncretic criollo (creole) genres then forming in Cuba. According to Manuel and Carpentier, among others, charangas and the music they perform are the distilled essence of this fusion (Carpentier 2001 [1946]; Manuel 2009a; Manuel, Bilby & Largey 1995; Roberts 1998). The first formal European music to be played in Cuba was sacred music performed primarily in the cathedrals of Havana and Santiago de Cuba beginning in the sixteenth century.30 The study and performance of secular music composed by the European masters soon followed. Outside of the churches, the rural Spanish immigrants the guajiros and the campesinos primarily in the eastern part of the island also added their tr aditions of melodic Spanish folk music and folk dances to the mixture of styles played by white and creole colonists in Cuba. Spanish military music was also present on the island. The continued importation of Africans for the slave market in the early t o mid nineteenth century brought a constant influx of African music and dance to Cuba, especially the highly rhythmic sacred and secular drumming, 29 The absence of any major type of CaribAmerindian cultural and/or musical influence (save perhaps, for the mar acas ) is attributable to the fact that shortly after the arrival of the Spanish in the late fifteenth century, almost all CaribAmerindians societies were destroyed. This occurred primarily due to disease and enslavement by the Spaniards (Knight 1990:26). For more information, see Chapter One, The Political Geography of the PreHispanic Caribbean (Knight 1990: 326). 30 In 1523, the position of choirmaster for the cathedral of Santiago de Cuba was posted and a choir was created by the Spanish colonial government. The building of the present day cathedral was begun in 1528 and the organ was installed some years later (Carpentier 2001 [1946]: 69). In addition, some of the most important musical events in early Cuban colonial life were the Catholic religious festivals of the sixteenth century (Lapique Becali 2008: 22). It was through participation in these festivals that m embers of the cabildos (Afro Cuban mutual aid societies) were able to syncretize their pantheon of African deities with Catholic saints to create neoAfrican religions such as santera.

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113 singing, and dancing traditions from West Africa (Linares & Nuez 1998; Mikowsky 1973). When French colonists arrived in the New World beginning in the sixteenth century, with them also came their bourgeois way of life. By the 1770s, wealthy French colonists from Saint Domingue, on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola (now Haiti and the Dominican Republic) who had long mai ntained close ties to the Francehad established musical arts theatres in a number of French colonial cities.31 Although the composition and performance of instrumental art music was highly respected, Saint Domingue had no conservatory of music. None the less, French colonists continued to pursue musical interests through their theatres32 and the dances they held in their salons and social clubs (Largey 1991). During this time, the Spanish colonial elite in Cuba were becoming less attracted both p olitically and culturally to Spanish cultural influences and the inefficient and corrupt government Spain was imposing upon them, and more attracted to the bourgeois cultures flourishing in other European countries, particularly Italy and France. Beginning in 1791, refugees fleeing the Haitian Revolution brought cosmopolitan French culture to eastern Cuba and this arrival of several thousand FrancoHaitian colonists and their slaves changed the social and cultural panorama of eastern Cuba in less than fifty years.33 31 "Music was linked to notions of national character for the French. Previously available only to the aristocracy, the arts, and specifically musical arts, provided members of the bourgeois class a claim on the French cultural patrimony" (Largey 1991: 56) 32 In the 1790s, the first theatre for opera production in Santiago de Cuba was established at the Calle de Santo Toms. Operas from the contemporary French repertory were produced beginning in 1800. The Coliseo de Marina y Barracones served as the town theatre from 1823 to 1844. In 1851 the Teatro de la Reina opened and Mozarts Requiem was sung in the cathedral for the first time, with an orchestra of 60 and a chorus of 42 (Stevenson & Moore 2010). 33 The immigration of Haitians into Cuba occurred at two im portant times: the first being during the Haitian Revolution of 1791, and for the second time in 1920 when Haitian laborers migrated to Cuba for jobs in

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114 After the Haitian Revolution, sugar production i n Cuba brought unprecedented wealth and increased social stratification (Moya Pons 2007: 225) According to Peter Manuel, musical life blossomed accordingly and profited especially from being a sa fe form of cultural expression in an environment tense with growing nationalism and despotic censorship (2009a : 57). There was also a great vogue during the early nineteenth century to publish piano scores of popular compositions for the hoards of pianists and other instrumentalists created by the habitual importation of increasing numbers of pianos34 and other symphonic instruments. T heatres, concert halls, salons, and conservatories were created and most flourished. Social dances of the contradanza, or danza crioll a were all the rage, especially in Santiago de Cuba with its fashionable francophone cultural and French social influence s. In Oriente de Cuba (the providence of Eastern Cuba) during the nineteenth century, the use of flutes, pianos, and violins to perform contradanzas was a common practice of the FrancoHaitian elite and the free blacks of Cuba. Imitating Parisian bourgeoi s society life, the elite and merchant class in eastern Cuba wasted no time in recreating and fostering the kind of cosmopolitan social life they had experienced in Haiti and Europe in the late eighteenth century. Black musicians in Oriente de Cuba excell ed in the performance of Western European art music instruments as a sign of agric ulture, primarily to cut cane. In 1808 there were 1,005 Haitians in the western regions of Cuba, 1 78 in the central regions, and 9,186 in the eastern providences (Esquenazi Prez 2001: 152). The large number of Haitian immigrants in the eastern provinces of Cuba had a profound cultural influence on the existing Cuban population. 34 The piano was a symbo l of good taste and refinement and so it quickly became the preferred instrument of the bourgeois class. In the beginning of the twentieth century with the American intervention, large numbers of Americanmanufactured pianos uprights were imported into Cuba (Sublette 2004:307).

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115 their elevated social status.35 The cultural creolization process that was already occurring throughout the island, and the Caribbean as a whole, became the catalyst for the creat ion of popular Cuban musical and dance forms and styles. Not all refugees fleeing the Haitian Revolution, however, were members of the elite creole class and many of them arrived in eastern Cuba in relatively dire straits. In fact, many of those who poss essed adequate resources opted to book passage to New Orleans, Louisiana. In Cuba, educated FrancoHaitian ladies began to establish schools for drawing, sewing, French language, dance, and music (Maria Callejas 1911: 68). Money from these efforts at sel f sufficiency began to flow into their households. This money was used to raise the standard of living, including the establishing of theatres and orchestras that had been so important to the French colonists in Saint Domingue (Carpentier 2001 [1946] ). 36 The dancing of minuets and contradances was considered a compliment to a good education and they quickly became a favorite pastime. It was into this milieu that the creole genres of Cuban popular music and dance, especially the contradanceconsidered the first creole genre in Cubawere developed, spreading their popularity throughout all social classes. 35 Quoting the FrancoHaitian historian Mdric Louis lie Moreau de Saint Mry (1750 1819): B lacks imitating whites, dance minuets and contradanzas. Their sense of attunement confers on them the first quality needed by a musician; for this reason many are good violinists, since this is the instrument they prefer (1808 [1797]) 36 In Haiti, the preponderance of women in market trade is well known (Mintz 1971: 248). Haitian market women vary from the peasant wife who sells a handful of produce at irregular intervals in the market place to obtain cash for needed commodities, to the largescale, full time urban and rural wholesalers, retailers, and stallholders who handle large amounts of trading capital ( ibid: 256) Mintz goes o n to show how this cultural norm of having women dominate the market place comes from a long tradition originating in Dahomey, the African homeland of the descendants of the enslaved in the New World. It therefore stands to reason that Haitian women in Cub a, after the Haitian Revolution, would begin the process of acquiring capital and goods soon after their arrival on the island.

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116 The musical genres that form the body of criollo dance music in Cuba can be classified into two groups: one group is strictly instrumental and includes the contradanza criolla (or contradanza), the danza and the danzn. The second group is a set of genres that also incorporate voice, including the danzonete the mambo the chachach, and the tira tira The ensembles most associated with the performance o f these genres of music in Cuba were the orquestas tpica s and the charangas. The following tables outline the genres, their approximate time periods, the ensembles that most often performed the genre, and the ensembles instrumentation. Table 31. Contradanza musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation Early Period: ca.17201850 Height of Popularity: ca. 1790 1870 Later Period: ca. 1850 1890 Contradanza Orquesta tpica Charanga Charanga francesa Instrumental : Violins (two) Clarinets (two) Coronet Ophecleide Trombone Euphonium Contrabass Pailas criollas Gir o Piano Flute Violins (two) Contrabass Pailas criollas Gi ro Table 32. Danza musical genre: time period, ensembles and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation ca. 1830 1900 Danza (Musically similar to the contradanza, but with distinctly different choreography) Charanga Charanga francesa (Some instrumental variations of the orquestas tpicas were also used) Instrumental : Piano Flute Violins (two) Contrabass Pailas criollas Giro Conga

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117 Table 33. Danzn musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation First danzn : 1879 Height of Popularity: ca. 1880 1920 Still performed today as the national dance and music of Cuba Danzn Charanga Charanga francesa (Some instrumental variations of the orquestas tpicas were also used in the early years) Instrumental : Piano Flute Violins (two) Contrabass Pailas criollas Giro Conga Table 34. Danzonete musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation First danzonete : 1929 Height of Popularity: ca. 1930 1950 Danzonete Charanga Charanga francesa Instrument and Voice : Piano Flute Violins (two to four) Contrabass Timbales (or Pailas criollas ) Giro Congas Voices (one or two) Table 35 Mambo musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation Height of Popularity: ca. 1937 1960 Mambo (the formal variant of the danzn as well as the dance genre) Charanga Instrument and Voice : Piano Flute Violins (two to four) (Occasional addition of cello) Contrabass (acoustic or electric) Timbales Giro Congas Voices (one to three) Optional : Trumpet Trombone Guitar (acoustic or electric)

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118 Table 36. Chachach musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation Height of Popularity: ca. 19501970 Chachach Charanga Instrument and Voice : Piano Flute Violins (two to four) Contrabass ( acoustic or electric) Timbales Giro Congas Voices (one to three) Optional : Trumpet Trombone Guitar (acoustic or electric) Table 37. Tira Tira musical genre: time period, ensembles, and instrumentation Time Period Genre Ensemble Name Instrumentation Height of Popularity: ca. 19651980 Tira Tira Charanga Instrument and Voice: Piano Flute Violins (two to four) Contrabass ( acoustic or electric) Timbales Giro Congas Voices (one to three) Optional : Trumpet Trombone Guitar (acoustic or electric)

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119 Contradanza Figure 31. Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) (Fernndez 1974) Through the staging of historic dances, costumes inform us about sociocultural aspects such as race and class B y analyzing dancers attire we are informed about how popular music evolved in Cuba. In the example above ( and in following examples ) we can see that as time progresses, the dancers dress changes to reveal shifting social attitudes especially regarding class as characterized by the clothing worn when dancing to Cuban popular music. Most noticeable is the ev olution of charanga from a symbol of only the elite class, as illustrated by their dress, to that of iconic statement of national identity one representative of all classes where the clothing is more like that worn by the middle class (Source: LAC Public Domain. ) In his recently published edited volume on contradance and quadrille culture, Creolizing Contradance in the Caribbean (2009), Manuel writes that: . a region as linguistically, ethnically, and culturally diverse as the Caribbean has nev er lent itself to being epitomized by a single music or

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120 dance genre, be it rumba or reggae. Nevertheless, in the nineteenth century a set of contradance and quadrille variants flourished so extensively throughout the Caribbean Basin that they enjoyed a ki nd of predominance, as a common cultural medium through which melodies, rhythms, dance figures, and performers all circulated, both between islands and between social groups within a given island (2009a: 1). I posit that the same can be said of several Car ibbean ensembles such as the orquestas tpicas and the charangas that performed these musical genres, especially since their performance venues also served as a site where race and class mixing could occur to some extent. Given that musicians, musical sty les and genres, dancers, and musical instruments, the cultural manifestations of tangential social practices, moved throughout the Caribbean with such ease and were so universally adapted, leaves little doubt that trans social and transcultural influences would have also affected the creation and development of similar instrumental ensembles, each with comparable instrumentation and comprised of musicians from various segments of these societies. Also similar were their dances and associated dance music. Evidence is found in the instrumentation and performance practices of the ensembles that performed at Caribbean social dances such as Cuban contradanzas and Haitian bastrengs Manuel also challenges conventional notions about the tendency to describe the contradance popular music and dance forms and the variants they produced as having one shared, singular history and evolution, particularly the notion that they originated from one common source. He states: . despite its centrality to Cuban cultural history, many aspects of the contradanzas career remain obscure and contentious. Just as some European scholars disagree as to whether the contradance originated in England, France, or elsewhere, so do some Cuban musicologists differ as to whether the con tradanza in Cuba should be traced primarily to input from Spain, Saint Domingue (Haiti), France, the English West Indies, or elsewhere (2009a: 51).

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121 This perspective confronts the idea that historical genealogies of popular music and dance forms can be easi ly traced back through a family tree of genres, and further, underscores the complexity of likewise drawing clear (uni)evolutionary lines for related ensembles such as the charanga and the musical genres these ensembles played. In relation to nineteent h century Cuba, Manuel also states that: by far the most predominant and distinctively national music was the contradanza, [and] the diverse forms it took over the course of its extended heyday. The contradanza (or danza, as it was later called) was al so the eras most seminal genre, parenting the habanera that graced European opera and music theatre, the elegant figures of the tumba francesas masn dance, and, albeit ultimately, the mambo and the chachach themselves, which evolved from the danzas di rect descendant, the danzn Finally, while the roots of the Cuban son itself have customarily been ascribed to rural folk music of eastern Cuba, considerable evidence suggests that they are better sought in 1850s urban contradanzas of Havana and Santiago, thus calling for a revision of standard Cuban music historiography. Indeed, it is in some respects easier to enumerate those Cuban genres which were not generated by or directly related to the contradanza (2009a: 51). These are strong statements, especi ally the idea that the son37 did not come from the guajiro (peasant) music of Spanish descendants in Oriente de Cubaa long held belief by almost all Cuban musicians and scholars but rather from the contradance. Yet, Manuel presents compelling arguments to substantiate his claims. He writes: While it is often claimed that the Cuban son emerged from rural Oriente and invaded Havana in the early 20th century, serious Cuban musicologists have clarified that the true consolidation of the genre took place in Havana after around 1910 1920. Examination of 19th century sources can help us trace with greater specificity the origins of the particular musical features that distinguished the traditional son. Editions and descriptions of 1850s 1860s Havana contradanzas illuminate much about urban popular dance music of that milieu. In particular, they reveal the presence of features typically associated with the son, such as melodies in duet format, the 37 The Cuban son is a late nineteenthcentury musical genre. It is one of the most widespread and influential musical genres throughout the Americas and in Cuba it embodies the amalgamation of AfroCuban and Europeanderived musical forms and styles. Its form and rhythmic structure, based upon the clave rhythm and to some extent, its melodic and harmonic structures as well serve as the foundation for the mambo, chachach, (among others) and even modern salsa from the U.S.

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122 presence of clave as a structural rhythmic principle, certain dist inctive syncopations, short vocal refrains, and a bipartite structure consisting of a song like first section followed by an ostinatobased montunolike second section, sometimes including a vocal refrain. Perusal of early recordings also suggests that the distinctively anticipated rhythms of the son existed in Oriente in only a seminal fashion, and evolved on the whole in Havana as the genre matured (2009b: 184). In support of Manuels statements and through my own analysis, I agree current scholarshi p by Manuel and other scholars such as Len, Lapique Becali, Mikowsky, and Galn does indeed show that the rhythmic structure and stylistic lan of the contradanza is most likely the seed from which the majority of popular Cuban musical genres grow, including the son Conclusions are drawn from the forms and rhythms of the contradanza. The earliest contradanzas written between 1720 and 1850, were comprised of two simple sections, each contrasting in character. The A section, referred to as the primera (f irst), consisted of eight measures repeated; the B section, the segunda (second), also consisted of eight measures repeated for a total of thirty two measures in AABB form. The first known contradanza, an anonymous composition titled San Pascual Bailon, written in 1803, is a good example. [See: Figure 32 and 33] Later forms of the contradanza incorporated a C section: the A section in a major/minor key, the B section in the parallel minor/major key, and a C section in the relative major/minor of the B section for a complete form of AABBC or AABAC. This is an important development because in i t we start to see the basic form often used in later popular Cuban music genres such as the danzn, mambo and chachach In these later genres, we find a move towards simplifying the form. The evolution involved reducing the form to two sections. The f irst section was a danzn, mambo or chachach, while the second section was a dance section more like a son montuno

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123 Figure 32. The A section of San Pascual Bailon, the oldest known contradanza ( Rodrguez Domnguez, 1967:29). It was written anonymously in 1803 (Orovio 2004: 58). (Source: CHC. Public domain.)

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124 Figure 33. The B section of San Pascual Bailon ( Rodrguez Domnguez, 1967:30). The habanera (Havana) rhythm is clearly seen in the bass. (Source: CHC. Public domain.)

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125 So distinctive are creolized contradance rhythmic patterns such as the habanera ( Havana rhythm) they stylistically overshadow the relatively simple melodic and harmonic structures of the contradance. Throughout the Caribbean, the melodies of the contradance complex are comprised of simple diatonic phrases, and harmonic structures are composed without intricacies such as modulations or complicated chord progressions. Again, the San Pascual Bailon contradanza is a fine example. Regarding the choreography of the contradance complex: long standing scholarship generally agrees that the probable origin s of the Cuban contradanza can be traced from the English country dance in the 1650s, to the French contredanse and Spanish contradanza around 1685, then to the Haitian contredanse/kontradans and finally to the Cuban contradanza in the late 1700s38 (Mikowsky 1973: 29 ) Several sources state that in Cuba, as in Saint Domingue it is believed that the contradanza evolved from a rustic, country line dance into a more genteel, light classical couple's dance preferred by the bourgeoisie. The Cubans considered the Spanish contradanza ( a round dance) too oldfashioned, so they adopted and then modified the French contredanse (a line dance) and eventually transformed it from a group dance to a couple's dance (Man uel and Bilby and Largey 1995). These new Cuban contradanza dance figurations were based on the AfroHaitian calenda described by Moreau de Saint Mry (1958 [1797]: 44). The choreography of the contradanza consisted of a figure dance comprised of four well defined routines: the paseo (stroll), the cadena (chain), the sostenido (holding 38 "The pasapi [passepied] and the contradanza [contradance] were played [and danced publically] for the first time at the Tivol, a thatch and limestone theatre built at the end of the 18th century in Santiago de Cuba by the French seeking refuge during the Haitian Revolution" (Fernandez 1995: 22). The Tivol neighborhood is where Spanish and French immigrants congregated (Padrn 1997) and where I observed in my fieldwork the largest population of H aitian descendents still residing in Santiago de Cuba.

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126 of partners), and the cedazo (passing through) (AlenRodriguez 1998). It was the responsibility of the bastonero (baton holder) to announce the changes in dance sections, in tandem with the changes in the music, and to call the contradances. Popular publications such as the one shown in Figure 34 outlined this choreography and illustrated the proper dance steps for an eager and enthusiastic public. Figur e 34 1758 brochure cover of Arte del danzar a la francesa by Pablo Minguet Irol (1700ca. 1775), a Spanish engraver who published a series of popular brochures on various subjects i ncluding magic, religion, dancing, and musical instruments. His manuals helped to bring an appreciation of the fine arts to the general public in Cuba. In this particular document, Minguet Irol also illustrates dance steps for the contratiempo del minuete ( contradanza). The musician in this illustration is a violinist. (Source: CHC. Public Domain .)

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127 In Cuba, before the 1790s, the elite were the only social groups dancing salon genres such as the waltz, mazurka, and minuet ( Manuel and Bilby and Largey 1995). With the arrival of the FrancoHaitians, the performance of forms such as the gavotte the passepied, and the contradance, rose quickly in popularity to all segments of society39 (Carpentier 2001 [1946] ). Indeed, one of the most important features of the contradance was the way its popularity cut across social classes (Manuel 2009a: 4). The contradanza was so popular in Cuba that it was the only musical and dance form at home both in the salons of the Cuban elite and in the clubs of the black and creole districts. Its popularity stemmed from the fact that it combined socially acceptable and upwardly mobile European salon genres with AfroCuban rhythmic flair. By the 1830s, many black and creole musicians were performi ng Western art music (and stylized, popular music with art music themes, etc.), having honed their skills in the military bands and popular theatres (often performing in ensembles that served as musical accompaniment to the zarzuelas ). Initially, elite co nservatives condemned the use of AfroCuban rhythms in their parlor pieces and the controversy over the use of these Africanisms caused the performance of these styles to be banned in select society clubs. By the 1890s, however, members of the middlecl ass black and creole social clubs had transformed these creolized musical forms into respectable ballroom dances. More importantly, beginning in 1898 with the end of the War of Independence and with U.S. occupation impending the Cuban elite began to look f or new symbols of 39 One can speculate that Cuban acceptance of the contradanza was because the dance was recognized p rimarily as being characteristically French, and anything French was considered culturally superior to things Spanish. In fact, throughout the 19th century and into the 20th, Cuban elite society still looked to Paris for expressive cultural influences (Mik owsky 1973).

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128 national sentiment and identity. Suddenly, these dance forms and their music took on new meaning. The elite, still cautious about their tentative acceptance of undesirable African cultural retentions, chose to associate notions of nat ional identity more towards Cubas white, elite, European heritage. Descriptions of the contradanza stressed its European origins while references to its African influences all but disappeared40 (Moore 1997). In addition, the beginning of the rise in the tremendous popularity of the danzna true fusion of African and European musical characteristics, and soon to become Cubas national dance and musical genrewas looming just on the horizon, in viting the elite to accept and promote a creole national identi ty. As a dance, contradanza remained popular from the end of the eighteenth century to the 1870s (Mikowsky 1973). It became so popular that in the early nineteenth century, the most important musical genre in the emerging Cuban creole culture was the contradanza. The contradanza also became the first autochthonous genre included in the concert hall repertoire (AlenRodriguez 1998: 833). Composers such as Manuel Saumell Robredo (ca. 18171870) [See: Figure 35 ],41 Ignacio Cervantes Kawanagh (18471905 ) [See: Figure 36 ], and Ernesto Lecuona y Casado (18951963) [See: Figure 37 ] routinely incorporated eleme nts of popular music such as the contradanza and danza into their concert repertoire. 40 The emancipation of the slaves in 1886 encouraged their migration into the urban areas and it was in the large cities, specifically Havana and Santiago de Cuba, where new styles of music and dance began to emerge. The imposition of African r hythms onto Spanish melodies gave rise to such forms as the contradanza, danza danzn, danzonete, guaracha, criolla cancin, bolero, son, and pregn An inverse musical process also occurred. The imposition of Spanish melodies onto African rhythmic struc tures gave rise to the conga, the rumba, the clave and songs played in comparsas In rural areas where blacks and whites were less exposed to each other's influences, white Spanish peasants continued to create musical forms, such as punto, guajira, and za pateo, that retained Spanish characteristics. Likewise, blacks maintained a strict adherence to the musical requirements drumming, chanting, and dancing of their neoAfrican religious traditions such as santera and palo monte (Mikowsky 1973). 41 See page 136 of this document for more information on Saumell.

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129 Figure 35 Circa 1860s photo of Manuel Saumell Robredo (ca. 1 817 1870). Famous for composing contradanzas as well as art music, Saumell is recognized as Cubas first nationali st composer ( Caizares 1992: 25). (Source: LAC. Public Domain.) Figure 36 Ignacio Cervantes Kawanagh (18471905), Cuban nationalist composer of popular and art music ( Caizares 1992: 27). (Source: LAC. Public domain.)

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130 Figure 37 Circa 1935 photo of Ernesto Lecuona y Casado (18951963), arguably the most important Cuban nationalist composer of popular and art music (Linares 1974: 125). (Source: LAC. Public Domain.) Haitians had also adopted the French contredanse with enthusiasm, imbuing it with rhythmic elements from their own culture. Hence, the dance form was already undergoing a creolization process by the time it reached Santiago de Cuba in the 1790s. The Haitian immigrants that settled in Santiago in the late eighteenth century called their creolized style of contredanse, kontradans (Averill 1997). Roberts states that the Cuban contradanza was largely European in inspiration, and there is no proving whether its extra panache came from the more percussive attitudes of black music, the more percussive attitudes of southern Spanish dance music, or the kind of general New World oomph that pervaded the marches of Sousa (Roberts 1998:105). It could be argued, however, that the pervasive influences of black

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131 African or creole culture on all aspects of colonial society, especially expressive culture, would lend credence to the idea that it was indeed the addition of a neoAfrican p olyrhythmic structure as most others, including Carpentier, Manuel, and Ortiz would suggest that altered the contradanza from a purely European form into a highly creolized form. The effects of Spanish dance music and Sousa marches were probably factors, but the incorporation of African rhythms is paramount in the creolization, and hence the creation of contradanza in Cuba, especially since we know that this process of the Africanization of rhythm structures is a panCaribbean phenomenon. Manuel in parti cular makes compelling arguments in support of the neoAfrican rhythm theory. First, he states that African slaves were still being brought to Cuba as late as 1873, providing the colony with a constant influx of African culture after most of the rest of the Caribbean region had discontinued their slave trade. Secondly, most of these slaves were sent to work on large, rural plantations, isolated from outside cultural influences and free to practice their musical traditions without concern from their mast ers. Third, the slaves and free blacks that worked in the urban centers had quickly organized cabildos (mutual aid societies) where, among other benefits, expressive culture flourished, particularly the music and dances created for comparsas (parades) and carnivals. 42 Finally, and I believe importantly, many blacks had become professional musicians due to the fact that the white middle class considered the music profession too dclass 42 Spanish colonial authorities brought with them to the New World a cosmopolitan tolerance of different races. T his tolerance was most likely due to the long association wit h the peoples of North Africa. The Spanish were not as concerned with the daily private lives of their slaves as were the Northern European colonists wh o had settled in North America (Manuel 1988) (Mikowsky 1973) Due to this practice, sacred African rhythms were retained and drumming survived in those colonies where authorities permitted musical practice. Portuguese, Spanish, and French (Catholic) colonists permitted the continuation of slaves' singing, dancing, and drumming. British (Protestant) colonists did not (Lopes Cancado 1999)

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132 and few other professions outside of tailoring were open to blacks and creoles.43 It would stand to reason that these musicians would eventually incorporate their individual and collective stylistic impressions into any music that they played. That is what musicians do. Indeed, by the latter half of the nineteenth century, the popularity of these creole genres grew to the point that the bourgeoisie preferred that black or creole musicians play at their balls because the music they performed was imbued with that certain creole essence, i.e. AfroCuban rhythmic swing. The popularity of this music even came to surpass imported European genres (Manuel 1988). As mentioned, manumitted slaves were attracted to the music profession because they were barred from the other 'higher' professions such as law and medicine. In the 1827 census of Havana, there were 44 musicians out of 16,520 white males. Of the 6,754 free males of c olor (creole), 49 were musicians; a percentage three times as large (Carpentier 2001 [1946] :153). Further, from 1800 to 1840, the clear majority of professional musicians were black or creole. The black militia in Santiago de Cuba accommodated a full band and the city also hosted a number of dance bands. Almost all of the musically literate black and creole musicians were composing contradanzas .44 The period was also marked by a strong desire to keep up with all the new expressive influences that were being brought to the island at that time (Carpentier 2001 [1946] ). The blacks and creoles formed dance orchestras and began to perform styles of music for white audiences that were infused with African rhythmic syncopations that they 43 See Franklin W. Knights Chapter Five, Social Structure of the Plantation Society, for more information on the interactions between the social roles and cultural lives of Europeans, creoles, and AfroCaribbeans in the New World (Wright 1990: 120). 44 H abanera, danzn, contradanza, danza, chachach, and mambo are the creation of Cubans of African descent, the pardos (mulattos) and morenos (blacks). Each genre is a synthesis of French or Spanish melodic styles with rhythms of African origin ( Mart nez Fur e 2000)

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133 played on various Afro Cuban percussion instruments in addition to European wind and string instruments. The white elite preferred these orchestras of black musicians because the incorporation of subtle rhythmic changes made the music more appealing, more popular, to social club patrons and dancers. These rhythms, superimposed upon traditional European salon music, gave this new music in Cuba a certain creole quality identifiable as uniquely C uban (Mikowsky 1973). In addition to the habanera rhythm used in the contradanzas another defining primary rhythmic structure used in popular dance styles most especially in the emerging danznwas the cinquillo [See : Figure 38 ] A good example of a contradanza written using the cinquillo rhythm is an anonymous composition titled, El Sungambelo ( Aln Rodrguez 1999, Vol. 4: 1). Figure 38 The cinquillo rhythm, so named because of the fivenote per measure rhythmic structure ( cinco meaning five). Carpentier states that while the cinquillo had long been popular in Oriente de Cu ba, it had taken over fifty years for it to reach Havana from Santiago, arriving in the western part of the island sometime during the 1830s to 1840s. He claims that this circumstance occurred because in Cuba, the modification of European genres by Africa n rhythms functioned by modalities of interpretation, (2001[1946]: 150), i.e., that the contradanzas performed in the eastern part of the island were performed using certain stylistic techniques that were not written down and yet, when played or heard, we re easily recognized as modalities of the contradanza. Similar genres, performed in

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134 the western part of the island, would not have had the exact same performance practices. Therefore, according to Carpentier, in the first half of the nineteenth century, two styles of contradanza existed, one in Santiago and one in Havana. The contradanza habanera (Havana contradance), performed in Havana, was a literate form composed closer to classical forms, in the style of the minuet (with a section in triple meter), w hich would later evolve into the danza and the danzn The contradanza performed in Santiago, whose evolution began in Haiti,45 had become a more popular, nonliterate style before reaching the capital (2001 [1946] ). This is where Manuel begins to find fault with Carpentiers claims. Manuel states that serious problems afflict Carpentiers historiography, starting with the contradiction between the supposed origin of the mainstream Havana contradanza in Santiago and the alleged contrast between the two regional styles (2009a: 53). A lack of documentable evidence is Manuels most important concern. Indeed, the lack of a verifiable body of documentable evidence regarding most aspects of musical life in Cuba during this time makes any research challenging. Importantly, Manuel states that there is a complete absence of extant contradanzas from Santiago until circa 1850, over fifty years after the FrancoHaitians arrived in Oriente, as well as approximately fifty years after the publication of the first contradanzas in Havana (beginning with San Pascual Bailon in 1803). In Manuels opinion, this fifty year gap renders pointless any speculation about the differences between contradanzas from Havana and Santiago in the early nineteenth century. By the 1850s, when publications of contradanzas can be 45 The cinquillo is the same rhythm as the Haitian kata a syncopated fivebeat pattern used by Haitian rara bands during carnival, as well as the Haitian mringue (Averill 1997).

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135 documented to actually be from Santiago, Manuel states that musical analysis shows them to be not much different in form and style from their Havana counterparts. Manuel part icularly challenges Carpentiers claim that the cinquillo rhythm was the defining rhythm in the contradanzas of Santiago beginning in the 1800s, while it was not present in the contradanzas of Havana until the 1830s. Manuel also states that Carpentiers m usical examples of two contradanzas from Santiago are too few and that the occurrence of the cinquillo rhythm is near absent. In fact, Manuel points out that one of Carpentiers examples, Antonio Bozas La Santa Ta (Carpentier 2001 [1946]: 150), rather than containing the cinquillo as a distinctive feature, is a remarkable precursor of subsequent genres, especially the son in the way its second section outlines what could be regarded as a twicerepeated four bar chordal ostinato (//: I / iv / V / I ://), reiterating a rhythm cohering with the clave pattern pervading rumba and later Cuban popular dance music (2009a: 53). What Manuel also concludes, is that while there is insufficient evidence to support Carpentiers claim that there existed a distinct ive, cinquillo based Santiago style of contradanza, that the cultural influences of the FrancoHaitians in Oriente beginning in the late 1790s, would have invigorated the contradanza in Santiago, stimulating whatever contradanza traditions there were occurring in Havana. On what Carpentier and Manuel both agree, however, is that by the 1830s, the contradanza was indeed flourishing in Havana, rapidly becoming a conventional tradition, while the contradanzas of Santiago were deemed to be a lesser, provinci al, regional variant. In my opinion, Manuel does indeed provide compelling arguments backed by rigorous scholarship and research on documentable evidence. In Carpentiers defense

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136 however, given that Carpentier was Cuban, living in Cuba, highly educated (w ith opportunities and means to conduct thorough study), and was born in 1904, he would have intimately understood Cuban society at that time. Theoretically, he would have had the opportunity to talk to musicians and members of the most recent prior generations, people who most certainly would have been alive in the 1850s, people who also would have interacted personally with their prior generation. It is likely that Carpentier, in the execution of his research, was able to glean important sociocultural i nformation, especially extramusical information about the modalities of interpretation of these contradanzas from his compatriots. Perhaps his interpretations, based on fieldwork, are what informed Carpentier, an advantage in experience now unavailable to Manuel and other contemporary researchers. Another point, on which Carpentier and Manual both agree howev er, is that Manuel Saumell Robredo (18181870) was the first Cuban composer credited with creating the variant contradanza habanera in Havana. Saumell's contradanzas inspired by Cuban folk themes, were considered to be works of delicate sensibility and g ood formal structure. Saumell, long considered Cubas first nationalist composer, had desired to give a creole accent to all his works and he strove to create in the contradanza habanera a form that was essentially Cuban. Indeed, Saumell's works are con sidered to be some of the first musical attempts at establishing Cuban nationalism. Saumell was a prolific composer of contradanzas and each of them represented Cubas uniquely criollo character. The combination of Western art music formal structures, Eur opean melodies and harmonies, and a jaunty Africanderived rhythmic structure made Saumells compositions the essence of Cuban national identity.

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137 Figure 39 The piano score for Los Ojos de Pepe (Pepes Eyes), a contradanza composed by Saumell (Eli Rodrguez 2002: 123) (Saumell Robredo 1960). (Source: LAC Public domain.) By the 1830s, the contradanza habanera (Havana contradance) had also become popular in Europe where it was called habaera .46 In Cuba, contradanza habaneras were cultivated as light classical instrumental pieces played by pianists or by an 46 T he popularity of the habaera in Europe provides a clear example of Ortizs notion of transculturation ( Ortiz 1995: 97).

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138 orquesta tpica or charanga, and were performed at formal social occasions, at the end of the evening, after the quadrilles, rigadoons, lancers, and minuets. At present, t here is insufficient evidence to determine whether the contradanza habanera played in western Cuba was performed primarily by the refined, flute and strings, European influenced, chamber orchestra version of the orquesta tpica (early form of the charanga) in the salons and ballrooms of the elite, while the more creolized contradanza performed in the eastern provinces was played for outdoor festivals by the more folkloric orquesta tpica with its inclusion of military brass instruments, as Carpentier sugges ts. Giving credence to the hypothesis that this was indeed the case, however, is a mention by Lapique that there were two unique orchestras in Santiago in the late eighteenth century, although she provides the instrumentation for only one ensemble. The instrumentation she gives for this ensemble associates it with an orquesta tpica: one or two clarinets, two or three violins, two trumpets, a bass they called violn and the tambora. She mentions that this ensemble consisting of black and creole musicians played the gavotte, passepiede and minuet (1995: 69). Aln Rodriguez also states that contradanzas were played by two similar, yet distinct ensembles: the charanga, and the orquesta tpica, or folkloric orchestra (1998: 825). He defines these ensem bles in approximate terms, characterizing their instrumentation as models for the typical ensembles of that time. A 1983 Cuban recording of El Sungambelo, found on AlnRodriguezs CD compilation of Cuban Music, represents the piece as one of the most famous contradanzas of its time. It is performed by an ensemble including two violins, contrabass, clarinet, trumpet, ophecleide, timbales and giro a typical nineteenthcentury ensemble (1999, Vol. 4: 1). It must be noted, however, that this kind o f

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139 recording represents a kind of revivalist reconstruction of the past and is not proof of the ensembles historical formation. Nonetheless, it does provide us with a good representation of what we know about the ensembles instrumentation and performance practices based on related historical sources. There were also two stylistic meter differences between the contradanzas performed in the eastern and those in the western provinces of the island. Through the analysis of extant contradanzas we find that a lmost all contradanzas composed in the western provinces were written in 2/4 (duple) meter, but several were written in both 6/8 and 3/4 (triple) meter, mostly by Saumell and a small number of other composers in Havana. The genres known today as the clav e [ son ] the criolla and the guajira were born from the considerable Cubanized contradanza in 6/8. And from the 2/4 contradanza came the danza, the habanera and the danzn with its ensuing more or less hybrid offshoots (Carpentier 2001 [1946]:147) such as the mambo and the chachach. This is significant because the clave ( son ), criolla and guajira are genres that sprang from the musical traditions of AfroCubans and peasant Cubans of Spanish descent and from the creole synthesis of musical elements from both groups. The incorporation of triple meters is especially important because it implies a preference for neoAfrican/Afro Cuban two against three polyrhythmic structures, such as is found in clave ( son ). I posit th at Saumell, and other composers of Western art music, incorporated these folkloric elements into their compositions in an effort to establish a distinct Cuban creole national identity.

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140 Of the various genres and hybrid offshoots of popular music and dance outlined by Carpentier above, it is the danza that most closely resembles the contradanza in almost all musical and choreographic respects. The danza follows the contradanza in the historical development of Cuban popular dance music and is the precursor to the danzn. Importantly, it preserves the musical elements of the contradanza and foreshadows musical elements of the danzn, all while imbuing its own distinctive style. Danza Figure 310. Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) (Fernndez 1974). (Source: Photo courtesy of Sunni Witmer. Public Domain.) While not usually regarded to be as culturally significant as the contradanza and the danzn in the history of eighte enthand nineteenthcentury Cuban popular music

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141 and dance, the danza nonetheless deserves mention for its important role as the bridge between the contradanza and the danzn in the evolution of Cuban popular dance music from the 1830s to the 1900s. And, although it is a widely held belief that the term danza is merely a contraction of the term contradanza and that there is no substantial difference between their respective musical genres and dances, there are indeed differences between these musical genres, primarily in their performance practices as the danza uses more creolized rhythmic structures and especially in their choreographies. Simply put, for the most part, the music of the danza is basically the same as the contradanza but it is the choreogr aphy that is distinctly different. More specifically, regarding the danzas choreography, it was a change in the choreography of the cedazo section (the final of the four sections) of the contradanza that gave rise to the danza (Galan 1983: 46). The danza was also more creolized than the contradanza in several ways, probably because it evolved later and had a longer time to absorb, and modify, creole stylistic nuances such as improvised ornamentation in the melodic instruments and rhythmic elements such as the habanera and cinquillo rhythms. Like the contradanza, the danzas form is AABB, but while the contradanza was composed in either 2/4 meter or 6/8 meter in its entirety, Galan points out that the A section of the danza would often be in 2/4 meter whil e the B section (the cedazo ), would be in either 3/8 or 6/8 and danced more like a waltz, allowing couples to embrace while they danced (1983: 48). The danza also marks its distinction by slowing its tempo relative to the contradanza. Thus, the stylistic and formal elements that distinguish the danza from the contradanza include slower tempos and the use of ternary meter in the final section of

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142 the dance. A 1983 recording recreating a performance of the famous nineteenthcentury danza, La Bohemia, found on Aln Rodriguezs CD compilation of Cuban Music, is a good example (1999, Vol. 4: 2). We also find more danzas performed by ensembles with instrumentation less like that of the orquesta tpicas ensembles used more for the performance of contradanzas and more like the instrumentation found in early charangas For example, the recording of La Bohemia, is performed by an ensemble including piano, flute, four violins, giro pailas and conga (Aln Rodriguez 1999, Vol. 4: 2). What was also significant about the danza was its popularity with composers of Western art music, such as Saumell, Cervantes, and Lecuona who used elements of the danza in their compositions. It is commonly believed they employed these musical elements to create and reinforce a sense of Cuban national identity within the general public. Likewise, while danza composers freely incorporated popular songs and opera hits into their pieces, their own compositions, if sufficiently catchy, were immediately taken up by the informal sector of the local music scene (Manuel 2009a: 59). New danzas were debuted at a rapid pace and one could hear danzas being played by salon ensembles such as the early charangas and even by organ grinders in the streets of Havana at all hours of the day and night. It appeared that a link between popular music and national identity was indeed occurring. What is also noteworthy about the danza is the way it too easily crossed racial lines and hierarchies of social class. Pichardo defines the danza : Baile favorito de todo esta Antilla y generalmente usado en la funcin ms solemne de la capital, como en el ms indecente Chang del ltimo rincn de la Isla (Pichardo 1976 [1836]). [The

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143 favorite dance of this Antillean isle, generally used everywhere from the most solemn function in the capital to the most indecent Chang (dance party) in every last corner of the island.] The high level of popularity the danza enjoyed by all social classes, laid the groundwork for the nex t and most important development in the evolution of Cuban popular dance music, the danzn, especially in terms of Cuban national identity. Specifically, it was in the choreography of the final section of the danza the cedazo (altered from the contradanz a ) where we begin to see the emergence of the danzn, the next genre in the evolution of Cuban popular dance music. This change in choreography had a profound effect on the formal structure of the music as well. [See Figure 31 1 .] Figure 311. The Pase o Bsico en Cajita [The Basic Box Step] of the danza Esta cajita o cajn suele hacerse tambin en el danzn cuando lo bailamos acentuando el tiempo fuerte del comps con el primer paso [This box step is usually also danced in the danzn where we dance it by emphasizing the downbeat of each measure with the first step] ( Fernndez 1981: 60). (Source: LAC Public domain.)

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144 Danzn Figure 312. Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National F olklore Ensemble) (Fernndez 1974). (Source: Photo courtesy of Sunni Witmer. Public Domain.) At the end of the nineteenth century in Cuba, significant transitions were occurring in popular dance music. The instrumentation of dance music ensembles began to evolve as the popularity of the orquestas tpicas waned and that of the charangas grew. Creolized rhythmic structures were becoming the norm. New variants in popular musical forms were giving rise to new genres. The contradanza choreography had also u ndergone a shift from sequence dancing, such as in the twoline figure dance (with men on one side and women on the other) or the square dance, to incorporate the danza's sprightly couples' dance choreography (in its second section). As couple dancing bec ame more popular, the faster tempo of the danza was still considered too

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145 fast for comfortable dancing and a slower tempo began to be preferred. Because of all these reasons, by the turn of the century, the lively danza was eventually replaced by the most important genre of Cuban popular dance music of the period, the danzn. The danzones with their memorable melodies, slower tempos, and rhythmic flair performed primarily by the trendy charangas became an instant success. Salazar depicts an historical scene of the late nineteenth century in Havana, one that heralds in the golden age of the danzn: Havana during this era was picturesque, with twoand threestory white, Spanishstyle houses, hors es and carriages, cobblestone streets, and the breathtaking sight of sails inflating on tall schooners that crawled through blue waters of Havana Bay. It was an era in which white Cubans were full of grandiose ideas. Lovely women wore long dresses and bust les, and waved hand fans. Men strutted in elegant waistcoats, tapered trousers, fluffy white shirts, and boots. [See: Figure 31.] During the 1860s, the European bluebloods of Matanzas congregated nightly at El Liceo Artstico y Literario to watch dancers perform the minuet, rigaudon, quadrille, contredanse, and contradanza espaola (2002: 175). It was in Matanzas, on January 1, 1879,47 when bandleader Miguel Failde Prez (18531921) a Cuban creole of French and Spanish heritageintroduced a new song,48 Las Alturas de Simpson49 to a group of party goers at El Liceo Artstico y Literario de Matanzas50 where his orquesta tpica was performing.51 47 Y as, esa noche del 1 de enero de 1879, en el Club Matanzas, se vio a Failde tocando: Las Alturas de Simpson (Castillo Failde 1964: 99). [And so, on this night of January 1, 1879, Failde was seen playing: Las Alturas de Simpson.] 48 The song was originally composed by Failde in June of 1877. [ See: Figures 3 15 and 316.] 49 Las Alturas de Simpson (Simpson Heights) was a bohemian district in Matanzas at the time. 50 The Liceo de Matanzas is cur rently the site of the Casa de la Culture Jos White (Jos White House of Culture). 51 The instrumentation for Faildes orquesta tpica included two clarinets, two violins, cornet, trombone, ophecleide, contrabass, timbales, and giro (Castillo Falde 1964: 53) [ See: Figure 314.]

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146 Figure 313. Cornetist and director Miguel Failde (18521921) wrote the first danzn, Las Alturas de Simpson (Cas tillo Failde 1964: 11). (Source: LAC. Public Domain.) Figure 314. 1903 photograph of the Orquesta Tpica de Miguel Failde. Standing, left to right: Eulogio Garrido, contrabass; Miguel Failde, cornet; Eduardo Betancourt, trombone; Pascual Carreras, ophic liede; Isidrio Acosta, gro. Seated, left to right: Juan Cantero, first violin; Alfredo Hernndez, second violin; Eduardo Failde, first clarinet; Magdaleno Rodrguez, second clarinet; not shown, Benito Oliva, timbales (Castillo Failde 1964 : 187 188 ) (Sou rce: LAC. Public Domain.)

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147 In this composition, Failde slowed the tempo of the danza to facilitate couple dancing and arranged the piece into three formal parts, each separated by a long (and sometimes erotic) musical pause (in an ABACA rondo form). He int roduced a clarinet solo section in the first of the three sections (A), a violin solo in the second section (B), and a brass solo in the third (C) (Castillo Falde 1964: 29) He also incorporated a more complex cinquillo based rhythmic structure based on the habanera [See: Figure 3 3 and 38 .] Failde then announced to his audience that his new tune was called a danzn and on that night, a new Cuban music and dance phenomenon was born. Figure 315. The 1877 manuscript copy of Faildes Las Alturas de Simpson. The inscription, written by Odelio Urf, states: Danzn Las Alturas de Simpson (1877) el cual fue escrito por Failde para cumplimentar el baile del mismo nombre tan popular en la ciudad de M atanzas desde aos atrs. S u forma es idntica a la de las contradanzas, danzas, habaneras y otras formas binarias instrumentales. Su clula rtmica es idntica a la de la habanera (Castillo Failde 1964: 88). [The danzn, Las Alturas de Simpson, was writt en by Failde in order to compliment the dance by the same nam e so popular in the city of Matanzas some years ago. Its form is identical to the contradanzas danzas habaneras and other binary instrumental forms. Its rhythmic cell is identical to the habanera ] (Source: LAC Public Domain.)

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148 Figure 316. Printed piano score of Miguel Faildes Las Alturas de Simpson ( Eli Rodrguez 2002: 71). The distinctive cinquillo rhythm of the danzn is also prominent beginning in measures three and five. This piano score does not include the C section, only sections A and B (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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149 In discussing the creation of this new popular music phenomenon, Failde was quoted as saying: De la danza al danzn haba un simple paso (1964 : 28 ). [ From the danza to the danzn was a simple step .]52 And indeed, there are shared musical and choreographic elements between the two genres, including the fact that they were both sequence dances with s ections for couples dancing, they continued to slow the tempo of the music, and they incorporated criollo rhythmic elements like the cinquillo and the habanera But while the similarities between genres are apparent, there are real differences as well. Fo r example, while the danza may include a second section in ternary meter, the danzn is composed only in duple (usually 2/4) meter. In addition, the danzn, over time develops a more complex formal structure. It includes a distinctive A section (an eight measure introduction, which is repeated for a total of sixteen measures) featuring the main melody. In the B section, the flute or clarinet improvise the melody, followed by a return to A. The next section, C, is slower and lead by the violins for thirt y two measures, with another return to A, including improvisation by the brass (if present) forming a rondo of ABACA (Grenet 1939: xxxii).53 In later danzones a faster D section, influenced by the son was added to give the composition the form of ABACAD. Some danzones then dropped the C section for a form of ABAD (which denotes the preference for the faster tempo in the final section as opposed to a slowed C section), while others were written in a s imple ABD form. Over time, the tempo of the danzn 52 Osvaldo Castillo Failde is the nephew of Miguel Failde Prez. 53 In a 1995 recording of Las Alturas de Simpson by the Orquesta Folklrica Cubana, the form of the piece is a modified sevenpart rondo ABABACAC form, with the fi nal C section acting as a coda ( Almendra con Sabor a Danzn 1995).

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150 slowed even more and the repetition of its A section continued to provide a place for the dancers to rest. Indeed, among the stylistic changes that made the danzn so popular were the formal changes made to the choreography. The danzn begins with an introduction (four measures) and paseo (four measures) the A sectionwhich are repeated and followed by a sixteenmeasure melody, the B section. The introduction and paseo repeat before a second melody is pl ayed. The dancers do not dance during these first two sections. Instead, they choose their partners then stroll onto the dance floor and all begin to dance on the final beat of measure four of the paseo, which has a very distinctive accented (sometimes s yncopated) rhythmic pattern, i.e., the pick up to the third section. When the introduction is repeated, the dancers stop to flirt and chat with their friends. They then begin to dance again at the end of the paseo. At the turn of the twentieth century, the danzn was still considered a sequence dance, but its configurations were more complex than the contradanza (Aln Rodriguez 1998).54 Other musical stylistic characteristics of the danzn that began in the 1880s included musical performance practices that favored a European light classical orientation with more complex harmonies. The ABACA rondo form of the danzn accentuated the A section as the nondanced paseo between danced sections. A coda consisting of instrumental solos over a harmonically static isorhythmic vamp was eventually incorporated. The music was played from written scores, was generally played at festive outdoor gatherings, and was performed by instrumental variations of the orquesta tpica in the early years and later by the charangas 54 The following video of Estrellas Cubanas performing with dancers in Cuba illustrates the choreography: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1qK9UXtFTGk

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151 The most important stylistic characteristic of the danzn, however, is its distinctive creolized rhythmic structure based upon the cinquillo rhythm [See: Figure 38 .] Carpentier states that "the melodies of the first songs in creole patois brought by the 'French blacks' to Santiago were all constructed on the basis of the cinquillo rhythmic pattern (2001 [1946] : 149). Manuel too claims that the cinquillo is the most distinguishing feature of the danzn (1988: 27). Indeed, Cubans and cognoscenti alike know immediately upon hearing the distinctive cinquillo rhythm that the song being performed is a danzn. The cinquillo is in fact one of the fundamental rhythms of Cuban music and dance forms and is an elaborated version of the African tresillo rhythm, upon which the son clave is also based (Lopes Cancado 1999). [See: Figure 31 7 .] Clave forms the rhythmic foundation for almost all popular Cuban music. Figure 317. The tresillo rhythm: it is the side of the son clave The clave rhythm is a primary Cuban rhythmic structure and is comprised of two rhythmically opposed cells (or measures), one antecedent, the other, consequent. Clave can be written in what is termed 3/2 clave or in 2/3 clave, dependent on which rhythmic cell is played in the first measure, the antecedent, or the consequent. In 3/2 clave, the tresillo the antecedent rhythm, is played first and is called the 3side. [See: Figure 318.] The consequent rhythm is a two stroke rhythm and is called the 2side. [See: Figure 319.]

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152 Figure 318. The 3/2 clave rhythm. Figure 319. The 2/3 clave rhythm. In 2/3 clave, the rhythmic cells are reversed. As the danzn evolved, it incorporated the son clave rhythm into the last of its three sections, changing the rhythm of the characteristic cinquillo pattern. Eli Rodrguez writes: [U]no de los fenmenos de interinfluencia ms significativo que se aprecia en la msica cubana, es el que se produce entre los complejos del son y el danzn. Y si bien las incorporaciones y asimilaciones aludidas eran frecuentes en las obras danzoneras, la presencia del montuno de son, con un tempo ms movido, introdujo una nueva seccin en la estructura que defini totalmente el gnero y su posterior evolucin. Las secciones alternantes no fueron modificadas, sino se ampli an ms la forma; se incluy en el ltimo tri un montuno de son, que contribuy a lograr un clmax coreogrfico para el bailador ( 2002: 73) [ One of the mos t significant phenomena of interinfluence that can be seen in Cuban music is that which occurs between the son and danzn complexes And while their mutual incorporation and assimilation were frequently alluded to in the compositions of the danzoneras the presence of the son montuno, with its more upbeat tempo introduced a new section in the structure that fully defined the genre and its subsequent evolution. Alternating sections were not just modified they further expanded the form, including in th e final trio a son montuno, which contributed to a choreographic climax for the dancers ].

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153 This moment of formal and rhythmic change came about specifically in the 1910 composition of El Bombn de Barreto (Barreto's Bowler Hat), written by composer and clarinetist Jos Urf (18791957). Figure 32 0 Clarinetist Jos Urf (18791957) was the composer of El Bombn de Barreto (Barreto's Bowler Hat), the first danzn to incorporate a syncopated estribillo section patterned after the son montuno (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 73). (Source: CHC. Public domain.) In this composition, Urf changed the rhythmic structure of the final section (section D) by including rhythmic elements of the son thereby also changing the form of the danzn. This concluding section, which Urf called the estribillo (refrain), was an uptempo, syncopated section patterned after the son montuno form In Figure 32 1 the estribillo can be clearly seen in the last two full lines of the score of Urfs El Bombn de Barreto Urf also played the estribillo section in a faster tempo.

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154 Figure 321. El Bombn de Barreto, by Jos Urf, was the first danzn to incorporate an estribillo section. By far, the most important development in Cuban popular dance music at the turn of the twentieth century, however, was a change in the instrumentation of the ensembles that performed the danzn. Clearly, the relatively harsh sound of the military bandstyle orquesta tpicas was falling out of fashion and the more refined, smoother sound of the nascent salon charangas was growing in popularity. By the 1910s, the publics growing preference for an ensemble of charanga flute or clarinet, two or three violins, piano, contrabass, timbales and giro helped the charanga to become the preeminent popular dance music ensemble, without rival. In the 1920s, sometimes congas and/or voice would become part of the ensemble. A fter 1940, the number of violins was doubled and another conga, and sometimes cello, were added. Since the

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155 1960s, some charanga orchestras have even added electric instruments and replaced the timbales with a drum set (Aln Rodriguez 1998). The piano first appeared in charanga ensembles as early as 1898 when Antonio Papato Torroella added the instrument to his Charanga Papato Torroella. This type of instrumentation was not common at the time and this fact makes La Charanga de Antonio Papaito Torroella that much more important. In 1906with Papato on piano, Faustino Valds on charanga flute, David Rendn and Octavio Tata Alfonso on violin, Figure 322. An 1898 photo of La Charanga de Antonio Papaito Torroella. From left to right: Octavio Tata Alfonso, violin; Faustino Valds, flute; Papaito Torroella, piano; David Rendn, violin; Evaristo Romero, bass. According to Rodrguez Domnguez (1967: 97), the first ensemble to be officially referred to as a Cuban charanga was the Charanga de Antonio Papaito Torroella. It performed in Havana at the beginning of the twentieth century. (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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156 and Evaristo Romero on contrabass the Charanga Papato Torroella recorded eight tunes on wax cylinders for the Edison label (Daz Ayala 1994: 143) ( Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 97). It wasnt until composer and pianist Antonio Mara Romeu Marrero (18761955) [See: Figure 32 3 ] joined the Orquesta de Leopoldo Cervantes in Havana in the early 1900s, however, that the piano was permanently added to the charanga's instrumentation (Giro 2007, 4: 85). Figure 3 23. Circa 1920s photo of the Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu performing during a radio broadcast for the Cuban Telephone Co. Left to right: Feliciano Facenda and Antonio Mara Romeu, Jr., violins; Juancito, giro Francisco Delabart, flute ; Antonio Mara Romeu piano (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 102). (Source: C HC. Public Domain.) It was Romeu who vastly increased the popularity of the charanga by incorporating a piano solo into the estribillo section of the danzn and from then on, the piano was essential to the instrumentation of the charanga. In 1910, Romeu formed the Orquesta

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157 Antonio Romeu, which arguably became the most famous charanga for more than thirty years. He accomplished this great popularity by softening the style of the danzn, Figure 324. Circa late 192 0s promotional photo of t he Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu with the singer Fernando Collazo (Linares 1974: 115) (Source: LAC. Public Domain.) by including melodic and harmonic references to Western art music. He had the violins play in pizzicato to accentuate the rhythm. He also mellowed the timbre of the ensemble by removing the brass and clarinet and permanently adding the wooden charanga flute. Romeu also called his orchestra a charanga francesa, giving the ensemble an air of sophistication. Daz Ayala writes that ese fu el primer gran acierto de Romeu: poder sintetizar la esencia del danzn en las 88 teclas del piano (2003b: 299). [This was Romeus first great success: to be able to synthesize the essence of the danzn on the eighty eig ht keys of the piano. ] Romeu was also important for composing and arranging more than five hundred danzones and for making stars out of his vocalists, Fernando Collazo and Barbarito Dez. [See: Figures 3 25 a nd 326.] The golden age of the charangas had begun.

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158 Figure 325. Barbarito Dez singing with the Orquesta Gigante de Antonio Mara Romeu, a larger charanga Romeu established for performing radio broadcasts ( Ledn Snchez 2003: 54). (Source: LAC. Public Domain.) Figu re 3 26. Barbarito Dez, La Voz de Oro del Danzn (The Golden Voice of the Danzn) (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 22). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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159 Two important charanga flute players during the time period of the 1920s also deserve mention because of their importance as leading musi cians in both the popular and art music realms. They are Mig uel Vasquez El Moro and Baldomera Rodrguez. Figure 327. 1920s photo of Miguel Vasquez El Moro, one of the best charanga flute players of the period and director of the Charanga de Miguel Vasquez El Moro Notable musicians in El Moros charanga included Orestes Lpez on contrabass, Virgilio Diago on violin, and Ricardo Revern on piano (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 115). (Source: CHC. Pu blic Domain.) Figure 328. 1920s photo of Baldomera Rodrguez, considered the first Cuban woman to play both the Boehm flute for opera performances, as well as the charanga flute in which she played danzones for silent films (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 11 9). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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160 Historically, beginning i n the 1880s, the danzn had easily replaced the contradanza and danza in popularity, and until the 1920s, it remained the most popular Cuban dance genre, eclipsed only by the son It was so popular and universally accepted as a symbol of Cuban national identity that the danzn was publically deemed the national music and dance of Cuba. The danzn was officially recognized as such in the midtwentieth century. In Havana on August 26, 1954, the Inst ituto Musical de Investigaciones Folkloricas, under the general direction of Odilio Urf Gonzlez, designated the first Sunday in August as the Dia del Danzn ( Danzn Day) to commemorate the seventy fifth anniversary of the debut of Miguel Faildes Las Al turas de Simpson (recognized as the first danzn). A competition was established (and prizes awarded) so that musicians would strive to preserve the musical heritage of the danzn. In 1960, President Fidel Castro signed a law establishing the danzn as the national music and dance of Cuba (Castillo Failde 1964: 247253).55 Yet, as important as the danzn was, and still is, to Cuban national identity, its popularity with the general public did indeed fade beginning in the early twentieth century. Of c ourse, no popular music or dance has ever remained at the top of the charts forever. This common occurrence also befell the danzn. What did remain hugely popular were the charangas We have seen that the orquesta tpicas the bungas the bandas the dan zoneras the charangas and charanga francesas all played contradanzas danzas and danzones but it was the charangas and only the charangas that played the popular dance music genres we will examine 55 See (Castillo Failde 1964: 247253) to read the official documents in their entirety.

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161 next such as the danzonete, mambo chachach, and tira tira musical genres that really gave Cuban music its internationally recognizable sound, especially during the glory days of popular dance music in Cuba beginning in the 1940s until the 1960s. Danzonete Circa 1910, charanga and orquesta tpica musicians, now playing d ozens of danzones had already added the son rhythm to the final section of the danzn to make the dancing more lively. Yet, the public wanted more. Synchronically, the popularity of the son and its associated ensembles the son sextetos (sextets) and septetos (septets) was growing rapidly, as that of the charangas and the orquesta tpicasthe ensembles that played danzones was waning. In an effort to again increase the popularity of the danzn and the charangas the flutist, comp oser, maestro, and danzonero, Jos Manuel Aniceto Daz (18871964) decided to add vocals to the final son section of the danzn. In so doing, a new genre of popular dance music, the danzonete, was created. Figure 329. Aniceto Daz, the Father of the D anzonete (Source: DAC Public Domain.)

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162 Aniceto, also known as The Father of the Danzonete, was first a musician in the orquesta tpica of Miguel Failde where he mastered the art of performing danzones In 1914, he formed his own ensemble, Orquesta Aniceto Daz [See: Figure 33 0 ], and on June 18, 1929 at the Casino Espaol de Matanzas (Spanish Casino of Matanzas) Aniceto premiered the first and most famous danzonete, Rompiendo la R utina (Breaking t he Routine), the title, a nod to the change he created in the danzn by adding voices. [ See: Figure 331.] The instrumentation for the Orquesta Aniceto Daz included two male voices: one of them was Arturo Aguilo. In September, 1929, Aniceto recorded Rompiendo la Rutina on the Brunswick label ( Ledn Snchez 2003: 58). Figure 330. 1930s photo of t he Orquesta Aniceto Daz. From left to right: Aniceto Daz, Jr., giro; Domingo Becerra, timbales ; Jos Claro Fumero, trombone; Mira and Juan de Armas, violins; Pedro Diez, contrabass; Aniceto Daz, flute, and; Ren Oliva, Jinigua, trumpet. (Source: DAC Public Domain.)

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163 Figure 331. The piano score for the danzonete, Rompiendo la Rutina (Breaking the Routine) (Eli Rodrguez 2002: 76). (Source: LAC Public domain.)

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1 64 The lyrics that which distinguishes the danzonete from the danznto Rompiendo la Rutina (Breaking the Routine) are imbued with references to the social preferences, the playgrounds and the pastimes of the elite. They speak of a bal lroom in Matanzas, a popular neighborhood just outside of Havana, where the elite liked to go to socialize. T he word good, used to describe the harmonies imply that they are tasteful because they are styled after those found in Western art music. The great rhythms refer to the trendy Afro Cuban rhythmic variations in the song contributed by the black and creole members of Daz s ensemble. Figure 330 of t he Orquesta Aniceto Daz clearly shows musicians from different racial (and by extension, class) backgrounds The lyrics state further that the parties where the danzonete is performed are parties of elegance and distinction, traits of a formal character displayed by the elite. What is also interesting to note, is that the refrain states that the dancers want to dance to the rhythm of the danzonete. What this implies is that the jaunty son rhythms, added to the final section of the danzn, were gaining in popularity. Rompiendo la Rutina All en Matanzas se ha creado un nuevo baile de saln, con un comps muy bien marcado y una buena armonizacin. Para las fiestas del gran mundo de la elegancia y distincin, ser el bailable preferido por su dulce inspiracin Estribillo Danzonete, prueba y vete, yo quiero bailar contigo al comps del danzonete. Breaking the Routine Over in Matanzas there has been created a new ballroom dance, with a great rhythm and good harmonies. For the best parties in the world with elegance and distinction, it is the preferred dance because of its sweet inspiration Refrain/Chorus Danzonete, try it and see, I want to dance with you to the beat of the danzonete Figure 332. The lyrics to the first sung danzn a danzonete titled Rompiendo la Rutina (Breaking th e Routine) (Source: Giro 2007, 2: 12.)

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165 And while it was male voices that dominated the sung genres of Cuban popular music at the time singers such as Miguel Matamoros y Siro Rodrguez, Guyn (Vicente Gonzlez Rubiera), and Fernando Collazothe creation of the danzonete opened the door for the first female singer of Cuban popular dance music, Paulina lvarez (19121965). In the 1930s, lvarez was enjoying great success and was well known for her performances as a singer for radio, particularly the broadcasts she made with the Orquesta La Elegantedirected by the flutist, Edelmiro Prez with whom she sang almost exclusively beginning in 1931. Figure 333. Paulina lvarez. (Source: DAC. Public Domain .) Figure 334. 1931 photo of Orquesta Elegante with singer Paulina lvarez, directed by the flutist Eldemiro Prez (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 168). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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166 In 1938 lvarez formed her own charanga, and became known as the Empress of Danzonete. She went on to have a long and successful career singing various popular music genres with her charanga and other ensembles such as those directed by Romeu Belisario Lpez (19031969), and Jos Cheo Beln Puig (19081971) [ S ee: Figures 337 and 338] Figure 335. A c irca 1940 photo of the Charanga de Paulina lvarez, possibly taken in the recording studio of CMQ FM, Radio Rebelde. Nipper, the mascot for the RCA Victor label is featured in front. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 336. Circa 1937 photograph of the Orquesta Belisario Lpez, founded in 1928. by the flutist Belisario Lpez (on the right). The pianist was Facundo Rivero, and standing between the two violinists is the singer Joseto Nez famous for h is interpretations of danzones ( Daz Ayala 2010). (Source: DAC. Photo courtesy of Benito Gonzlez Used with permission).

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167 Figure 337. Circa 1930s photo of La Orquesta Cheo Beln Puig with singer Alfredito Valds (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 3 38. The CD cover for the 2004 remastering by Tumbao Cuban Classics of the 19371940 recordings by the Orquesta Cheo Beln Puig, featuring vocals by Alfredito Valds and Alberto Aroche. (Source: Original recordings in DAC. Public Domain.)

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168 Barbarito Dez Junco (19091995) [See: Figure 32 6 ], another great vocal danzonero, first came to fame in 1935 as the soloist for Antonio Maria Romeu's charanga. After Romeu's death, Dez took over the ensemble and the charanga become known as the Orquesta Barbarito Dez During this time, Dez recorded more than forty hit songs and fourteen albums. To this day, Dez is still referred to as the Golden Voice of the Danzn (Barbarito Dez 2011).56 The musical characteristics of the danzonete featured a steady rhythm simp le harmonies and melodies, with a solo voice alternating with the other voice (or a chorus of ensemble musicians) in call andresponse, as in the son montuno. Like the danzn, the danzonete was composed without breaks or bridges between sections. The casualness and simplicity of the danzonete and other sung genres had great popular appeal. Stylistically, singers of danzonetes had a much sweeter and smoother sound than those who sang son and most of the broadcast and recorded hits during this period were produced by charangas such as the Orquesta Belisario Lpez, directed by the flutist Belisario Lpez with Joseto Nuez as vocalist [See Figure 33 6 ]. Other popular charangas included La Orquesta Antonio Romeu with the famous singer Barbarito Diez [ See Figure 32 5 ], Las Maravillas del Siglo with singer Fernando Collazo [See Figures 3 39 and 34 0 ], and La Orquesta Cheo Beln Puig with singer Alfredito Valds [See Figures 3 37 and 338]. These charangas fronted by popular vocalists who therefore mad e them commercially profitable, were responsible for helping to usher in the nascent recording and broadcast industries. 56 The following video is a recording of Paulina lvarez and Barbarito Diez singing the danzonete, Esas Si Son Cubanas. The y are accompanied by a charanga in a classic danzonete style: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VJysq2fNiWU

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169 Figure 339. 1933 photo of Las Maravillas del Siglo with singer Fernando Collazo. (Source: DAC. Photo courtesy of Benito Gonzlez Pu blic Domain.) Figure 340. 1940s photo of Las Maravillas del Siglo with singer Fernando Collazo. Collazo is center with flutist Antonio Arcao on the right and the pianist Armando Valds Torres on the left. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) The radio also helped to foster the popularity of the music played by the charangas Before the 1940s, radio stations relied more on live studio performances rather than recordings for their broadcasts because recordings were more expensive to procure. T he charanga's suitability for broadcast fidelity increased their popularity while

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170 the demand for the more unrefined, horndominated orquesta tpicas disappeared. In addition, amplification (microphones) for the singers eliminated the need for a strong voc al capacity and a smoother, more suave style of singing became preferred. Most importantly, radio diminished racial barriers, for while black performers were not allowed to perform in certain social clubs and salons they could be heard in those venues because no such discrimination existed on the radio (Moore 1997: 101104). The charangas continued to enjoy great favor throughout the 1930s and 1940s, due in part to their ability to incorporate vocalists into their instrumentation. More importantly, it was because they were able to play more than just danz ones Over time, older musical genres such as the danzn, even with its stylistic and formal variants, grew to be perceived as no longer trendy and the dancing public clamored to hear new popular dance m usic that had more panache They found it in the mambo Mambo Figure 341. Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) (Fernndez 1974). (Source: LAC Public Domain.)

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171 The creation of the mambo and its emergence as a popular dance music genre has been the subject of considerable controversy since its inception. The debate stems from the confusion over the identification of the mambo as the final section of the danzn form (the son montuno) versus the mambo as a dance genre. Much has been said in an effort to not only lay claim to its creation, but to categorize any performance of mambo as either authentic or inauthentic based upon who performed it, and how it was percei ved and historically identified. Recent scholarship, however (Daz Ayala 2006; Garca 2006; Lozano 1990; Rodrguez Domnguez 1967; Salazar 2002, Sublette 2004), has made great inroads towards ascertaining dates and facts surrounding the creation and evolution of the mambo and establishing it as both form and genre. The primary dispute involves the three Mambo Kings and which of the three holds the title as originator, including what stylistic influences they individually contributed to the form and/or genre. They are flutist, Antonio Arcao (19111994) [See: Figure 34 2 ], tres (three string Cuban guitar) player, Arsenio Rodrguez (19111970) [See: Figures 3 43 and 34 4 ], and pianist Dmaso Prez Prado (19161989) [See: Figures 3 45 and 3 4 6 ]. Disagreem ents were fueled by the fact that e ach of these musicians came from different social classes, they were of different races, they led different types of ensembles, they performed different genres, and they all vied for the incomegenerating potential the tit le of originator would bring. In addition, they operated within a transnational context, all factors that initially led to dissent between musicians and confusion among music historians when it came to determining what was what regarding mambo

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172 Fig ure 342. Circa 1943 photo of Arcao y sus Maravillas with flutist Arcao in the center, and pianist Orestes Macho Lpez and bassist Israel Cachao Lpez on the left. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 343. P hoto of Arsenio Rodrguez y su Conjunto in Havana, Cuba. (Source: DAC. Photo courtesy of Marcelino Guerra. Public Domain.)

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173 Figure 344. CD cover for the 2005 remastering by Tumbao Cuban Classics of Dancing the Montuno with Arsenio Rodrguez and his Band: 19461950. (Source: DAC. Public Doma in.) Figure 345. Circa 1950s photo of the big band of Damaso Prez Prado (Daz Ayala 1999: 144). (Source: DAC. Public Domain.)

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174 Figure 346. 2004 album cover for The Mambo King, Prez Prados 19511953 remastered recordings, featuring Mongo Santamara, in Mexico City and New York. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) For example, Arcao was white, he directed a charanga, he played danzones and hi s performance style reflected the classical bourgeois milieu in which he lived and worked in Havana. Rodrguez was black he led a son conjunto ( son ensemble that includes a brass section) he performed sones and his music in corporated many more Africa n derived rhythms Prez Prado was a mulato living as a Cuban expatriate in Mxico and leading an orquesta fashioned after the big jazz bands in the U.S (which imbued Prez Prado's mambos with an international flair), and he performed the mambo dance genre. So, in order to understand mambo given this diversity of musicians and music, one must first consider each of these important musicians and their individual contributions to the creation of the mambo both as form and as genre. Arcao studie d music with Romeu and performed with several charangas in Havana during the 1930s, including playing flute for the Orquesta Las Maravillas del

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175 Siglo (Marvels of the Century Orchestra) with the singer Fernando Collazo, one of the most popular charangas at the time. [ See: Figure 340.] In 1937, he formed his own charanga, Arcao y sus Maravillas (Arcao and his Marvels) [See: Figure 34 2 ], which included Orestes Lpez (19081991) on piano [See: Figure 34 7 ], and his brother Israel Cachao Lpez (1918 2008) on contrabass [See: Figure 348]. It is the Lpez brothers who are credited with introducing a syncopated rhythmic variant, given the name nuevo ritmo (new rhythm) by Arcao, into the son montuno section (the final section) of the danzn that we now describe as the mambo form Rene Lorente, a flute player with Orquesta Aragn and a student of Arcao, states that Arcao had been playing long danzones with four sections and a son montuno at the end called a mambo This format was too long for recording or radio broadcasts so he decided to change the form ( Personal interview 2010). Figure 347. Photo of Orestes Lpez circa 1940s. Orestes played contrabass, cello, piano, and flute (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 234). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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176 Figure 3 48. Photo of Israel Cachao Lpez circa 1940s (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 235) (Source: CHC. Public Domain.) In a May 2008 interview with Chico Alvarez Peraza for Latin Beat magazine, Cachao elaborates on his role in changing the form of the danzn: I had been composing music since 1935, but it wasn't until I joined Arcao y Sus Maravillas in 1937 that I begin to writ e danzones I mean really write Between that time and now, I have written around 1,500 danzones In fact, between my brother and I, we have written over 3,000 danzones My brother Orestes and I were assigned the task of writing all the material for the band. Through our efforts, the danzn took a 180 degree turn, acquiring a totally new dimension. For example, we would take the music of M ozart, so beautiful and simple, and give it a whole new twist, all the while trying to enrich it both harmonically and rhythmically. We introduced the previously unheard concept of syncopation and expanded on the existing theory of counterpoint. These were revolutionary ideas back then, and we were young and eager to experiment with new ideas and concepts. A rcao's band offered us a vehicle in which t o do our thing. That's how the mambo came about, through the relaxing of traditional taboos. We were in the 20th century, and all around us new things were being invented. It was an era of inventiveness, and we dared to make changes (Alvarez Peraza 2008: 28 ).

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177 In a personal interview with Cuban music scholars Enrique Zayas and Eduardo Rosillo Rosillo, the Cuban radio announcer known as the Dorada Voz de la Radio Cubana (Golden Voice of Cuban Radio) both friends of Orestes and Cachao Lpez, details about the Lpezs brothers role in the creation of the mambo corroborate the story. Rosillo, also a good friend of Arcao, spoke to Orestes Lpez about the creation of the mambo Rosillo states that Orestes told him that in 1937, he wrote a danzn with Arcao titled Mambo , and that it had a nuevo ritmo (new rhythm) in the final section (Rosillo and Zayas: Personal Interview 2002). Initially, this new rhythmic structure, the nuevo ritmo, was deemed too African for the salons of Havana. Nonetheless, in less tha n ten years this new formal variant now called mambo had become a global phenomenon in the ballrooms of Cuba, Europe, and the United States primarily because of the transnational stylistic influences created by Prez Prado. In 1944, in response to the mamb os popularity and also due in part to its new suitability for the radio Arcao expanded his charanga to accommodate this new rhythm and performance medium, changing the instrumentation by adding more AfroCuban percussion including the cencerro (cowbell), and conga. He also added extra stringed instruments such as the cello, viola, and contra bass to the violins and interlocked the rhythmic structure of the percussion with that of the piano and contrabass. According to Lorente, even the tunings of the con ga and the timbales were changed to give the ensemble a different sound, a different color. A small cencerro was added to the timbales in the charangas of Arcao57 to accompany the piano (Personal 57 According to Lorente, the cencerro was also added (during the same time) to the timbales in the charanga of flute player Jos Fajardo y sus Estrellas.

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178 interview 2010). Arcao renamed his charanga the Orquesta Radiofonica de Arcao y sus Maravillas (Radiophonic Orchestra of Arcao and his Marvels) and began performing for the Mil Diez radio station (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 239). Figure 349. 1940s photo of La Orquesta Radiofonica de Arcao y sus Maravillas the charanga Arcao established to perform for radio broadcasts. There were approximately fifteen musicians in the ensemble (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 239). (Source: CHC. Public domain.) Figure 350. CD cover for the 2004 remastering by T umbao Cuban Classics of Danzn Mambo by Antonio Arcao y sus Maravillas: 19441951. (Source: Original recordings in the DAC. Public Domain.)

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179 Before 1944, according to Lorente, Arcaos charanga was only a danzonera with eight musicians. It did not have singers or a conga player. When Arcao incorporated the conga, the Cuban youth really liked it and started calling his mambo section el mambo al Arcao (Arcaos mambo ). The word mambo was then turned into the verb mambiar because it applied to almost every style and form played in the son montuno section. Vamos a mambiar (lets mambo ) came to mean, lets jam (improvise) in the mambo rhythm, lets have a party, much like how the word charanga was also used then and how the term timba is used today, i.e., vamos a charanga (lets party to charanga music) or vamos a timbiar (lets party to timba ) (Personal interview 2010). Arcao's charanga, with the rhythm axis anchored by the three Lpez brothers now with Jess on cello Orestes on piano, and "Cachao" on bass played the mambo section of the danzn in repeated sections, using an ostinato and making way for impr ovisation within each section.58 Lorente state that at this point, Arcaos mambo was referred to as a mambo desc arga ( mambojam) (Personal interview 2010). In the mambo crafted by the Lpez brothers, harmonic tension was created by using the dominant chord as a pedal point and then delaying its resolution. [See Figure 35 1 .] The bass added to this tension by outli ning the dominant chord, often using octave displacements, and employing a modified anticipated bass rhythm like that found in the son [See: Figure 352.] The syncopation was heavy with the strong beat functioning as an articulated pick up to the upbeat of the measure. Stress remained on the second eighthnote of the measure, unbalancing the anticipation of the downbeat. The violins played in pizzicato t he same rhythm as the piano, [See: Figure 351 ], and the congas 58 This idea of improvisation was carried over by the Orestes brothers, specifically Cachao, to create jazz descargas (jam sessions) which continued to develop stylistically over the following decades.

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180 played a heavily syncopated repeated eighthnote and two sixteenth note ostinato pattern. Hence, polyrhythmic structure was created, giving the mambo its unique style. Figure 351. Danzn M ambo chord progression with unresolved dominant chord. Figure 352. Danzn Mambo anticipated bass pattern. Other changes to the form of the danznmambo in the 1940s included the elimination of the B and C sections and introducing the D section (the son montuno) much earlier in the danzn than was customary. The formal and stylistic changes Arcao made to the danzn to create the mambo were then picked up by other ensembles in Cuba, adding to its popularity. Further stylistic changes were made by Prez Prado, helping to make the sound of his ensemble even more distinctive. It was Arsenio Rodrguez, however, who had always claimed that he was the true originator of the mambo because it was he who performed son : it was he who helped to codify the use of t he son montuno in popular music. Of course, to some extent this was true, but the popularity of the mambo as a formal variant of the danzn, as well as an internationally recognizable dance genre, had more to do with the appeal of the big -

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181 bandstyle ensem bles like Arcaos and Prez Prados than Rodrguezs smaller, more guajiro(rural) sounding, more provincial septetos (septets) and son conjuntos ( son ensembles) Rodrguez began his career in the 1920s as a tres player in several son conjuntos As a composer in the 1930s, he provided the Orquesta Casino de la Playa with many hit songs, but was unable to perform with them because he was black and the casino only allowed white musicians to perform In 1937, the same year the Lpez brothers created thei r mambo Rodrguez perfected his mambo sound while leading his own brass filled conjunto. To create his mambo Rodrguez incorporated the more complex diablito rhythms of the Abaku neo African religion into his sones thereby contributing more AfroCuba n rhythmic elements to the form (Garca 2006: 50).59 Lorente states that Rodriguezs mambo was actually a son played on the piano and incorrectly called a mambo montuno. Rodriguezs mambo also had accents on different parts of the rhythm than would normal ly be heard in a danznmambo and he included the tres and the bongos into his ensemble (as is common in most son conjuntos ), while the charangas did not have these instruments (Personal interview 2010). The choreography and overall dance aesthetic was al so much different, with the slower son montuno contrasting significantly with the faster, more choreographically elaborate ballroom dance mambo Garca writes: But for Arsenio the mambo merely constituted the rhythmic patterns that he and Arcaos charang a popularized among black Cuban social dancers in the early 1940s. For most audiences of Latin music in the United States or tropical music in Latin America, however, Prez Prado embodie d the 59 These rhythms had been taught to Rodrguez by his grandfather, a former slave.

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182 mambo. His trademark grunt, zoot suit like dress, kicks and un conventional dance movements on stage, and blaring big band sound constituted the mambo as much as its musical components (2006: 78). Prez Prados genius was to take the son (D) section of the danznmambo form and establish it as a separate genre accompa nied by choreographed dance steps. Lorente confirms that Prez Prados mambo had a different form (the one mentioned above) and a faster 2/4 or 4/4 rhythm. His ensemble was also more like a big band rather than a charanga and harmonically, it had a very North American sound, especially in the piano (Personal interview 2010). Many Cubans felt that in doing this, Prez Prado had turned their national music into mere entertainment and they viewed his mambo style as unauthent ic, giving it little respect and a lack of popularity (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 229). Yet others, such as Cachao, felt that Cuba had only to benefit from the international acclaim Prez Prado received (Alvarez Peraza 2008: 30 ) Indeed, Prez Prado brou ght great international recognition to Cuba when he moved to Mexico in 1948 to record for the RCA Victor label and introduce the mambo to the rest of the world.60 T hrough the release of a number of Prez Prados hit songs with Cuban singer Beny Mor (19191963) on vocals RCA Victor launched the worldwide mambo craze and i t was Prez Prado who paved the way with his big band, instrumental arrangements favored in Mexico, the United States, and to some extent in Cuba. This v ast popularity was due in part t o Prez Prado's antiphonal sectional writing and big band charanga instrumentation with predominant brass and saxophone sections clearly influenced by contemporary U.S. swing bands and their music. So 60 Lorente claims that the confusion over the term mambo was an intentional marketing ploy devised by RCA Victor to sell more Prez Prado records (Personal interview 2010).

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183 popular and pervasive in popular Latin music throughout the years, the mambo remains an active international genre. Prez Prado's legacy orchestra, La Mundial Orquesta Damaso Prez Prado, still performs throughout the world today. And as mentioned, despite the mambos great success as a dance genre, it was n ot as popular in Cuba as it was in other parts of the world. The Cubans preferred the more delicate and romantic chachach. In the 1950s in Cuba, the chachach replaced the danzn and mambo in popularity and became the quintessential genre of the charangas Chachach Figure 3 53. Illustrations by Eduardo Arrocha of costumes worn by the Conjunto Folklrico Nacional (Cuban National Folklore Ensemble) (Fernndez 1974). (Source: LAC Public Domain.)

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184 The 1950s are considered the Epoca de Oro (Golden Era) of Cuban popular dance music and it was the charangas that glittered most during this time. Their fame as the purveyors of danzn, danzonete, and mambo mania, provided charanga composers and musicians the perfect avenue for introducing nov el musical ideas. Building upon the success of previous genres and forms, charanga musicians strove to create the next latest dance craze. They struck gold with the chachach The creation of the chachach as a dance genre is credited to composer and vio linist, Enrique Jorrn (19261987). [See: Figure 35 4 ] In 1948, Jorrnat that time, a violinist with Arcao's charangaleft Arcao's ensemble to join the then more commercially popular Orquesta Amrica, directed by Ninn Mondjar. [See: Figure 355.] With Orquesta Amrica, Jorrn was given greater license to write his own Figure 354. 1940s photo of violinist Enrique Jorrn, composer of La Engaadora, the first chachach (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 247). (Source: CHC. Public domain.) compositions and develop his unique sound, and so in 1953, Jorrn composed La Engaadora, a rumbamambo with a slower tempo and less complex rhythmic

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185 structure. [See: Figure 3 5 6 .] Lorente states that La Engaadora was first called a rumbamambo because the chac ha (the term most Cuban musicians use to denote the chachach) did not have a name at this point (Personal interview 2010). The first section was the rumba and the second section was the mambo Figure 355. 1951 photo of Orquesta Amrica, founded in 1942 by Ninn Mondjar. This charanga was later led by violinist Enrique Jorrn and is still performing today (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 251) (Source: CHC. Public domain.) What motivated Jorrn to incorporate these rhythmic changes was his observance of the difficulty some dancers were having with the syncopated complexity of the mambo He decided to create a more danceable genre with a new rhythm that would place emphasis on the downbeat, using the giro to set the rhythmic foundation. [See: Figure 35 7 .] When asked why this new genre was called chachach, Jorrn stated that he got the idea for the name through onomatopoeia, from the sound of the dancers' feet as they shu ffled across the dance floor (Linares 1970: 119). Lorente states that La

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186 Engaadora was named a chachach because the singer in Orquesta Amrica said the sung section was not a mambo it was a chachach because people were actually saying the word chach ach as they danced. So, Jorrn announced on the radio that La Engaadora was not a mambo but rather a chachach (Personal interview 2010). Figure 356. Manuscript copy of the A and B sections of La Engaadora (The Tricky Woman). Considered the fir st chachach it was composed by Enrique Jorrn and recorded by Orquesta Amrica (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 248). It was released in 1953 on the Panart label. Its form includes an introduction, section A ( rumba) repeated, section B ( mambo ch), and a retur n to A followed by a short coda. (Source: CHC. Public domain.)

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187 What also made Jorrns chachach unique was the incorporation of short vocal sections in a call andresponse stylein the son montuno section. During the performance of "La Engaadora," the m usicians were instructed to sing the son montuno (chorus) in unison, and alternate singing the chorus with the public. The technique became an instant success (Giro 2007: 281). This was important because it motivated composers to write simple, original m elodies based on the chachach rhythm and to not be constrained by the complexity of the danzn form. Figure 357. The chachach rhythm created by Enrique Jorrn. In La Engaadora, Jorrn as well as other subsequent performers and composers of chachach, such as Arcaosought to establish the chachach as a genre distilled from the danzn yet distinctive in form and style. Jorrn eventually did away with the introduction (formally found in the danzn) and moved quickly into the chachach rhythm in the son montuno section. The omission of the introduction also did away with the paseo (the promenade section of the danzn), giving the chachach a less formal character than the danzn. Jorrn changed the rhythm of the giro part (formally played i n the danzn) [See: Figure 3 5 7 ] and introduced a new rhythmic cell between it, the conga, and the timbales He also composed the violin parts in unison with the voices and made significant changes to the rhythm and performance practices of the piano [See : Figure 3 58] and contrabass [See: Figure 359 ].

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188 Figure 358. Chachach piano rhythm. Figure 359. Chachach bass pattern. What came next was a flurry of new chachachas written for the charangas and international fame for these ensembles soon followed. Many ensembles benefited greatly from this increase in international recognition. The increase in popularity also spurred an increase in the number of charangas being formed and the number of mu sicians making a living from performing in charangas Many charangas were showcased in Cubas famous cabaret nightclubs such as the Tropicana and the Sans Souci. [See: Figure 36 3 ] Charangas such as Orquesta Amrica [See: Figure 35 5 ], Orquesta Ideal [S ee: Figure 36 0 ], Orquesta Enrique Jorrn [See: Figure 36 1 ], Orquesta Neno Gonzlez [See: Figures 3 62 and 36 3 ], Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira [See: Figure 36 4 ], Orquesta Fajardo y sus Estrellas [See: Figures 36 5 ], Orquesta Sublime [See: Figure 3 6 6 ], Charanga Rubalcaba [See: Figure 3 6 7 ], and Las Estrellas Cubanas [See: Figures 3 68 to 3 7 1 ] all enjoyed tremendous popularity, coupled with numerous recording contracts and international tours.

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189 Figure 360. 1938 photo of Orquesta Ideal. Standing left to right: Miguel Angel Colombo, contrabass; Pedro Hernndez, violin; Jos Dvila Quintero, giro and unidentified member. Seated: Humberto Bello, piano; Joseto Valds, flute and director; and Angel Lpez, timbales (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 242) (Source: CHC. Public domain.) Figure 361. 1950s photo of Orquesta Enrique Jorrn (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 258). (Source: CHC. Public domain.)

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190 Figure 362. A 1928 photo of the Orquesta Neno Gonzlez with flutist Jos Antonio Daz (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 363. Album cover, From the Danzn to the Cha Cha Ch with the Orquesta Neno Gonzalez, performing at the famous Sans Souci nightcl ub in Havana, Cuba in the 1950s. The flute player is Alberto Pancho El Bravo Cruz Torres. (Sour ce: DAC. Public domain.)

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191 Figure 364. 1950s Promo photo of Pancho El Brav o y sus Candelas del Tira Tira. ( Wild Pancho and his Go Get Em Hotshots ). (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 365. The original Orquesta Fajardo y sus Estrellas, founded in 1949 in Havana (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 252). (Source: CHC. Public domain.)

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192 Figure 366. 2000 CD cover of Bembe Records recording of Orquesta Sublime, founded in 1955 by flutist Melquiades Fu ndora Dina. (Source: DAC. Public domain.) Figure 367. Guillermo Rubalcaba is the director and founder of the legendary Charanga Rubalcaba, which he founded in 1962. He was also the cabaret pianist for the Sans Souci nightclub. Rubalcaba is now performing with the Buena Vista Social Club (Personal Interview 2002). Rubalcaba is fourth from left. (Source: Photo courtesy of Sue Miller http://www.charangasue.com )

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193 Figure 3 68. Estrellas Cubanas (Cuban All Stars) Founded in 1956. Popularized the chachach. (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 257) ( Source: CHC. Public domain.) Figure 369. Album cover for 1961 recording of Las Estrellas Cubanas. (Source: CHC. Public domain.)

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194 Figure 370. Estrellas Cubanas performing for the live Domingo con Rosillo program at Radio Progresso on June 23, 2002. Instrumentation in photo: flute, three vocalists, giro, piano, and bass. Figure 371. Estrellas Cubanas performing for the Domingo con Rosillo program at Radio Progresso on J une 23, 2002. Instrumentation in photo: giro, congas timbales and four violins circled around the microphone used for the live radio broadcast.

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195 Many of these ensembles, such as Orquesta Sublime and Estrellas Cubanas are still performing today. The most famous and widely recognized charangaconsidered the epitome of all charangas is the Orquesta Aragn, still going strong for over seventy two years. [See: Figure 37 2 ] Figure 372. 1939 photo of the legendary Orquesta Aragn (when the name of the charanga was still Rtmica 39) with founder and bassist Orestes Aragn Cantero and flutist Efra n Loyola. Loyola was the flutist from 1939 1952. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Havana's Orquesta Aragn, founded in Cienfuegos in the southcentral Province of Las V illas in 1939 by violinist Orestes Aragn, was later directed by violinist Rafael Ley beginning in 1948. [See: Figure 373 .] Orquesta Aragn has remained the most popular charanga to date and has had the widest influence on popular Cuban music, more than any other preRevolutionary ensemble. Orquesta Aragn is still recording and performing regularly in Cuba, as well as internationally, and in the United States on occasion. [See: Figures 37 4 and 375 .]

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196 Figure 373. 1950s photo of Rafael Ley violinis t, singer, and director of Orquesta Aragn (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 254). (Source: CHC. Public domain.) Figure 374. 1960s album cover for Orquesta Aragn with flutist Richard Eges. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.)

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197 Figure 375. Current photo of Orquesta Aragn with flutist Eduardo Rubio performing in Cuba. The performers in black and white suits are the vocalists. Eduardo Rubio is in a black suit. (Source: Juventud Rebelde 2010. http://www.juventudrebelde.cu/multimedia/fotografia/generales/orquestaaragonenconcierto/ Public domain.) The ensemble 's success can be partly attributed to the unique stylistic sounds of its fl ut ist s over the years, especially Richard Eges, who joined the ensemble in 1955. As composer, Eges s hit songs such as El Bodeguero and La Cantina have r emained in the repertoire and has been covered by other charangas too numerous to mention. The fl ute players for Orquesta Aragn are considered to be the absolute best charanga flute players Cuba has ever produced. Their roster includes: Efrain Loyola, flutist with Aragn from 19391952 [See: Figure 37 2 ]; Jos Rolando Lozano, 19521954 [See: Figure 37 6 ]; Richard Eges, 1954 1984 [See: Figures 3 77 and 378]; Rene Lorente, 19841990 [See: Figures 3 79 and 3 8 0 ]; and Eduardo Rubio, 1990 to present [See: Figure 37 5 ].

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198 Figure 376. 1950s photo of Jos Rolando Lozano. Lozano was the flute play er for Orquesta Aragn from 19521954. He is the father of Danilo Lozano, a charanga flute player in California. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 377. 1950s photo of Richard Eges flutist with Orquesta Aragon from 19541984, playing the charanga flute (Source: DAC Public Domain.)

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199 Figure 378. 1990s photo of Richard Eges flutist with Orquesta Aragon from 19541984, playing the Boehm system flute (Source: DAC. Public Domain.) Figure 379. 1980s photo of Orquesta Aragn in Cuba with flutist Rene Lorente (front center). (Source: Photo courtesy of Rene Lorente. Used with permission.)

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200 Figure 380. Rene Lorente performing in Miami, Florida on December 31, 2010. (Source: Photo courtesy of Rene Lorente. Used with permission.) Another famous char anga composer and flute player, well respected by all charanga musicians in Cuba but little known outside of Cuba, was Alberto Pancho El Bravo Cruz Torres (19282009). Cruz is important in the history of charanga not only for being a consummate charanga flute player, but also for creating a popular rhythm called the tira tira (go go rhythm). Tira Tira Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del TiraTira ( Wild Pancho and his Go Get- Em Hotshots ) [See: Figure 381] a holdover ensemble from the glory days of the nightclub charangas was deemed one of the most popular dance bands of the 1960s and 1970s in Cuba, due in part, to the popularity of the music he composed, but especially because of the incorporation of a rhy thm he devised called tira tira While relatively unknown in international circles, the legacy of Pancho El Bravo and his tira tira

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201 rhythm lives on in Cuba to this day. Whenever I asked Cubans about Pancho El Bravo, almost all knew who he was and they could also articulate the tira tira rhythm, even members of younger generations. Lorente even went so far as to state that Pancho El Bravo was one of the best charanga flute players of all time (Personal interview 2010). Whatever the reason for the lack of international acknowledgment of Pancho El Bravo and the tira tira it is prudent to now consider and analyze this significant rhythm in the list of popular Cuban dance music genres of the twentieth century due to its historical importance among the Cuban people. Figure 381. Album cover for Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira ( Wild Pancho and his Go Get Em Hotshots) The original recordings on this album were made in 1949 a nd later in 1960, in Havana, Cuba. The Caney label remastered these r ecordings into a CD in 2004. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.)

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202 It is a mystery why the mambo and the chachach became so internationally well known and the tira tira rhythm did not. Perhaps it was because the mambo and the chachach had already become famous worldwide before the Cuban Revolution of 1959, while the tira tira rhythm was created during a time in Cuba history, early in the beginning of the Revolution, when there were precious few resources dedicated to things considered secondary to the welfare of the new nation (such as popular music recordings for international distribution or international touring of Cuban popular music ensembles). The role of music in helping to promote and reinforce the new Cuban governments agenda of cooperation and solidarity in the 1960s could have also been a factor. During the early 1960s in Cuba, international musical influences were slowly being rejected in favor of autochthonous popular Cuban music that reinforced Cuban identity and soverei gnty. Gone were the more funloving, internationally influenced tunes of the nightclub charangas Instead, popular music composers and performers began presenting music with a decidedly more political and social consciousness message.61 What I believe to be the only extant video of Pancho El Bravo performing live, demonstrates this new role for Cuban musicians. The title of the song he performs is titled Organizate! (Organize!), recorded in 1969.62 In 2002, I conducted a personal interview in Havana w ith Pancho El Bravo. Pancho gave me a brief history of his life as a musician and explained to me what musical influences he used to create the tira tira rhythm for his charanga. 61 For more information on Cuban policies towards the arts since the beginning of the Cuban Revolution of 1959, see Moore 2006. 62 A video of Organizate! (Organize!) can be found at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yeaY0w69RfM

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203 Figure 382. 2002 photo of Alberto Pancho El Bravo Cruz Torres (1928200 9), and his son, Alberto Cruz Ramos, playing the tira tira rhythm on the giro Figure 383. Memorabilia of Pancho El Bravo.

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204 Pancho was first taught to play the flute when he was eight years old by his father, Toms Cruz Martnez, who was a sergeant in the Musical Municipal de Marianao63 military band. When Pancho was about seventeen or eighteen years old, he began performing in a popular orquesta his father had organized in Havana called Ritmo Juvenil (Youthful Rhythm). His brother Antonio played the piano, his cousin played the giro, and other young friends and family members played the pailas contrabass conga, and two violins, all fronted by two singers. Sometime around 1950, Pancho was hired to play flute with the famous Orquesta Neno Gonzlez [See: Figure 36 3 .] In 1957, Pancho was awarded a Disco de Oro (Gold Record) for his composition of A Caballo (Te tumb el caballo) (Knocked off the horse) recorded with Gonzalezs charanga. The song was composed using the a caballo, a rhythm very popular in Cuba at that time. The Orquesta Neno Gonzalez actually played a good number of pieces using the a caballo rhythm, and its eight or nine variants, so Pancho had much experience performing a caballo in sections of danzones mambos and chachachas .64 S upporting Panchos claim, Rene Lorente states that it was the a caballo rhythm, with its heavy accent on the downbeat mimicking the sound of a horses hooves clomping on the groundthat served as the basis for the tira tira (Personal interview 2010).65 [Se e: Figures 384 and 38 5 .] 63 Marianao is a suburb of Havana. 64 It is very common practice in Cuba to compose mixedgenre popular songs. Many songs are classified as hybrid genres, such as danznch, danznmambo danzntira guarachamambo, boleroson, etc. 65 To hear the a caballo variant closest in structure to the tira tira see: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dDtjbapt1_Y Thi s URL also provides links to video examples of eight other a caballo variants.

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205 Figure 384. Pancho El Bravos ritmo tira tira a variant of the a caballo rhythm complex, played on the conga. Figure 385. Pancho El Bravos ritmo tira tira played on the giro What made Panchos tira tira different from the a caballo rhythm, according to Panchoand analysis bears this out was the way in which he interlocked the rhythmic structure of the piano, violins, and contrabass, and placed the most rhythmic emphasis on the pattern given to the giro and the conga In fact, Pancho said that the most important identifying rhythm in the tira tira was the simple quarter and two eighthnote giro pattern combined with the eighthnote conga rhythm. [See: Figure 38 4 and 38 5 .] As shown in Figures 384, 385, and 38 6 the tira tira rhythm has no syncopation in the percussion. All of the syncopation is played by the piano, violins, and contrabass. [See Figure 38 6 .] The f ull score of Pancho El Bravos Tira Tira Callejero (You Go, Boy) from his Btate Na Ma ( Ill Never Leave You Again) album, recorded in 19601961 using the tira tira rhythm, is provided in Appendix D Musical Transcriptions A section of the score follows. What it shows is this simple, nonsyncopated percussion pattern interlocked with the syncopated rhythm in the melodic and harmonic instruments.

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206 Figure 386. Syncopated rhythms in the melodic instruments interlock with the straight rhythms in the percussion to create the tira tira rhythm. The case of Pancho El Bravo, as well as other musicians, modifying extant rhythmic structures to create a new musical genre, has always been a common practice

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207 in Cuba. Many Cuban musicians finetuned their craft while composing and performing under the di rection of the older masters of Cuban popular music genres. Most musicians, especially the charanga musicians, performed with several ensembles during their careers, gaining various experiences in understanding the vast array of genres, forms, and perform ance styles. Many formed their own ensembles after acquiring mastery of their art. Several important charanga musicians left Cuba during the 1950s and 1960s and formed charangas of their own abroad, primarily in the United States, thereby adding a transna tional aspect to the historical trajectory of the development of the charanga ensemble and its musical genres and styles. Below are some of the most important transnational Cuban charanga ensembles in Cuba and the United States. Figure 387. 1950s photo of Farajo y sus Estrellas (Fajardo and his All Stars) in Cuba Flutist and director Jos Fajardo is in white on the left. (Source: Photo courtesy of the Fajardo Family. Used with permission.)

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208 Figure 388. 1950s photo of Jos Fajardo in Cuba. (Source: P hoto court es y of the Fajardo Family. Used with permission.) Figure 389. 1960s photo of Fajardo y sus Estrellas in Miami, Florida. Jos Fajardo is center in the light jacket. (Source: Photo courtesy of the Fajardo family. Used with permission.)

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209 Figure 3 90. Circa 1960s photo of Orchestra Broadway in New York, led by flutist Eddy Zervign. (Source: Photo courtesy of Orchestra Broadway. Public Domain.) Figure 391. The CD cover for Orquesta Broadways 40th Anniversary release in 2003. Eddy Zervign is c enter in black. (Source: Photo courtesy of Orchestra Broadway. Public Domain.)

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210 Figure 392. Eddy Zervign, flutist with the oldest charanga in the U.S., Orquesta Broadway. (Source: Photo courtesy of Eric Gonzlez. Used with permission.) Figure 393. Fl utist Eduardo Aguirre, the original director of Original de Manzanillo (shown here in the Teatro Amrica in Havana circa early 1990s), is now the director of Charanga Tipica Tropical in Miami, Florida. (Source: Public Domain.)

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211 Figure 394. 1968 photo of flutist Eduardo Aguirre, then the director of Original de Manzanillo in Havana, Cuba. (Source: Photo courtesy of Eduardo Aguirre. Used with permission.) Figure 395. 2000 photo of Charanga Tpica Tropical from Miami, Florida, led by fluti st Eduardo Aguirre, the director of Original de Manzanillo from Havana. (Source: Promotional photo courtesy of Charanga Tpica Tropical Used with permission. )

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212 Figure 396. 2008 photo of flutist Eduardo Aguirre, now the director of Charanga Tpica Tropic al in Miami, Florida. (Source: Photo courtesy of Eduardo Aguirre. Used with permission.) Figure 397. L eft to right: Eduardo Aguir re, Rene Lorente, and Eddy Zervign in Miami, Florida in 2010. (Source: Photo courtesy of Rene Lorente. Used with permission .)

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213 Non Cuban devotees of the charanga tradition have also, within the last few years, formed charanga ensembles outside of Cuba, primarily in Europe. These European charanga musicians study with Cuban charanga masters, learning to develop performance practices as true to the charanga sound as possible. Some, like Sue Miller of Leeds, England, travel often to Cuba to work with Cuban musicians and to learn not only performance practices, but compositional techni ques as well. Figure 398. 2009 photo of Londonbased Charanga del Norte, led by flutist Sue Miller. (Source: Photo courtesy of Sue Miller and Charanga del Norte. Used with permission.) Figure 399. La Charanga Central is an international group of pro fessional musicians from the Netherlands (Source: Photo courtesy of La Charanga Central Used with permission.)

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214 To better understand the roles and relationships of Cuban popular dance music composers and musicians, and the musical genres they performed, i t is helpful to view historical documents such as archival photographs. Photographs, used for analytical purposes, also provide documentation to substantiate scholarly claims. Towards that end, the brief pictorial history of Cuban charanga popular music composers and musicians provided in this chapter offers valuable insight into the instrumentation and history of charanga Equally important for understanding charanga is what the combination of photographic documentation and recordings tells us about the performance practices of the charanga ensembles and the unique contributions of individual charanga musicians. Analysis of charanga performance practices follows in Chapter F our.

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215 CHAPTER 4 PERFORMANCE PRACTICE S OF CHARANGA POPULAR MUSIC While performance practices for the various charanga ensemble instruments, and the genres of music performed by the charangas as well as idiosyncratic stylistic differences between various charanga ensembles has varied somewhat throughout their evolution, there remain stylistic constants in almost all forms of twentiethcentury charanga performance practice. Through review of the literature, examination of transcriptions careful aural analysis of recordings, and interviews with charanga musicians such as Guillermo Rubalcaba, Pancho El Bravo, and Rene Lorente, these constants are revealed. In addition, t he specific performance practices of the charanga flute also follow s in this chapter. Charanga flute virtuoso Rene Lorente believes that from the 1940s through the 1960s, during the golden age of the charangas popularity, most ensembles played according to the stylistic attributes established by violinists Enrique Jorrn and Rafael Ley, the directors of Orquesta Aragn. It was Jorrn and Ley who set the r ules for charanga performance practice that charangas to this day still emulate. The performance practices created by Jorrn and Ley are often referred to as playing in the tpico (typical) style and are considered by contemporary musicians to be the mo st authentic trademark of charanga performance. The flutists that have played with Orquesta Aragn over the years are considered to be the titans of charanga flute playing especially Richard Eges, and they have consistently set the benchmarks for performance practice as they created the modern style and sound of charanga flute playing and it could be argued, the sound of charanga itself and most contemporary charanga flute players will first emulate the

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216 sou nd of the se charanga flute champions before developing their own unique style of playing. T he list of flutists for Orquesta Aragn, since its inception, includes: Efra n Loyola, flutist with Aragn from 19391952; Jos Rolando Lozano 19521954; Richard Eges 19541984; Rene Lorent e, 19841990; and Eduardo Rubio, 1990 to present As is easily observed, this list of legendary, elite flut e players is extremely small given the comparatively large number of charanga flute players Cuba has produced over the last one hundred years. The individual performance practices and characteristic styles of each of these performers represent the evolutionary stylistic changes Orquesta Aragn has undergone throughout its history and in many ways they also mirror the changes in the development of charanga in general Orquesta Aragns first flutist, Efran Loyola, performed in the style most associated with the early charangas ; a smooth style, fashioned after the melodic and harmonic qualities of W estern art music and made famous by one of charangas first and most iconic flute players, Antonio Arcao. Orquesta Aragns second flutist, Jos Rolando Lozano,66 originally from Cienfuegos and a friend of Orquesta Aragns founder, Orestes Aragn Cantero, was the flute player for O rquesta Aragn for only a short time, from 19521954. Y et in many ways, he can be view ed as the important bridge between the Arcao style of charanga flute playing and the more popular, contemporary style of Richard Eges, arguably the most famo us of all charanga flute players. It is Eges who is credited with creating the style of charanga flute playing that revolutionized charanga in the midtwentieth century Lozano, as predecessor to 66 Lozano is the brother of Clemente Lozano and the father of charanga flute player Danilo Lozano.

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217 Eges, played with a much smoother, softer, more art mus ic sound much like Arcaos He achieved this by playing with the flute headjoint pushed in much farther than did Eges and his successors. Lozanos smooth style and art music performance practices nonetheless helped Orquesta Aragn first rise to stardom. He is famous for being the charanga flute player on four of Orquesta Aragns most popular songs: Pare Cochero, La Agua de Clavelito, Yo se que Nunca, and Mentira Criolla. When Lozano left for Mexico in 1954 to play with Orquesta Amrica, Ric hard Eges became the flute player for Orquesta Aragn and considerably changed the sound of the ensemble by perfor ming in his own distinct style (Lozano 1990). Richard Eges, Orquesta Aragns third flutist, is largely considered to be the ensembles most famous and influential of all its musicians. All charanga flute players that have followed Eges have emulated his style, especially his direct successor in Or questa Aragn, Rene Lorente Eges genius was in his improvisatory skills. He could invent improvised phrases without repeating ideas (Miller 2008). Eges also played with a high, brilliant sound from the upper registers of the flute that soared over t he other instruments in the ensemble. This sound helped form the tpico sound of charanga performance in the midtwentieth century.67 Indeed, Lorente states that what is most distinctive about charanga is the undisputedly unique sound of the charanga flute itself. The flute, playing in tandem with the violins, gives the ensemble a distinct sonority. This charanga sound is very well 67 For more information on Richard Eges, please see Sue Millers unpublished Mu sic Performance PhD dissertation from the University of Leeds, The Creative Process of Improvisation in Cuban Charanga Performance, with a Specific Focus on the Work of Richard Eges and Orquesta Aragn. It will be available online in mid 2011.

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218 defined stylistically. People immediately recognize the ensemble as a charanga when they hear the flute (Personal interview 2010). A high, brilliant sound is a desired attribute of the charanga flute and in the charanga ensemble in general. In charanga, violins tend to play in their higher registers, while the piano will play in the center of its range. The contrabass provides the low foundation. The overall intention of musicians in the charanga is to highlight only one melodic instrument at a time and it is most important to hear the flute play above all the other instruments (Rubalcaba: Personal interview 2002). Figure 41 Measures 2125 of Paella, written by Machito and Joseto Vald s, illustrate the Violin I playing in the high register. The full transcription is provided in Appendix D Musical Transcriptions. Another characteristic is the striking of the drum head edge of the pailas or timbales to produce a brilliant sound in the percussion and to also have the violins play pizzicato to accentuate that rhythm. These techniques of percussive attack help articulate and emphasize the rhythmic vitality of the music. In addition, the piano and violins liberate the flute from having to play harmony, allowing it to perform highly virtuosic, improv isatory melodic passages (Galan 1983: 203204). [ See: Figure 42 .]

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221 Figure 42 Measures 5976 of La Cantina, written by Richard Eges, illustrate the violins playing pizzicato against the percussion section, the piano playing in its middle register, and the harmonic rhythm played by the violins and piano, allowing the flute to improvise. The full transcription is provided in Appendix D Musical Transcriptions.

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222 Regarding form, the violins play a harmonic accompaniment in the first section(s) of charangas associated musical genres (such as the danzn, mambo and chachach) but then they sw itch to rhythmic accompaniment interlocking in synch rony with the piano and bass in the son montuno section (the final section) as shown in Figure 42 abov e Lorente revealed to me that Enrique Jorrn had told him that the job of the violins is to support the flute harmonically. Violins are not to compete with the flute or complicate the melody. This is why the violins play a rhythmic vamp underneath the flute while it is improvising in the son montuno section. Lorente clarifies : Un arreglo de Charanga es basado en la tnica y dominante. Hay arreglistas que utilizaban armonas bitonales algo mas complejas, pero sin que se llegue a grandes complicaciones. Los arreglos se basan en la sincopa y el cinquillo cubano. El piano, el bajo y el ritmo mantienen una base para que el solista: la flauta, a la hora de inspirar tenga una libertad de improvisacin por varios compases, ventajoso para la msica bailable. Los tonos que se escogen para los temas son tonos brillantes. La flauta es un instrumento que tiene que tocar de la media a la alta escala, incluso se le escribe una octava ms alta en los papeles musicales. Las voces se estila hacerla al unisono, los violines adornan sin molestar el cuerpo del tema y en su montuno mantienen un tumbao brillante para que la flauta inspire (E mail interview 2010). [ A musical arrangement for a charanga is based [harmonically] on the tonic and dominant. There are arrangements that utilize more complex bitonal harmonies, but without leading to major complications. Rhythmically, the arrangements are based on syncopation and the Cuban cinquillo rhythm. The piano, bass and their combined rhythm serve as the basis for the soloist: the flute, who is inspired to improvise for several measures, something that is very beneficial for dance music. The flute tones chosen for the songs are brilliant tones. The flute i s an instrument that has to play in the mid to high register, including playing an octave higher than what is written in the score. It is customary for the voices to sing in unison, the violins add ornamentation without disturbing the main melody, and the montuno section maintains a brilliant rhythm that inspires the flute.] The improvisations played by the flutist are responsible for maintaining the energy of the dance and the f lute works with the rhythm section to push the music forward for the dancers The flute is also responsible for creating calmer sections in the son

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223 montuno so that dancers may relax a bit, i.e., the f lute is responsible for the pacing of the composition. Lorente states that t he flute is el capitn del son y el caballo delante del carro [ the captain of the son and the horse in front of the cart ] (Personal interview 2010). Lorente also states that i n the 1940s and 1950s the sonority of the charanga flute the high, brilliant, piercing soundwas so important to the sound of a charanga that there were rivalries between ensembles to secure the best flute players (Personal interview 2010). Because the flute is so integral to the sound of the charanga, it was necessary for me to carry out more indepth research on the instrument and the musicians who play it in order to present the most accurate statements regarding charanga performance practice. By far, the most well respected and professionally accom plished charanga flute player I was able to work with was Rene Lorente, formerly with Orquesta Aragn of Havana, Cuba, but now living in Miami, Florida. Lorente was instrumental in advising me of charanga performance practices, the history and physical pr operties of the charanga flute, and the historical accounts of charanga ensembles, for he is one of the last few remaining central figures in the history of Cuban charanga as it developed in pre revolutionary Cuba. For Lorente, the charanga sound is close ly tied to concepts of nostalgia as well as issues of authenticity, modernity and Cuban national identity So much so, that exiled Cubans in South Florida such as Lorente, have established organizations and events that serve to revitalize and reinforce notions of nostalgia, based on what they consider to be symbols of authentic Cuban identity, such as charanga.

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224 Figure 43 The caption on the CubaNostalgia website reads: CubaNostalgia, in its 13th year, the premier Cuban event outside of Cuba, is a journey back in time for those who remember the islands glamorous times and for those who never experienced them. There will be live Cuban exhibits, artists and vendors, traditional Cuban foods, and of course music. http://www.cubanostalgia.org/ Lorente is involved with the well established CubaNostalgia organization which hosts events targeted to the Cuban exile population in South Florida. Their website

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225 clearly states their goal of maintaining authentic Cuban traditions and they organize their events to have a high impact on feelings of nostalgia. Lorente is active within the organization, often performing charanga for recurring events and special occ asions. The organizations website provides information regarding activities such as expositions, festivals, conferences, and other cultural events. The website also provides information on acquiring Cuban memorabilia, where to go to eat Cuban food and buy Cuban books, jewelry and artwork, and where one can purchase and hear Cuban music. Figure 44 The Music page for CubaNostalgias website lists musical genres most associated with charanga, genres considered to be the most authentic and important for maintaining tradition and invoking feelings of nostalgia. Lorente is seen performing charanga, on the right, in the photograph at the bottom.

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226 Lorente has also established a FaceBook presence, announcing upcoming CubaNostalgia events. Through social networks such as FaceBook, exiles stay connected and reinforce traditions. Networking also serves to inform others about these traditions, such as charanga music, and to provide information about the important charanga musicians in the area. Figure 45 Rene Lorentes FaceBook page, announcing the sale of his music at a CubaNostalgia event. Lorente also performed charanga at this exposition. A closer look at the photograph on Lorentes FaceBo ok page reveals other details about charangas ties to nostalgia, tradition, authenticity, and Cuban identity. In the photograph, Lorente is holding his charanga flute against a backdrop graphic of the Cuban flag. The phrase, A lo cubano (What it means to be Cuban), is printed along the side of the flute. The graphics, words, and image of the charanga flute situates Lorente as authentic, reinforces Cuban identity as imagined by the exile community, and ties charanga to their feelings of nostalgia.

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227 Fi gure 46 Rene Lorentes Facebook profile photograph. Importantly, Lorente and other contemporary charanga flute players with whom I interacted frame their discourses about charanga performance practices in terms of this notion of nostalgia and authenticity. All of these charanga flute players learned to perform charanga in Cuba during the height of charangas popularity in the 1940s and especially in the 1950s. Almost all of them adopted many of the performance practices of Richard Eges, as he was and in many ways has remainedthe shining example of the popular charanga sound. These musicians have continued to incorporate elements of Eges style to this day, especially in the U.S. where the execution of particular performance practices, son orities, and the performance of specific popular musical compositions link these musicians to the golden days of charanga in Cuba during t he 1950s and establish them as authentic and their performance styles untainted by living in exile. It is this nostal gic view of a pre revolution Cuban identity that is constructed and reinforced by maintaining the Eges style of performance. Since the 1950s and 1960s, in Cuba as well as abroad, there have been any number of charanga ensembles comprised of both Cuban mus icians as well as

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228 musicians from other countries interested in charangathat have established themselves as either revivalists or modernists i.e., those who seek to revive or modernize the charanga sound. According to Livingston, revivalists such as Miller Aguir re, Lorente, and Zervign: position them selves in opposition to aspects of the contemporary cultural mainstream, align themselves with a particular historical lineage, and offer a cultural alternative in which legitimacy is grounded in reference to authenticity and historical fidelity. Music revivals are middle class phenomena which play an important role in the formulation and ma intenance of a class based iden tity of subgroups of individuals disaffected with aspects of contemporary life. Thus revivalist ideologies tend to be constructed on certain modes of thinking and structuring of experience that are shared by middle class people in consumer capitalist and socialist s ocieties. These include the cat egorization of culture into modern and t raditional, the privileging of exchange value over use value, the objectification, commodification and rationalization of various aspects of life, pa rticipation in the cult of consumerism, an ideology of modernity, and the imagined community of the nati on, among others. All of these belief structures and ways of thinking play an important role to a lesser or greater extent, in music revivalism (1999: 66) The modernist charangas according to revivalists like Lorente, are not really charangas and he stat es that u nlike the revivalist groups the moder nists seek to change the authentic charanga sound. Indeed, s everal of these ensembles, such as the legendary Cuban group, Los Van Van, have altered the traditional instrumentation of the charangas by incorporating electronic instruments such as bass and guitar and have also included trombones, trumpets, and other wind instruments. They also play a myriad of other musical genres besides danzn, mambo chachach and tira tira for example. Lorente state s that other ensembles such as David Calzados Charanga Habanera isnt even remotely a charanga at all and he echoes the opinions of other revivalist musicians who express distain for the manner in which contemporary musicians such as Calzado are appropriat ing charanga as a way to signify Cuban

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229 musical authenticity and legitimacy. Nonetheless, charangas such as Charanga Habanera are hugely popular especially with a younger audience since the music the ensemble performs is heavily influenced by rap, hip h op, and other contemporary musical genres. What is interesting to note is that ideas about authentic charanga performance practices among older charanga musicians appears to have frozen in time, specifically in the 1950s and 1960s. This is a revivalis t mentality. Any evolution in the performance of charanga is seen as a move away from authenticity and national identity and a move towards a panLatin sound. Lorente and other revivalists, especially Cuban musicians in exile, struggle to keep establishe d Cuban musical traditions alive and believe that the new image of Cuba, marketed to an international audience, leaves older traditions such as charanga to die out. He states: Erudicin de msica no se hace lo suficiente en Cuba para preservar las tradiciones Los cubanos creen que toda la msica cubana reconocida por la comunidad internacional tiene ms valor Obras escritas por la comunidad internacional tambin son consideradas ms valiosos y respetados ms alta Es raro que los cubanos reconozcan otros artistas cubanos hasta que sean reconocidas internacionalmente. Los cubanos creen que el reconocimiento internacional denota un nivel superior de arte (Personal Interview: 2010) [Not enough music scholarship is being done in Cuba to preserve traditions. Cubans believe that any Cuban music recognized by the international community has more value. Works written by the international community are likewise considered more valuable and more highly respected. Rarely do Cubans recognize other Cuban artists until they are internationally recognized. Cubans believe that international recognition denotes a higher level of artistry.] Ideas of progress and modernity also correlate with the notion of an authentic charanga sound. This is especially true when it comes to the charanga flute. The fivekey French Baroque flute has, for approximately the last one hundred years, been the

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230 key sonic element in establishing the characteristic charanga sound. Among revivalists like Lorente, it certainly signifies authenticity, yet despite this strong tie to authenticity, during the 1950s several charanga flute players, even Richard Eges, began to perform charanga on both the charanga flute as well as the modern Boehm instrument. Eventually, almost all charanga f lute players took up the Boehm flute, including Rene Lorente. Learning how to play the modern Boehm flute according to Lorente, was a symbol of musical accomplishment. It showed that a charanga flutist had been trained in Cubas music conservatories and that they were able to perform with great virtuosity something that is highly valued among charanga musicians and audiences alike. He states: La msica de la Charanga se nutre del son, y el danzn que dio lugar posteriormente al mambo y el chachach, qu e son los gneros musicales ms representativos de este formato de agrupacin. Para interpretar estos gneros los msicos populares tenan un alto nivel tcnico en la interpretacin de su instrumento (Personal interview: 2010) [ Charanga music draws on the son and the danzn, subsequently leading to the mambo and chachach the music al genres most representative of this type of ensemble. To interpret these genres musicians who play these popular forms of music have a high level of technical proficiency on their instrument ] In short, charanga flute players became masters of Western art music flute literature as well as consummate popular charanga performers For these musicians, p laying the Boehm flute signaled not only elevated social status, but ones ability to move forward with the times, embracing modern progress and innovations. This was especially important as Cuba continued to build upon notions of Cuban national identity in the 1960s at the beginning of the Cuban Revolution. It was essential to Cuba as a nationnow embracing ideas of total sovereignty that the country was perceived internationally as a fully modern nationstate capable of socio -

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231 economic sustainability and of possessing and implementing the latest in technology, even the modern technology of musical instruments such as the Boehm flute. Using the Boehm flute to perform charanga may have altered performance practices, especially when it came to timbre, but chara nga flute players adopted the Boehm flute nonetheless, incorporating many of the other performance practices that would remain unaffected by the switch in instruments, such as the technical aspects of articulation, register, embellishments, etc. Adoption of the Boehm flute by charanga musicians also reinforc es the points articulated by Wade (1998) in Chapter O ne, that even though charanga had become a symbol of the elite, most of the musicians who performed in charangas were black or of mixed race, and th ey were most often directed by a white, educated, musically literate member of the elite or upper classes Inclusion in the ensemble most likely led to a belief by the members of the underclass that they too could join the ranks of the elite and middle cl ass through assimilation into the symbol ( charanga) of a unified nationalist identity. Adopting Western art music virtuosic performance practices such as those taught in Cubas music conservatories and learning to play the Boehm flute, directly relates t o the desire on the part of charanga flutists to elevate their social class status and to reinforce Cubas modern national identity. Further examples of these notions of class, nostalgia, authenticity, identity, and modernity can be witnessed in the life history of Rene Lorente. The following biographical sketch of Rene Lorente is based on interviews and conversations I had with him throughout 2010 and 2011. This is Lorentes own recounting of events and provides insight into how certain events and elements are remembered in nostalgic

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232 terms, as well as providing documentable evidence of the history and evolution of charanga from the 1950s until the present. Lorente knew from a young age that he wanted to play music and so at first, he played any instrument he could find. Charanga flutist Richard Eges and violinist Enrique Jorrn from Orquesta Aragn were his heroes and Lorente used Aragns 45rpm recordings to commit to memory everything they played.68 He was first given a pan flute by his father Then he was given a cane flute and he even made a flute from the tube of a TV antenna, so desperate was his need to make music. Lorente is not from a musical family, but his father understood his sons aspiration and so, when Lorente was twelve years old, his father gave him an old tenkey English flute in very poor condition for Christmas T his was at a time when t here were no five key French Baroque flutes to be found in Havana. Lorente did not know the fingerings for the ten key flu te, but nonetheless, he taught himself to play the songs of Orquesta Aragn When Lorente was a teenager, he had a friend who led a charanga in Marianao, Cuba (a suburb of Havana) in the Playa Santa Fe neighborhood Lorente wanted to play with the chara nga but he did not know how to read music because he hadnt yet studied music formally He first asked to have a teacher show him how to play before he approached his friend about performing in his charanga. Lorentes flute teacher, the flute player in Barbarito Diezs charanga and the cousin of Antonio Arcao, had a fivekey flute. This was the first time Lorente had played the fivekey charanga flute and within six months, he had mastered the instrument 68 The practice of performing from recordings also links up with the revivalist trope of learning earlier styles th rough recordings of an earlier authentic age.

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233 Lorente wanted to then study with Arcao but the maestro did not want to teach any more students. Arcao wasnt playing much in those days and he already had too many students, but Lorentes flute teacher asked him to at least listen to the boy. Arcao asked Lorente if he knew the song Fefita by Jos Urf and Lorente said yes. Lorente played the danzn and Arcao immediately asked Lorente if he could come back to play for him the next day. Despite being Arcaos student, Lorente did not play like Arcao. Arcaos style was from a different era, the era of danzn, and Arcao had a much softer and more romantic style than the current popular method of playing Lorente preferred to play more like his idol, Richard Eges, especially when it came to playing chachach. He states that i nterpreting the feeling of charanga the charanga style, is not something that can be taught in schools but must be learned from the masters, like Eges This statement is significant relative to the history of charanga performance practice. The issue regarding the development of the contradanza in nineteenthcentury Cuba, rais ed by Carpentier and Manuel in Chapter T hree, supports Lorentes position that the evolution of charanga cannot be tied to any one single evolutionary aspect. Lorente, learning charanga from Arcao, yet performing like Eges is a perfect example. Eventually, Lorente too wanted to learn to play the modern Boehm system flute. He then began studying the Boehm flute with Alfredo Portela while continuing to learn to play the charanga flute with Arcao. During this time, the wood of Lorentes five key flute had cracked, so he started to learn to play charanga exclusively on the Boehm flute. Because of this ability to play both the charanga flute as well as the Boehm flute, he was made a mem ber of the Orquesta Amrica de Ninn Mondjar in 1979. Lorente

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234 played with Orquesta Amrica in Santiago, Cuba for carnival seasons ( from July through September) where many charangas gathered. At his first performance, according to Lorentes wife, Rosamar a, all the charanga musicians stopped to listen to Lorente play the flute. In the late 1970s, Rafael Ley, the leader of Orquesta Aragon, began looking for a successor for his flutist, Richard Eges. In 1984, Ley selected Rene Lorente because of his ability to play like Eges as well as in his own unique style. With the money from his new job, Lorente was able to purchase another fivekey flute from Olga Castro, the original flute player from the all female dance band, Orquesta Anacaona, for $200 Cub an pesos. Lorente performed with Orquesta Aragn on both the Boehm flute and the charanga flute until he moved to the United States in 1990. Upon arrival in the U.S., Lorente formed a charanga and released several recordings. His recording, Concepto en Flauta on the Hamelin Records label, was nominated for a Latin Grammy Award in 2005. As of late, Lorente has been unable to form a nother charanga in the U S because almost all Cuban musicians have to work day jobs and have no managerial representation. Securing managerial support for the charangas is difficult because charangas are large ensembles, with a minimum of twelve to fifteen musicians, making them more expensive to hire than smaller ensembles with fewer personnel to pay The best most of the m can do is to gather in ad hoc groups to play low paying gigs. T he reality of the economics of directing a charanga in the U.S. also points towards notions of nostalgia and authenticity. Clearly, charanga musicians perform on a consistent

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235 basis more for the love and preservation of what they consider authentic charanga music than for any type of financial gain. Lorente states that perfo rming for low pay and limited recognition is extremely detrimental to the continuation of the charangas and the genres of music they perform because a n ensemble must play together often, with a cohesive style influenced by the director, in order to form a distinct sound and musical identity. And not only is it important to charanga musicians to develop a distinct musical identity, many like Lorente feel an obligation to try to remain as authentic to the charanga sound as possible. The responsibility for maintaining the sound of charanga as a symbol of national identity is taken very seriously. Lorente has better hopes f or the life and longevity of charanga in Cuba because i n Cu ba, these ensembles are financially supported by the government. This is not the case in the U.S. Even so, Lorente states that m ost contemporary musicians in Cuba do not know the charanga sound. He states that the performance practices for charanga are completely different than playing classical or jazz or other popular forms. Charanga has a more brilliant sound, uses dis tinct improvisatory techniques such as employing a set of standard melodic r iffs, and charanga fl ute players must also learn to pace the ensemble through the use of improvisation, resting in certain places in the montuno section, while also playing in an animated manner to raise the excitement of the audience in other places of the montuno Many charanga musicians believe that learning the nuances of charanga performance practices can only come from learning to play charanga from other charanga musicians. For example, Lorente tells the story of being contacted by the internationa l flute icon, James Galway regarding charanga

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236 performance practice. Lorente stated to me that the charanga style of flute playing is so unique that Galway realized that he needed Lorente to teach him how to play charanga in an effort to recreate the charanga sound for one of Galways recordings This supports the notion that authenticity must come directly from the charanga masters. Regarding performance practice, Lorente also states that the style of any piece, as well as the overall style of a char anga ensemble, really depends on the performance practice characteristics of each individual flute player As stated prior, after the 1930s, all the major charanga flute players looked to Arcao as the progenitor of contemporary charanga flute playing des pite the fact that stylistically, Arcao had a much sweeter, romantic, more classical sound than that of the charanga flute players that followed (Giro 2007, 3: 43), most of whom fashioned their style of playing after Orquesta Aragn flutist, Richard Eg es. Indeed, for many, Eges is considered the preeminent, archetypal modern charanga flute player. There are, however, performance practice constants and characteristics of the instrument that clearly demonstrate the general style of charanga flute playi ng linking the 'classical' sound of Arcao to the modern sound of Eges. One such characteristic is the overall sweet and mellow timbre of the middle register and the brilliant quality of the upper registers (Pancho El Bravo: Personal interview 2002) The practice of consistently performing in the higher registers makes the charanga five key wooden flute a very difficult instrument to play. The tone holes are wide apart, making it almost impossible for many women (or men with small hands) to play the i nstrument because smaller fingers are unable to cover the holes completely. This is only one of the main reasons why it is men who typically play the charanga flute. Figure

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237 4 7 below provides a good example of the distance between tone holes on the charanga flute. In this photograph I am holding the instrument, barely covering the tone holes with my fingers stretched as far as possible. It would take great effort and many hours of training for me to be able to develop the physical capacity to master the charanga flute and to play with the high level of virtuosity required of these musicians Figure 47 Sunni Witmer and Rene Lorente in Miami, Florida on December 18, 2010. (Source: Photo courtesy of Sunni Witmer.) The embouchure needed to play the cha ranga flute is also different than that required to play the Boehm system flute. The charanga flute embouchure is tighter, smaller, and more force is needed to fill the instrument with a sufficient amount of air. A

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238 charanga flute player needs a very stro ng embouchure to play the instrument. As Lorente puts it, a que tener labios muy caliente [one must have very hot lips] to play the charanga flute (Personal interview 2010). Lorentes own embouchure is small, tilted down to the right and off centered. He states that this is because charanga flute players often have to play for up to thirty minutes at a time without resting, as well as play for almost the entire performance (often up to five or six hours) due to the fact that the flut e is the solo instrument. Maintaining that kind of stamina is tiring so charanga flute players will slightly lower their arms, thereby causing the flute to tilt downward to the right. Lorente also has a callus on his lip something typically unheard of i n Boehm system flute performance practices the result of having to force so much air through the instrument in order to play in the higher registers. He also says that having first played the charanga flute made it easier for him to learn to play the higher registers on the Boehm flute. According to Lorente, almost all charanga flute players, if they are musically literate, will study from the Gran Metodo Complto de Flauta Adoptado por el Conservatorio por Tolou, the Spanish version of Jean Louis Tulous Mthode de flte, progressive et raisone: adapte par le Comit d 'enseignement du Conservatoire national de Musique (first printed in 1835) to facilitate their technique. The Tulou method book was also translated into English in 1995 by Janice Dockendorff Boland and Martha F. Cannon. The method book contains fingerings, etudes, scales, and exercises for articulation and ornamentation, all for the onekey to five key French Baroque flute. For example, Tulous method book provides information on the proper execution of the two most important ornamentations in Baroque flute playing, trills and

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239 turns. These techniques are also stock ornamentations for charanga flute players C haranga trills or shakes, are performed more like mordents with the primar y note sounding first. Turns may consist of the traditional four note pattern or a threenote pattern when played in a descending scale. Most mordents are played in sequence and can also include wide octave leaps. The ability to perform these techniques requires a high level of virtuosity. Figure 48 Charanga Flute Trill/Mordent, fully notated. Lorente states that Tulous method book is most useful to charanga flute players for the numerous exercises it provides illustrating alternate fingerings. Because of its complex fingerings executing proper technique is cumbersome and notes on the charanga flute are difficult to play, especially in the higher register, the one most desired for performing the charanga style. With only five keys, the charanga flute uses a forked fingering and half hole fingering system and there can be as many as nineteen alternate fingerings for a single note, each alterin g the pitch in small degrees. [See: Appendix B Five K ey Flute Fingering Chart.] Alternate fingerings also affect the timbre and tonal color of any note. Tulous method book also provides information on how to execute the four primary Baroque articulations: the simple tongue ( tu ), the staccato tongue, the double tongue ( tu

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240 ku ), and the lour ( du).69 These are articulations also performed by charanga flute players, especially the staccato and doubletonguing patterns. There are also a wide variety of articulation patterns offered by Tulou and many are emplo yed by charanga flutists. [See Figure 49 .] Most often, however, the articulation preferred by charanga flutists is the staccato simple tongue or double tongue. Playing staccato adds a rhythmic element to the flute parts and accentuates notes played in the higher registers. Figure 49 Various Baroque tonguing patterns used by charanga flute players. (Source: Tulous A Method for the Flute, written in 1851 and translated by Janice Dockendorff Boland and Martha F. Cannon in 1995: 8.) Flute solos in charanga are most often played within the upper boundaries of the flutes range, and astonishingly, according to Lorente, many solos frequently extend up to F8 (as he so easily demonstrated for me). These notes are obtained, as mentioned, 69 The lour is used for notes that have dots notated above them, but that fall under a slur.

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241 through the use of various and complicated alternate fingerings as the typical written range of the charanga flute only extends to G#7. Due to the practice of playing in the extreme high register, the charanga flute is also very loud, as it would have to be in order to be heard above the rest of the ensemble. In fact, the charanga flute, played in the upper register, can compete in decibels with a m odern trumpet. Regarding the improvisatory technique critical for correct charanga flute playing, French Baroque influence is obvious in the performance practices used by many charanga flutists and often the figures played bear close resemblance to the florid ornamentation that typified the Baroque period. Generally speaking, improvisatory passages played by charanga flutists tend to be highly arpeggiated, less chromatic, and more straight rhythmically (versus swung) than similar passages played by impro visatory jazz flutists. Sue Miller also states that: Compared to jazz, Cuban flute improvisation entails more arpeggiated figures and is less chromatic in nature. It is virtuosic in a different way. The rhythmic nature of Cuban music requires phrasing to be well placed in fact, the Cuban solo style could be described as dancing with the rhythm. The flute sound is clear, high and assertively articulated. The notes in general are short and tongued (2003) Wide octave leaps on the dominant are characteristi c and common. The tpico charanga players also use a stock of melodic phrases and rhythmic motives that have been passed down through the generations and feature the aforementioned characteristics (Murphy 1991: 122). The preference for playing in the extreme register using sharp articulations and marked phrasing, as well as the incorporation of florid Baroque ornamentations during improvisation are the hallmarks of charanga flute playing. The following example of an improvised solo by Rene Lorente notates these performance practices

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242

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243

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244 Figure 410. Measures 80 139 of Rene Lorentes improvised flute solo in L a Cantina, composed by Richard Eges, provide a clear example of staccato Baroque articulations, mordents, octave leaps, sequencing, and improvisation based upon the tonic and dominant. The full transcription is provided in Appendix D Musical Transcriptions The manner of tuning the charanga flute is also distinct and is directly related to the purposeful manipulation of the instruments timbre. In order to achieve the desired high, brilliant sound characteristic of the instrument, charanga flute players who were trained to sound more like Eges (and less like Arcao) will pull the headjoint as far out as possible from the barrel. This g ives the charanga flute its unique, loud, penetrating sound. When the headjoint is pushed in, as would have been the typical performance practice in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the flute has a much softer, almost muted, sweeter sound (as dem onstrated by Lorente during a meeting I had with him ). Indeed, the di fference in timbre is striking and it provided an excellent example of the more art music sound preferred by Arcao. Figure 411 below reveals how Arcao would play the charanga flute with the headjoint pushed in order to produce the sweeter, softer timbre of the instrument.

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245 Figure 411. Photograph of Antonio Arcao playing the charanga flute with the headjoint pushed all the way into the barrel of the instrument. The photograph was taken by Cuban photographer Luis M. Fernndez (Pirole) for an interview Cuban cultural critic Rosa Ileana Boudet conducted with Arcao in 1974. (Source: Lanzar la flecha bien lejos Last accessed 5/6/2011. http://lanzarlaflecha.blogspot.com/2007_01_01_archive.html ) With the headjoint pushed all the way in and the tuning cork in the standard position, the flute plays at approximately A440. Charanga flute players will move the tuning cork as close as possible to the embouchure hole to create the distinctive charanga sound, therefore requiring that the headjoint be pulled out in an almost direct proportion in order to achieve A440. Because the headjoint is pulled out to acquire the characteristically brilliant sound, adjusting other sections of the instrument is necessary in order to play in tune. Today in order to tune the instrument to A440, contemporary charanga flute players will manipulate the position of the headjoint of the flute by adjusting it in or out relative to the barrel, as well as manipulating the tuning cork in the

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246 headjoint. As mentioned, t he tuning cork is typically positioned very near the embouchure hole, which is another technique used to brighten the soun d and alter the sonic properties of the instrument, but it also has a corollary regarding tuning. Charanga flute players will also move the tuning cork as close to the embouchure hole as possible in order to be able to play the higher registers with great er technical ease. One of the more interesting manipulations of the instrument in order to achieve the desired charanga timbre is the altering of the mouthpiece. Charanga flute players will actually shave down the area surrounding the embouchure hole as much as a millimeter in order to affect the pitch of the instrument to play A440. Figure 412 below is a clear example of how Lorente has altered (shaved down) the headjoint of his charanga flute. Also notice how the headjoint is pulled out approximatel y an inch from the barrel. Another example is found in Figure 397, where we can see that Eddy Zervign, the charanga flutist for Orquesta Broadway, has also shaved down the headjoint of his charanga flute to alter the timbre as well as for tuning purposes. Figure 412. The altered headjoint of Rene Lorentes charanga flute. Permanently altering the instrument to achieve a desired timbre may seem a bit extreme, given the rarity and fragility of these instruments. It is done, however, not only because performance practices dictate that the timbre of the instrument be bright, high, and loud much unlike the timbre for which it was originally invented; the sweet, soft

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247 timbre of the Baroque chamber ensemble but also because the instrument is notoriously dif ficult to play in tune. U ntil circa the eighteenth cent ury, late in the Baroque period when these flutes were being made, e qual temperance was not a universally accepted performance practice. In time, temperance became the standard practice and performer s were required to manipulate their instruments to achieve it. Playing in tune on the charanga flute is extremely challenging as each note must be tweaked to achieve the desired pitch and tone In an effort to mitigate problem s with intonation, m any alte rnate fingerings were developed and are now available to charanga flute players Alternate fingerings facilitate technical passages as well as assist in playing the instrument in tune. Charanga flute players will also often half hole notes to get them in tune These performance practices can be seen in a video I recorded on December 18, 2010 of Rene Lorente. Object 4 1. Video recording of Rene Lorente performing Mira a ver quien es : Baila, Catalina ( Look Who it Is: Dance, Catherine), composed in the 1950 s by Victor Marin. (MPG file 41.0 MB)

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248 In this video, Lorentes embouchure is skewed to the right and off center. The improvisations he executes are perfect examples of the types of Baroque ornamentation used by charanga flute players. The timbre of the instrument is bright and loud and in the video, Lorente will manipulate the headjoint a few times to play better in tun e. The composition Lorente performs is a tira ch ( tira tira chachach) titled Mira a ver quien es : Baila, Catalina ( Look Who it Is: Dance, Catherine), composed in the 1950s by Victor Marin, the long time composer for Orquesta Aragon. Lorente plays along to a recording made by Rene Lorente y su Charanga Cubana, who perform the song without the flute, which Lorente later adds live in order to practice his improvisations In many charanga performances I have witness ed, both live and videorecorded from the late 1940s to the present the flutist is often elevated on a platform above the rest of the musicians and placed at either the right or left side of the ensemble, not the middle, which is where one would think an ensemble might position its soloist. Even if the flutist is not elevated, they are still typically placed to the side. The middle of the stage is reserved for the vocalists who will sometimes double on violin or giro .70 This is an inherent characteristic of charanga performance practi ces According to Sue Miller, this specific placement of instrumentation is due to the popularity of the vocalists and their centrality to the ensemble beginning in the mid twentieth century in Cuba Dancing is also a primary feature of the vocalists and the flutist is not included in this 70 A YouTube video of a circa 1979 recording of flutist Richard Eges performing the iconic chachach, El Bodeguero for the Show Del Medioda, recorded live in Havana demonstrates charanga performance practices . Eges is placed on a platform to the side of the stage. Note how Eges embouchure tilts down to the right (just as does Lorentes). Eges plays in the bright timbre desired by charanga flutists and the headjoint of his instrument is pulled out from the barrel. His improvisatory ornamentations are numerous and the rhythmic vamp played by the violins in the montuno section is pronounced. T he singing is in unison, and together, this provides a perfect example of charanga performance practices: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZE4niTFlds4&feature=related

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249 choreography, so it is the vocalists that must be placed front and center. Charanga flutist Richard Eges was revolutionary in that he was often billed in larger print than the vocalists due to his virtuosic improvi sation skills (Personal E mail: May 8, 2011). In addition, the flute is a transverse instrument and placing the flutist on a platform not only protects the player from accidental contact with the dancing vocalists, it also helps to transmit the sound of the instrument further back into the performance venue and over the volume of the other instruments and vocalists. Figures 3 63, 370, and 375 are good examples of this more contemporary configuration of instrumentation placement. Prior to the midtwenti eth century, and before the addition of choreographed vocalists, the flutist was placed next to the pianist, in front, and either to the side or in the middle of the ensemble depending upon the venue. This substantiates Millers conclusions. Figures 322, 3 23, 3 24, 3 36, and 337 are good examples of earlier charanga instrumentation placement. In the United States, the charanga performance practices of Orquesta Aragn have been perpetuated by older charanga flutists Eddy Zervign from Orquesta Broadway in New York, Jos Fajardo y sus Estrellas (who has since passed away), and Eduardo Aguirre, the director of Charanga Tpica Tropical, in Miami, Florida.71 Orquesta Broadway, the oldest and one of the foremost charangas in the U.S., having performed for over forty years, plays in what is known as the tpico style, seen as a traditional and therefore, authentic style of performance (Murphy 1991: 120). Zervign studied with Richard Eges and while Eges has since passed away, Zervign 71 Each of these three charanga flutists also had very successful careers in Cuba before immigrating to the U.S.

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250 continues to play in the Cuban tpico style. See Figure 3 98 for a photo of Aguirre and Zervign with Lorente in Miami.72 To substantiate my observations regarding performance practices of charanga ensembles and musicians, I have analyzed five recordings that I believe to be worthy representations of different elements and historical phases of charanga performance. Each of the five was chosen because of its unique contribution to the history, style, and art of charanga Three are ea rly 78 rpm recordings of charangas that have not been widely heard since some time after they were recorded in the 1920s and 1930s.73 I discovered these recordings in the archives of the Daz Ayala Collection at Florida International University, the larges t collection of recorded Cuban music in the world. The other two recordings are remastered compact discs of recordings made in Cuba: one is a 1960 recording of Pancho El Bravo performing a tira tira and the other is a 1986 live recording of Rene Lorente f ronting Orquesta Aragn. The analyses of these recordings are presented here in chronological order. My transcriptions are the most accurate approximations possible given the poor condition of the recordings and/or the limitations of the technology used to record the original performances whether they were recorded live or in a studio. The improvisations of the flute performances are approximate due to 72 In Europe, the performance practices of Richard Eges and Orquesta Aragn are perpetuated by the charanga ensemble, Charanga del Norte, led by flutist Sue Miller from Leeds, England. Miller was fortunate to have studied with Eges before he passed away an d so the legacy of the Eges inspired performance practices of Orquesta Aragn continue through another generation. See Figure 398 for a photo of Charanga del Norte. 73 In researching recordings that have subsequently been remastered and commercially released, I have found several that may have had the same charanga performing the same song with the same title, but the recordings and performances from the Diaz Ayala collection are, for the most part, different. Of the three 78rpm recordings, only two, Li nda Cubana and Partiendo Coco, have just recently been professionally remastered, but in both cases, the tempo was increased from that of the original 78rpms, thereby altering the original key and obliterating several sonic elements such as detailed ins trumental parts in an effort to reduce hiss and pops.

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251 the complexity of the solos and the poor quality of the recordings C omplete transcriptions for all five recordings can be found in Appendix D Musical Transcriptions The earliest recording I analyzed w as the danzn Linda Cubana, written by flutist Tata Pereira in 1924. The ensemble provides an interesting illustration of nascent charanga performance practices. It is a perfect example of early twentiethcentury charangas who performed elegant danzones yet still incorporated some of the instrumentation of the orquesta tpicas whose sound w as more of a military band performing popular music with art music style than that of a salon ensemble. Although called a charanga francesa, the ensemble is actual ly a hybrid orquesta tpica due to the inclusion of the clarinet and the ophecleide in the instrumentation. Orquesta Tata Pereira 78 rpm Studio recording Columbia 2247X_A_Linda Cubana* (Tata Pereira) Columbia 2247X_B_Sandunguita (Tata Pereira) Recording Date: 1924 Time: 3:25 Genre: Danzn Instrumentation: called charanga francesa but actually a hybrid orquesta tpica Flute Tata Pereira Clarinet Ophicleide Violin Piano Pailas criollas Giro Object 4 2 1924 audio r ecording of Orquesta Tata Pereira performing the danzn, Linda Cubana, with Tata Pereira on flute. (Source: DAC. Public Domain. ) ( WAV file 34.5 MB )

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252 Figure 413. Ca. 1910s photo of Juan Tata Francisco Pereira, flutist and director of one of the most popular charangas /orquestas tpicas at the turn of the twentieth century. Tata also composed many danzones in a very criollo style (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 109). (Source: CHC. Public Domain.)

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253 Figure 414. 78 rpm Columbia recording label of Linda Cubana, by T ata Pereira. (Source: DAC. Public Domain. ) The form of this composition is that of a typical early danzn. The A section features the main melody played primarily by the flute and harmonized by the clarinet and violin. Beginning in measure 99, the B sect ion begins with the flute and violin (playing pizzicato) in a rhythmic vamp. Measure 148 is another return to A. Measure 181 begins the C section for an ABAC form. Very little ornamentation is played by the solo instruments and there in only a little im provisation of the melody in the flute part in section C. The syncopation of a modified habanera rhythm is played in the percussion and the feel of the cinquillo (the defining rhythm of the danzn) is found in the interlocking rhythms between the percussi on and the bass in the ophecleide and the left hand of the piano. There is an anticipated bass pattern in several measures in section C and the percussion begins to play the distinctive cinquillo pattern of the danzn beginning in measure 11. The flute performs most of the lead melody and employs some ornamentation. The clarinet and violins also assist with the melody as does the piano In measure 14, there is a good example of the ornamentation used by charanga flute players : a simple grace note which added interest to the straightforward melody.

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254 Figure 415. Measures 119 of the transcription of Linda Cubana by flutist Tata Pereira.

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255 The danzn, Paella, by Machito and flutist Joseto Valds is a piece written at a time (circa 1930) shortly after several formal changes were made to the danzn, the most important being the incorporation of the son montuno section, ori ginating with Jos Urf in 1910. We also begin to find much more elaborate piano parts in danzones of this era due to the Western art music influence s of pianist Antonio Mara Romeu. The flute part, in contrast, is relatively simplistic with very little ornamentation and little or no improvisation.74 Orquesta Ideal 78 rpm Studio recording Panart_1033_A_Paella* (Machito and Joseto Valds) Panart_1033_B_Guayacan (Joseto Valds) Recording Date: ca. 1930 Time: 3:02 Genre: Danznson Instrumentation: charanga francesa Flute Joseto Valds Violins (2) Piano Contrabass Timbales Cencerro Object 4 3. Ca. 1930 audio recording of Orquesta Ideal performing the danzn, Paella, by Machito and Joseto Valds, with Joseto Valds on flute. (Source: DAC. Public Domain. ) ( WAV file 30.6 MB ) As in most danzones of this period, the melodies and harmonies in Paella are simple and straightforward and the chord progression alternates between the tonic and dominant in the montuno section. The instrumentation of this charanga is simple w ith only flute, two violins, piano, contrabass, timbales and cencerro. Interestingly, the 74 For more detailed information regarding the general formal characteristics of danzones please refer to the section on danzn in Chapter Three.

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256 giro, an essential percussion instrument in almost all charanga ensemble performances, is not used in this recording. The flute performs most of the melody, except when the violins and piano are soloing. The cinquillo is found in the syncopation played in the percussion through interlocking rhythms between the percussion, the bass, and the left hand of the piano. The anticipated bass pattern is prominent in the m ontuno and the cencerro plays a straight quarter note rhythm in compliment. Figure 416. 1930s photo of composer and flutist Joseto Valds. Valds was also the director of Orquesta Ideal in the 1940s (Rodrguez Domnguez 1967: 241). (Source: Public Domain.)

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257 Paella begins as a typical danzn with a distinctive introductory eight measure (with two pick up measures) A section with the flute as the solo melody instrument. The B section begins in measure ten and features the violins and piano. This section is characteristically more flowing with longer note durations and slurs in the melody, arpeggiated chords in the piano, a very simple bass line, and no percussion, clearly revealing a Western art music influence. Measure 33 begins the pick up to t he return to the A section. Measure 44 signals to the dancers that section C, the montuno section is beginning. During the montuno the violins and piano play harmonic rhythm under the solo flute for most of the section and the violins will also play melody on occasion. Beginning in measure 64, the piano begins an eight measure solo, employing triplets and syncopation against steady downbeat percussion parts and an anticipated bass pattern in the contrabass. The charanga flute returns as the primary i nstrument in measure 75 and performs what appears to be a slightly improvised melo dy until the end of the piece. Figure 417. 78 rpm Panart recording label of the Orquesta Ideal performing Paella, by Machito and Joseto Valds (Source: DAC. Public D omain.)

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258 Figure 418. Measures 7477 of the montuno section of Paella by flutist Joseto Valds and Machito, illustrating the anticipated bass pattern, the cinquillo created in the syncopation played in the percussion through interlocking rhythms between the percussion, the bass, and the left hand of the piano, the straight quarter note rhythm in the cencerro and the violins playing a pizzicato rhythmic harmony

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259 The d anzn, Partiendo Coco, written by the quintessential charanga pianist Antonio Mara Romeu, also incorporates the montuno in the final section of this composition. The form of Partiendo Coco is that of a typical danzn son There is a characteristic sixteenmeasure (with pick up) introduction, the A section, marking the main melody played by the flute. The B section begins in measure 18 and features the flute playing the melody, accompanied by the vio lins and piano playing harmony The violins also p lay the melody towards the end of the section. The return to section A occurs in measure 50. And just as in the example we saw in Paella, measure 65 signals the beginning of the montuno It also changes the key from A M ajor to A minor. There is little ornamentation in the flute part in the montunotypically just triplets or a trill on the dominant and there appears to be no improvisation. The cinquillo rhythm is pervasive. Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu 78 rpm Studio recording Victor_82830_A_Partiendo Coco* (Antonio Mara Romeu) Victor_82830_B_De amor no se muere nadie (Faustino Mir): Barbarito Diez, vocals Recording Date: ca. 1937 Time: 3:01 Genre: Danznson Instrumentation : charanga francesa Flute Francisco Delabart Vi olins (2) Piano Timbales Giro Object 4 4. Ca. 1937 audio recording of The Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu performing the danzn, Partiendo Coco by Antonio Mara Romeu with Francisco Delabart on flute. (Source: DAC. Public Domain. ) ( WAV file 30.5 MB )

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260 The style of Romeus danzn is light, and again like Valds Paella, incorporates melodic, rhythmic, and harmonic elements of Western art music in its composition. The Afro Cuban instrumentation in the percussion and the popular song form are what define this piece as a danzn. The piano, flute, and violins sound as comfortable playing a danzn as they would a sonata. The giro has an important role in Partiendo Coco. It is responsible for presenting the cinquillo rhythm and working with the timbales and the bass, in the left hand of the piano, to establish the classic danzn rhythmic style. There is syncopation in all voicings but it is the giro that adds rhythmic interest with periodic changes in the rhythmic pattern, such as the use o f rapid sixt eenthnote shimmers. As mentioned, the cinquillo rhythm is pervasive in Partiendo Coco, especially in the percussion in the montuno section. Figure 419. 78 rpm Victor recording label of the Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu performing the danzn Partiendo Coco, with Francisco Delabart on flute. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.)

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261

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262 Figure 420. The intro and beginning of the montuno section, measures 5671 of Partiendo Coco by flutist Antonio Mara Romeu featuring the flute trill (notated), and the key change from A major to A minor

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263 The next composition I analyzed, Tira Tira Callejero recorded in 1960 by Pancho el Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira, is a perfect example of the tira tira genre, which is based on the tira tira rhythm created by Pancho El Bravo.75 The instrumentation for this charanga is the full instrumentation for a typical midtwentieth century charanga. It includes the charanga flute, three vocalists, two violins, piano, contrabass, and the AfroCuban percussion: conga, timbales, cencerro, and giro. The percussion is prominent, playing the tira tira rhythm throughout the piece, while the melodic and harmonic instruments support the vocalists throughout each sung verse and refrain. During the montuno, which begins in measure 48, the charanga flute takes over as soloist while the violins and piano play a rhythmic vamp based on the melody over which the flute improvises. The vocalists return with the refrain towards the end of the song after a twelve measure flute solo wh ich begins in measure 64. Pancho el Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira CD Remastered in 2005 by Caney Records of Spain Studio recording Caney_CCD522_Tira Tira Callejero (Pancho El Bravo) Recording Date: 1960 Time: 2:30 Genre: Tira Tira Instrumentation: charanga Flute Pancho el Bravo Violins (2) Piano Contrabass Conga Timbales Cencerro Giro Voices (3) Object 4 5. 1960 audio recording of Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo featuring the tira tira rhythm and Pancho El Bravo on flute. (Source: Caney CCD522. Used with Permission. ) ( WAV file 25.2 MB ) 75 For more information on the tira tira rhythm and form, see the section on tira tira in Chapter Three.

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264 Figure 421. Pancho El Bravos flute improvisations in the montuno section of Tira Tira Callejero. Techniques include rapid tonguing, syncopation, m ordents (written out), octave leaps, grace notes, and other ornamentations and improvisations that alternate back and forth from the tonic to the dominant. It is in the montuno section where we hear the sonic acrobatics displayed by skillful charanga flute players such as Pancho El Bravo. The performance practices for

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265 the instrument by this time had been directly influenced by the charanga flute players from Orquesta Aragn and were designed to showcase the virtuosic technical abilities of the perform er, a huge departure from the simple role the flute played in the ensemble in earlier years. Throughout the montuno, Pancho El Bravo performs octave leaps, a good amount of ornamentation such as mordents and gracenotes, high notes with rhythmic emphasis matching that of the violins, with everything improvised while playing in the highest register of the instrument. Throughout the piece, the tira tira rhythm is prominent The conga maintains heavy emphasis on strong beats. The giro performs the distinct ive quarter note followed by two eighthnotes pattern. The cencerro plays straight quart er notes and is paired with the timbales which play on beats one and three. Combined, t his accentuates the straight rhythmic patterns in the percussion and its emphas is on the downbeats as it interlocks with the syncopation in the piano and contrabass parts F igur e 422. The tira tira percussion rhythms in Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo.

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266 Regarding its formal structure, Tira Tira Callejero could be equated to the two sections of the Cuban rumba, the diana and the canto. Given that Pancho El Bravo had a strong association wit h Afro Cuban musical traditions it is no surprise that he would incorporate musical elements into his charanga compos itions from the other musical genres he performed. Below is a photograph that leaves clues to this possibility. Figure 423. A clue to the fact that Pancho El Bravo had a strong association with AfroCuban musical traditions and that it would certainly be feasible for him to incorporate musical elements into his charanga compositions from Afro Cuban musical genres such as the rumba, can be seen in the photograph taken of his ensemble. Pancho El Bravo is the gentleman in the center, the only one wearing a white hat, the specific type of hat worn by rumberos ( rumba performers). (Source: DAC. Public Domain.)

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267 Tira Tira Callejero opens with an introduction, called by one of the vocalists, much like the diana in rumba. The following sections begin with the refrain of the song, starting in measure six, which is sung by two vocalists. The first verse, beginning in measure 18, is the main melody sung by the solo lead vocalist. A second vocalist joins the soloist in uni son for the second half of the first verse beginning in measure 25. In measure 34, a second refrain begins and signals that the piece is moving into the montuno section by acting as a vamp that is later repeated throughout the montuno. There is a six measure bridge that begins in measure 42 and acts as a call to begin the montuno, which starts in measure 48. Throughout the montuno, the three vocalists respond to the call in a call and response manner. These sung verses would be the equivalent to t he canto section of the rumba which is a modified strophic form. Figure 424. Album cover for Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira. (Source: DAC. Public Domain.)

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268 Oye! Por la calle! Oye, Oye, Oye! Estn tocando tira tira callejero. Oye, Oye, Oye! Estn tocando tira tira callejero. Todos los quieren bailar Porque es sabroso pa gozar! Ay, que contento me pongo Cuando lo siento tocar, Y donde lo estn tocando, Que llego yo Lo empiezo a bailar. Ya ustedes ven Que yo estoy contento. Que yo tam bin Lo bailo y me divierto. Y los pollitos Piden a gritos El tira tira para gozar. Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von! Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Eh! Eh! Eh! Aprtate! Ahi viene Pancho! Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von! Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Hey! Lets go out Hey, hey, hey! They are playing You Go, Boy! Hey, hey, hey! They are playing You Go, Boy! Everyone wants to dance Because its fun! Oh, how happy it makes me When I hear it playing, And wherever it is playing, When I arrive I start dancing. Now you can see That I am happy. That I too Enjoy dancing. And the chicks Clamor To enjoy the Go-Go rhythm. Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom! Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! Hey! Hey! Hey! Make way! Here comes Pancho! What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah !! Boom, boom, boom! Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! Figure 425. The lyrics to Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo.

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269 The lyrics to Tira Tira Callejero are filled with slang and idioms as they mimic the hipster attitudes of the late 1950s and early 1960s. The title of the song, written in 1960, is a slang term that refers to a freespirited, funloving person who likes to go out and party, often without caring abo ut the consequences (but not necessarily with any attached value judgments). The slang use of the verb tirar means to kiss off or tell off and the term callejero refers to someone who is street wise. Tira Tira also refers to the rhythm created by Pancho El Bravo, loosely translated as a gogo rhythm, clear reference to the funloving times prior to the Cuban Revolution of 1959 when international jetsetters, celebrities, and party goers would flock to the casinos and nightclubs of Havana to wat ch nightclub acts and enjoy activities that might have been illegal (such as gambling) in their own countries. The use of vocables, loosely translated as boom, boom, boom, a popular lyrical device at the time, displays international musical influences, giving a nod to the use of yeah, yeah, yeah by early American and British rock androll artists. The idiom, piden a gritos, refers to how the chicks (girls) like to scream when they hear the music; another allusion to the way popular musicians would influence their audiences. Figu re 4 26. Pancho El Bravo performing live in 1969. (Source: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yeaY0w69RfM .)

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270 Figure 427. Measures 5962 of Tira Tira Callejero provide a good example of the virtuosic flute part, the three vocalists singing in unison, the syncopated violin, piano, and bass parts providing harmonic rhythm, and the percussion playing the tira tira rhythm with its emphasis on the strong beats

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271 Figu re 4 2 8 Compact Disc cover for Rene Lorente y su Flauta con la Orquesta Aragn. I n the photograph, Lorente is playing the Boehm flute (and is placed to the side of the ensemble). On the album cover, he is holding his charanga flute, a good example of how charanga flute players will perform on both instruments. (Source: Photo and CD courtesy of Rene Lorente.) Recorded live in Havana in 1986, Orquesta Aragns La Cantina, written by flutist Richard Eges in 1957, is an exemplary model of a mid twentieth ce ntury charanga ensemble at its finest. The piece is a tira ch a combination of the tira tira rhythm and the chachach the genre for which Eges is most famous. Many of the chachachas

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272 written by Eges have remained canons of the genre and La Cantina is an excellent example.76 Rene Lorente y su Flauta con la Orquesta Aragn CD Remastered in 2005 by Hamlin Rec ords of Coral Gables, Florida Live recording Hamlin Records_HR 2402_La Cantina (Richard Eges) Recording Date: 1986 Time: 4:57 Genre: Tira ch (Includes elements of the tira tira and the chachach) Instrumentation: charanga Flute Rene Lorente Violins (3) Piano Contrabass Conga Timbales Cencerro Giro Voices (3) Object 4 6. 1986 live audio recording of Rene Lorente performing La Cantina by Richard Eges, with Orquesta Aragn. This recording was made before a live audience during the Domingo con Rosillo program in the studio of Radio Progresso in Havana, Cuba in 1986. (Source: Hamlin Records HR2402. Used with Permission.) ( WAV f ile 50 .0 MB ) The instrumentation for La Cantina features Rene Lorente on charanga flute as well as three vocalists, three violins, piano, contrabass, congas timbales cencerro and giro. Although various members of Orquesta Aragn have changed since i ts inception in 1939, many are very long time members whose performance practices have set the standard for contemporary charangas. For example, the giro player has been with Orquesta Aragn for close to fifty years (Lorente: Personal interview 2010). T hat type of longevity of membership within this ensemble solidifies the overall style of the 76 See the section on tira tira and chachach in Chapter Three for more information.

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273 charanga and firmly establishes consistent and popular performance practices over time. The familiarity of the sound of Orquesta Aragn is perhaps one of the reas ons why it has been so popular for so long and why it is so well loved by the Cuban people. The ensemble is also seen as an authentic representation of Cubanness and when Cubans in exile hear recordings of the ensemble, they have feelings of nostalgia and re imagine what for them was a more simple, glamorous time (during the 1940s 1960s) in Cubas history (Lorente: Personal interview 1011). These notions of authenticity and tradition, that in turn support their notion of Cuban identity, is reinforced by what they hear as the recognizable and familiar musical elements of La Cantina. The form of La Cantina is a simple tira ch in the first section, followed by a montuno. The piece begins with a short twelvemeasure introduction and includes thematic elements (i.e., variations on the main melody) played by the flute. The first section begins with the vocalists singing the chorus for sixteen measures starting in measure 13. The vocal soloist sings an eight measure verse beginning in measure 29 and t he chorus follows with the refrain again for sixteen measures. The soloist then sings a second eight measure verse beginning in measure 53, followed by another return by the chorus in a modified strophic form Throughout the first section all the instru ments play except for the flute which only adds embellishments between four and eight measure sections. The montuno which begins in measure 65, is introduced by a rhythmic vamp in the piano, contr abass and violins playing in pizzicato with the percussion entering in measure 71 after the six measure bridge. As in Pancho El Bravos Tira Tira Callejero, t he montuno section in La Cantina also provides Rene Lorente the opportunity to improvise a virtuosic flute solo over

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274 harmonic and rhythmic accompaniment in the violins, piano, and contrabass for the remainder of the piece. In the montuno, a typical I V I chord progression every two measures contrasts with the simple I IV V I chord progression found in the first section The rhythmic structure is a combined basic tira tira and chachach rhythm. They are both very sim ilar in that the percussion plays straight beats with an emphasis on the downbeats and with no syn copation. Syncopation is found in the melodic instruments and the piano, including the anticipated bass pattern played by the contrabass. Melodic and harmonic syncopation thus interlock with straight (emphasis on the downbeat) percussion patterns. Fig ure 429. The chachach rhythm. Figure 430. The tira tira giro rhythm The virtuosity of Lorente on the charanga flute is impress ive in the montuno, as the audiences reaction in this live recording attests Lorente employs a variety of techniques to s howcase his skill: wide leaps, ornamentation, sequencing of melodic

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275 riffs, varied articulations, mordents glissandos, and notes played in the extreme of the highest register. He also adds elements of contemporary flute technique to his performance, such as a flutter tongue in measure 118, to the otherwise Baroque flute performance practices he exhibits throughout the piece. For Lorente, the addition of contemporary flute techniques such as flutter tonguing is not seen as modernizing charanga. His rational is that the Boehm flute is also used to play charanga and using these techniques merely signifies virtuosic training and does not alter charanga performance practices. Lorente is also superb at pacing his solo, a technique he uses to build excitement. In La Cantina, he has been given a relatively long time to improvise his solo. He plays as soloist for 77 measures, and a time of approximately two and onehalf minutes start ing his solo at 2:08 minutes into the piece and playing until 4:37, the duration of half of the five minute song. Lorente starts off his solo with a simple eighthnote melody, escalating the technical intricacy and difficulty of his improvisations with each phrase employing mordents, sequencing, and leaps to heighten the exhilaration of the crowd He then further increases the syncopation and rhythmic complexity as well as the ornamentation and em bellishments to continue to further the level of excitement Lorente builds to a melodic and rhythmic climax and then begins to slow the pace in measure 107 to give danc ers a rest. He then repeats this pattern of pacing the crowd, building excitement and then closing with a climatic ending to the piece. Lorentes virtuosity and ability to interact with the audience made him a star in Havana. His popularity continues within the exile community in Miami.

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277

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278 Figure 431. Measures 66 through 142 of Rene Lorentes improvised flute solo in La Cantina.

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279 Figure 4 32. The tira ch rhythm structure in La Cantina: percussion playing on strong beats against syncopation in the piano, violins, and contrabass parts.

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280 The analysis of the preceding musical examples recorded between 1924 and 1986, provides documentation of the historical evolution of the performance practices of the charanga ensemble and the role its composers and performers played in using performance practices to maintain and reinforce Cuban national identity and class structure Analysis also g ives us clear indications of how Cuban national identity is imagined, situated, and maintained through the continuation of what are considered to be authentic and traditional Cuban musical performance practices. The charanga sound is still as recognizable as it was almost a century ago and it remains a potent symbol of Cubanness today Familiar musical forms, instrumentation, lyrical content, and improvisatory performance practices serve to remind Cubans both on and away from the island what it means to be Cuban a lo cubano.

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281 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS: THE ROLE OF POPULAR MUSI C AND CLASS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF CUBA N NATIONAL IDENTITY La charanga es la orquesta mas cubana que todos. [The charanga is the most Cuban musical ensemble of them all.] ~ Rene Lorente Throughout this study, the compilation and investigation of historical documentation combined with current fieldwork has provided necessary information for describing and interpret ing charanga and for ascertaining its origins and evolution. Analysis has demonstrated the impact of class in the creation and development of Cuban national identity and how charanga has served as a symbol of the mutable nature of the historical construction o f Cuban social class hierarchy. Recognition of the role of class in the creation of Cuban identity has also shown how the Cuban elite seemingly had a deci sive hand in formulating national identity through the implementation and perpetuation of Cuban express ive cultural styles and genres such as charanga, yet it was not without the substantial musical contributions from the other less officially recognized sectors of Cuban society It has also been shown that discourse about such matters is not restricted to scholars and those whose job it is to analyze concepts of identity and nationalism. It is also part of the discursive world of Cuban citizens and expatriates including the musicians involved in creating the music. Charanga musician Rene Lorente stat es that: La identidad es el perfil, la personalidad de un pueblo y su cultura, que se manifiesta en todas las artes y una parte importante es la msica. Cuando se escucha cualquier gnero de la msica cubana, se piensa en Cuba, creo que la msica popular cubana ha sido nuestro primer rengln de exportacin para el mundo (E mail interview 2010) [Identity is the profile and personality of a people and their culture, manifested in all the arts the most important being the music. When one hears any genre of Cuban music one thinks of Cuba I b elieve that popular Cuban music has been our first line of export to the world.]

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282 Indeed, most often when Cuba is imagined by the contemporary international community, two things first come to mind: the politics of the C uban Revolution of 1959, and Cuban music prior to the Revolution. Expressive culture created on the island prior to the Revolution has been the benchmark for signifying an enduring Cuban national identity abroad and in many ways it has remained so despite the fact that new cultural genres and styles are being created in Cuba all the time, just as they are everywhere else in the world. The difference being that Cuba has been, for the most part, cut off from much of the rest of th e world for several generations, and just as it would seem absurd to tie U.S. national identity only to those musical genres performed in the U.S. during the 1950s and 1960s, so too is it a fallacy to think of Cuba as not having evolved culturally over the last sixty years. Nonetheless, the recent success of Cuban music ensembles that tour internationally such as the Buena Vista Social Club (a modified charanga) attest to the fact that nostalgia and a preference for the seemingly more authentic Cuban ense mbles and musical genres is what speaks most loudly to Cubans in exile as well as the international community. The fact that Cuba has been closed off to the rest of the world for decades paints an exotic and mysterious picture for the international commun ity. Travelers and now tourists alike venture to the island to experience a culture they believe has been frozen in time. For Cuban exiles, t he longing for a more simple, happier more romanticized time in Cubas history feeds into their notions that C uban society and expressive culture at that t ime was somehow more authentic. Indeed, the period in Cuban history prior to the 1960s is highly romanticized in many imaginings by exiles and subsequent generations of Cubans raised away from the

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283 island. This explains why charanga is still prevalent in Cuba, even though it is mostly enjoyed by the older generations and performed primarily for tourists. The fact that Cubans and tourists alike have both identified charanga as an expression of authentic Cuban national identity, and situated it as a site where tradition versus modernity, speaks to this romanticized noti on of Cuban society happily situated in a more pure, untainted time despite the fact that the reality is to the contrary. Indeed, charanga was inte ntionally crafted into, and remains, a potent symbol of Cuban national identity, both on the island as well as for the communities of Cubans living in the U.S. and throughout the world, precisely because it came to represent Cubanness and a romanticized notion of a proud criollo nation, albeit one with a national heritage that was predominately Iberian. Charangas tie to the upper classes has also played an important role in its longevity. For Cubans who remain on the island today imagining a symbol of national identity like charanga is easy and it is seldom far from mind, especially with the older generations. Charanga ensembles are still prevalent and danzones and chachachs are still performed, albeit mostly for tourists and/or for weekend dances. N onetheless, the sound of charanga rema ins a constant on the island. For the Cubans who live abroad, primarily in Miami and New York politics adds a complicated dimension to their notions of nostalgia and their quest for authenticity when imagining music o f a national character. The case of the Cuban community in the U.S. is distinctive in that many still identify the ir community as a community of exiles, not a community of immigrants. Maintaining a glorified imagined national identity that denies contemp orary reality is an ongoing objective on the part of elite Cubans who migrated

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284 to the U.S. from 1959 to 1962, and music of the charanga plays a pivotal role in supporting this effort. As evidenced by the numerous performances made by Rene Lorente y su Ch aranga and Charanga Tpica Tropical in Miami, t he preference on the part of many older Cubans in South Florida to have charanga ensembles perform at special gatherings and holiday events is a good example of how charanga ties national sentiment to notions of authenticity and how it maintains nostalgia. The longevity of Orquesta Broadway in New York founded forty nine years ago, and still performing regularly with many original members is another good example. Gema R. Guevara, in her essay titled La Cuba de Ayer/La Cuba de Hoy: The Politics of Music and Diaspora, writes regarding the role of music in shaping Cuban national identity: I n the case of the Cuban exile community, it is music, in particular the internal dialogue between the musical genres and a discourse of nationalism that links the exile community to its authentic cultural roots. Cuban music is thus inscribed with multiple layers of meaning, and the constant celebration of its various genres invokes nostalgia as both a pure emotion and a very specific re ading of the islands history. The islands history becomes indistinguishable from the development of its popular musical genres (2003: 38). Guevaras work demonstrates how the Cuban elite in the U.S., influenced by the ideology of music sc holars such as Emilio Grenet and Eduardo Snchez de Fuentes, are still concerned with creating a single national musical patrimony that obscures, if not erases, the very diverse class and racial origins of the Cuban musical heritage (2003: 34). And, I w ould add, that national musical patrimony is solidly situated as primarily white (or criollo ) and of the upper classes. This phenomenon is not new. Issues of race and class as they represent national character through music have long been a recurring the me in Cuban intellectual thought. Cuban scholar Emilio Grenets

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285 canonical work, Popular Cuban Music: 80 Revised and Corrected Compositions, Together with an Essay on the Evolution of Music in Cuba (a collection of popular piano scores with an introduction), was published in 1939 and therefore, is placed in the first historical phase of nation building by the elite in Latin America as defined by Turino. It begins with this sentence: The Government of the Republic of Cuba desires to herein provide a guide to our rhythms and melodies which have awakened universal interest during the past decade (Grenet 1939: ix ). By this statement, it appears evident that the Cuban state was invested in privileging elite notions of national image by formally defining the c haracteristics of its music. It also appears that the book was written in part as a response to what the Cubans perceived to be a clear case of U.S. cultural and musical hegemony after the meteoric rise in popularity of Cuban music in the States Appropri ations of formal and stylistic elements of Cuban music, especially as they were altered by jazz and transformed into big band dance genres such as rhumba, were quite the insult to Cuban sensibilities. Grenet, translated to English (so there would be no doubt), not so discreetly criticizes the U.S. for appropriating and altering or at best, misinterpreting the nuances of Cuban music He writes: If our closest physical and spiritual neighbors, who are capable of making our music outstanding, Spain through it location in Europe and the United States through their powerful means of diffusion, such as the movies, the phonograph, and the radio, cannot understand us, then it is not to be expected that the rest of the world will appreciate the true s pirit of our music any better. It should be made known, and this we repeat is the underlying purpose of this work that what is now presented to the jaded European taste, avid for new stimuli as something new, capable of providing new thrills, is not something which has been improvised as a tourist attraction, but a spiritual achievement of a people that has struggled during four centuries to find a medium of expression (Grenet 1939: ix ). It is precisely because of these sentiments reg arding nationalism and identity, b oth the historical as well as the current as evidenced by the thoughts and actions of the

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286 exil ed Cuban population in the U.S. that positions charanga with in a hemispheric, transnational, and global scope. As is evident in this study n ationalism looks bot h forward in time to embrace modernity as well as back in time to reinforce imaginings of national identity through nostalgia and the quest for the pure These notions of tradition and modernity, the authentic and the pure, are found in the imaginings of charanga both in Cuba and abroad and the role of politics in shaping that identity has been substantial. Musically, they are manifest in the central role of the charanga flute which exhibits both modern and traditional elements. Historically, politics in Cuba has had a marked influence in the creation of national identity and a keen eye has been kept towards the role of class in shaping that identity Louis Prez, Jr., in Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (1995), investigates the roles issues such as race and class have played in Cubas historical struggle for self determination. He writes: Cuba passed successively from colonial status under Spain to a client role with the United States to dependency under the Soviet Union. These relationships, each at its own turn, each in its own way, penetrated Cuban society deeply. Each relied on and underwrote the ascendency of quite different dominant classes; each produced a profound realignment in the internal balance of social forces. All exerted a decisive i nfluence on Cuban economic policy, political institutions, state structures, and international relations ( 1995: ix ). I would also add to this the effects of social forces on expressive culture in the establishing of Cuban national identity. In many ways, the twopolitics and culture are closely aligned. As has been mentioned, the elite within societies have often used expressive culture to create national sentiment and Cuba was no exception, especially when it came to elevating charanga and the danzn to a national symbol The first phase of Cuban political structure mentioned by Prez, Jr. the colonial relationship it

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287 had with Spainreflects what Turino described as the fi rst phase of nation building in Latin America. Turino goes further to align these first phase characteristics of nation building criollo based independence movements preoccupied with territory, economic vitality, and establishing political principles wi th nationalized products of expressive culture. Turino states: In Latin America, state intervention in the cultural/artistic realm was most pronounced during populist periods. During the elitenationalist period in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, cosmopolitan style European military m usic, Italian operainspired anthems, and art music with vernacular references were the main forms of musical nationalism. This music functioned to create iconicity with other established, legitimate states and t o maintain elite distinction from the masses, underlining the restricted concept of 'nation' at that time. These types remain as an older strata of musical nationalism still operating in contemporary Latin American states alongside the newer reformist or folkloric' types of nationalist music (2003:202). What Turino has observed, is that the nineteenthand early twentiethcentury period of nation building in Latin Americathe first phaserelied heavily on the expressive culture of the elite and upper clas ses for symbols of national identity. This form of internal hegemony, although calculated, was seen as a normal and necessary move on the part of the elite and ruling class to establish a national identity not so much interested in embracing the expressiv e culture of the entire nation, especially that of the subaltern, as they were in creating characteristic iconicity separate from other established, legitimate nationstates. Hence, the establishing of charanga and the danzn as national icons in Cuba was part of the normal progression for nation building in Latin America during that time. In support of Wright (1990), Prez, Jr. also states that beginning in the eighteenth century in Cuba, there was a preoccupation with the establishing of Cuban criollo identity and promotion of self interests. Creoles had developed a sense of the

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288 singularity of their own interests, and were not at all slow to organize around the defense of those interests. This was nothing less than a change of consciousness, fundamentally a change in the way Cuban thought about themselves (1995: 67). With this rise in national consciousness, came the demand for institutions of higher learning. This exhibited a desire for cultural diversity from Spain, growing criollo sophistication, and an expression of material well being, all important ingredients to an emerging nationstate. The expressive arts also flourished during this period. Theatres were founded and the literary arts conveyed a new Cuban crio llo identity through numerous periodicals and other publications, such as La Charanga. Early charangas and orquesta tpicas performed contradanzas in the salons of the Cuban criollo elite. The role of the elite in directing a course of national developme nt, assisted by representations of Cubanness such as charanga, was clearly established. The lasting effects of this tremendous paradigmatic shift in Cuban national consciousness during the first phase of nation building are still evident in Cuba today. Th is was certainly a factor in reinforcing Cuban national identity in the beginning of the twentieth century, which fortuitously coincided with the advent of the recording and broadcast industries. Mass mediation of national ideology took many forms during this time. One of the most seemingly innocuous expressions of national character, Cuban music, served to emphasize the uniqueness and wide variety of Cuban musical genres not only throughout Cuba, but to the rest of the world as well garnering much well deserved popularity Thus, the broadcasting of popular ensembles such as the charangas was instrumental in promoting Cuban national identity.

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289 Turino also claims that sta te intervention in the cultural realm s of Latin American societies was most pronounc ed during the twentieth century the second phase of nation building in Latin America characterized by the rise of populist movements intent on linking formally disenfranchised populations to the state and in Cuba, this correlates with the Cuban Revolution of 1959 which instituted socialism as its new form of government, af ter breaking ties with the U.S. This then resulted in Cubas growing economic and ideological dependency on the Soviet Union as illustrated by Prez, Jr. Moore states that: S ocialist governments in the developing world [such as Cubas] often assume power in the wake of colonialist aggression. Because their local forms have been belittled or repressed for years (or centuries) in favor of an imposed cul ture from abroad [as was the case with the U.S.], the natural reaction of any new leadership is to dispense with internationalism and promote localism. Largely for this reason, the rescue of cultural roots has been a fundamental component of Cuban cultur al policy since 1959 (2006:13). This is perhaps the primary reason that musical expressions such as charanga are still valorized within Cuba as well as among Cuban exiles and why they are looked upon with reverence and nostalgia. Despite the fact that the elite in modern Cuba and by this I mean the political oligarchy still dictate what expressive cultural forms are supported or denied by the state, the notion that there is validity in traditional music and that this music is representative of Cuban identity speaks volumes about the importance and emotional power of expressive culture. Yet before we readily accept the notion that laudatory expressive forms are representative of all sectors of Cubas class hierarchy, we should consider Wade and his wor k on the relationship between the powerful and the powerless in the establishing and maintaining of national identity. Wade states that:

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290 The study of music and national identity has been limited, in my view, by some underlying assumptions. The first i s connected to s ome influential ideas on nationalism, while the second has to do with long standing ideas about the relation between music and identity. On nationalism, many approaches place too much emphasis on the homogenizing tendencies of nationalist discourse, whereas, in my view, homogenization exists in a complex and ambivalent relationship with the construction of difference by the same nationalist forces that create homogeneity. In a related fashion, with respect to music and identity, several studies of Latin American musical styles and their sociopolitical context display a tendency to set up a model of homogenizing elites versus diversifying and resistant minorities. This means that diversity always comes from outside official discourse on cult ural identity and music and I think that this over simplifies the situation (1998: 1). Indeed, especially when one considers the sociopolitical situation in Cuba, both historically and in present times, a complex and often changing relationship between t hose in the top sector of societys socioeconomic hierarchy and those towards the bottom is revealed. Prior to the Revolution, class lines were clear and based upon phenotype and economic status. Unlike this first phase in Cuban nation building (beginni ng in the eighteenth century) that privileged the elite citizenry, the second phase of nation building in the twentieth century (articulated by Turino) has been characterized by a need for a more comprehensive notion of the nation, one that features the inclusion and c ombination of elite and suba ltern groups. This was exactly what Carpentier and Ortiz and the other members of the Grupo Minoristas espoused in the 1930s and 1940s in Cuba Take note, however, that even with the best of intentions, it is still the elite that dictate what cultural expressions become symbols of national identity. The work of Carpentier and Ortiz are often perceived as good and inclusive and noble in giving the subaltern a voice, but as Wade states, the r elationship is more complex than that. The subaltern sti ll have little say over what forms of expressive culture they wish to have represent them. This is true in Cuba and the case of charanga is a good example.

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291 The elite, preferring European melodic and harmonic structur es, were at first shocked to hear Afro Cuban rhythmic elements in their salon genres such a s the contradanza. It was not until they agreed to accept these rhythmic variances and to permit their performance in elite salons that expressive elements of the s ubaltern were given a voice. In order to mitigate the situation and pronounce acceptance for AfroCuban rhythms, the subaltern had to first assimilate into elite society by becoming members of charangas and then make palatable these rhythms to the elite, i.e., to temper their rhythmic vitality, until such time as these rhythmic elements in their fu ll essence could be express ed within the greater society. Becoming a charanga musician was also an important sign of social mobility. These are excellent exam ple s of the subtle negotiations of which Wade speaks that exist between class sectors. Charanga, cleanly situated where these subtle negotiations that exist between class sectors can manifest, is a powerful and compelling symbol of Cuban national identity. Charanga represents the historical relationship the elite had with the creation of a new Cuban nat ion in the eighteenth century and i t further established criollo identity in Cuba in the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, charanga has represented the acknowledgement and inclusion of the expressive cultural forms of the underclass and it now serves as a prevailing icon of Cuban national identity not only for Cubans on the island, but especially for those Cubans in exile who romanti cally and nostalgically long for patria (the homeland). Perhaps what is most telling about any symbol of national identity is its longevity. Rene Lorente states: When Cubans in and out of Cuba hear charanga and danzn, they recognize it as the core of ma ny popular styles and genres performed today. It is a

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292 music that did not lose its place in musical history. It has withstood the test of time (Personal interview 2011). Given that charangas still perform regularly throughout Cuba, as well as i n other places around the world, and that the music performed by these ensembles remains relatively popular even today, leaves little doubt that charanga will continue to act as a nostalgic symbol of Cuban musical authenticity tied to notions of Cuban national identity.

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293 APPENDIX A DISCOGRAPHY Aln Rodrguez, Olavo. 1999. Official Retrospective of Cuban Music Vol 1 4. La Habana, Cuba: Center for the Investigation and Development of Cuban Music (CIDMUC). CD. Almendra, Con Sabor a Danzn: Danzones y Danzoneras de Siempre. 1995. Orquesta Folklrica Cubana, Orquesta Maravillas de Florida, Orquesta de Arcao, Charanga Tpica Cubana, Ch aranga Nacional de Conciertos. EGREM: La Habana, Cuba. CD. Arcao y Sus Maravillas. 1992. Grandes Orquestas Cubanas EGREM: La Habana. CD. Arsenio Rodrguez. 2004. Dundunbanza 19461951. Tumbao Cuban Classics. B000027WM5. CD. Arsenio Rodrguez. 2005. Montuneando con Arsenio Rodriguez Tumbao Cuban Classics B000027WN2. CD. Belisario Lpez Y Su Charanga. 2004. Prueba Mi Sazon 19421948. Tumbao Cuban Classix CD. Belisario Lopez Y Su Charanga. 2008. Pachangas Vol. 2. Ansonia. C D. Charanga de la 4. 1993. Charanga de la 4. SAR Productions. SAR 1010. CD. Charanga de la 4. 1995. Se Peg! SAR Productions. SAR 1036. CD. Charanga en la Calle Ocho. 2001. Millennium Edition. PROTEL Records. 176160 075 2. CD. Charanga Tpica Tropical. Tanto Ayer como Hoy, Montuneando me Voy Canoa Productions. CD T120. CD. Charangas De Oro Vol.1 and 2. 2009. Charan ga Rubalcaba, Orquesta Tipica Ideal, Puppy Y Su Charanga, Neno Gonzalez, Orquesta Sublime, Fajardo Y Su Charanga, Orquesta Broadway et al. Rareza Music. CD. Cuba: Contradanzas and D anzones Rotterdam Conservatory Orqesta Tpica. Nimbus NI 5502. CD. Cuba: I am Time 1997. Disc #2: Cantar en Cuba Disc #3: Bailar con Cuba. Blue Jackel: New York. Four CD Compilation. Cuban Danzoneras. 1998. Cuban Danzoneras : 19321946. Harlequin. HQ CD65. CD. Early Cuban Danzon Orchestras 19161920. 1999. Harlequin Records. CD.

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294 Enrique Jorrn y su Orquesta. 1995. Danzn, Chachach. RCA Intl. CD. Fajardo Y Sus Estrellas. 1999. Musical Productions. CD. Fajardo, Jos. 2008. Flauta de Cuba Big World. CD. Lopez, Israel "Cachao." 1994. Cachao Master Sessions, Vol. I CineSon/Epic/Sony. CD. Mor, Beny. 1990. The Most from Beny Mor: Recorded in Cuba, 19551957. BMG. CD. Msica Mgica. 2002. Grandes Flautistas Cubanos EGREM. CD 0508. CD. Nuez, Joseto. 2004. Con La Orquesta De Belisario. Tumbao Cuban Classix CD. Origi nal de Manzanillo. 1992. La Supercharanga. EGREM: Santiago de Cuba, Cuba. CD. Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu. 1937. Partiendo Coco. Victor. 78 rpm. Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu. 2004. Boca Linda Tumbao Cuban Classix. CD. Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu. 2004. Orient y Occidente 19411946 Tumbao Cuban Classix. CD. Orquesta Aragn. 1993. The Heart of Havana: Recorded in La Habana, Cuba, 19571958. BMG International. CD. Orquesta Aragn. 1995. La Insuperable. Javelin Promotions. PSC CD1001. CD. Orquesta Aragn. 2001. Orquesta Aragn en Route World Village Music. 468006. CD. Orquesta Aragn. 2009. Cuba en Vivo: 1970 EGREM. CD0618. CD. Orquesta Broadway. 1990. Pasaporte. Musical Productions. MP23126. CD. Orquesta Cheo Belen Puig. Me Han Dicho Q ue Tu Me. CD. Orquesta Cuba: Rotterdam Conservatory Charanga Orquesta. 1997. Cuba: The Charanga. Nimbus Records. NI 5528. CD. Orquesta Cuba: Rotterdam Conservatory Orquesta Tpica: Rotterdam Conservatory Charanga Orquesta. 2000. Contradanzas y Danzones: The Charanga. Nimbus Records. NI 7058/9. CD. Orquesta Ideal. 1930. Paella. Pana rt. 78 rpm. Orquesta Melodias del 40. 2001. Sonado a Melodias Musical Productions. CD.

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295 Orquesta Sensacion. 1992. Danzn Ch. RYQZ. CD. Orquesta Tata Pereira. 1924. Linda Cubana. Columbia. 78rpm. Pacheco y su Charanga. 1998. Suav ito Alegre. LPA 8200. CD. Pancho El Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira. 2004. Btate na ma Caney. CCD522. CD. Prez Prado. Recording date unknown. Prez Prado: The Original Mambo King. Orfen. 25CDI 1224. CD. Prez Prado. 1958. Prez RCA Victor. LSP 1556. LP. Prez Prado. 1989. Diez Grandes Exitos de Prez Prado y su Orquesta. Bertelsmann de Mexico, S.A. 97412 RL. CD. Prez Prado. 1989. Qu Rico Mambo! Bertelsmann de Mexico, S.A. 21192 RL. CD. Prez Prado. 1990. Havana 3 a.m BMG. BL2 2444. CD. Prez Prado. 1999. Cuban Originals BMG. 74321 700462. CD Ralph Font and His Orchestra: Bill Diablo and His Sextet. The Best and Most Popular Cha Cha Cha of the Fabulous Fifties LP. Rene Lorente. 2007. Algo Diferente. Union Records. 601132. CD. Rene Lorente: El Hamelin Latino. 2004. Concepto en flauta. Hamelin Records. HR2703. CD. Rene Lorente: El Hamelin Latino. 2009. Fusiones al Estilo de Rene Lorente: Music Forever. Aguacaliente, S.A. AC 4007. CD. Rene Lorente y su Flauta. 1999. De la Aragn. Max Music and Entertainment. MXD 2210. CD. Rene Lorente y su Flauta. 2001. Enrique Chia presenta a Rene Lorente y su flauta cubana. Begui Records. BRCD21512. CD. Rene Lorente y su Flauta. 2005. Con la Orquesta Aragn 19841990. Hamlin Records. HR2402. CD. Richard Eges. 1999. Richard Eges and Friends: Cuban Sessions Latin World Productions. CD 00005. CD. Roig, Gonzalo. 1990. Cecelia Valds Centenario de Gonzalo Roig. Areto 2LP set #LD 467576. Havana, Cuba: EGREM (E studios de Grabaciones y Ediciones Musicales. C D.

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304 APPENDIX C INTERVIEWS AND CORRE SPONDENCES Acosta, Leonardo Cuban music scholar and jazz musician. o Personal interview: June 17, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Chacoy, Jorge Guitarist for Chucho Valds jazz ensemble, Irakere o Personal interview: June 21, 2002. Havana, Cuba Cruz Torres, Alberto Pancho El Bravo . C haranga flutist and the creator of the tira tira rhythm. o Personal interview: June 27, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Daz Ayala, Cristbal Cuban music scholar and author. o E mail correspondences: Numerous correspondences throughout October December, 2010. Dels Hechavarra, Esmerido Contrabass player and musician in Havana, performing with various musical ensembles. o Personal interview: June 19, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Esquinazi Prez, Martha Cuban music scholar and author. o Personal interview: June 21, 2002. Havana, Cuba. o Personal interview: June 29, 2002. Havana, Cuba. o Personal interview: May 5, 2009. Havana, Cuba. o Numerous email correspondences between 2002 and 2011. Giro, Radams Cuban music scholar and author. o Personal interview: June 28, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Lamas Fajardo, Diandra Niece of Jos Fajardo. o Personal Interview: February 10, 2010. o E mail correspondence: February 25, 2010. Linares, Santiago Violinist and director for the charanga, Estrellas Cubanas. o Personal interview: June 23, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Lorente, Rene Flutist with Orquesta Aragn, 19841990. o E mail interview: October 18, 2010. o Personal interview: December 18, 2010. Miami, Florida. o E mail correspondences: Numerous correspondences throughout October, 2010February, 2011. Miller Sue Flutist and director of Charanga del Norte. o E mail interviews and correspondences : Numerous correspondences and interviews from 20052010.

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305 Orovio, Helio Cuban music scholar and author. o Personal interview: June 20, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Petinaud Martnez, Jorge Musician and radio announcer for Radio Metropolitana in Havana. The host of two programs: Supermusical Latina, and Un Domingo con Rosillo. o Personal interview: June 23, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Rosillo, Eduardo Radio announcer for Radio Progresso and host of Domingo con Rosillo. Known as the Dorada Voz de la Radio Cubana (Golden Voice of Cuban Radio). o Personal interview: June 24, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Rubalcaba, Guillermo D irector and founder of Charanga Rubalcaba. o Personal interview: June 24, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Valds Espinosa, Lzaro Singer and director for the charanga, Lzaro Valds y su Grupo. o Personal interview: June 23, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Vinueza, Mara Elena Director of the Music Department for Casa de las Amricas a major research center in Havana, Cuba. o Personal interview : June 27, 2002. Havana, Cuba. Zayas Bringas, Enrique Cuban music professor, scholar, and author. o Personal interview: July 5, 2001. Havana, Cuba. o Personal interview: June 16, 2002. Havana, Cuba. o Personal interview: May 5, 2009. Havana, Cuba. o Numerous em ail correspondences between 2002 and 2011.

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306 APPENDIX D MUSICAL TRANSCRIPTIONS Linda Cubana by Tata Pereira Orquesta Tata Pereira 78 rpm Studio recording Columbia 2247X_A_Linda Cubana* (Tata Pereira) Columbia 2247X_B_Sandunguita (Tata Pereira) Recording Date: 1924 Time: 3:25 Genre: Danzn Instrumentation: called charanga francesa but actually a hybrid orquesta tpica Flute Tata Pereira Clarinet Ophicleide Violin Piano Pailas criollas Giro

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321 Paella by Machito and Joseto Valds Orquesta Ideal 78 rpm Studio recording Panart_1033_A_Paella* (Machito and Joseto Valds) Panart_1033_B_Guayacan (Joseto Valds) Recording Date: ca. 1930 Time: 3:02 Genre: Danznson Instrumentation: charanga francesa Flute Joseto Valds Violins (2) Piano Contrabass Timbales Cencerro

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345 Partiendo Coco by Antonio Mara Romeu Orquesta Antonio Mara Romeu 78 rpm Studio recording Victor_82830_A_Partiendo Coco* (Antonio Mara Romeu) Victor_82830_B_De amor no se muere nadie (Faustino Mir): Barbarito Diez, vocals Recording Date: ca. 1937 Time: 3:01 Genre: Danznson Instrumentation : charanga francesa Flute Francisco Delabart Violins (2) Piano Timbales Giro

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360 Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo Pancho el Bravo y sus Candelas del Tira Tira CD Remastered in 2005 by Caney Records of Spain Studio recording Caney_CCD522_Tira Tira Callejero (Pancho El Bravo) Recording Date: 1960 Time: 2:30 Genre: Tira Tira Instrumentation: charanga Flute Pancho el Bravo Violins (2) Piano Contrabass Conga Timbales Cencerro Giro Voices (3)

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382 The lyrics to Tira Tira Callejero by Pancho El Bravo Oye! Por la calle! Oye, Oye, Oye! Estn tocando tira tira callejero. Oye, Oye, Oye! Estn tocando tira tira callejero. Todos los quieren bailar Porque es sabroso pa gozar! Ay, que contento me pongo Cuando lo siento tocar, Y donde lo estn tocando, Que llego yo Lo empiezo a bailar. Ya ustedes ven Que yo estoy contento. Que yo tambin Lo bailo y me divierto. Y los pollitos Piden a gritos El tira tira para gozar. Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von! Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Eh! Eh! Eh! Aprtate! Ahi viene Pancho! Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von! Mami, yo quiero bailar Con el ritmo tira tira. Qu sabroso pa gozar Si, si! Von, von, von, von! Hey! Lets go out Hey, hey, hey! They are playing You Go, Boy! Hey, hey, hey! They are playing You Go, Boy! Everyone wants to dance Because its fun! Oh, how happy it makes me When I hear it playing, And wherever it is playing, When I arrive I start dancing. Now you can see That I am happy. That I too Enjoy dancing. And the chicks Clamor To enjoy the Go-Go rhythm. Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom! Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! Hey! Hey! Hey! Make way! Here comes Pancho! What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom! Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah !! Boom, boom, boom! Babe, I want to dance To the Go-Go rhythm. What fun to enjoy! Yeah, yeah Boom, boom, boom, boom!

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383 La Cantina by Richard Eges Rene Lorente y su Flauta con la Orquesta Aragn CD Remastered in 2005 by Hamlin Records of Coral Gables, Florida Hamlin Records_HR 2402_La Cantina (Richard Eges) Recording Date: 1960 Time: 4:57 Genre: chachach Instrumentation: charanga Flute Rene Lorente Violins (3) Piano Contrabass Conga Timbales Cencerro Giro Voices (3)

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418 The lyrics to La Cantina by Richard Eges. Coro: Ya lleg la cantina! Ya lleg la cantina! A que no adivinas lo que viene arriba. A que no adivinas lo que viene abajo. A que tu no me adivinas como viene la cantina. A que tu no me adivinas donde est el tasajo. Ya lleg la cantina! Ya lleg la cantina! Solista: Nunca dejes de comer Aunque el amor te maltrate Toma aunque sea chocolate As lo quedas a deber Coro: Ya lleg la cantina! Ya lleg la cantina! A que no adivinas lo que viene arriba. A que no adivinas lo que viene abajo. A que tu no me adivinas como viene la cantina. A que tu no me adivinas donde est el tasajo. Ya lleg la cantina! Ya lleg la cantina! Solista: Y si bailas Rock n Roll Ten un consejo presente Tienes que comer caliente Porque es mucha sofocacin Coro y montuno: Ya lleg la cantina! Ya lleg la cantina! (Improvisacin de flauta) Chorus : It has arrived at the luncheonette! It has arrived at the luncheonette! Youll never guess whats coming up. Youll never guess whats going down. I guess you dont know whats coming to the luncheonette. I guess you dont know where the beef jerky is. It has arrived at the luncheonette! It has arrived at the luncheonette! Vocal Soloist : Never stop eating Even if love mistreats you. Even have some chocolate. You can pay for it later Chorus : It has arrived at the luncheonette! It has arrived at the luncheonette! Youll never guess whats coming up. Youll never guess whats going down. I guess you dont know whats coming to the luncheonette. I gue ss you dont know where the beef jerky is. It has arrived at the luncheonette! It has arrived at the luncheonette! Vocal Soloist : And if you dance Rock 'n Roll Take this advice. You have to eat it hot Because it takes your breath away. Chorus and montuno section : It has arrived at the luncheonette! It has arrived at the luncheonette! (Flute improvisation)

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419 LIST OF REFERENCES Acosta, Ivan (Director). 2001/2006. Como se forma una r umba. [DVD]. Available from MVD Entertainment Group. Acosta, Leonardo. 1998. Los formatos instrumentales en la msica popular Cubana. In Panorama de la msica popular cubana. Seleccin y prlogo de Radams Giro. La Habana, Cuba: Editorial Letras Cubanas. Adorno, Theodor. 1976. Introduction to the Sociology of Music New York : Seabury Press Agroforestry Tree Database. International Center for Research in Agroforestry http://www.worldagrofores trycentre.org/sea/Products/AFDbases/af/asp/SpeciesInf o.asp?SpID=643. (Last accessed December 22, 2010.) Aln Rodrguez, Olavo. 1986. La Msica en las sociedades de tumbas francesas de Cuba. La Habana, Cuba : Casa de las Amricas _______. 1992. Gneros m usicales de Cuba: De lo Afrocubano a la Salsa. San Juan PR : Editorial Cubanacn. _______. 1998. Cuba. Pa rt 3, Section 5. In The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music Vol. 2. E dited by Dale Olsen and Daniel Sheehy 822839 New York, London: Garland Publi shing, Inc. _______. 1999. Official Retrospective of Cuban Music La Habana, Cuba: Center for the Investigation and Development of Cuban Music (CIDMUC). CD. Alexander, James Edward. 1970 [1833]. Transatlantic sketches, comprising visits to the most interesting scenes in North and South America, and the West Indies. With notes on Negro slavery and Canadian emigration. London: Richard Bentley. Almendra con Sabor a Danzn: Danzones y Danzoneras de Siempre. 1995. La Habana, Cuba: Estudios de Grabaciones EGREM. Audio CD 0077. Alvarez Peraza, Chico. 2008. "Cachao speaks: a uniquely candid and noholds barred conversation with the Cuban music master and innovator." Latin Beat Magazine 18 (4): 26 34 Anderson, Benedict. 1991 [ 1983] Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism London: Verso. Aparicio, Frances R. and Cndida F. Jquez. 2003. Introduction. Musical Migrations: Transnationalism and Cultural Hybridity in Latin/o America. Vol. 1. Edited by Frances R. Aparicio and Cndida F. Jquez. NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

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4 20 Arcao y Sus Maravillas 1992. Grandes Orquestas Cubanas La Habana, Cuba: EGREM Audio CD. Austerlitz, Paul. 1997. Merengue: Dominican Music and Dominican Identity Philadelphia: Temple University Press Averill, Gage. 1997. A Day for the Hunter, A Day for the Prey: Popular Music and Power in Haiti. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bacard Moreau Emilio. 1973 [1908] Crnicas de Santiago de Cuba. Madrid: Grfica Preogan. Bentez Rojo, Antonio. 1996. The Repeating Island: The Caribbean and the Postmodern Perspective Translated by James Maraniss. Durham: Duke University Press _______. 1998. "The Role of Music in the Emergence of AfroCuban Culture." In Research in African Literatures 29(1): 179184. Barbarito Dez: Prncipe del Danzn. Direccin Municip al de Cultura. Manat, Cuba. http://www.tunet.cult.cu/pagsec/municip/manati/paginas/barbarito.htm (Last accessed January 2, 2011.) Boudet Rosa Ileana. 1974 interview with Antonio Arcao. Boudet s blog: Lanzar la flecha bien lejos Last accessed 5/6/2011. http://lanzarlaflecha.blogspot.com/2007_ 01_01_archive.html ) Cabrera Infante, Guillermo. 1967. Tres tristes t igres Madrid, Spain: Editorial Seix Barral. _______. 1971. Three Trapped Tigers Translated by Donald Gardner and Suzanne Jill Levine. Normal, IL: Dalkey Archive Press. _______. 1994. Mea Cuba. Translated by Kenneth Hall. New York : Farrar, Straus, Girou _______. 1996. Ella Cantaba Boleros New York : Vintage Books. _______. 2008 [1967]. Tres tristes t igres. New York: Harper Collins Publishers Caizares Dulcila. 1992. La trova tradicional cubana. La Habana: Editorial Letras Cubanas. Carpentier, Alejo. 1946. La Msica en Cuba. Mxico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica. _______. 2001 [1946] Music in Cuba. Translated by Timothy Brennan. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press

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431 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ruth M. Sunni Witmer rec eived her Bachelor of Music in flute performance from the University of Florida and her Master of Music in flute p erformance from Louisiana State University. Ms. Witmer also received a Master of Arts degree in Latin American S tudies at the University of Florida Center for Latin American Studi es as well as a Ph.D. in m usic with a concentration in ethnomusicology from the University of Florida Her area of focus is the music of the Caribbean and Brazil, primarily early twentiethcentury urban popular genres with an emphasis on Brazilian choro a nd Cuban charanga. In 2009, Ms. Witmer was awarded the University of Florida Graduate Student Teaching Award for excellence in teaching and was also awarded the Latin American Studies Doctoral Student Teaching Award for her course, Music of the Political a nd Social Justice Movements in Latin America. She has lectured on Caribbean music for various courses at the University of Florida and has presented at the Society for Ethnomusicology and the Brazilian Studies Association international conferences Ms. W itmer is currently an Adjunct Professor of Music at Rollins College in Winter Park, Florida and Adjunct Professor of Music and Latin American Humanities at Valencia College in Orlando, Florida.