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1 GAETANO PUGNANI AND THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ITALIAN SYMPHONY: A STUDY AND EDITION OF THE OVERTURE IN E FLAT (ZT 23) By CLAUDIO RE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011
2 2011 Claudio Re
3 To mom and dad
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank the Interlibrary Loan staff at the University of Florida for their help in locating and obtaining sources as well as the Music Librarians (Ro bena Cornwell, Michele Wilbanks, and Mary Wood) for their genuine concern with my research I thank the librarians who in several locations in Europe were willing to correspond with me and were helpful in supplying information and reproductions of sc ores: Vera Paulus (Engelberg, Switzerland ); Margarida Cerqueira and Snia Pascoal (Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, P ortugal ); Prof. Licia Sirch (Conservatorio Giuseppe Verdi, Milan, I taly ); Prof. Chiara Pancino (Conservatorio B enedetto Marcello, Venice, I t aly ); Budagova Ekaterina (National Libra ry of Russia, St. Petersburg, Russia ) ; Ilse Woloszko (Ro yal Academy of Music, London, England ); Roland Schmidt Hensel ( Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Musikbteilung mit Mendelssohn Archiv, Berlin, Germany ); Prof. Lin da Govi (Conservatorio Statale di Music Giuseppe Verdi, Turin Italy ) ; Laura Antoniotti and Luca Mort arotti (Associazione De Sono, Turin, Italy). A number of world renowned scholars were very helpful in the preliminary stage of my research: Prof. Alberto Basso (and his assistant Enrico Chiorra) Prof. Annarita Colturato, Dr. Bathia Churgin, Dr. Paul Corneil son, Dr. Cliff Eisen, Dr. Marita McClymonds Dr. Mary Sue Morrow Dr. Sterling Murray A special thank goes also to Dr. Will Kesling, Dr. David Kushner, and Dr. Ronald Johnson for the continuous support, mentoring, and the professional consideration they offered me withou t reservation I thank the members of my s upervisory committee and the entire faculty at the University of F lorida School of Music for having made my experience as a doctoral student a thought provoking one. I learned a lot from you.
5 My degree would have not been possible without the significant material support of the Unive rsity of Florida College of Fine Arts and the University of Florida School of Music I thank Dean Lucinda Lavelli, Dean Edward Schaefer, and Dr. John Duff for choosing to invest in me M any thank to family, to Marie, to my friends, and ex friends for their unconditional affection You have been the best support group one could wish to have.
6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 10 ABSTRA CT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 14 Relevance of the Topic: The Gap in Scholarship ................................ .................... 18 Introduction to Gaetano Pugnani ................................ ................................ ............ 19 Summary of Chapters ................................ ................................ ............................. 21 2 THE CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT ................................ ................................ ......... 26 Voice vs. Instruments ................................ ................................ .............................. 26 Opera in Italy ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 27 Instrumental Music in Italy ................................ ................................ ...................... 29 The Cultural Environment: Remarks ................................ ................................ ....... 32 3 THE CLASSICAL STYLE ................................ ................................ ........................ 34 Unders tanding the Style ................................ ................................ .......................... 34 The Classical Style ................................ ................................ ................................ 38 Periodicity ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 38 Rhythm ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 39 Dynamics ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 40 Harmony ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 40 Resolving Contrasts ................................ ................................ ......................... 42 Widespread Conventions ................................ ................................ ........................ 43 Homogeneous Society ................................ ................................ ............................ 45 Cosmopol itanism ................................ ................................ .............................. 45 ................................ ................................ ........................ 46 Italian Influence ................................ ................................ ................................ 47 Interweaving Tendencies ................................ ................................ ........................ 48 Doctrine of Mixed Taste ................................ ................................ .................... 49 Music as a Universal Lan guage ................................ ................................ ....... 51 The Classical Style: Remarks ................................ ................................ ................. 52 4 THE CLASSICAL SYMPHONY ................................ ................................ .............. 53 The Challenge of Defining the Genre ................................ ................................ ..... 53
7 The Development of the Symphony: A Brief Survey ................................ ............... 57 Early Scholarship ................................ ................................ ............................. 58 Mid Twenti eth Century ................................ ................................ ..................... 59 A Shift in the Approach ................................ ................................ ..................... 63 Importance of the Baroque Concerto ................................ ............................... 66 Importance of the Baroque Sonata ................................ ................................ ... 69 Importance of the Neapolitan Sinfonia ................................ ............................. 70 ................................ .................... 74 The importance of Individual Components and Thematic Dualism ................... 77 Smaller Components ................................ ................................ ........................ 77 Thematic Dualism: The Sonata Form ................................ ............................... 80 1990s and 21st Century ................................ ................................ ................... 82 Performance Contexts ................................ ................................ ............................ 86 Concerts ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 86 Church ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 90 Theater ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 91 The Symphony: Remark s ................................ ................................ ....................... 92 5 GAETANO PUGNANI: TOWARD A REVISION OF HIS BIOGRAPHY ................... 94 Early Scholarship ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 94 1740s ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 96 1749 and 1750 ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 104 1750s ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 107 1760s ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 113 1770s ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 119 1780s ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 130 1790s ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 135 The Life of Gaetano Pugnani: Remarks ................................ ................................ 139 6 PUGNANI AND THE ITALIAN SYMPHONY ................................ ......................... 141 The Position of Pugnani in the Italian Contributions to the Symphony .................. 141 ................................ ................................ ....... 145 The Berlin Manuscripts ................................ ................................ ......................... 146 ZT 23 ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 148 7 N E FLAT ZT 23] ................................ ........................ 150 The Meaning of Obbligato Violins ................................ ................................ ......... 150 For Whom did Pugnani Compose the Obbligato Set? ................................ .......... 152 The Viotti Years ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 154 A Comparis on With Other Scores ................................ ................................ ......... 158 Only One Manuscript Copy ................................ ................................ ................... 159 Printed and Manuscript Music in Context ................................ ....................... 160 The Advantages of Manuscript ................................ ................................ ....... 161 The Advantages of Printing Music ................................ ................................ .. 164
8 ................................ ................................ 165 The Obbligato Set, Music for the Press? ................................ ........................ 168 ................................ ................................ 169 8 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 171 A Possible Answer ................................ ................................ ................................ 171 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 172 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 173 9 EDITING PUGN ................................ ........ 176 Editing Music ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 176 Editorial Commentary for the Overture in E flat [ZT 23] ................................ ........ 181 Rhythm ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 181 Dynamics ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 183 Ornaments ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 184 Editorial notes ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 187 Description of the Editorial Notes ................................ ................................ ... 187 APPENDIX A ................................ ................ 199 B CONCERT SPIRITUEL ................................ ................................ ......................... 232 C ................................ ................................ ...... 234 D WHO WAS SIGNOR CIAMPI? ................................ ................................ ............. 235 E ................................ ....................... 238 F UPDATE ON SCORE LOCATION ................................ ................................ ........ 240 G CHART OF THE FIRST MOVEMENT OF ZT 23 ................................ .................. 242 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 244 BIOGRAPH ICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 249
9 LIST OF TABLES Table page 6 1 t symphonies and their location ............................ 149 6 2 es with obbligato violin parts ................................ ............. 149 9 1 First movement, editorial notes. Description of the parts of the first movement ( Allegro con Spirito) of the Overture ZT 23 that were changed in the edite d score. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 187 9 2 Second movement, editorial notes. Description of the parts of the second movement ( Andante sotto voce ) of the Ov erture ZT 23 that were changed in the edited score. ................................ ................................ ............................... 191 9 3 Third movement, editorial notes.Description of the parts of the third movement ( Minuetto ) of the Overture ZT 23 that were changed in the edited score. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 193 9 4 Fourth movement, editorial notes.Descrip tion of the parts of the fourth movement ( Rondo ) of the Overture ZT 23 that were changed in the edited score. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 195 C 1 ipend increase ................................ ................................ ............... 234 E 1 ................................ ................................ ..... 238
10 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S Ch EN Switzerland, Engelberg, Kloster, Musikbibliothek D Bsb Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin Germany I Mc C onservatorio di Musica Giuseppe Verdi Biblioteca Milan, Italy. I Rdp Archivio Doria Pamphili, Rome, Italy I Tn Bib lioteca Nazionale Universitaria sezione Musicale, Turin, Italy. I Vc Conservatorio di Musica Benedetto Marcello Biblioteca, Venice, Italy. GARLAND The Sympho ny 1720 1840. New York: Garland. GB Lam Royal Academy of Music Library, London, Great Britain GM O L. Macy, Ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Music Online http://www.grovemusic.com MGG 1 Blume, Friederich, ed. Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart ; allgemeine Enzyklopdie der Musik 17 vols Kassel: Brenreiter Verlag, 1949 1979. MGG2 Finsher Ludwig, ed. Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart ; allgemeine Enzyklopdie der Musik begrndet von Friedrich Blume. 26 vols. Kassel and New York: Brenreiter 1994 2007. P La Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, Portugal. RUS SPsc Biblioteka St. Petersburg, Russia ZT Zschinsky Troxler von, E.M. Gaetano Pugnani Berlin: 1939 When followed by a number it refers to the number in the thematic catalog.
11 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy GAETANO PUGNANI AND THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ITALIAN SYMPHONY: A STUDY AND EDITION OF THE OVERTURE IN E FLAT (ZT 23) By Claudio Re May 2011 Chair: Margaret Butler Major: Music Gaetano Pugnani well known for his contributions as a violin pedagogue is less recognized for his contribution s to the repertoire of the eightee nth century Italian symphony, a somewhat neglected area of music history This dissertation f ocuses on a overture in E Flat ZT 23 The emphasis on Italian opera during the late eighteenth century probably led to an overshadowing of the Italian instrumental tradition and the relative dearth of scholarly literature on Italian instrumental genres The roots and development of the style lies in Italian genres, beginning with Baroque instrumental music (e.g., sonata and concerto) and continuing through Neapolitan opera The first direct contributions to the genre, those of Giovanni Battista Sammartini early in the century, were also Italian. Throughout th e eighteenth century, however, interest in the development of purely instrumental Italian music wane instrumental music flourished. Nevertheless, the contribution of this violin virtuoso to the concert symphony is not marginal: he left over thirty symphonic works. His thematic catalog shows that many of
12 them wer e printed during his lifetime, though relatively few have survived as manuscript copies. Among the scores that remain in manuscript are works th at, according to the catalog, exhibit an unusual instrumentation namely, scoring for two obbligato violin parts O nly one of the scores of this group is currently available for study, and t his surviving sc ore is the focus of my document. I argue that thi s work, with its relatively simple obbligato parts, was intended for performance by Pugnani and his pupil Giovanni Battista Viotti following the widespread practice of composing works dedicated to a specific performer Because t he relationship between Pug nani and Viotti culminated with their 1780 81 joint concert tou r, t he 1770s present a likely catalyst for the composition of ZT 23 with its special scoring. O ther considerations support this time period for the composition of the work. ZT 23 and other work s by Pugnan i for which s cholars have suggested the 1770s as the date of composition share special formal features : t he first movements of these works follow a peculiar sonata form. This suggests the possibility of a common time fram e. Because the late eighteenth century was a period of largely homogeneous musical style, we must also turn to extra musical evidence to determine a precise date of composition of ZT 23. In this case such evidence is found in t he fact that only a single manuscript copy of the work survived to the present and no printed version exists. The publishing practices according to which most music circulated in manuscript and printed music repres ented an exception, when combined with the chronology of his print ed works suggest the 1770s as a probable date for ZT 23.
13 The possibility that Pugnani may have performed this work with Viotti sheds light on their relationship and on the life of Viotti during the years before his international career, a period of his li fe that has not been widely studied. Dating ZT 23 also enhances our understanding of creative life, since no comprehensive study of his style has thus far been completed. Future scholarship will also benefit from the edition of ZT 23 in Appendix A. The biographical information on Pugnani supports the thesis and builds the argument dating the work. As the first attempt of this kind, it will show that Gaetano Pugnani, who enjoyed a prominent reputation as a leading musician of his era, deserves to be re discovered.
14 CHAPTER 1 I NTRODUCTIO N This dissertation focuses on an overture composed by Gaetano Pugnani, precisely number 23 in Zschinsky m erits attenti on in virtue of its singular instrumentation ZT 23 belongs to a group of five scores cal ling for violin obbligato parts, feature s unique in thematic catalog. Why did Pugnani compose this work? What is the position of ZT 23 i n the creative life of the composer? By investigating the se question s I will be able to place the work in a chronological time frame. This will le a d t o an enhanced understanding of the creative life of Gaetano Pugnani because a comprehensive study on his style does not yet exist Placing the work in a time frame music. Furthermore, future scholarship will also benefit from two components of this dissertation, an extensive biographical sketch of th e composer and the full score of the work in question. Gebrauchsmusick music for use, functional music which when divorced from its original se 1 My thesis is an hypothesis about the role that ZT 23 had in the life of the composer. There is in fact a connection between the creative life of an artist and his/her creative output. I suggest the possibility that the instrumentation of the work points at a specific time frame in the life of Pugnani, the decade of the 1770s when he worked close with 1 Neal Zaslaw, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), vii.
15 his pupil Giovanni Battista Viotti. The reasons that support this thesis that places ZT in the 1770s, will be explored in Chapter 7. I believe that inspiring scholarship is science and art. The scientific component deals with the accuracy of verified facts, an aspect that can certainly be identified with positivism. On the other side the creative component is the one that, i n order to fill gaps suggests hypotheses that might sometimes even pass the borderline of speculation. David Beard and Kenneth Gloag state: Positivism reflects a view of the world and conception of knowledge which believes that knowledge and, by implicati on, interpretation can only be validated through an evident proof It therefore reflects a scientific determination by which evidence is tested and hypothesis is either rejected or accepted on the basis of proven truth. 2 In the case of ZT 23 my hypothesis can neither be accepted nor rejected with scientific determination, as it also implies an act of criticism. Since m y thesis links ZT 23 with the 1770s I must provide evidence that place s the score in this time frame. I am therefore endeavoring to address the problem of dating the overture ZT 23, Sometimes the task of dating scores is quite easy, because autograph manuscripts carry dates Unfortunately for Pugnani manuscripts labeled with dates are as rare as copies and early prints. 3 T he manus cript copies of the parts for this score, for which only a single set is extant, according to the customs of the period do not carry a date of composition Phillip Gossett, in a case study on Gioacchino 1868) opera stresses that: 2 Musicology: The Key Concepts (New York: Routledge, 2005), 135 136. 3 Elsa Margherita von Zschinsky Troxler, Gaetano Pugnani: 1731 1798: ein Betrag zur Stilerfassung italienischer Vorklassik; mit thematische m Verzeichnis ( Berlin: Atlantis, 1939 ), 66.
16 In the spe ctrum of approaches to individual musical works, i t is useful to imagine a contin uum. At one extreme, the work is viewed in isolation, a based on linear analysis, harmonic patterni ng or thematic transformation; at the other extreme, the work is meaningful not in itself but only in its social and cultural interactions with historical events or, indeed, with other works. 4 The latter is exactly the approach that I will take in the cours e of this dissertation, having ZT 23 int eract with the cultural customs and some other compositions by Pugnani First, insights will come from a comparison of ZT 23 with a collection of six overtures by Pugnani. The form of the first movement of ZT 23 res embles that of the first movements of the Six Overtures in Eight Parts. Scholars still debate the date of composition for the Six Overtures ; the 1770s remains an option. 5 Second, ZT 23 will be placed in perspective with the customs and traditions of eighte enth century music publishing. This professional life and the ch ronology of his published works, placing ZT 23 in the 1770s. When studying the formal structure of a pi e ce of music, t he availabil ity of a full score becomes relevant Understanding the stylistic elements require in fact an investigation of the inte raction of the different lines, a task that could not be fully accomplished when the music is as in the case of the manuscript copy of ZT 23, presented in separate parts. Therefore, in order to accomplish the score study an important step is to produce a full score of the work under investigation. However, as I will explain in Chapter 9, I am aware that my edition of the score is not the same as the 4 5 The challenges of dating eighteenth century music are not limited to manuscripts. Also engraved music did not carry composition dates because the plates used for engraving were stored and impressions were made over several years. Rather than revising the original date on every impression subsequent to the original, it was more convenient omitting the it altogether. See David Wyn Jones, Music P ublishing in Europe 1600 1900; Concepts and Issues, B ibliography Rudolf Rasch ed. ( Berlin : BWV, Berliner Wissenschafts Verlag, 2005), 153.
17 original work, context remaining simply a tool. Don Michael Randel, discussing the development of musicology, stresses that Much of the energy of musicology has gone in ide ntifying, fixing, preservin g, and studying the work itself But notation is not su fficient for the the work itse Indeed notation is not self sufficient at all Musicology and ethnomusicology begin to look a great deal more alik e when we recognize that there is no such thing as a work without a context. 6 It is certainly true that the score itself offers very little information as to its date, but it acquires meaning as its peculiarities are placed in a context. Hence is the impo rtance of an approach that moves away from the sole investigation of the score and also considers the customs of the period I will explain in Chapter 3 why the facts contained in the score are not sufficient to attempt a dating of the work. In any case, by putting ZT 23 in relation to its context, I will be able to offer a stronger argument as to the possible date of composition. Since ZT 23 was never printed and survives as a manuscript copy, s pecific contextual issues that I propose to identify relate t o the role of printed and manuscript music in the eighteenth century I will link will lead to a possible date of composition for ZT 23 and the set to which it belongs, confirming the valid ity of my thesis. I propose that the score, part of a group of five works possibly written for the same purpose, was composed in the first half of the 1770s. Such a purpose determines the evidence that is brought up to generate my conclusions. The process through which I 6 Don Michael Rande s in the Musicological Toolbox in Disciplining Music (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992) 12
18 draw my thesis has obviously some limits. Philip Gosset t shows how the issue of selecting facts characterizes any historical endeavor. He mentions that: When in his Foundations of Music History well known to twentieth century histori ography. According to Max Weber, the sociologist from whom conditioned by the orientation of our cognitive interest, as it arises from the specific cultural significance which we attribute to the p articular event in a Dahlhaus write honest historian, these facts have nevertheless been selected on the basis of a particular interest, and have risen from the status of mere source material to that of historical facts solely by virtue o f a conceptual system of economic history while Dalhaus is concerned with facts of music history, the communality of their formulation is apparent. 7 As Gosse t t points out linking the two ideas, while we deal with facts, the principle we adopt to select them is partial to a specific scholarly endeavor. Also t he facts taken as evidence for this dissertation were selected to demonstrate how ZT 23 is meaningful to a specific cultural and h istorical context. This, at large, may reflect a methodology, but the fa cts remain partial to this specific study. Relevance of the Topic: The Gap in Scholarship In comparison with Italian instrumental music of the early and middle years of the eighteenth century, when the conventions of the Classical style were taking shape, that of the end of the century has received comparatively little scholarly attention. However, the music cultural climate of Italy during that period was a rather intense one. During t he late eighteenth century the Italian peninsula was an important destination for music 7 Disciplining Music: Musicology and Its Canons (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 95. The two Shils and Henry A. Finch. Trans. and eds., The Methodology of the Social Sciences (Glencoe: Free Press, 1949). And in Carl Dahlhaus, Foundations of Music History, Trans J.B. Robinson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 42.
19 lovers and many composers received their training there. Musicians would travel to Italy and return to their homelands after having absorbed Italian traditions. When a dissemination of the Italianate influence. In regard to late eighteenth century Italian instrumental music, David Wyn Jones stresses that: Having contributed with great flair to instrumental music in the earlier part of the century, Italy produced very little instrumental music of significance in the second half of the eighteenth century. Opera dominated the musical culture to such an extent that the best composers such as Cimarosa, Paisiello, and Piccinni, concentrated almost e xclusively on the genre; none of these composed a single symphony. 8 Scholarship seems in fact to mirror the preference of the period for vocal rather than instrumental music. This has resulted in research overlooking the instrumental medium in favor of opera. This dissertation investigating a late eighteenth century Italian instrumental music topic, attempts to fill in the gap. Introduction to Gaetano Pugnani The profe ssional figure of Gaetano Pugnani is that of a musician with many different facets. He was an orchestral vi olinist, a concert soloist, a chamber player, a conductor maestro al cembalo an educator and a composer 9 Gaetano Pugnani is well known to modern day violinists because he introduced to violin playing a longer bow 8 David Wy 1730 A Guide to the Symphony (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1993) 7 9 ZT, Kammermusikspieler,
20 Pugnani had a brilliant career as a musician of the royal chapel of Turin and as a soloist garnered significant praises all ac ross Europe. He gained reputation rivaling other virtuosos of hi s time; his position within such picture is well illustrated by a nineteenth century plate engraved in Florence by the studio Rinaldi. The plate reproduces the portraits of several musicians a nd is entitled Professori celebri di suono, which according to Daniel Hear tz could be interpreted to mean celebrated instrumental performers. 10 Hea r description of the plate offers a nice picture of the environment in which Pugnani acted as a violinist. The top medallion honors Somis, Locatelli, and Geminiani. Tartini figures to the left of the next row across, which is continued by his pupil Domenico Ferrari, Lolli, Wihelm Cramer of Manheim, and Felice Giardini, above whom Veracini looks out of step wit h his long wig. Above the break nosed Tartini, and partially obscured by him, is the most famous French pupil, Andr Nol Pagin. Overlapping Tartini below him are Gaetano Pugnani and Carlo Chiabrano. The bottom row contains Gi o vanni Battista Viotti, Janovi ck (i.e. Giovanni Mane Giornovichi), Pietro Nardini, and Galeotti, presumably Salvatore the violinist and not Stefano the cellist. 11 output comprises different genres, including symphonies. T o date, with few exceptions, most of his o rchestral works remain unrecorded and un edited. This study offers a contribution to fill such a gap, focusing on an understudied genre and on one of its composers. fully explored in Chapter 5 and his contribution to the symphony touched on in Chapter 6 10 Heartz, European Capitals 208. 11 Heartz, European Capitals 208 Jean Baptiste de Rangon i, Essai sur le gout de la musique, avec le caractre des trios clbres joueurs de violon, messieur Nardini, Lolli, & Pugnani (Impremerie de Thomas Masi: Livourne, 1790).
21 Summary of Chapters C hapter 2 explores how Italians perceived their music, as well as how foreigners understood Ital ian music. E ighteenth century and early nineteenth century writings portray we ll this phenomenon The picture that emerges from a review of contemporary sources shows the extent to which Italians preferred opera over instrumental music. This does not necessarily imply that Italians were not capable of producing instrumental music of good quality, but the focus on opera probably hindered the development of an Italian tradition of instrumental music. This is the reason that scholarship seems to have devalued Italian instrumental music of the later part of the eighteenth century in favo r of opera. Chapter 3 is divided into two sections. The first overviews the stylistic traits of the Classical style, traits that are eventually synthesized as a resolutio n of opposing forces; the second part contains a discussion of the idea of the eighte enth century society as a homogeneous whole. Eighteenth century treatises show clearly that the aim of musicians was that of producing an international style and that in their production they were able to merge many different influences. Modern scholarship has indeed demonstrated that composers used to do more or less the same thing, regardless of where they were. Contemporary and modern literature as well supports the idea of a homogeneous style, an idea that I reinforce with remarks about relevant aspects of eighteenth century life. The material contained in this chapter illustrates the reason my approach shies away from reflections on the specific style of Pugnani, looking for evid ence elsewhere, in the context created by works of Pugnani and his contempo raries.
22 The notion tha t the Classical style was over all homogeneous is currently in the process of being challenged by scholarship. The current tendency is that such a notion has been adopted because much w ork has been done on the music of Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven (the established composers in the canon of eighteenth century music), 12 while still 13 ( a category to which Gaetano Pugnani certainly belongs ) Scholarship that advocate s the possib ility of defining has a long tradition ; Donal d Francis Tovey, at the beginning of the twentieth century, in his essays spoke 14 remarks will be offered in Chapter 6. Chapter 4 reviews the challenges that scholarship has met in defining the symphony, showing that ultimately scholars acknowledged that the contribution of Italy to the formation of the symphonic style has been quite si gnificant. After the great blossoming of the study of the genre, an effort that made available many scores, scholars in the 1980s determined that the forerunners of the genre were several and overture transfer genres such as concerto and sonata can 12 For instance see Leonard B. Meyer, The Spheres of Music (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, Sisman, Haydn and the Classical Variation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). 13 This is the rationale behind the forthcoming first volume (the last to be published) of The Symphonic Repertoire series. See A. Peter Brown, The Symphonic Repertoire (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2002 2008). 14 Donald Francis Tovey, Essays in Musical Analysis (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), Vol. III, ix; The essays are collected in a six volume series, each one devoted to a different genre, symphonies being discussed in volumes one and two. Most of the essays were written as
23 also be logically regarded as precursor s of the symphony. The turning point in the study of this evolution was in the 1980s, and specifically with a ll the s tudies that comprised The series, focusing on symphonies from the 1720 to the 1840, appeared in sixty volumes, under the editorial direction of Barry Brook. Each volume, besides the full scores (sometimes facsimile) of selec ted works, also includes historical information and discussion on the repertoire author ed by experts in the field. This large availability of scores represented a turning point in the study of the genre. This chapter will show the Italian contribution to t he formation of the symphonic style that not only finds its roots in Italian Baroque music, but also encompasses the influence of Neapolitan opera The story of the symphony eventually came to the early contributions o f Giovanni Battista Sammartini ( widely explored by Bathia Chu rgin ) and from there, through the eighteenth century, to Gaetano Pugnani. The chronological gap between Sammartini and Pugnani is rather wide, but as I will show in Chapter 6 very few Italians dedicated their energies to the symphon y during the eighteenth century (for instance Luigi Boccherini and Gaetano Brunetti). Along this c ontinuum the Italian interest in instrumental music lessen s towards the end of the century, the period to which ZT 23 seems to belong. Because raphical information helps in justifying the thesis and building the argument of dating the work in question, in C hapter 5 I have gathered The content of this chapter is chiefly based on secondary literature and on the diplomatic correspondence studied by Stanislao Cordero di Pamparato at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
24 There are certainly very few examples of instrumental music in late eighteenth century Ital y when compared with that of other geographical areas. instrumental works represent an important contribution to this literature. In Chapter 6 I touch on the position of Pugnani in the Italian contribution to the concert symphony as well as on th e position of ZT 23 within the thirty odd symphonic works that the Turinese violinist has left us As shown in his thematic catalog, many of his symphonies wer e printed during his lifetime. Comparatively very few have survived as manuscript copies. Among t he scores that remain in manuscript, there is a group of works that, according to the catalog, exhibit an unusual instrumentation. This set is the only group of works that call for ob[b]ligato 15 violin parts 16 (henceforth ob b ligato set). The ob b ligato set was listed in 1939 by Zschinsky Troxler as housed in Berlin. This set, along with several other scores by Pugnani, was part of the library of the former kings of Prussia, a collection that shortly afterwards was brought to the Soviet Union. In the 1950s o nly part of the collection made it back to Berlin. Roughly fifty percent of it is currently still housed there and the remainder, if extant, is presumably still held in Russian libraries. 17 This fact eventually led me to find in Berlin only one of the score s of the ob b ligato set. This sc ore is the focus of my document. The dating argument takes place in Chapter 7 Two 15 On the scores appears consistently the spelling obligato Unless I quote the score, in the course of this dis sertation I will use the current Italian obbligato. 16 As a matter of fact the catalog also mentions a single version of another two symphonie s with obbligato violin parts, ZT 25 and ZT 27. The two works are reported by Z s chinsky Troxler as existing in two printed editions and five manuscript copies, but only one of t he manuscript copies calls for four violini obbligati. The number of copies and the existence of only one version with obbligato parts suggest that the scores should not be grouped with the Berl in obbligato set as they may very well represent an arrangement for a particular local orchestra. 17 I have not yet been able to locate these scores.
25 distinct pieces of evidence are brought together to point toward the 1770s as a possible date of composition for the overture ZT 23. A full sc ore of the overture ZT 23 is available in Appendix A The edited score was realized from the manuscript copies of the parts reproduced on a microfilm that I received from the Berlin Staatsbibliothek. The editorial choices regarding the score were in part d etermined by the criteria presented in Chapter 3 as well as by information on performing practice. In the first section of C hapter 9 discussing my philosophical approach to editing music, I invoke Margaret Bent who states that right and wrong editorial decisions, knowing that these are relative, that they reflect 18 As a result this score as any other ed ited score, is not and cannot be the ultimat e modern edition of ZT 23; however, it maintains its value as a n instrument functional to this investigation as well as the first attempt to produce an edition of this work. 18 The Musical Times 127 (1986): 88.
26 CHAPTER 2 THE CULTURAL ENVIRON MENT The material contained in this chapter has the primary goal of highlighting a gap in modern scholarship, one that finds its roots in the eighteenth century. During that time, in Italy, Italian opera ended up overshadowing instrumental music. This preferenc e is responsible for having led modern scholarship to overlook eighteenth century Italian instrumental music in favor of opera. A review of quotations and discussions from eighteenth century literature will show the Italian predilection for opera. Since ch ange in a society never happens abruptly and stylistic traits overlap between eras, the traditions that we find discussed in the first two or three decades of the Ottocento still find th eir roots in the eighteenth century As such this chapter includes als o early nineteenth century sources. Voice vs. Instruments Marie Louise G llner, discussing some eighteenth century German theoretical the primary focus of both compo 1 For instance i n 1739 Johann Mattheson (1681 1764), discussing the difference between vocal and instrumental other, the latter the daughter the forme r leads and the latter follows Everything which is played [on an instrument] is simply an imitation of singing . 2 Such attitude is reflected also in a 1 Marie Louise Martinez Gllner, The Early Symphony: 18 th Century : Views on Composition and Analysis (Georg Olms Verlag: Hildesheim, 2004), 10. 2 Martinez Gllner, Early Symphony, 10. As reported in Mattheson, Der Vollkommene Capellmeister (Hamburg: C. He rold, 1739). For a translation of Matth e Johann Ph. D. diss. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1969.
27 quotation from 1778 in which Kimberger 3 offers a remark about the use of the German word Gesang : We to be sure, is the original and the most s atisfactory. 4 This quotation does not apply directl y to Italian thinking, although it well represents the concern that some authors had to profess the superi ori ty of vocal over instrumental music. The challenge that instrumental music met in the complete emancipation from its vocal counterpart s was even more difficult in Italy, where opera was the predominant genre. Opera in Italy The Italian scholar Giacomo Fornari offers a selection of excerpts from late eighteenth century/early nineteenth century writings that highlight the Italian passion for opera. Fornari, discussing the decline of eighteenth century Italian instrumental music, reports t hat in 1777 Ange Goudar in Le Brigandage de la Musique Italienne observed that opera houses were everywhere in Italy. From the biggest city to the tiniest village, house s between Italy, Germany and France, includes a list of the important places where theaters were active. 5 The size of the Italian phenomenon is given so effectively, 3 Martinez G llner is suggesting that thi 4 Martinez Gllner, Early Symphony 11 12. As reported in Allgemeine Theorie 1778, Vol II, 239. 5 Intorno a Locatelli, Studi in Occasione del Trecentenario della Nascita di Pietr o Antonio Locatelli (1695 1764), ed. Albert Dunning (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 1995), 246. A s reported in Ange Goudar, Le brigandage de la Musique Italienne ( 1777 ) lie de Thatres; chaque capitale, chaque ville,
28 tra nslated and published for the German reader in the Magazin der Musik. 6 What stands out here is indeed the concentration of Italian opera houses. The dense distribution of them was perhaps the reason that Charles Burney (1726 1814), in the same period, cl 7 A large quantity of opera houses did necessarily not imply quality on the part of the players. social function in eighteenth century Italy after all did not encourag e playing of a superior quality. Audiences atte nded operas as social event s and were more concerned with listening to a particular singer rather than a particular opera. As a result, orchestras of quality were not necessary when great voices were performin g on magnitude of the building and noise of the audience are such, that neither the voices 8 It is evident that outstanding playe rs were not needed if the audience could barely hear the instruments. Such chaos is described by Burney as happening in Milan, where during the performance: coup Bologne, Bresse, Come, Cremes, Ferrar e, Florence, Gnes, Livourne, Lodi, Mantoue ont leur 6 tutta la sua Estensione lo Stato Attuale della Musica in Italia in Chigiana 18 (1993): 15 A s reported by Carl Friedrich Cramer in Magazin der Musk vol. e Stadt, jeds Dorf beynah hat seyne Bhne, un man hrt jertz fast mehr Ariettengesang in diesem Lande als Vgelgezwitscer. Engelland, das fast so gro ist wie Italien, hat nur eine Oper. Frankreich, das viel grosser ist auch ner eine. Aber in Italien, wie 7 Charles Burney, An Eighteenth century Musical Tour in France and Italy, ed. Percy A. Scholes (London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1959) 319. 8 B urney, Musical Tour in France and Italy 278.
29 the noise was abominable, except while two or three airs and a duet were singing, with which everyo ne was in raptures: at the end of the duet the applause continued with unremitting violence till the performers returned to sing it again, which is the way of encoring a favourite air. 9 In this quotation Burney made rather clear that theaters were not a p lace to listen to music, but a place to listen to singers. Such an attitude became well rooted in Italian theaters where, still at the beginning of the nineteenth century, an anonymous German observer reported that in opera houses everybody talks, boxes ar e a place to visit with people and the parterre is a good place for rendezvous. 10 Such an environment hardly stimulate s orchestral playing of a high quality Italian orchestras did not seem to have enjoyed a favorable reputation and this may have hindered t he development of an Italian eighteenth century instrumental tradition comparable to that of Italian opera. At the beginning of the nine teenth century Auguste Lois Blo ndeau remarked that in Italy the bands are in general poor in respect of the execution. In Italy there is so little of the instrumental performances that this is not a profession, so to speak, than t o be a violinist, bassist, etc. 11 Instrumental Music in Italy The Italian scholar Paolo Fabbri has tried to show that discussions of instr umental music were not completely absent in late eighteenth century Italian sources. 9 Burney, Musical Tour in France and Italy 66 67. 10 251 As reported by anonymus, in Algemeine Musicalisches Zeitung April 21, 1816, empfangen, Fremde sich vosrtellen zu la ssen etc. Das parterre dient zu Randez vous, zu Brse u. dergl. 11 s reported in Auguste Lois Blondeau, Voyage 1812) prcde des observations sur les tht r e s italiens ed. Jol Marie s sont en general mdiocres sous le rapport de profession,
30 Nevertheless opera rather than instrumental music. Since Fabbri works with theoretical sources, a connection with the aforementioned Marie Louise G llner, suggests that also in Italy 12 A few quotations will show how, in an attempt to highlight concerns with instrumental music, Italian theorists confirmed the superiority of vocal music. Several of the compose rs who produced instrumental music seem to have found inspiration in singing. S cholarship reports that, for instance, Giuseppe Tartini spoke of 13 It was only Luigi Boccherini (1743 1805) who was eventually acknowledged as an exception to this framework. According to Fornari, ving broken the continuous supremacy of opera and in having brought attention to instrumental repertoire. 14 Francesco Galeazzi (1758 1819), an eighteenth century Italian theorist, violinist and composer, praised the work of Boccherini. The latter, in Galeaz Germans. 15 12 Gllner, Early Symphony 10 13 Fornari, Pie trobelli, Tartini, le sue idee e il suo tempo (Lucca: LIM, 14 teatri e sui palcoscenici di corte, se i teorici del primo Ottocento tornarono a mano a mano ad interessarsi 15 in Chigiana 18 (1983): 50. A s reported in Francesco Galeazzi, Elementi Teorico Pratici di Musica 2 v ols. (I, Rome : Pilucchi Cracas, 1791; II, Rome : Michele Puc cinelli,
31 Giannagostino Perotti (1769 1855) in his Dissertazione 16 discussed music in relation to spoken word. Perotti saw instrumental music as an imitation of its vocal counterpart. 17 A more sophisticated d iscussion of such connection is developed in Pensieri sul Dritto Uso della Musica Istrumentale by Antonio Pisani. Pisani used a parallel with words to show that Italians excelled in instrumental music before the Germans, and that Germans would not have had an opportunity to excel if a few Italians had not moved to Germany. 18 Where melodramma dominated eighteenth century Italy, instrumental music during the same period is generally understood as a German specialty, but Pisani suggested that we read the histor ical narrative backward, for instrumental music from Italy immigrated to Germany. 19 Pisani, to support his thesis, called upon the influential figures of Giuseppe Tartini (1692 1770) and Arcangelo Corelli (1653 1713). It is very interesting to see how, to e xalt the instrumental mastery of the latter two, the parallel is still given with vocal music, two divine men, which made their instr uments sing more than play 20 For Pisani too, vocal music came first, as the singing quality of instrumental music would n ot be otherwise possible. Such quality was lost in Germany, where instrumental music was conceived by composers speaking a 16 d in F. Galeazzi, Elementi Teorico Pratici di musica con un saggio sopra (Rome, Pilucchi Cracas 1791) II, 279. 17 s reported in Ginnagostino Perotti, Dissertazione 49 Egli chiaro che qu esto genere essendo una imitazione della musica vocale ha dovuto dietro a questa rip ulirsi, e vestire 18 s reported in A. Pisani, Pensieri sul Dritto Uso della Musica Istrumentale (Palermo: Lorenzo Da to, 181 7), 5 sua perfezione, e che il nostro violino elettrizzava tutti i cuori, in Germania non si c onoscevano altri strumenti che i zufoli, le cennamelle e le pive, e pochi sventurati strumentisti i taliani avevano cominciato a 19 Pensieri 5 20 As reported in Pisani, Pensieri, 5 ue uomini divini che facevano pi cantare
32 different language. According to Pisani, part of the singing quality of Italian instrumental music stemmed from the fact that it was 21 In other words, the musicality of the Italian language made Italians compose better instrumental music. Hence we have, between the lines, another statement of Italian p reference for vocal over instrumental music. The discussion on vocal and instrumental music developed in the sourc es mentioned in this chapter is synthesized in other sources that support the idea that in Italy vocal music was preferred to instrumental mus ic. An anonymous German visitor in 1813 claimed that talking about Italian music was simply talking about vocal music, 22 since that was the most common music making in Italy. Another commentator reported specifically that in Rome, during the early nineteent h century, instrumental music was barely present if not totally absent. 23 Therefore it does not come as a surprise if in 1783 Carl Friedrich Cramer (1752 1807), in the Allgemeine Musicalische Zeitung, claimed that where there is instrumental music in Italy, 24 The Cultural Environment: Remarks During the eighteenth century vocal music was the preferred form of music making in Italy. Italians and foreigners alike identified Italy with opera. This env ironment 21 Pensieri 5 6. 22 an anonym ous travel diary As report ed in Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung 15 April 21 1813, 261 267 and 277 285 as well as April 28, 1813, 262. Italien reden, so weiss jedermann, das bey weitem am vorzglischsten Vocalmusik gemeynet seyn 23 As reported in Ccilia. Eine Zetschrift fr die musikalische Welt I/3 (July Sept 1821): 214. 24 s reported by Carl Friedrich Cramer in Magazin der Musik vol I/1 (1783) : 160.
33 supported the development of opera and hindered that of instrumental music. Given the century life, modern scholarship has been inclined to overlook the latter. Works such as Pugn vertu re ZT 23 show the importance of taking a broader view of late eighteenth century music making and reevaluating the significance of its purely instrumental component.
34 CHAPTER 3 THE CLASSICAL STYLE This chapter is divided into two sections. T he first part explores the Classical style at large, listing briefly the basic features of the style as framed between the previous and following historical periods. Such material informed the editorial choices of the score presented in Appendix A choices that were also informed by the appropriate consideration on performing practice (discussed in Chapter 9). The second part of the present chapter is dedicated to a discussion of the Classical style as a homogeneous one. Gaetano Pugnani traveled wid ely as a violin virtuoso. He worked with musicians from all around Europe, and most likely also attended a number of concerts in the places he visited. It would be interesting to identify the ways in which his composi tional style was modeled on those of th e colleagues he met. Unfortunately t he general traits of eighteenth century music make it difficult 1 to establish such details of style The Classical era is in fact characterized by stylistic homogeneity. Understanding homogeneity as a releva nt c omponent of the Classical style justifies the approach taken with this dissertation. In contrast to other eras, we have for the style of the Classical period a frame of reference characterized by widespread conventions. A discussion of homogeneity will show that dating ZT 23 on the basis of stylistic features may lead only to partial conclusions and that therefore it is essential to develop a hypothesis regarding its date based on extra musical evaluations. Understanding the Style In music history the s tudy of the eighteenth century may be synthesized into three key terms: gal ant style mature Classical style, and the S turm und Drang (that 1
35 eventually led into the Romantic period). Daniel Heartz, discussing the periodization of ei ghteenth century music, r eminds becoming entrapped by the terminological crutches handed down by the past the 2 It is certainly hard t o place labels on things and set precise time frames, because different places witnessed changes at different times. Furthermore such changes were never sufficiently abrupt and generalized to allow clear cut categorizations. The mature Classical style is c ertainly well understood when compared to the preceding galant style a style that signaled the break ing point with the previous Baroque style. Heartz remarks that musical style, he placed the decisive moment about 1720, in Naples, where Most other 18 th cenutury historians agree, while those who e same proposition by regarding the Neapolitans as the beginning of the end. 3 The term gal ant was not originally used for music. At the beginning of the seventeenth century Voltaire associated the word with anything that sought to please. 4 The term eventually became used to describe an individual with refined aristocratic taste. Daniel Heartz credits Mattheson as the first writer who, in 1721, applied the term ga lant to music. Mattheson discussing the galanten Stylo listed eleven contempora ry 2 th Century Mus International Musicological Society, Reports Of the Tenth Congress, Ljublijana, 1967 (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1970), 160. 3 Daniel Heartz, Music in European Capitals: The Galant Style, 1720 1780 (New York: Norton, 2003), 162 163 4 D aniel Heartz and Br uce Alan Bro in GMO
36 composers as practitioners of Italian opera, 5 suggesting an Italian origin of the new style. According to Heartz music critics of the following decades agreed with him on the fact that the new style originated in Italian theaters. Synthesizing other s cholarship, Heartz says that even if the nuances of the term changes slightly during the century, the word gal ant always implied the meaning of elegant, new, and fashionable. 6 Musical styles throughout the centuries can be better understood in juxtapositio n with the traditions they followed. The galant style prided itself on simplicity and was in fact a reaction to the flamboyant and learned style of the Baroque. Eighteenth century literature shows the criticism and rejection of the old style in favor of so mething completely different. Johann Scheibe (1680 1748) before the middle of the eighteenth century criticized the music of Johann Sebastian Bach 7 (1685 1750) for being too complicated, lacking in natural qualities, and for allowing too much artifice to o bscure the beauti es of the music. A s the writings of Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach 8 (1714 1788) and other Berlin critics show, the galant style came to be understood in contrast with the Baroque learned style. Heartz quotes two writers that achieved the final codification of such juxtaposition. Heinrich Christoph Koch 9 (1749 1816) pointed out the variety of the melodic figures in 5 Heartz, European Capitals, 19. As reported in Johann Mattheson, Das forschende Orchestre ( Hamburg, 1721). 6 Heartz, European Capitals 17. 7 Heartz, European Capitals 19. As reported in Johann Scheibe, Der critische Musikus (1737 17 40). 8 Heartz, European Capitals 19. The text mensioned is: Carl Phillip Emanuel Bach, Versuch ber die wahre Art das Clavier spielen (1753). 9 Heartz, European Capitals 19. As reported in Heinrich Christoph Koch, Musikalis ches Lexikon (Frankfurt, 1802) Translated in Leonard G. Ratner, Classic Music: Espression, Form, and Style (New York, Schirmer Books, 1980), 23.
37 the new style, as opposed to the Baroque practice of a melody constructed on the repetition of motives. Furthermore, Koch also point ed out that the new style preferred a 1813) addressed the difference of the two styles in the treatment of dissonance. The galant style had more freedom in using passing tones and embellishments and gave to the dissonance a longer duration than to the following consonances. According to Trk the composer of the galant style was free because he composed more fo r the ear than by strict rules. 10 The galant style was foreshadowed by the work of Arcangelo Corelli and others who wanted to simplify the Italian Baroque style. It characterized the entire century after it flourished in Naples in 1720. In the passage bet ween Baroque and Classical eras, the style gradually changed. There was some overlapping during the early part of the eighteenth century, and only a few Baroque compositional features were eventually retained. For instance, the Baroque procedure of sequenc e remained and became very useful in modulatory sections. 11 During the middle decades of the century, the galant style overlapped with the Classical style, showing once more that music history cannot be understood as a puzzle of closed boxes. Heartz points out very well the evident contradiction and inconsistencies in trying to look at the eighteenth century in this way. 12 10 Heartz, European Capitals 20. As reported Ellipsis :Analytical Definitions of the Galant Music East and West: Essays in Honor of Walter Kaufmann, ed. Thomas Noblitt (New York: Pendragon Press, 1981), 225 241. 11 Egon Wellesz and Frederick Sternfeld The A ge of Elightenment, 1745 1790 (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 368 I will point out how such a feature is also used by Pugnani in ZT 23. 12 168.
38 Through the Galant style, the eighteenth century broke with the Baroque style, moving towards the mature Classical style. The Classical S tyle Charles Rosen opens his discussion on the age of Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven Classical style was not so much the achievement of an id ea as the reconciliation of con flicting ideals the striking of an optimum b 13 Looking retrospectively we see today the development of styles as logically connected throughout history, but as Charles Rosen claims, this would have not seemed logical to contemporaries. During the third quarter of the eighteenth c entury many new and unusual devices penetrated music. These elements appeared now and then, without an order but their integration led to a coherent style. Rosen suggests that isolating and studying the role of each element of the style is unhistorical b ut helpful to understand it As previously mentioned, contemporary literature understands the Classical style in comparison with its Baroque counterpart. Rosen synthesizes some of the main elements of the Classical style and discu sses them in relation to those of the Baroque Periodicity The first element that Rosen brings up as a peculiarity of the Classical style is that of periodicity. Baroque music was based on the repetition of short melodic motives that conferred unity and continuity to a piece of m usic through its unfolding. The new style was, by contrast, characterized by short periodic phrases. Rosen claims that the historical paradigm of four bar phrases did not serve as a model, but it resulted, in the 13 Charles Rosen, The Classical Style (New York and London: Norton 1997) 43. Unless otherwise sated
39 end, as the one most often used. Also phras es of uneven bar numbers are possible in the Classical style. This fact does not reject the idea of articulated periodicity (for instance eight bars formed by three plus five bars). Rhythm The new periodic conception also had a consequence in the rhythmic aspect of music. One of the concerns of Baroque music was the unrelenting rhythmical flow of one phrase into the next as opposed to the periodicity of the Classical style. The new independent rhythmic identity eventually required symmetry to understand th e pulse of music. Without a defined pulse, a statement of only a half phrase could be confusing by itself. In regard to rhythm Rosen also points out that one of the touchstones of the Classical style was the use of rhythmic transitions. While Baroque phr ases usual ly unfolded with a steady pulse and maintained unity of rhythm for rather large and well def ined sections, i n the Classical style composers used transitional sections, wher e the pulse overlapped The various elements of the Classical style were blended in a way that would highlight symmetry making it clearly perceivable. In consequence a larger rhythmic vocabulary that could better mediate between sections with different rhythms developed. Rosen stresses this idea of rhythmic transition with part icular emphasis, discussing several examples and eventually showing that the change of pulse in Classical style is not felt as an element of contrast, but indeed as a transitional device. 14 14 Rosen, Classical Style 64 67.
40 Dynamics Baroque music was marked by the absence of transitional t echniques in rhythmic stresses that more than juxtaposing dynamic levels, Baroque music contrasted bodies of sound. It was this practice that eventually had an effect on dynami cs. 15 The dynamic level of a musical performance was generally static during the Baroque period and it was the thickening or softening of the text ure that determined the dynamic changes. In any case the Classical style departed from such practice, using cre scendos and diminuendos as transitional devices to mediate between piano and forte. Harmony In the unfolding of the harmony the concept of transition was truly important to the new style. Rosen highlights that tonal transition in the Classical style very o ften occurred at a rather slow pace. The general rule was especially true for the movement of modulation to the dominant. Such a device was used to achieve a greater sense of direction hence conferring a more dramatic character to the music. These long tr ansitions were made possible by the system of tonal hierarchy so peculiar to the Classical style. Rosen reminds us that literature has already addressed the difference between being on a tonality and being in it. Each stage of the hierarchy blends into the being in key is its establishment as a secondary key, a weaker pole of force reacting 16 15 Rosen, Classical Style, 62 63. 16 Rosen, Classical Style, 69.
41 The device discussed by Rosen aims at creating an increasing te nsion starting at the beginning of the piece. Such tension, for instance in the sonata form, is framed by two areas of stability. Modulation and movement to and from the dominant was by no means a new device as it was also used in the Baroque. In order to highlight the difference between the two styles, Rosen effectively compares the sonata form with Baroque dance music. In the latter the dominant usually appears at the end of the first half rather than, as in the sonata form, at the beginning of the first half of the piece. This comparison of two widely used and representative forms show two different basic approaches in the treatment of tonal tension. The tonal tension that builds up in the Classical style is eventually resolved in an area of stability at the end of the piece. Rosen stresses that this area is an essential part of the Classical style, as the tension that builds needs to resolve properly before the conclusion. In the Classical style the climax is in fact placed in the middle of the piece a nd not, as in Baroque music, at the end of it. The Baroque style increases motion and injects energy towards the end of a piece. Rosen gives as an example the da capo aria form in which the tension loosens in the middle, being often in a relaxed key (relat ive minor) with a thinner instrumentation, to increase again in the final section. Another example may also be found in the fugue, where the stretto, towards the end of the form, presents the material in an overpowering fashion. The best explanation of thi s idea of tension created through tonality is well articulated by Rosen in a quotation that places the Classical style between its predecessor and its follower: this insistence on stability at the beginning and, above all, at the end of each work allowed t he Classical style to create and integrate forms with a
42 dramatic violence that the preceding Baroque style never attempted and that the Romantic style that followed preferred to leave unresolved, the musical tension unreconciled. 17 Resolving Contrasts Reso lving contrasts is therefore the principal aim of the Classical style. This concept holds true for tonality, but remains true, as shown by Rosen in the first part of his study, also for dynamics and rhythm as well. The resolution is achieved through transi tional devices that serve to shift gradually between the opposite ends of a continuum. The faster the transition, the more the shift is perceived as an abrupt contrast rather than a general change. But in order to preserve the proper balance, the shift als o has a limit to how slow ly it can be achieved. As a result in Classical music rhythmic and dynamic transitions cannot be sluggish. This idea also applies to harmonic transitions. remains broad but it finds its meaning in the historical framework between the Baroque and the Romantic periods is often avoided and a complete resolution is often rejected as a part of the poetic effect. The distinguishing features of the Classical period achieved wide dissemination across the continent, in virtue of the life style of the era. In the name of homoge neity it is possible, for the eighteenth century, to make generalizations that would not be appropriate in other historical eras. 17 Rosen, Cl assical Style 76.
43 Widespread Conventions The idea of widespread conventions is well exemplified in the formula that Robert O. Gjerdingen uses t o synthesize the g alant s tyle He states 18 This set of mu sical gestures and figures regularly taught to pupils was employed by comp osers to satisfy the fast paced com positional demands of the era. Therefore i t was not until the R understood as a wealth y body of older music was shaped and became common. During the eighteenth century only the newest music was performed putting much pressure on the composer who was pushed to create at a rather fast pace. The figure of the inspired romantic artist who created when personally urged to do so was not even foreshadowed in the lifestyle of eighteenth centu ry musicians The social condition of a court composer was that of a servant, paid to compose according s As nicely put by Gjerdingen the idea that such music would the idea that a tart 19 Furthermore even time for inspiration was lacking as a Kappelmeister duties encompassed a number of tasks besides composing. Gjerdingen offers another humorous but realistic d epiction in this regard saying that a Kappelmeister 18 Robert O. Gjerdingen, Music in the Galant Style (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 6. Unless otherwise stated all the informatio n in this section is drawn from the same monograph. 19 Gjerdingen, Galant Style, 7.
44 more about whether his second violin player would be sober enough to play for the 20 It was with in this climate that widely spread convention s became useful for composers. To better explain th is concept of a conventional way of writing music Gjerdi n gen offers a very effective comparison with the The latter was a form of comedy that flourished in Italy in the sixteenth and ea rly seventeenth centuries. 21 Peculiar to the was the combination of stereotypical and improvised elements performed by regularly constituted companies. An essential component of the training of these actors was the zibaldone speeches, slapstick, jokes, and plots passed down from actor to actor usually within the same 22 Francesco Galeazzi mentioned that something similar to the comedia s zibaldone was also used in the training of composers. According to Galeaz zi the zibaldone of a composition pupil took the form of a book containing custom tailored lessons. Gje rdingen suggests the existence of some standard musical zibaldoni in certain cities or conservatories. These study books constituted a stand ard stock of musical gestures and figures from which young composers could later draw. It is in these roots that the mature Classical style finds its origin. The taste for conventions was the result of the life style of the period. The homogeneity after wh ich society was shaped characterized the musical taste of the era. 20 Gje rdingen, Galant Style, 6. 21 in GMO. 22 Gjerdingen, Galant Style 8.
45 Homogeneous Society The homogeneous musical taste of eighteenth century society was the outcome of three elements: increasingly favorable travel conditions, a broad fascination with Italia n music, and a growing music publishing industry I will address publishing in Chapter 7 but to show how t he musical community of the eighteenth century was self conscious of being a collective reality I must make some remarks about cosmopolitanism and how this ev training. Cosmopolitanism Daniel Heartz cl ayed by nationalism. It was above all cosmopolitan. 23 The cosmopolitanism of the eighteenth century is indeed an important element to t he concept of musical homogeneity Improved travel conditions allowed people to move more easily across Europe. As shown in the writings of Charles Burney, wealthy gentlemen used to visit different cities in different countries as part of their education, 24 Heartz discussing Burney generalizes stating that: Rich or promising young men north of the Alps were increasingly expected to round off their educations with a tour in Italy, mainly in order to inspect the ar t and the architecture of the Renaissance and the remains of antiquity. 25 Not only did connoisseurs and music lovers travel across Europe, but musicians also felt the urge to complete their education abroad. A quotation from the German composer and theorist Johann David Heinichen shows the awareness that knowing 23 Heartz, European Capitals, xxii 24 For a discussion on t he topic of the Andrew Wilton and Ilaria Bignamini, Grand Tour: the Lure of Italy in the Eig h teenth Century (London: Tate Gallery, 1996). And: Jeremy Black, Italy and the Grand Tour (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003). 25 Daniel Heartz, Europ ean Capitals 45.
46 diversity was perceived as a conditio sine qua non for musicians seeking to refine their taste: el around from nation to nation Simpl 26 As a consequence of all of these traveling and international relationships educated people used to speak more than one language. In major cities i t was not unusual to hear conversation and speeches in a mixture of different languages a practice manifested in some opera libretti of the day The librettist Goldoni, for instance, found much humor in foreign languages and Italian dialects. As John A. Rice mentions in several sometimes try to speak a foreign language. 27 raining A musician like Gaetano Pugnani had many opportunities to work abroad. It is reasonable to assume that his composi tional style was influenced by his experiences on each of his trips. In a city like Vienna he would have encountered a wealth of different ideas that he could take away with him and incorporate into his music. The problem in defining such elements lays ind eed in the fact that major cities were cosmopolitan; cosmopolitan, therefore was the training of the composers who worked there. Rice after mentioning that the young Antonio Salieri (1750 1825) left Venice for Vienna, stresses that the composer educat ion was a reflection of such environment s 26 in Th e Cambridge History of Eighteenth Century Music, ed. Simon P. Keefe (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009 ), 325. As reported in Johann David Heinichen, Der General Bass in der Composition (Dresden, 1 728), 23. For an English translation of the or iginal text see: George J. Buelow, Tho ro ugh Bass Accompaniment According to Johann David Heinichen, 2 nd edn. ( Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1992). 27 John A. Rice, Antonio Salieri and Viennese Opera (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1998) 70.
47 representing a synthesis of Italian, Bohemian, and Viennese traditions similar to the ingredients of Florian Leopold Gas s 1729 1774 ) own education. 28 As a result, guessing where influences came for each composer is quite a task. C omposers were fully aware of assimilating, elaborating, and eventually merging different styles in their musical output. Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart himself, i n a l etter from Mannheim in 1778, declared to adopt and imitate any kind and 29 Italian Influence Italian music had a dual appeal during the eighteenth century, based on the success of Italian opera and the power of Italian violin playing. 30 Johann Beer (1655 1700), a late seventeenth qualities of the Italian langu age that, being filled with vowe ls, fits singing better than a l anguage p redominantly based on consonant s. 31 Italian composers and music directors were spread around the continent in a kind of diaspora, a phenomenon that contributed in taking the Italian culture abroad even when foreigners could not travel to Italy to a 32 28 Rice, Salieri 18. 29 Emily Anderson, ed., The Letters of Mozart and his Family 2 nd edition 1966), 468. 30 Map of Europe, 31 12. As re ported in Joann Beer, Musicalische Discurse. Nuremberg, 1719. O ther quotations on this topic are in Chapter 2 of this dissertation. 32 Reinhardt Strohm, The Eighteenth Century Diaspora of Italian Music and Musicians (Turnhout Belgium: Brepols 2001), xv.
48 In such a society, musical tastes became interw oven and mixed as never before. During the eighteenth century musicians envisi oned their work as part of a wide musica l reality, conceived as a unified one. This attitude overcame national boundaries, eventually acting as one of the elements that reinforced the feeling of homogeneity in society. Interweaving Tendencies Friedrich Blu me i n the first edition of Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart provided a thorough essay on Classical music made available for the English reader in a translation published by Norton. 33 In spite of being a rather dated work it is based on eighteenth cen tury literature and as such provides a good basis for this argument The s ynthesizes the important points of this discussion. Blume remarks that, unlike in other histo rical periods, the Classical era was not immediately le d by a particular nation. We shall not forget that the Netherlands offered a significant musical contribution during the Renaissance and that the Italians certainly had a prominent role in shaping the music of the Baroque. 34 When investigating instrumental music of the Classical period, there is no evidence of the predominance and leadership of a single nation. Blume stresses that even if the point of departure for Classic instrumental music did not grow out of any single sch ool at any single place, but 33 Friedrich Blume Classic and Romantic Music t rans M. D. Herter Norton (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1970). Originally published as : Friedrch Blume, in MGG1, vol.7 1027 1090. 34 Blume, Classic and Romantic 23.
49 35 In any case, on a more general basis, Blume advocates the prominence of Germans during the period from the eighteenth to the twentieth century, statin 36 obvious bias towards the music of his countrymen, his statement does not imply the existence of a proper Ge rman style. Doctrine of Mixed Taste vermischter Geschmack ) as discussed by three eighteenth century authors: Johann Joachim Quantz (1697 1773) Carl Phili p p Emanuel Bach and Leopold Mozart (1719 1787) 37 In 1752, in the last part of his Versuch einer Anweisung die Flte traversiere zu spielen Quantz discussed Italian, French and German music. After a description of styles and a comparison b etween French and Italian music, Quantz concluded Italia n music is arbitrary and the French n arrow 38 Even if the author outlined a clear distinction betwe en the two styles, he stated In fact, h e express purpose of profiting in each from its good side 39 E d ward R. Re i lly and Andreas 35 Blume, Classic and Romant ic, 24. 36 Blume, Classic and Romantic, 25. 37 Blume, Classic and Romantic 26. 38 Oliver Strunk ed. Source Readings in Music History, from Classical Antiquity though the Romantic Era (New Yo rk: W. W. Norton & Company, 1950), 594. As reported in Johann Joachim Quantz, Versuch einer Anweinsung (1789). The newest edition of Strunk does not report the Quantz excerpts that I mention in this sect ion. 39 595
50 believed German music included the best French and Italian elements, a combin ation 40 A s a matter of fact Quantz stated that the tast e of Germans was not produced on their own, but was a profit of the good side of foreign music, whatever its kind. 41 Quantz also discussed international m usic relationships. He put a particular emphasis on the fact that the taste of Germans was developed by visiting Italy and France and by ha ving Italians and French serve in their country. Quantz concluded that: [ Germans ] have adopted the taste of the one or the other and have hit upon a mixture which has enabled them to write and to perform with success, not only German, but also Italian, French, and English operas and other Singspiele each in its own language and taste. 42 Quantz wish ed taste, in a mixture of the tastes of various pe 43 The position of C. P. E. Bach wa s very similar to that of Quantz. In his treat ise on p l aying the clavier, discus sing embellishments, he described Fre nch and Italian style. Bach concluded that: the best way of playing the clavier or any other instrument is that which succeed s in skillfully combining what is neat and brilliant in French taste with what is ingratiatin g in the Italian way of singing. 44 40 GMO. 41 42 43 44 See Carl Phillip Emanuel Bach Strunk, Source Readings 855 As reported in Carl Phillip Emanuel Bach, Versuch ber die wahre Art, das Clavier zu spielen (1759).
51 In conclusion n either the Italian nor the French style could be declared to be the best one, as none of them wa 45 In more general term s also the 1756 treatise on v iolin playing by Leopold Mozart is significant 46 Music as a Universal Language by Blume is also reflected in other sources. Drawing on secondary literature Blume reports for instance of a letter that Christoph Willibald Ritter von Gluck (1714 1787) wrote in 1773 to the editor of the Mercure de France. Gluck took much pride at havin g produced music suitable for all the nations and of causing the ridiculous distinction of national music to 47 Such a proposal was praised a few years later by Michel Paul Guy de Chabanon 48 (1729/30 1792) universal 49 Blume suggests that the idea of music as a universal language s Ode to Joy and 50 This general aim towards a musical common idiom according to Blume resulted in t he tendency toward simple, generally comprehensible and folk like music ; t he highest 45 Bach, 856. 46 See Leopold Mozart, Source Readings 865. As reported in Leopold Mozart, Versuch einer grndlichen Violinschule (1756). 47 C hristoph Willibald Source Readings in Music History, from Classical Antiquity though the Romantic Era ed. Oliver Strunk (New Yo rk: W. W. Norton & Company, 1950), 682. This excerpt is not reported on the newest edition of Strunk. 48 Blume reports him simply as Chabanon. 49 Bl ume, Classic and Romantic 28. As reported in Michel Paul Guy de Chabanon, De la musique considre en elle mme et dans ses rapports avec la parole, les langues, la posie et le thtre (Paris, 1785). 50 Blume, Classic and Romantic 28.
52 degree of the union of folk like and consummate art eventually became manifested in agic Flute The Creation and T he Seasons. 51 The Cla ssical Style: Remarks With a brief discussion on the classical style I introduced the concept of homogeneity. T he widespread conventions that during the eighteenth century guided creative tasks were in fact the influence of a cosmopolitan s ociety In such environment the principal aim was not the search for an individual style. As travels and consequent cross influences were the norm, it is difficult establishing unambiguously personal styles Gaetano Pugnani fits the norm s of his period. He travelled widely across Europe and was part of the eighteenth century cosmopolitan environment. He found his fortune by working successfully in the patronage system. These facts place his music within the homogeneous style that I mention in this chapter. As a result, to the present day, dating s difficult to do It is therefore necessary to look beyond the score for evidence that will help establish a reliable da te for the piece under discussion. 51 Blume, Classic an d Romantic 29.
53 CHAPTER 4 THE CLASSICAL SYMPHO NY Even if Italy did not offer major contributions to the concert symphony, the contribution that Italian music offered to the development of the symphonic style is quite signifi cant. The forma tion of the symphonic style spra ng from Baroque instrumental genres, such as concerto and sonata (forms that originated in Italy); it passed through Neapolitan opera and eventually came to the works of Giovanni Battista Sammartini (1700/01 1 775). To fully contextualize the genre, in the last section of this chapter I discuss the venues in which symphonies were performed during the eighteenth century. This should give a good idea of the setting in which the overture ZT 23 could have been heard The Challenge of Defining the Genre Scholars who have tried to define the symphony have dealt principally with two issues: the Italian opera overture as the direct forerunner of the symphony, and the centrality of Mannheim in the introduction of some man nerisms in the style. The study of these and other issues has depended heavily on the availability of scores, the size of the repertoire and problems of attribution. Extant scores have been in fac t particularly relevant in studying the evolution of the style. Unfortunately for a long time the study of the symphony was conducted with a partial view of the actual repertoire. It was only within the 1980s and 1990s that the efforts of several scholars made available in edition and repri nts a number of scores that made possible outlining a measured and reasonable overview of the genre. 1 1 A. Peter Brown, The Symphonic Repertoire 5 vols. (Bloomington & Indianapolis, Indiana University Press 2002 2008). Preface to the series. The different volumes of the series share the same introduction.
54 The task of editing eighteenth century symphonies still presents significant challenges, primarily due to the size of the repertoire and problems of attr ibutions. The large body of works that we define today as symphonies was eventually widely disseminated, but many attributions remain doubtful. The challenge of matching scores absence of contemporary copyright laws. Publishers were free to reprint under their label a work printed elsewhere. Furthermore, less well known composers would find it helpful to sell their music under the name of their more famous and accredited colleagu es. This custom responded to the popularity of the genre, which is explained by its versatility. spiece as the composer of ZT 23, should not necessarily be taken as proof of authorship. In t he earliest part of the eighteenth century, to take advantage of the widespread amateur music making (especially in Germany), symphonies were written in such a style that they could be performed by musicians with rather limited technical skills. 2 This fact contributed to the generation of a large body of works created by the lesser known as well sophisticated composers. In order to show the consideration that the symphony as a genre enjoyed during its early times, Hoffman Erbrecht mentions the 1735 minutes of the Zrich Musikgesellschaft zur deutschen Schul The document records the approximately equivalent amount if 1 to 1 3 The wide demand created by amateur orchestra s also encouraged the publication of symphonies in periodicals. 2 Hoffman Erbrecht, Symphony (Co logne: Hans Gerig, 1967), 5. 3 Hoffman Erbrecht, 5. As reported in Robert Sondheimer, Die Theorie der Sinfonie und die Beurteilung einzelner Sinfoniekomponisten bei den Musikschriftstellern des 18. Jahrhundertz (Leipzig 1925).
55 These facts help us understand why the catalogues of the eighteenth century symphonies include some thousands of works. 4 Within the large number of works that we identify as symphonies there i s a wide variety of types and diversity. During the eighteenth century lack of consistency in nomenclature led to the placement of different labels on similar works. This practice was the responsibility of both composers and copyists, who could reproduce a s an overture a work elsewhere labeled as symphony. Labels that alternate inconsistently to define similar works include divertimento, serenade, quartet, quintet and others. As Bathia 5 Well genre, stylistic influences from opera, chamber music, and concerto continued. 6 Also in regard of the early symphony Bathia Churgin points out a similar issue. According to Churgin what makes it difficult establishing criteria for the symphony is the overlap in form, style, and medium with other instrumental types. 7 It is possible that genre distinc tions were clear to eighteenth century musicians, but the cross influence s (certainly a result of the homogeneous society), suggests that this could hardly be the 4 This number is not the number of Italian symphonies, but the number of all the symphonies composed in these years. As such it does not contradict my previous claim that in Italy opera overshadowed instrumental music. 5 Bathia Churgin ed., The symphonies of G. B. Sammartini (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), 5. With this claim Churgin points out a common problem in any emerging genre. 6 The information in this paragraph is drawn from Egon Wellesz and Frederick S ternfeld The A ge of Elightenment, 1745 1790 (London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 366 Cross i nfluences eventually produced, for instance, the da capo symphony, the quartet symphony, and the symphonie concertante 7
56 possible. When talking of the concert symphony we are dealing with a large and diverse body of works composed over a long period of time. As such, a comprehensive discussion on the genre should include a broad array of cognates, for both the music of the eighteenth century, and for that of the seventeenth century (from which it originated). A definitive categorization of the different genres involved in t his discussion of its relationship to the symphony in terms of genre, is in order. As I will explain in the course of this chapter, when using th e word overture we generally understand a work with an introductory function such as the opera sinfonia or the French overture. Duri ng the eighteenth century, t he use of the word overture was extended to works of the symphony type, regardless of their function. Nicholas Temperley reminds us that showing us tha t the terms were used interchangeably. 8 Jan LaRue mentions that not only the terms overture and symphony were interchangeable, but that also the term sinfonia for much of the eighteenth century could indicate a work of the symphony type. 9 In the followin g discussion overture is understood as the Ital ian opera overture, while with symphony is understood the concert symphony, genre to which the overture ZT 23 belongs. 8 9
57 The Development of the Symphony: A Brief Survey The Symphonic Repertoire edited by A. Peter Brown, is the most recent attempt at a wide ranging work on the symphony. According to the author the series fills a gap in the historiography of eighteenth century instrumental music; in the preface to the series Brown points out that the last attem pt at a comprehensive work on the symphony was that by Karl Nef, in 1921. 10 Since then, literature has addressed the symphonic genre in two kinds of publications, textbooks and symposia. Brown lists some of the sources that I will review in this chapter. So me of them clearly aim at the music lover; nevertheless they offer a general picture of the state of research. In making available for the layman what scholars have achieved up to date, these works offer a reflection of the development of scholarship throu gh time. Much of the literature on the concert symphony is listed in an annotated bibliography authored by Preston Stedman. 11 The work is now more than twenty years bibliogr aphy, points out several of its limitations, not the least of which is the fact that it 12 sections with general resources and sources on the eighteenth century symphony where items are listed and briefly commented upon. Stedman does not supply 10 Brown, Symphonic Repertoire xv. The work mentioned is Karl Nef, Geschichte der Sinfonie und Suite ( Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hrtel, 1921) 11 Presto n Stedman, The Symphony: A Research and Information Guide, Volume I: The Eighteenth Century (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1990). 12 A Peter Brown, review of The Symphony: a Research and Information Guide, by Preston Stedman, Music & Letters 72 (Nov. 1991), 593 595
58 information on the principles that guided the inclusion or exclusion of a source from the work. In th e preface Stedman remarks that specific writings on the symphony did not begin until the late nineteenth century, even if we can retrieve information on the genre in earlier sources. The first major scholar of the symphony who inspired later generations wa s Hugo Riemann (1849 1919) who edited scores and started researching music in Mannheim. Since then research on the symphony ha s been an ongoing project of the scholarly community. Major contributions came from American doctoral students who worked under th e supervision of Jan LaRue and Barry Brook. To account for the status of this ongoing project i t i s enough to mention that one of the latest essays on the symphony, the one in the newly issued Cambridge History of Eighteenth Century Music defines the rese 13 Early Scholarship stimulated many scholars of later generations. Riemann was the first who brought attention to the musical center of Mannheim whic h he regarded as the true historical origin of Viennese classicism. 14 In Mannheim Riemann identified the origin of many mannerisms that eventually became the distinguishing features of the classical style. 13 The Cambridge History of Eighteenth Century Music (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 613 647. 14 Brian Hyer and Alexande GMO
59 by stating that there is no reason for Germans to be ashamed of the influence that Italians had on their music. It is indeed true that all the G by the heritage of Italy. If Germany has to look at Italy with gratitude, Italians should give gratitude to the Germans for having acknowledged ished for future scholarship to be free from one sidedness. 15 It seems therefore that he foreshadowed the importance that Italy had in the formulation of the symphonic style. Mid Twentieth Century For a long time scholars believed that the concert symphony was generated from the Italian opera overture. Th e monograph by Ralph Hill 16 offer a synthesis of the state of scholarship that, around the middle of the twentieth century, perpetuated what not explicitly use such a ter m, but the theory is clearly outlined. For instance, Hill states 17 were detached from the stage work to be performed in concerts. Hill also attempts a definition of th e various cognates of the term symphony a distinction that eventually became irrelevant in scholarship of the following decades. The essay also includes some considerations in regard of the responsibility that the principle of sonata forms had 15 in Sammelbnde der Internationalen Musikgesallschaft 10 (Jan. Mar.1909) : 307 317. Er ist natrlich kein Grund vorhanden, sich der starken italienischen Einflsse auf die deutsch e Musik des 18 Jahrunderts und die Wiener Klassiker zu schmen, im Gegenteil, wenn deutschen Boden fallen konnte, allen deutschen musikalischen Gromeiste r, Schtz, Bach, Hndel, Hasse, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, Wagner, sie alle und zahllose kleinere Meister sind von Italien befruchtet worden. Deutschland sollte darum vielmehr mit Dankbarkeit nach Italien blicken, dem es so viel Initiative verdankt, ebenso wie Italien nach Deutschland, das die Italienischen Propheten erfllt hat. oder Wien, aufzurumen, und statt in einer unerquicklichen Guerilla um Einseitig keiten unntig Krfte zu vergeuden, den Stil der Wiener Klassiker an Italien und sonderlich Deutsch 16 Ralph Hill, The Symphony (Harmondsw o rth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1949). 17 Hill, Symphony 11.
60 in the esta blishment of the symphonic style (although the actual concept of sonata form does not come from here). The author mentions the importance of devices such as the contrasting keys in the exposition, the existence of a developmental section, and the existence of a recapitulation concerned with the re establishment of the tonic key. 18 Hill also highlighted a commonplace about Mannheim that later scholarship will reveal to be a mistake, the claim that crescendos and diminuendos were first introduced by the Mannh eim School. Such an indication, based on a famous quotation from Charles Burney, 19 was never adequately substantiated. Early scholarship had traditionally thought that the orchestral practice of Mannheim was responsible for the introduction into the style o such as crescendos and diminuendos. During the mid twentieth century another relevant contribution to the monographs on the symphony was that of Homer Ulrich, 20 which aimed to survey different orche stral genres. In the first chapter Ulrich reviewed different instrumental forms of the seventeenth century, but did not consider the possibility that seve ral of them had a role in the birth of the concert symphony. He claimed in fact that the seed of the f uture symphony was in the overture. 21 Ulrich credited the most significant step in the evolution of the symphony to Alessandro Scarlatti (1669 1725), who first started composing his overtures in three 18 Hill, Symphony, 15 16 19 Hill, Sym phony, 18. The famous quotation is briefly elaborated in Heartz, European Capitals 513. eggregate of sound can produce; it was here that the Crescendo and Diminuendo had birth 20 Ulrich Homer, Symphonic Music: Its Evolution since the Renaissance (Columbia University Press: New York 1952). 21 Homer Symphonic Music 53.
61 movements. Ulrich highlighted the resemblance of these sinfonias with the Baroque concerto, a resemblance synthesized in the same number of movemen ts (in fast slow fast sequence), the same stereotyped beginning with the tones of the tonic triad, and the same homophonic texture. The idea that the Italian opera sinfonia is the principal precursor of the concert symphony still seems to be predominant at this time Ulrich stressed that the sinfonia was detached from its opera around 1740 to enter into a competition as a popular genre with the concerto. The rivalry with a mature form such as the concerto pushed the development of the symphony, which then occurred from around 1740 to around 1780. 22 The scholarship of this period also acknowledged the fact that during the decades across the middle of the eighteenth cent ury, the sonata principle was also eventually introduced, namely an increased differentiation and contrast that highlighted two distinct areas of the first movement. Ulrich mentions Giovanni Battista Pergolesi (1710 1736), Giovanni Battista Sammartini, and Giuseppe Tartini as composers who, along with other stylistic traits used the transition to a new key and thematic differentiation. Scholarship of mid century includes also the work of Adam Carse. Carse discussed the fo rerunners of the orchestral genre i n view of the then accepted overture transfer theory. In the opening of his book Carse stated reaches back at least to the French Overture and the Italian S infonia both of which took shape during the second half of the seve nteenth 23 Both the instrumental genres originally introduced some kind of stage work and, according to Carse and 22 The information in this paragraph is taken from Homer Symphonic Music, 53 and 58. 23 Adam Carse, Eighteenth century Symphonies (Westport, Co nnecticut: Hyperion Press Inc., 1951), 1.
62 others at some point these instrumental sections were detached from the stage work to take life as independent concert genres 24 Both genres convincingly qualify as forerunners of the concert symphony. raising brought forwa rd by virtue of a shared three part structure. The French Overture consisted of two main section s : a slow first one in duple meter with dot ted rhythm, and a faster one in triple meter with fugal writing. T he material of the first section may have return ed after the second section. This is the variant that is taken by Carse to stress the three part str ucture of the genre ( Lentement Vitement Lentement) 25 suggesting a parallel with the three sections of the early Italian opera sinfonia The eighteenth century preference for homophonic texture did not favor for the reception of the fugal section (the second) of the French o verture in the concert symphony. Nevertheless the slow introduction remained and it was still in use later in the century (b y Haydn, for instance). In his survey on the symphony Stedman points out that the French overture could indeed have inspired the introduction of the opening slow section According to him, in both genres, French o verture and concert symphony, the connection is suggested by the non thematic character of the slow introductio n that aims more at a harmonic goal rather than tunefulness. 26 Along with the French o verture Carse identifies an important forerun ner of the concert symphony in the early eighteenth century Italian opera sinfonia The three part form (fast slow fast) that had been used in a number of Italian opera sinfonia s is also 24 Carse, Symphonies, 8. 25 Carse, Symphonies 9. 26 Preston Stedman, The Symphony (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1992), 11.
63 the s tructure found in early concert movement sinfonia s are indistinguishable from the concert symphonies that were being written about the 27 Such is the principal argument that accounts for the sinfonia as a progenitor of the symphony. This is the theory that will be later labeled in It is certainly reasonable to think that the roots o f the symphony are to be found in t he independent life of curtain raiser forms such as the French overture and Italian sinfonia As Stedman puts it the audience familiarity with opera sinfonia pushed 28 The same could certainly hold true also for the French overture Furthermore, d uring part of its existence, the symphony had indeed the function of concert opener. Jan LaRue and Eugene K. Wolf 29 A S hift in the Approach O n the function of the concert symphony the overture transfer theory was challe nged by scholarship investigating the social function of the different forerunners. During the early seventies an interest in what used to happen around the symphony arose. Scholars tried in fact to define the symphony by studying and discussing its conte xt. Ursula von Rauchhaupt states that: the symphony has always been affected by changes in the structure of society the destiny of the symphony is determined by the 27 Carse, Symphoni es 11. 28 Stedman, The Symphony 7. 29 in GMO
64 the symphony environment, plays a decisive role. 30 The focus on the context seems to be one factor in the eventual recognition that the overture transfer theory represented only a partial explanation of the general development. The instrumental section at the beginning of a stage work (formerly French overture or opera sinfonia ) had the sole purpose of attracting the audience attention. As such it was rather brief and, as Stedman puts it, its involvement with the 31 L ouise Cuyler suggests that the opera sinfonia ma y have even been an inhibitor for the devel opment of the concert symphony. First, the overture had, as its basic function, to attract immediate attention and the pique interest for the pice de rsistance to come: the opera itself. The ceremonial occasional quality of the opera overture clung to the symphony for many years, tending to inhibit its emergence as an innova development, a hallmark of the mature symphony, w as alien to opera, which was, in the eighteenth century at least, written to divert. 32 As explained by Jan LaR ue and Eugene Wolf the theory that the opera overture was the principal basis for the symphony has as one of its weakest points the fact that th e two genres were intended for quite different venues and kinds of audience whereas the circumstances of performance and social function of ripieno concertos and (in many cases) sonatas were precisely those of early symphonies. 33 O pera sinfonia s were me an t to be performed in large theaters, before large audiences. A s introductory pieces they were more facile in style than the ripieno concertos. 34 Wolf also brought up doubts about the interchangeability of symphony and sinfonia in their 30 Ursula von Rauchhaupt ed. The Symphony (London: Thames and Hudson, 1973). 6. 31 Stedman, The Symphony 7. 32 Louise Cuyler, The Symphony (New York, Harcourt B race Jovanovich, 197 3), 9. 33 in GMO. 34 Eugene Wolf, in GARLAND A I, xvii.
65 function as concert o peners 35 The affinities between the concert symphony and the Baroque instrumental forms were explored by Bathia Churgin in her groundbreaking work on Giovan ni Battista Sammartini. Sammartini started his career as a composer in the first half of the eighteenth century. His early works show affinity with independent forms such as the concerto and the trio so nata, showing that in its early stage the symphony was more indebted to these genres than to the opera overture. 36 The transitional function of parts with the trio sonata is reinterpreted as a textural feature. Sammartin a tre preserve the three parts of the Baroque trio sonatas, but unlike it are not imitative in nature. 37 The most significant contribution that gave a substantial impulse to the s cholarship on the symphony was the large scale editorial project published by the Garland Publishing Company under the direction of Barry Brook. The significance of the sixty volume series lay in making available for the first time to the large public new editions and facsimile reproductio ns of some of the symphonies composed between 1720 and 1840. The articles that accompany the scores are authored by experts in the field and besides supply ing appropriate historical information, also explain the reason of 35 Jan LaRue and Eugene K. Wolf, in GMO 36 Churgin, ed., The Symphonies of G.B.Sammartini I: Early Symphonies (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), 7. Churgin stresses that the impact of the Italian overture on the symphony was not felt until after 1740. 37 Churgin, The Symphonies 5.
66 why other instrumental genres, bes ides the opera sinfonia and the French overture, came to be considered important as forerunners of the concert symphony. Importance of the Baroque C oncerto The Baroque concerto was an instrumental genre with different variants, all of which, in different w ays, qualify as forerunners of the symphony. Popular kinds of baroque co ncertos include the concer to grosso and the solo concerto as well as a third kind, which seems to link the two, the ripieno concerto The etymological roots of the word concerto are to be found in the Italian concertare (to join together) as well as in the same Latin word (with the meaning of contending) Such are in fact the principles that govern the genre. When dealing with the concerto it is therefore better to think of the concerta to principle the coordination of different instrument s working in an ensemble with and against each other instead of a specific genre The contrast between bodies of sound is represented in the solo concerto by the juxtaposition of a solo with an ensemble, and in the concerto grosso in the alternation of the full ensemble (tutti) with a group of soloists (concertino). In the early symphony the second theme was often performed by a concertino indicating a clear and direct connection with the concer to grosso Connection with the solo concerto is suggested by the soloistic writing that occasionally appears in early symphonies. 38 In any case it was on a different principle that scholarship from 1980s largely agreed on considering the concerto a forer unn er of the symphony. 38 Notable examples the solo parts eventually grew in length, the symphony became a new genre, the symphonie concertante. The latter, where features of the concerto coexisted with those of th e symphony, eventually became a mature and independent genre in the 1770.
67 T he kind of concerto that is probably the closest to the symphony is the ripieno concerto The denomination of the full group that contrasts with the concertino may change, but ripieno remains the most widely accepted one The ripieno e ventually settled as a group of doubled strings and basso continuo and as a consequence the ripieno concerto came to be understood as a piece for such ensemble. The ripieno concerto, whi ch flourished in Northern Italy from about 1690 to 1740, features the string ensemble and the basso continuo, with virtually no solo parts. When solos are present they are subsidiary Therefore in this case t he designation of concerto carries no implication of contrasting bodies of sound, but simply indicates a work for ense mble ( concertare as joining together). The nomenclature for this genre varied in contemporary sources and in the scholarship the designation of ripieno concerto became the favored one. Among the scholars who put forth the idea that the ripieno concerto has full title to qualify as a forerunner of the symphony was Neal Zaslaw. Drawing on a claim by E ugene the concert symphony in the mid eighteenth century have undervalued the conservative ripieno concerto in favor of the more forward looking opera sinfonia 39 Ripieno concertos share instrumentation with the early symphony. While opera sinfonias because of their character and function often used winds, the ripieno concerto and the early symph ony use only strings and basso continuo Overlapping seemed to have existed also in regard to the form. Eugene Wolf points out that, generally 39 in The Journal of Musicology 1 (1983): 103. As reported in Concerto a 4 ) as the P rincipal Early Form of the Novenber 7, 1980. Summary published in Abstracts of Papers Read at the Forty Sixth Annual Meeting of the American Musicological So ciety (Denver, 1980), 25.
68 speaking, the most up to date r ipieno concerto differed from t he concert symphony in regard to the form of the first movement. While ritornello procedures were preferred for the concerto, a binary form first movement was more common in the early symphony In any case t he distinction was not consistent as ther e are examples of early symphonies using ritornello procedures and solo passages as well as concertos with a binary first movement as early as 1700. 40 Wolf stresses that the ripieno concert o must be credited diomatic style for [a] non theatrical orchestral work neither a style dependent on neither imitative techniques nor solo/tutti opposition for purposes of construction. 41 Wolf, reviewing the evolution of the ripieno concerto, shows that the genre was popu lar from the end of the sixteenth century up to the 1740s. T he first known publication of ripieno concertos is the op. 5 of Giuseppe Torelli (1685 1709) The collection contains sinfonias and concertos and in the preface the composer makes remarks about t he difference between the two genres. Torelli suggests that in concer tos, the parts should be doubled The t exture of the two genres differs: w here fugal writing appears in the sinfonias, in concertos only occasional imitation and antiphonal effects appear 42 This conception of sinfonia is clearly not related to that of the eighteenth century. The rip ieno concerto remained in vogue up to mid century. Q uoting Charles de Brosses who in 1739 wrote from Venice to a friend, Wolf brings attention to the contribut ion of Antonio Vivaldi to the genre. De Brosses said that in Venice there were 40 An example of this is Tommaso Albinoni Op.2. 41 The info rmation in this paragraph I xvii. 42 Eugene Wolf A I xvii.
69 conjecturally suggests that de Brosses was probably referring to the over fifty such concertos by Antonio Vivaldi (1678 1741). There tos; s ome thirty of them are for ripieno alone, offering in all respect s a direct connection with the sinfonia type. Other s have solo passages or occasional fugal writing. Most of the sinfonia type concertos have a fir s t movement developed with a ritornello procedure that obviously lacks the solo section 43 Vivaldi contribution represents in terms of chronology the last significant body of ripieno concertos which s cholarship has placed in th e years around 1720. Other works were published afterwards, but the genre eventually went out of fashion. Wolf speculates on the reason for the decline of the ripieno concerto, pointing out that the decline coincides with the rise of the concert symphony. Also t he increasing designation of concerto s as works with soloists and orchestra may have pushed composers to designate as symphonies works that were previously called concertos. 44 Importance of the Baroque S onata When exploring the Baroque sonata as a for erunner of the concert symphony, the first consideration regard s instrumentation. The connection between the two genres is straightforward: the trio sonata with its two melodic lines and basso continuo, 45 lent its texture to early symphonies. Wolf tells us symphonies for two violins and bass 43 The info rmation in this paragraph is taken from Wolf, 1, xxi 44 The info rmation in this paragraph is taken from Wolf, 1, xxi 45 For a discussion on terminology see Peter Allsop, The (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), Chapter 2.
70 46 In this regard S t edman also adds a consideration pointing out that the three voice texture was used up to the mature works of Haydn. 47 A further considera tion that accounts for the importan ce of sonata in this discussion passes through the function of music in the Catholic Church. The so called sonata da chiesa (or church sonata) offers a seventeenth century precedent for the use of instrumental music in eighteenth century religious context The existence of a sinfonia da chiesa is discussed by Neal Zaslaw 48 in a study that has its main argument in a selection of early eighteenth century German sources that support the existence of the genre Zaslaw, starti ng from the church sonata, surveys instrum ental music in the Catholic liturgy, showing that in this context the symphony may very well be related to the sonata. A particular excerpt of the study also shows the multiple uses of the symphony. Zaslaw reports that Scheibe in 1739 claimed that the popularity of opera 49 Importa nce of the Neapolitan S infonia The term sinfonia during the early Baroque was used to define an introductory section which often During the first half of the seventeenth century the general rule for these pieces was that they be unpretentious and rather short. During the first half of the century the 46 in GMO. 47 Stedman, The Symphony, 5. 48 The Journal of Musicology 1 (1982): 95 124 49 Sinfonia da Chiesa Der Critischer Musicus (Hamburg, 1738 40), 596.
71 instrumental p ieces performed before the opera had no thematic connection with the stage work. The audience in fact would attend an opera or an oratorio just to hear good singing, possibly a specific singer. Composers knew that the audience would pay little or no attent ion to the sinfonia and therefore the use of the same sinfonia for different operas was not an exception. As a consequence, as Douglass M. Green says in regard unlikely th 50 scholarship, the fact remains that opera sinfonia and symphony are strictly linked by their shared formal structure, especially in the first part of the century. This is confirmed by the fact that it is often impossible to take them apart and that they were both indistinctly used in concerts. During the eighteenth century opera overtures appeared detached from their stage works, often ti mes not even maintaining the original title. 51 The question of how the Italian sinfonia relates to the concert symphony arose in the literature when scholars investigated the reasons for which the Neapolitan overture broke away from a single movement to bec its overall scheme of movements (fast slow fast) the overture is an antecedent of the 52 I have already discussed the partiality of such theory; in any case, the Neapolitan opera sinfonia plays an imp ortant role in the birth of the symphonic style. 50 D ouglass M. Green 1, xl 51 t hat circulated detatched from the original works is manuscript copy. It is interesting to notice that the frontispiece of the Basso Del Reggio Teatro / Del Sig r below, in a different hand. The graphic sign suggests that the addition was done at a much later time. 52 Gordana Lazarevich, A 1 xlii.
72 Helmut Hell concludes that there is no relation between the symphony and the vertures are to be found in the Baroque concerto, whereas the roots of the first movements of the early symphony extend to the 53 The connection between the two genres is much more sophisticated than the one scholarship has discussed up to the 1980s. During the eighteenth century Naples was an important center of operatic activity. As Wolf points out, the picture of Naples that we retrieve from the accounts of visitors is that of a very active musical city. The vivid cultura l life of the city was determined by the four conservatories in which composers were trained. The availability of many prestigious positions and a generous royal patronage system kept in Naples many of the leading musicians that were trained there. 54 Many o f the sinfonias that Domenico Scarlatti (1685 1757) composed during the last two decades of the century were modeled after the sonata da chiesa including four short movements in alternating tempos (slow fast slow fast). Towards the end of the century Scarlatti started adopting the three movement form that eventually became the standard pattern. Green remarks that such a pattern was not a direct evoluti on of the earlier four movement form dropping the first slow movement. As a matter of fact the first f ast movement seemed t o be borrowed from the concerto and as such did not have passages, written in a rhythmic style of continuo homophony characteristic of the 53 A 1, xlii As reported in Helmut Hell, Die Neapolitanische Opernsinfonie der erste Hlfte des 18 Jahrhundert (Turtzing: H. Schneider, 1971). 54 Gordan A 1 xxxvi xxxvii.
73 conc achieved through 55 The middle slow movement did not have the character of motion As for the last movement it remained the rounded binary dance like charact er of the sonata da chiesa remained Around mid century Neapolitan composers started using peculiar features such as orchestral crescendos. There is no evidence that indicates earlier use. Much debate surrounds the introduction of this device in the sympho nic style. Contemporary sources describe crescendo in orchestral concerts in Rome as early as 1711. 56 Some Neapolitan scores from the 1730s seem designed to exploit the effect, but no evidence can confirm that this was actual performing practice. Green stat es that during the 1750s the pro minent orchestral crescendo became almost a tradema rk of Jommelli 57 although he calls for crescendo in his scores starting in the 1740s. 58 At about the same time crescendos appeared also in the works of the Mannhe imers. Given the influence that Mannheim had on the music of the eighteenth century it is worth spending a few words to show how the achievements of its composers in fact originated with the Neapolitan school. 59 55 1, xxxv 56 GARLAND A 1, xl. As reported in Scipione Maffei, (Rome, 1711) V, 144. 57 1 xli 58 th 59 Niccol Jommelli stands out for his use of orchestral crescendos, achieved through the graduation from pp to ff or Forte Assai See Egon Wellesz and Frederick Sternfeld The A ge of Elightenment, 1745 1790 (L ondon and New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 370 Journal of the American Musicological Society 33 (1990), 326 355.
74 annerisms The importance of Mannheim as musical center was first noted in 1898 by the German historian Friedrich Walter. 60 It was only in 1974 that a research project related to Mannheim, led by Eugene K. Wolf, was conducted in a number of archives in Munich and in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Scholars found and examined scores and archival material related to the Mannheim school comprising about 125 manuscripts. 61 light its crucial role in the development of the symphony and the Classical style. Carl Ph illip became Elector Palatine in succession of his brother Johann Wihelm. It was only in 1720 that he and his court entered Mannheim, choosing it as the new electoral in law Carl Theodor. The latter bec ame Elector Palatine in 1742, residing in Mannheim until 1778, when the court moved to Munich. Music making at Mannheim was intense. As far as orchestral music is concerned, the context was different than that associated with public concerts. Mannheim beca me famous for its academies, weekly musical occurrences during which the instrumental music that led to the cou r 62 Widely known as a patron of the arts, Carl Theodor attracted scholars and artists from diverse plac es. 60 Eugene K. Wolf, Jean K. Wolf, and Paul E. Corneilson, Manuscripts from Mannheim, ca. 1730 1778: a Study in Musicological Source Research ( Frankfurt: P. Lang, 1999) 35 61 E Newly Identified Comple in Journal of the American Musicological Society 27 (1974): 379 437. 62 III xvi. Even if Mannheim became known for whose inst See Paul Corneilson and Eugene K. Wolf, Newly Identified Manuscripts of Operas and Related Works from Mannheim Journal of the American Musicological Society 47 (1994), 244 274.
75 The prosperity of the court afforded the elector with the possibility of having the best musicians of Europe. Therefore, the musicians who worked in Mannheim enjoyed positive reputations and were paid far more than the average salary of an eighteenth c entury court musician. 63 more talented offspring of musicians already at court, often by financing an extended 64 eventually led to the creation of an orchestra that gained quite a reputation across the continent. Leopold 65 Charles Burney also had words of praise for the Mannheim orchestra. Praising their discipli ne and the high 66 The symphonists in Mannheim are traditionally divided into two generations. The first generation includes composers born i n the first part of the century such as Johann Stamitz (1717 1757), Franz Xavier Richter (1709 89), and Ignaz Holzbauer (1711 1783). Eugene Wolf mentions that their style was certainly not distinguished by the unity that characterized the second generation of Mannheimers. Furthermore only Stamitz, in the first generation, devoted himself primarily to the symphony. His achievements were eventually passed on to the second generation of Mannheim composers; prominent 63 See Eug ene K. Wolf Manuscripts from Mannheim, ca. 1730 1778: a Study in Musicological Source Research (P. Lang: Frankfurt am Main, 1999), 35 64 Eugene K. Wolf xv 65 As reported in Emily Anderson, ed., The le tters of Mozart and h is Family (London: Macmillan, 1966). I, 25. Letter of 19 July 1763 66 Charles Burney, The Present State of Music in Germany (London: 1775), i, 95.
76 names in this group include Christian Cannab ich (1731 1798), Carl Joseph Toeschi (1731 1788), and Anton Fils (1733 Stamitz and his pupils. 67 Eugene Wolf argues that the younger composers at Mannheim could have been largely influenced by the generation of Italian opera composers represented by Niccol Jommelli and Baldassare Galuppi (1706 1785), rather than Johann Stamitz. 68 The link between Italy and Mannheim was not only represented by the number of Italian operas performed there. Christian Cannabich, 69 who led the orchestra after Johann Stamitz, studied with Jommelli. 70 This may very well be the reason for which the symphonies of the second generation of the Mannheim composers show similarities with the opera overtures of Galuppi and Jommelli. 71 In any ca se, as Wolf points out, a further element that strengthens the connection is that the opera overture was also prominent in the path that will be later followed by his stude nts. 72 The stylistic elements that link the Italian sinfonia with the second generation of Mannheim composers include: prolonged pedal points, melodic writing that emphasizes c lichs such as the turn and the sigh, crescendo themes based on rising thi rds, 67 68 Wolf xviii 69 ballet music that, even if not directly linked with the symphony, is a recent and relevant contribution to the study of the Mannheim style. See Cristian Ca nnabich, Ballet Music Arranged for Chamber Ensemble ed. Paul Corneilson (Middletown: A R Editions, 2004). 70 c ol Jommelli in Rome from about 1752 to July 1753, then followed him to See Je 71 Wolf xviii 72 Wolf xviii
77 uncomplicated rhythmic flow, stereotyped use of thematic contrast within the exposition, and avoidance of complex thematic development. These elements do not appear in 73 Some other stylistic traits such as solo winds and care in orchestration, preference for partial recapitulation, and the four movement cycle 74 The i mportance of Individual Components and Thematic D ualism Gordana Lazarevich, drawi ng on the work of Robert Sondheimer, points out that there are two facts important to the study of the relationship between symphony and sinfonia: the large structural designs and the formulation of the individual, smaller components of the musical languag e. 75 The Neapolitan overture of the beginning of the century does not exhibit a sonata form plan as those found in first movements of the greater variety of motivic and r hythmic material, a greater freedom in the use of this 76 Smaller C omponents The contribution of the Neapolitan opera overture to the development of the symphonic style also passes through the intermezzo. Lazarevich says that the origins of 73 Th e information in this paragraph is drawn from Wolf xviii 74 Wolf xviii 75 1, Xlii xliii. According to Lazarevich, Sondheime respect ively. As reported in Robert male E n Archiv fr Musikwissenschaft IV (1922) 85 99. A concern with the smaller components is highlighted also in eighteenth s The Early Symphony: 18 th Century Views on Composition and Analysis (Georg Olms Verlag: Hildesheim, 2004), 25 39. 76 Lazarevich, xliii
78 fou 77 This genre, popular in the early decades of the century had its origin in comic scenes that were traditionally inserted between the acts of an opera in the seventeenth century. This provided the audience with moments of h umorous entertainment in contrast with the serious plots of operas. Intermezzi eventually gained such an independence that were inserted in every new opera; in Naples composers used to add intermezzi also to operas elsewhere produced without them. 78 The tra nsition from intermezzo to opera buffa is exemplified in Giovanni Battista La Serva Padrona Scenery and plots of intermezzos were down to earth, using the common language of ordinary people. 79 gave rise to a simpler musical line devoid of the florid passages that demanded almost 80 Elements of naturalness were also introduced by the use of alto and bass voices in contrast to the preferred high pitched ranges of the Baroque. The inter mezzo eventually grew in importance as a reaction to the complexity and artificiality of Baroque music. Naples and Venice were the two prominent centers of operatic production during the seventeenth century. Intermezzi became prominent in Naples, developi ng such a peculiar taste that Lazarevich mentions that the preface of the Venetian libretti of the 77 gen re see Charles E. Troy, The Comic Intermezzo: A Study in the History of Eighteenth Century Italian Opera (Ann Arbor, MI 1979). Besides the Neapolitan intermezzo, the Roman intermezzo also played a Cambridge Opera Journal 12 (2000): 91 107. 78 79 296 80 296
79 81 The particular Neapolitan culture is one that likes dramatic, noisy and colorful aspects or life; these elements intermingled with the exuberance, verve, and sentimentality of the character, giving life to a peculiar literary and musical vis comica 82 Lazarevich stresses that musical language that evolved from this si tuation was that of the preclassical era. 83 Four aspects of the early eighteenth century Neapolitan intermezzo contributed to the classical concept of phrase structure. First, the Melody as t he accents and inflections of the Italian language shaped the rhy thmic patterns within the musical phrase. Statements moved away from the drive to the cadence in favor of balanced musical statements that reflected the text. The device transferred from vocal music to its accompaniment and eventually t o keyboard music and symphony. The new melodic line created in the intermezzos abound in rhythmic and dynamic accents, as well as short trills, syncopations, grace notes, appoggiaturas, triplets, Scotch snaps, and other written embellishments. Lazarevich points out that those intermezzos freed themselves from manipulating motifs helped developing in a piece the dramatic conflict that will become important to the concept of sonata form. Second, the Harmony as t he Neapolitan school used consistently the thematic and harmonic dualism. The device find s its roots in the binary form of opera arias (seria and buffa) that included two thematic ideas often in 81 Lazarev 295 82 297 83 299
80 ABA form. Before the mid of the eighteenth centu ry the opening thematic material may appear restated in the dominant and with a different character and length. This device antic ipates the sonata procedure. Third, the Cadences represented in the variety of cadential formulas that helped the comic idiom. These formulas (such as the octave jump) briefly surveyed by Lazarevich were transferred to the opera overtu re and later to the symphony. Fourth, the orchestral texture, especially a that was also shared by other cont emporary vocal genres. Padding consists and thirty second note value in scale and 84 The device, used in accompanied recitative, was introduced by Scarlatti and other Neapolitans into opera buffa and intermezzo. It eventually became an important device of the symphonic style, being used, for instance, in the transition passages between subjects, the development and the coda. 85 Thematic Dualism: T he Sonata F orm Lazarevic h argues that the introduction of a second thematic area with elements of contrast with the opening material was an outgrowth of the Baroque tutti solo contrast. Regardless of its origin, the principle is obviously relevant to the development of the etic of the sonata 86 Sonata form ended up being regarded as the most important principle of Classical music. Its story is bound to that of the symphony. The theatrical principles of sonata form were first articulated in 1793 by Heinrich Christoph Koch in his Versuch einer Anleitung zur Composition and elaborated by 84 313 85 3 13 86 xliii
81 writers during the first half of the nineteenth century. More recently Charles Rosen has addressed the wide array of possibilities that wo uld qualify a piece as a sonata form, concluding that the repertoire suggests the existence of different sonata forms rather than a single well defined one. 87 Scholarship has also tried to categorize the different variants that do not adhere strictly to the tripartite textbook form, confirming that sonata, rather than a fixed mold, is a set of principles. The problem of defining sonata form is a sophisticated one. The literature has addressed how texture, relationship of structural units, and thematic differ entiation play a role in this task. As far as orchestral music is concerned instrumentation is also relevant in highlighting the perception of these elements. As synthesized by D ouglas M G reen the minimum requirements to be included in the category of son ata form are two First, the piece has two sections with a tonal movement from the tonic to the related key in the first part and back to the tonic in the second section. Sec ond, the transposed restatement in which important material stated in the non toni c key the first section is restated in the tonic key in the second section. 88 Rosen synthesizes sonata form with an effective formula: which opposition is stated, intensified and eventually resolved. 89 Green points out that in the si nfonias of Pergolesi, Vinci (1690 1730) Leo (1694 1744) and Jommelli there is a large scale structure that, along with showing dramatized clarity, conforms to the two basic aforementioned sonata form principles. The sonata form remained for long time the preferred form for the first movements of multi movement compositions. 87 See Charles Rosen, Sonata F orms (New York: Norton, 1988). 88 I, xliv. 89 As reported in Rosen, Sonata F orms (New York: W.W.Norton, 1980), 12
82 1990s and 21st Century The 199 0s witnessed a remarkable growth in scholarship on the symphony. A monograph edited by Robert Layton well synthesizes the achievement of about a century o 90 Challenges continue for the scholars currently working on a forthcoming monograph o n the early symphony that will complete the series on the Symphonic Repertoire 91 Currently, the most authoritative synthesis of scholarship on the symph ony is T he Cambridge History of Eighteenth Century Music. I n the opening of his essay he century symphonies are equally diverse and, after two centuries, almost as numerous as the works 92 With such a variety of diverse research, the author remarks that the task could never be thought of as finished. Hence the title of the essay that stresses that this 93 In the brief section on the origins of the symphony, Will acknowledges the work of Eugene Wolf, stating that the progenitors of the orches tral genre are to be found in virtually any instrumental genre intended primarily for concert use. The existence of a clear cut distinction between the symphony and the sinfonia had generated much disagreement among scholars. Will confirms that the line be tween the two is indeed 90 David Wy 1730 A Guide to the Symphony (OxfordOxford University Press, 1993) 91 See the introduction to this chapter. 92 hteenth Century Symphonies: an Unfi nish ed D ialogue in The Cambridge Hist ory of Eighteenth Century Music (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2009), 613 93 Will, 613
83 blurred reminding us that the Breitkopf catalogue listed all of them together in the same section. The overlap between chamber and theater symphonies continued well into the century. During the 1770s Mozart and Haydn were still per petuating the tradition. 94 In any case there is n o consistent interrelation between the opera overture and the symphony in the second half of the century ; the two genres coexisted, but led distinctly different lives. T o wards the end of the century, the oper a overture was performed with increasing frequency as an independent piece, separate from its operatic context and as a concert alternative to the full length symphony. 95 In the last third of the century composers experimented more intensively with the over ture, moving increasingly from the three movements to one. By 1770 the growing popularity of concert symphonies seemed to have eventually caused the overture to be differentiated from them The latter kept emphasizing the rhythmic and melodic lines while t he former stressed full texture, sophisticated phrasing and imaginative orchestration. 96 Welles z and Sternfeld synthesize that the overture begins on a par with the concert symphony but soon declines in size an d artistic weight. Where earlier years borrowi ngs from opera helped to fill out the scanty orchestral repertory, after 1760 the large production of independent symphonies fully satisfied all requirements. Thus, at the end of the century the overture maintained a somewhat 94 Will, 95 I xlvii. As rep orted in Rey M. Analecta Musicologica XIX (1980) : 292. 96 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 371
84 ephemeral position based less on its own merits than on the popularity of the opera from which it came. 97 As already established in the 1980s, Will also stresses that the Neapolitan sinfonias were widely celebrated in the first half of the century. The Neapolitans provided a model of st yle and orchestration that inspired composers such as Sammartini. The latter was responsible for giving an autonomous life to the concert contribution was so important that Will, to review the stylistic features of early symphonies, takes his works as the paradigmatic example. The influence of the Neapolitan style went well beyond Italy. As we have seen in the foregoing discussion, some of the symphonic stylistic features even made it to Johann Stamitz in Mannheim (via Jommelli). 98 A defining element of the symphony has been its performance practice. Fi rst it is important to keep in mind that during the eighteenth century symphonies were performed in a variety of venues. Will mentions that at the many occasions where music competed f or attention with dining, card playing and other entertainments symphonies worked especially hard. They were all too easily dismissed like opera overtures, as preface to the main attraction, in this case instrumental and vocal solos comprising the heart o f the programme. 99 It was inevitable that different venues determined the level of attentiveness and the consequent reaction of each different audience. The result was that at some point the actual performance rather than the score itself must have become quite significant t o 97 98 616. 99 Will, 617
85 100 The discipline of the Mannheim orchestra, possibly more celebrated than the music written by its comp osers, serves as an example. In order to show the role of performance in shaping the repertory, Will concludes this section of his essay offering some remarks about the eighteenth century symphony in our times. Historically informed performances and audio recording stimulated the research of pieces that were long forgotten. These facts brought to the attention of the public works that during the eighteenth century could have gone mostly unheard. Audio recordings disseminate music in a way unprecedented in h istory. As Will remarks, 101 Will comment connect directly with an observation that Neal Zaslaw has offered in a discussion on the cont I n seeking to understand something of the formation of a writer of symphonies in the eighteenth century, one must keep in mind the implications of an obvious yet profound difference between our times and earlier ones. Nowadays a musical child can readily hear an extraordinary variety of music from many times and places, through electronic means of sound reproduction and rapid travel. In earlier times the knowledge and immediate geographical area, much of it of local or regional provenance, written within the lifetimes of his musical mentors or, very occasionally, of their teachers. 102 The concern of scholars with context was, as previously mentioned, one that arose in the 1980s. This improved our understanding of the symphony and offered explanation 100 Will, 618 101 Will, 619 102 Neal Zasla w, 1.
86 as to the large body of works. The last section of this chapter will review the principal performing venues for the symphony. Performance Contexts Neal Zaslaw says that our pra ctice of devoting whole evenings to works in a single genre by a single composer, would probably have been regarded in the eighteenth century as lacking in variety, and even bizarre. Symphonies were the indispensable adjunct to concerts, operas, oratorios and liturgical music, but although indispensable, they were of secondary importance to vocal music and virtuoso solos, as well as to certain socio cultural elements of the occasion in question. Our notion of the symphony as an extended work of great serio usness a notion inherited from the nineteenth century is very far from what the musicians and laymen of the second half of the eighteenth century had in mind for their symphonies. 103 The symphony was one of the most popular genres in the eighteenth centu ry. Symphonies were performed in venues that would nowadays possibly be perceived as inappropriate such as background musi c for card playing for instance The variety of performing contexts impacted different aspects of eighteenth century life to a degree that, with very few exceptions, all music establishments, during that time period, possessed a stock of symphonies. 104 Concerts Most commonly the symphony was performed in concerts, an umbrella term encompassing both public and private entertainments, promo ted for any reason ranging Public concerts mushroomed in Europe with the rise of the middle class. Patrons of the arts and music lovers in public concerts found an opportunity to gather to enjoy 103 Sinfonia da Chiesa, 119. 104
87 music maki ng. These events were often arranged for the profit of able impresarios. The phenomenon grew tremendously in major European cities, except for places, like Vienna, where private patronage remained strong for most of the century. Therefore in com parison wit h other major cities, Vienna had not developed a vigorous, continuing tradition of public concert s in the eighteenth century In Vienna the flourishing patronage of the symphony by private courts and ecclesiastical institutions, together with the cons ervative structure of social and economic society in general, meant that for much of the eighteenth century there was no pressing reason to copy trends elsewhere in Europe. 105 As a result of this social setting, towards the end of the century the symphony de clined in Vienna with the decline of aristocracy. The trend is confirmed in the transformation of the catalogues of major Viennese publishing companies. David Wyn Jones discusses at length the evolution of the Traeg publi shing house, and concludes that the much reduced presence of the genre [symphony] in the 1804 [Traeg ] catalogue in c omparison with the 1799 [Traeg ] catalogue, the reliance on imported editions from Andr, even the offering of older works in the 1799 catalogue at a reduced price, all suggest that the symphony was no longer at the core of the music trade in Vienna. 106 Jones suggests that such a trend is consistent with the replacement of court orchestras with wind ensembles (usually smaller and therefore cheaper). Such a pa ttern is also reflecte 1804 edition shows that in the latter Harmoniemusik is much more relevant than the symphony. 107 105 David Wyn Jones, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 51. 106 Jones, 33. 107 Jones, Beethoven 42.
88 Perhaps closer to the general European custom was the city of London, where public concerts wer e a normal occurrence. These venues offered to the general public opportunities to listen to symphonies, a genre that was placed in the concert programs concerts [in London] h ad established a standardized two part programme format of some ten or twelve items, alternating i nstrumental and vocal items a three hour entertainment came to be regarded as ideal. 108 Within this framework the symphony gradually gained importance. A the program was m oving away from vocal music; by 1790 programs were built around of the second half, where it wo uld presumably receive greater attention and not suffer, or be missed by, latecomer s 109 The placement of a symphony within a concert program could vary, but quite consistently it was used as a con cert opener, hence the name of o verture with which the sym phony remained known in England for most of the century. 110 In Vienna it was customary to split the different movements of the symphony in different parts of a single program, but such custom was not adopted in London. 111 As for the conclusion of concert, if n ot an entire multi movement symphonic work, often the final number was a movement from the opening symphony. 112 108 Simon McVeigh, Concert Life in London, from Mozart to Haydn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 101. 109 110 111 McVeigh, Concert Life, 105. 112 GMO.
89 McVeigh offers a significant remark that shows the importance of instrumental music compared to opera in the public concert setting: the rise of commercial concerts for a ticket buying public reveals marked if sometimes superficial similarities with later patterns of concert management. While modern concert life ultimately stemmed from fashionable entertainment for West End society, concert sympho nies and high quality soloists did filter outside these lite venues to be heard by audiences of a much wider social spectrum. But the most significant feature of all in the long term was the establishment of concerts alongside opera within the social and cultural life of the capital. 113 D uring the eighteenth century in public settings and courts as well instrumental music became an important counterpart of opera. Eugene Wolf commenting on a visit Cosimo Alessandro Collini made in 1753 to Mannheim, states that Collini specifically mentioned the two most celebrated eleme nts of musical life at Mannheim were opera s and concert s 114 private entertainment also known during the pe riod as an academy. These events were particularly prominent in Mannheim, taking place once or twice a week. The fact that Mannheim became a relevant site for the history of the symphony is indeed linked to the concert life at court. Heartz states that the without equals in the 1750s, may explain why such concerts came to play such a 115 Academies such as the ones taking place in Mannheim did not only feature music. The venue, possibly paralleling what was going on in opera houses during the performance, allowed also fo r any kind of social activity to take place while an academy 113 McVeigh, Concert Life in London, 223. 114 Wolf Manuscripts from Mannheim 28 115 Heartz, European Capitals, 512.
90 was performed. Jan LaRue reports a quotation form Louis Spohr (1784 1859), in which he mentions that in 1799, the Duchess of Brunswick warned him that music should not disturb card games. 116 Amateur musicians must also be mentioned when discussing concerts as they contributed significantly to both producing and performing the symphony; Jan LaRue speaks in fact of amateur concert series. Possibly more important than that was the fact that the symphony had a relevant place also in private music making. It was customary, in the eighteenth century, for amateur musicians to gather in someone home and perform music. Such concerts had no public and were often performed just for the pleasure of the performers themselves. Neal Zaslaw mentions that in Vienna music making. Symph 117 Church David Wyn Jones, describing the symphony in eighteenth century Vienna, stresses that: more than one commentator remarked that attending a church service was akin to going to a concert. Symphonies played a part in this service, with individual movements often played as so called Gradual music between the Gloria and the Credo. 118 The political situation of Vienna reveals interesting peculiarities also in regard of the symphony in the Catholic Church. The associatio n between religious sentiment s 116 117 Neal Zaslaw, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1 989), 11. 118 David Wyn Jones The Symphony in Beethoven Vienna (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006) 49
91 and the symphony in Vienna was gradually lost as the emperor Joseph II, from 1782 onward, gradually reduced the role of instrumental music in church service. 119 everything exists for 120 Joseph served the state with unselfish devotion 121 Such an attitude br ought him to blur the boundaries between sacred and secular, thus impacting the role of music in the church. Even if the situation of Vienna was probab ly peculiar, the line between sacred and secular was fuzzy elsewhere as well. Neal Zaslaw explains: The secular sacred distinction has been drawn differently at various times, and was certainly not the same in the mid eighteenth century as it is now const rued. The revolutionary writings of the Enlightenment philosophes may have been read in some sophisticated circles then, but in most of the Continent the medieval order was still firmly in place. One tenet of that order was the deliberate blurring of the s acred secular boundary through the doctrine of Divine Right of Kings. As the Prince Archbishops of Salzburg were both temporal and spiritual leaders, they had even less reason than other rulers to maintain clear distinctions between the two realms, and the ir musicians provided music for cathedral and court alike. 122 Theater in plays by Shakespeare in Vienna and nearby centers. 123 Her study opens by examining the evidence that shows th e use of music in the theater. Besides the 119 50 120 T.C.W. Blanning, Joseph II ( Longman Publishing: New York, 1994 ) 56. 121 Blanning, Joseph II 60. 122 Zaslaw, 10. 123 Journal of the American Musicological Society 43 (1990), 294
92 evidence that songs were part of spoken plays, Sisman examines the less well documented presence of instrumental music in theater, 124 concluding that then, include music written specifically for plays and suitable music appropriated for use in plays, with both individual movements and entire pieces identified in the 125 Sisman develops a cas o. 60 that could have been used entirely as theater music for a play. The study starts by mentioning that this is the only symphony in six movements that Haydn composed, and as such the only work that could indepen dently provide music for a five act play (overtu re, four 126 The observation may s uggest new avenues for Pugnani scholarship as well, regarding his only three orchestral works comprised of six movements. 127 The Symphony: Remarks This discussion offers insights to an important compon ent of the task of scholars: in the 1980s a substantial flowering of the study on the symphony w as contingent o n the availability of scores. Scholars gained a quite comprehensive understanding of the genre, by editing and studying the texts (scores) throug h which the genre was perpetuated. The vastness of the symphonic repertoire suggests that the editorial task is far from being complete and that therefore, part of our duty remains that of producing reliable, well edited texts. 124 125 126 127 In the ZT catalog the numbers 11, 12, and 22.
93 The conclusions offered as t o the forerunners of the symphony bring up many points of interest for the study of eighteenth century Italian instrumental music. The genres involved in this discussion were all born in Italy. First, the concerto and sonata, (for which the Italian names t hemselves show the origin of the genres), and then the Neapolitan opera, which determined the mannerisms of the symphonic style all point towa rd eighteenth century Italian sym phony that finds its place on a continuum with origins that reach back into the Baroque period.
94 CHAPTER 5 GAETANO PUGNANI : TOWARD A REVISION OF HIS BIOGRAPHY Since extensive biographical information on Pugnani is currently not available in En glish, the synthesis and translation of some relevant documents on the life and travels of the Turinese violinist can help us understand the context in which his style developed. Primary sources were explored in early twentieth century Italian scholarship, namely by Stanislao Cordero di Pamparato, Antonio Bertolotti, P. B Ferrero and others, but more recent scholars have occasionally contributed relevant pieces of information as well. This biographical sketch has the purpose of showing how Pugnani fits int o his time, one of cosmopolitanism and patronage, already explored above in C hapter 3 An order to date ZT 23. The argument I will build in Chapter 7 will be in fact b ased on court of Turin as well as his r aving discussed the cultural and historical environment above, in this chapter I provide a more specific context for the score of ZT 23. Early Scholarship At the end of the nineteenth century, an important contribution to the literature on Gaetano Pugnani was a study by Antonio Bertolotti titled Musici alla C orte di Torino nel Secolo XVIII. 1 Bertolotti opened his essay with a ge neral statement about musicians, saying that fame is really unfair with them, they are famous 1 Antonio Bertolotti, Gaetano Pugnani e altri musici alla corte di Torino nel secolo XVIII (Milan: G. Ricordi, 1892). This edition of the study belongs to a collection of essays originally published in La Gazetta Musicale di Milano, year 1891. not progressive. The different sections of the study are marked with roman numerals. I will identify the source with both the original pa ge number and the section numbers.
95 and regarded in life, but as soon as they die their names and their music is forgotten ; a fter their death, it is a matter of luck finding information on t hem 2 Gaetano Pugnani is no exception Information available on the composer i n nineteenth century and twentieth century sources is scant and partial. Furthermore this literature contains many mistakes and omissions Stanislao Corder o di Pamparato in his 1930 study, Gaetano Pugnani Violinista Torines e opened by listing the mistakes of previous biographers. 3 He remarked that already less than half no o ne remembered where and when he was born. 4 N evertheless some serious attempt s at made in the second half of the nineteenth century. G. B. Ferrero 5 was the first scholar who attempted to establish the date and birthplace of Gaetano Pugnani. He tried to synthesize t he scarce information he had avai lable, starting with the dictionaries of Lichtental and F testamentary will on a necdotes that can certainly suggest facts, but cannot prove them. It was not until 2 Bertolotti, Pugnani, blo del nome. La moda, il gusto musicale furono e sono talmente variabili, che ormai i musicisti del secolo scorso sono quasi dimenticati, fortunato se taluno trov qualche erudito, che abbia dedicatogli un 3 Stan islao Cordero di Pamparato Gaetano Pugnani, Violinista Torinese ( Turin Fratelli Bocca Editore, 1930).Originally published as: Stanislao Cordero di Cordero, Gaetano Pugnani, Violinista Torinese Rivista Italiana di Musicologia xxxvii ( 1930 ): 38 58, 219 30, 350 71, 551 61 4 Cordero, Pugnani 3. is confirmed by an ear lier biography by P. B Ferrero The latter, hoping for some help in collecting information on G aetano Pugnani, i n Messaggero Piemontese published an open request for informati on The issue of the Messaggero Piemontese in which the request appears is stated in the reply letter by Angelo Pugnan i that is reproduced by Cordero. A descendant of the Pugnani family replied on 10 March 1847 Angelo Pugnani, a cousin of G aetano, claim ed that unfortunately he was no t able to supply precise information on date and birthplace of his ancestor (t he letter from 1847 is reproduced in the study) This was happening roughly a half cent See P. B. Ferrero, Brevi cenni su Gaetano Pugnani: celebre sonatore di violino ( Turin : Stabilime nto Tipografico Fontana, 1847). Originally published in Messaggero Torinese, July 24, 1847 5 Cordero names Ferrero, Giovanni B attista, instead of P.B. as it appears in the 1847 study of the author.
96 1895 that a study by Domenico Carutti 6 cl eared all doubts in regard birthplace He found in the b aptism registry of the Turinese parish of S. Giovanni that Gaetano Pugnani was born in T urin on 27 November 173 1 and baptized there on the 29 th Carutti tra ce the origins of the Pugnani family. The task successfully reveale d an origin that goes as back as far as the second half of the sixteenth ce ntury, when the family name ste m med from De Pungentibus. Traditionally illiterate it seems that Gian Battista was the first of the family who ended up being properly educated. He served in fact the royal family as a segretario in the office of the Reale Liquidazione. 7 From the 1730 wedding of Gi an Battista Pugnani with Angela Borri were born our violinist Gaetano, Vittorio and Elisabetta Genovieffa. This introductory section shows that in spite of the widespread recognition that Gaetano enjoyed during his lifetime, he was forgotten after his death. The contribution signific him in a precise time period 1740s 8 Several of raphers reported that when he became mature and successful, Gaetano 6 Domenico Carutti, Della famiglia di Gaetano Pugnani in Miscellanea di storia italiana 3rd ser., ii ( 1895 ), 337 346. 7 The information in the paragraph above is drawn from Domenico Carutti, Della Famiglia 339 341. 8 Ferrero See also Carutti, Della Famiglia 344. Born in 1707 Tommaso Gelosio died in 1747 before turning forty. Carutti suggested that the young Gaetano had an opportunity to meet him when he was sojourning with his grandparents in Cumiana
97 only discern t hat the two of them met before Gaetano turned sixteen. 9 This is very little if we consider that other records show that Gaetano by age ten was already a decent player and joined the orchestra of the Teatro Regio 10 Even if Gaetano collaborated with the ins titution for most of his life, the Teatro Regio was not his principal source of income. The Teatro Regio was managed by a 11 the Nobile Societ dei Cavalieri and was a separate institution from the music establishment of the royal court. The latter was the Cappella and was possibly a more prestigious position for a musician. In spite of his early orchestral experience, Gaetano was not officially appointed here until 1748. 12 In this year his name appears on the payroll of the royal house, as he joined the ranks of the string ensemble as the last chair of the second violins. At that time the orchestra was directed ista Somis. It is reasonable to assume that Somis played a major role in introducing the young Gaetano to the orchestra. than his musical preparation. Cordero di Pamparato notice d that between 1741 and 9 12. Gaetano Pugnani was born on November 27, 1731 and Tommaso Gelosio died on June 9. 1747. 10 Rosy Moffa, Storia della Cappella Regia di Torino dal 1775 al 1870 ( Turin : Centro Studi Piemontesi, 1990), 31. As reported in Marie Thrse Bouquet Boyer, Stori a del Teatro Regio di Torino i: Il Teatro di Corte dalle Origini al 1788 ( Turin : Cassa di Risparmio di Torino, 1976), 168 11 Collettivo e Strategie Teatrali. S ul Sistema Produttivo dello Spettacolo Operistico Settecentesco Civilt Teatro e Settecento Emiliano ed. Susi Davoli (B ologna: Il Mulino 1986) 345 56 12 Moffa, Cappella 31. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sezioni Riunite, Patenti Cont rollo Finanze Reg. 20, 1748.
98 1748, perhaps determined by the war, 13 the orchestra did not acquire anyone else. 14 The royal patent that decreed Gaetano as a suonatore di violino della C appella e Camera is transcribed by Cordero di Pamparato. The document dated 19 April 1748, in formulaic administrative language mentions that starting on 16 April 1748 Gaetano was granted an annual stipend of lire dugento [duecento]. 15 violinist. As a matter of fact h is violin playing skills, developed for several years in the orchestra of the Teatro Regio, were eventually acknowledged with the more prestigious position in the judged s o promising that he was eventually patronized to further his education as a composer. played a role in sponsoring the important experience that followed. About a year after his official appointment Gaetano was ready to move from Turin to Rome, where he was to learn the art of composition. Carlo Emanuele III, the Savoyard sovereign in 1749, fulf ill higher duties. Somis had a personal connection with Rome and probably wished 13 The War of the Polish Succession just ended (1739) and the War of Austrian succession was about to begin. Many European states were involved in the latter during most of the 1740s. These years were for Turin a time of financ Storia di Torino (Turin: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 2002), 20 28. 14 Cordero, Pugnani, 8. Cordero reports a single exception. The only addition in the violins was that of Rocco Giovannetti; since he already had a brother in the music establishment, his admission was the consequence of a right of inheritance, a diritto di precedenza 15 Paparato, Pugnani, 9. The text of document is reproduced as in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sezioni Riunite: Patenti, biglietti, vol. 20.
99 for his pupil an education similar to the one he had. 16 Cordero di Pamparato suggests that besides Somis the maestro di cappella Giovanni Antonio Giay may also have been respon sible for the choice of Rome 17 educational trip. 18 the marquis d el Carretto di Gorzegno and after an order of the king the letter made it to Rome in the hands of the count Giovanni Battista Balbis di Riviera, Ministro Sardo presso la Corte Pontificia The letter reads in part: His Majesty decided to send il Signor Pugnani to stay there until next Christmas [Pugnani] is one of the players of the Royal Chapel he is a youngster with great potential and by studying he could with time end up leading the players of His Majesty, who will supply the expenses of his mind is to h ave him learn counterpoint; another is to have him learn good taste in playing, by having him meet renowned virtuosos, principally il Signor Pasqualino 19 As Cordero di Pamparato points out there are important elements in this excerpt. First it is remarkable noticing the care and the esteem that the king and Somis indirectly had for 16 See in GMO In 1696 Somis started his tenure as a musico suonatore della banda di violini of Duke Vittorio Amedeo II of Savoy. In 1703 the duke sent him to Rome to study with Arcangelo Corelli. Somis returned to Turin after three years, resuming his post in the orchestra, which he eventually directed starting in 1736. 17 Gordana Lazare vich an d Marie Thrse Bouquet Giay, Giovanni Antonio GMO However the connection of Giay with the city of Rome is not clear, as recent scholarship only mentions the possibility that before 1715 he went there to complete his studies. 18 Cordero, Pugnani, 10. 19 Cordero, Pugnani, 11. Arch di Stato di Tori no sez. 1a, Lettere Ministri: the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno to the count Balbis of fino a Natale venturo il signor Pugnani, uno dei suonatori della R. Cappella, che un giovane di molta aspettativa e che studiando potr col tempo essere messo alla testa dei suonatori della M.S., la quale supplir alla spesa del di lui discreto trattenimento in Roma. Uno degli o ggetti, che si hanno in mira, si rgli un buon gusto del suonare mediante la frequenza di codesti pi rinomati virtuosi principalmen te del signor Pasqualino.
100 already acknowledged potential. In the do uble goal of perfecting his violin skills and developing his ability to compose. The plan was not to provide Gaetano with violin lessons, but to have him become acquainted with renowned professionals. One of those was the signor Pa s qualino who, according to Cordero di Pamparato and others, was Pasquale Bini. 20 The presence of Bini in Rome at this time is questionable, mainly because of the further correspondence d uring 1749 and 1750 between Rom e and Turin. Cordero points out that Pasqualino is not mentione d at all in the correspondence of the following months 21 In any case the facts are not clear, since one of the excerpts discussed below suggests that signor Pasqualino could have still been in Rome in the spring of 1749. 22 During this sojourn Pugnani presu mably became familiar with other prominent performers, but his acquaintance with Bini remains in question. The rest of the recommendation letter strengthens the und erstanding that Pugnani was held in high esteem. The count Balbis of Ri viera was to select maestri di cappella in Rome who c ould properly instruct Pugnani. personality that emerge not as a virtu oso violinist, but as a rather ordinary teenager. According to the marquis of Go r zegno the youngster had a lively character and 20 Cordero, Pugnani 11. 21 Cordero, Pugnani 17. See also in GMO. Bini was a renowned violinist ac tive in Rome around that time. The most r ecent scholarship shows that Pugnani probably did not meet Bini in Rome. The latter studied with Tartini and eventually lived i n Rome under the patronage of Cardinal all p robability when the letter was written it was not known that Bini had already moved back to Pesaro. 22 It is the letter from the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno from 17 May 1749, in which Balbis mentions that signor Pasqualino was no longer able to easily gain access to the Roman Accademie.
101 should be but is not without presumption and vanity, and that as a consequence sometimes cannot keep himself from showing the little esteem he has fo r people better skilled than he and also considering his young age 23 letter continues: His Highness hopes that Vostra Signoria Illustrissima, by himself or through others, not just to keep him in subjection, but to oblige him to take care with exactness and application to the task . 24 The marquis del Carretto continues su ggesting that Conte Balbis fin d for Gaetano appropriate lodging. Appropriate lodging residence or at that of trusted neighbors, so that the patron could be continuously updated on 25 According to the documents discussed by Cordero di Pam parato Pugnani left Turin at the beginning of May 1749. 26 Upon his arrival in Rome his designated host, c o unt Balbis, was not yet ready to acco teacher had not yet been appointed. Balbis hoped Gaetano could wor k with Niccol 23 Cordero, Pugnani, 12. As reported in Archivio di Stato di To rino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, The marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno to the count Balbis of Rivera, on spogliato come dovrebbe, di presunzione e vanit, onde non pu alle volte trattenersi di dimostrare la poca stima delle 24 Cordero, Pugnani, 12. A s reported in Archivio di Stato di To rino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, The marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno to the count Balbis of Rivera, Turin al travaglio 25 Cordero, Pugnani, 12. As reported in Archivio di Stato di T orino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, The marqu is of Carretto di Gorzegno to the count Balbis of Rivera, Turin, 30 Aprile 1749. 26 Cordero, Pugnani, 12. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sez. 1 a Lettere Ministri: Rome, The marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno to the count Balbis of Rivera, Turin 30 Aprile 1749.
102 Jo m melli 27 but t he latter was unfortunately away from Rome and would have not returned earlier than 28 Jommelli worked in Rome during the 1749, where he composed the oratorio La Passione di Ges Cristo Jommelli gained him access to papal circles 29 that, besides another commission, also granted him an appointment. With a decree issued on 20 April 1749 Jommelli was elected maestro coadiutore [assistant] of S Pietro. 30 The decree asserted that he must be in Rome for t he beginning of the Holy Jubilee Year of 1750. 31 Therefore Balbis correct, although it would be stimulatin g to imagine have been different had he studied with Jommelli letter continues as follow: he [Pugnani] will need to give up some ideas, that I have very well learned already, th at he came here convinced that cardinals and princes look for him for their concert s and feasts, that he assume s are continuously given in their homes and gathering s, an d that he will make copious money. He will soon realize his mistake, as the sa me Pasqualino for church music does not have any more engagements or little more than other virtuosos, and like the others has to be ha himsel f obliged that he was invited to their accademie di suono e di canto 32 27 Cordero, Pugnani, 15. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Turin Lettere Ministri: Ro ma, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno al, Turin 17 Maggio 1749. 28 Cordero, Pugnani 13. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Turin Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno, 17 Maggio 1749. 29 Marita M ccol in GMO. 30 GMO. 31 GMO. 32 Cor dero, 13 14. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno, 17 May 1749. Bisogner per che deponga certe idee, colle quali ho gi ben conosciuto, che qua venuto persuadendosi di dover essere cercato da Cardinali e da Princip per concerti e feste che suppone diano I medesimi continuamente nelle loro Case e conversazioni e di far in conseguenza dena altri bisogna che pur si contenti di un ringraziamento e si professi eziando obbligat invitato al le accademie di suono e di canto
103 Balbis had to remind the youngster that the primary reason for his staying in Rome was complaint would have not have followed. 33 the environment that he soon illustrates as following: [in] a city like this, so vast and filled with any kind of people from any nation, and where one lives with unremitting free dom, it is too difficult to guard carefully, for how many spies one would like to maintain, to check on the conduct and behaviors of whomever, but youngsters especially, for they arrive sometimes not well inclined and inclined for their nature to enjoy the mselves. Rome, certainly for the youth, who still need rules and directions, is in my opinion a very dangerous city. 34 Gaetano was evidently not much different than a modern day college student who moves into a new environment. However, further cor respondence seems to show that Balbis had inaccurate preconceptions. Gaetano was possibly slightly selfish, but also a motivated and well behaved student. In a later letter dated 14 June 1749, Balbis praised e of Turin that the young musician had already performed in several accademie. questionable, due to the aforementioned reasons. In any case this letter suggests that Pasquale Bini could have still been in Rome around thi s time. 33 Cordero, Pugnani, 14. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno 17 May 1749. 34 Cordero, Pugnani 14. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno, 17 na citt come questa, cos vasta difficile di poter vegliare sicuramente, per quante spie si volessero tenere, anche alla conditta e agli andamenti di chi che sia, ma dei giovani specialmente, che vi capitano alle volte poco ben inclinati e por tati per se stessi a divagarsi Roma certamente per l a giovent, che ha bisogno di regole ancora e
104 evident also in Rome. 35 composition teacher was signor Ciampi. 36 1749 and 1750 Stan islao Cordero di Pamparato stresses that Pugnani and Ciampi 37 enjoyed a mutually satisfying relationship. The letter dated 5 July 1749 that Count Balbis wrote to the Royal House reports that: the vi olinist Pugnani is very happy with Signor Ciampi and the la tter is happy with Pugnani, who continues to present himself well, and I hope that this will ultimately correspond to the goal for which he was sent to Rome. 38 More lengthy and complete is a subsequent letter dated 27 September 1749, in which we learn much I appointed a reliable person to inform himself from the same S ignor Ciampi about the p rogress that he [Pugnani] was mak ing under his [Ciampi ] direction. And here is word for word the answer that I received. Yesterday eventually I was able to find sig. [nor] Ciampi and ask him information about the conduct of sig. [nor] Pugnani. What I received could neither be more sincere nor more advantageous, because not only sig .[nor] Ciam pi praises the assiduity and attention of the application of the youngster to the lessons, but he is not able to conceive, how in so little time he [Pugnani] could and can do so much progress in the study of contrappunto and cembalo stating that frankly w hat signor Pugnani did in three and a half 35 Cordero, Pugnani, 16. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Roma, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorze gno, 14 Giugno 1749. 36 Cordero, Pugnani, 16. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Roma, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Carretto di Gorzegno, 14 Giugno 1749. 37 Early scholars have assumed that the Ciampi with whom Pugn ani studied in Rome was Vincenzo Legrenzio. Recent scholarship has adjusted such view, showing that Pugnani studied with a homonymous of Vincenzo Legrenzio Ciampi, Francesco Ciampi. The reasons for such adjustment are explained in Appendix D. 38 Cordero, Pu gnani 19. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of content o del signor Ciampi e questo di lui, che continua intanto a dar buon saggio di s e spero che
105 months of study could not have been done in two years even by those with a talent above average . 39 At the end of September 1749 Pugnani had been studying with Ciampi for three and a half months. This confirms that the two of them started working together right after In the c orrespondence between Turin and Rome transcribed by Cordero di Pamparato significant space is given to the debates of financial issues such as board, lodging, the rent of a cembalo and daily expenses. From the letters we also learn that S ignor Ciampi at t his point had not yet received compensation for the lessons he provided. Balbis writes: [in the expenses] there will be the remuneration of the maestro di cappella who is teaching him; remuneration that was not decided yet, but for which signor Ciampi will be c ertainly content [to receive] how much M.[aest] S.[ua] will decide to give him, and what he believe s is fair for the hard work and attention that he is giving to the youngster we are talking about. 40 In the letters reported by Cordero di Pamparato we learn that on 11 March 1750 the marquis di Gorzegno, through Balbis, communicates to Pugnani that he should prepare his departure from Rome. Pugnani should have been back in Turin for the celebration of the wedding of Vittorio Amedeo Duke of Savoy and Mar ia Antonietta 39 Cordero, Pugnani, 21. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Gorzeg no, 27 Sett o dato incombenza a persona sicura chiedergli le informazioni sopra li portamenti del sig. Pugnani. Quelle che ho avuto non possono essere colla quale si applica il giovane alle sue lezioni, ma non sa concepire, come in cos poco tempo abbia fatto e faccia tanto profitto dello studio del contrappunto e in quello del cembalo, asserendo francamente che ci che ha fatto il signor Pugnani in tre mesi e mezzo di studio non si farebbe da al tri bench di non mediocre talento in due anni 40 Cordero, Pugani 20. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Gorzeg certamente di quanto la M. S. si degner di fargli dare e creder che possano meritare le di lui fatiche ed atte
106 Ferdinanda Infanta of Spain, and left Rome on 25 April 1750. The date is suggested by the letter that Count Balbis di Riviera gave to Gaetano upon his departure, which is a I cannot fail to report what is due to him, and that therefore I offer here to V.[ostra] E.[ccellenza] study of contrappunto for which S.[ua] M.[aest] offered to keep him in Rome up to now, so that he never had complaint s against him and about how much his teacher praised and praise s th e docility and attention He leaves th is city with some authentic regrets after he has known the great profit, that he could gain if he could stay longer and his teacher, even if he let us know t hat Pugnani was able to master the rules a nd the fundamentals of music, w ished he could lead him for a little longer in its [the music] exercise. What remains now is that S.[ua] M.[aest] consider s giving to the aforementioned Signor Ciampi an appropriate gratification correspondent to the great attention that he gave to Signor Pugnani which he considered not simply a student, but a virtuoso, who enjo y ed the most c l ement r oyal protection and who S.[ua] M.[ast] wished to see perfected in his profession. 41 One rather surprising piece of information may be gleaned from this last letter from Rome. Signor Ciampi, after having worked with Pugnani for about a year, at this point had not yet received any money for his work. e helped him solidify his composition skills. His formation as a violin player must have taken place earlier in Turin, during his tenure in the orchestra of the Teatro Regio. This was not yet the era of formal training as we know it 41 Cordero, Pugnani 25. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rome, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of on posso negargli la testimonianza, che gli b en dovuta e che rendo perci qui a V. E. della somma applicazione del medesimo usata e del profitto che non ha mai avuto contro di lui doglianza dopo che ha conosciuto il gran frutto che potrebbe ricavare da un pi lungo soggiorno, ch e vi facesse ed medesima. Quello che rimane ora per a ltro, si che S. M. si degni di far dare al predetto maestro sig. Ciampi una gratificazione degna della Reale sua munificenza e corrispondente alla somma attenzione che ha usato il medesimo al signor Pugnani, considerandolo non gi semplicemente come suo scolaro, ma come un virtuoso, che godeva della Clementissima Regia protezione e che S. M. desiderava di
107 today, and much of the craft of being a musician was in fact learned by practicing the profession. Furthermore, the correspondence reveals the substantial investment that that the Turinese court of Italy made with Pugnani. This young violin player must have been quite promising if he deserved to be trained as a composer. 175 0s Gaetano returned to Turin and upon his arrival resumed his post with the orchestra. After the stay in Rome Pugnani remained in Turin for about three years. He was eventually granted another leave and on 8 January 1754 he arrived in Paris. 42 His visit was obviously announced in advance by the Turinese court to Count Arborio di Sartirana, Italian ambassador to the French court. This time the recommendation came from Vittorio Amedeo Duke of Aosta and was writte n by cavaliere Giuseppe Ossorio Alaron, prime minister of Carlo Emanuele III. 43 Cordero reproduces the answer of Sartirana in which we learn about the consideration that Pugnani and his fellows travelers enjoyed during this stay: The violin player Pugnan a nd his fellows arrived on the eighth, they handed me the letter of V.[otre] E.[xellence] on behalf of M.[onsieur] the duke of Savoy in which he recommends them to me. Seeing that S.[ua] A.[altezza] R.[eale] honor them with his protection, I lodge them at m y home and I will not neglect what depends on me for them to be successful. 44 42 Cordero, Pugnani, 30. 43 Cordero, Pugnani, 30. 44 Cordero Pugnani, 30. As repprted in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Letter e Ministri: Francia. The count of Sartirana to le Duc de Savoie. En voyant que S. A. R. les honore de Sa protection, je les ai loges chez moi et je ne
108 Gaetano, possibly also thanks to this connection, soon had an opportunity to display his virtuosity at the Concert Spirituel. 45 Constant Pierre reports that Pugnani appeared in concerts on February 2, March 25, and May 23 1754 respectively. 46 In all three instances Pugnani presented a concerto of his own composition; 47 in any case, contemporary press only reviewed the first instance. 2 February 1754 happened to be in fact the openi ng concert of the season. The March 1754 issue of the Mercure de France Monsieur Pugnani ordinaire du Roi de Sardaigne played a concerto for violin that he composed. The connoisseurs who were at the concert claim tha t they have never heard a virtuoso better than this. 48 Such accomplishment seems to have afforded Gaetano with further performing as well as, possibly, publishing opportunities. The publication of his opus one may very well be an outcome of his success wit h the Parisian concert series. Daniel Heartz supports the idea that Pugna p. 1 was engraved by Marie Charlotte Vendme in Paris during the 1754 visit, 49 45 Concert Spirituel See Pierre, Concert 89 as well as the concert programs number 182, 184. In the 200 th program it is reported un lve de Somis suggesting the latter could have been there as well. The Mercure De France April the series. As a young virtuoso recommendations were important. Furthermore this fact, along with Gaet 46 Constant Pierre, Histoire du Concert Spirituel, 1725 1790 (Paris: Socit Franaise de Musicologie, 1975), 266 2 67. Concerts within the series were num bered progressive ly. Pugnani performed in the concert numbers 505, 506 and 521, 47 The relevant concert p rograms as reported by Pierre in Histoire du Concert Spirituel are reproduced in Appendix A. 48 Mercure de France, M. Pugnani, Ordinaire de la Musique du Roi de Sardaigne, joua point entendu de violon suprieur ce virtuose 49 Daniel Heartz, Music in Europea n Capitals: The Galant Style 1720 1780 (New York and London: Norton, 2003), 616.
109 racious music 50 Furthermore, the success at the Parisian concert series was important for one to gain a strong and positive reputation. Heartz continues French press was one key to invitati 51 Conversely, however, Annarita Colturato points out that such information is not supported by sources. 52 She cl aims that the first edition of O p. 1 that we currently know is the one appearing in Paris in 1761 printed by Louis Balth azard de la Chevandire 53 (a collection of trii a due violini e basso labele d as opus 1). published work. In t Reale il sig. Duca these first productions of my humble wit 54 The rest of the dedication letter follows the custom of the time that may be summed up by the signature in which Pugnani defines himself : Umilissimo, Devotissimo, et Ossequiosissimo servitore. Appearing in the Concert Spirituel series implied engaging in serious competition. In order to gain a better understanding of what this could have meant for Pugnani, we might look at the particular concert series in which he participated. Heartz reminds us that in the 1754 series, besides Pugnani, three other violinists of European renown also 50 Daniel of a Court Musician: Gaetano Pugnani of Turin in Imago Musicae I (1984), violin teacher. Somis performed in Paris in 1733, as suggested by Heartz two Parisian publications coincided with this visit (Op. 5 and 6 Grove Dictionary ). 51 52 Annarita Coultura La Reggia di Venaria e I Savoia: Arte, Magnificenza e Storia di una Corte Europea, ed. by Enrico Castelnuovo ( Turin : Umberto Allemandi, 2007) vol 2, 219. 53 Colturato, La Reggia 219. 54 Cordero, Pugnani, 30 3 ueste prime produzioni del mio de b ole ingegno
110 appeared: already well known in Vienna, Pierre van Maldere who was serving at t he court of Charles de Lorraine in Bruss els, and Johann Stamitz, the leader of the orchestra of the Palatine Elector Carl Theodore at Mannheim. 55 In addition, let us not forget that the period is that of the galant style triumph of a simple, melodiou s, treble 56 In an environment in which high pitched soloists were worshipped, 57 and where the violin was the instrumental counterpart of a castrato, competition for a violinist extended beyond the instrumental realm. The soprano Egidio Alba 58 Gaining the favor of the press must have been quite a task for Gaetano. The triumph at the Concert Spirituel was for Ga etano the first international success that set the path on which he built his reputation. The different accomplishments eventually led to his advancements in the Cappella, including the promotion that will play a part in the dating argument of ZT 23. Hear tz suggests that after Paris Pugnani could have spent time in Vienna. For other musicians the success with the Concert Spirituel had already opened such a path. end of 1754 but, as he claims, such a scenario is not impossible. 59 The trip happened 55 Heartz, Portrait, 106. 56 57 58 lle Fel. 59 Heartz, Portrait, 108.
111 at some point before 1757, possibly in late 1754 (right after the visit to Paris). 60 Heartz 61 a place that does not seem to be determined by the fact that was the first to appear in terms of of time, 62 The rivalry between Vienna and Paris as European music capitals pushed the Viennese to make sure that the name of Pugnani, after the triumph at the Concert Spirituel, appeared well in evidence in the Viennese chronicles. 63 visit to Vienna. The context suggested in a quotation from Car l Ditters von Dittersdorf in his Lebensbeschreibung according to Heartz does not preclude the date of 1754. Wh enever any virtuoso, singer or p layer came to Vienna, and deservedly succeeded in winning the applause of the public, [Giuseppe] Bonno was ordered to arrange the terms, and to secure him for the Prince. The result was, that we had Gabrieli, Guarducci, Mansoli, as singers; Pugnani, and van Maldere, on the violin; Besozzi [from Turin] on the obo e; La Claire on the flute; Stami tz and Leutgeb as soloist s on the horn; and other eminent players. 64 Brown, who suggests that Gaetano was in the city during 1756. Because the name of Pugnani appears for the first time at the end of the payment records for the 1755 56 60 61 Gluck and Durazzo im Burgtheater (Vienna 1925), 28. (Vienna, Ghelen, 1757). 62 Daniel Heartz, Haydn, Mozart, and the Viennese School (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995), 50. 63 Heartz, The Viennese School 50 64 in Dittersdorf Karl Ditters von, T he autobiography of Karl von Dittersdorf dictated to his son A. D. Coleridge Trans. (New York: Da Capo Press, 1970), 47 and following.
112 season, Brown suggests that Gateano was hired for the fifteen Lenten academies that occurred between March 6 and April 9 1756. 65 This claim is consistent with the sources mentioned by Heartz and, in my opinion, it off presence in Vienna in 1756 rather than in 1754. long, although it is hard to say. Unlike his fellow singers, who did not receive a salary when 66 Heartz agrees about the one year time span for the trip, adding that during this time away from Turin, Gaetano is rumored to have also visited London and Holland. 67 According to Cord ero di Pamparato during this period the correspondence between the Turinese royal house and its ambassador in London is uninterrupted and Pugnani is not mentioned at all; no Italian visitors were announced to King George II of Hannover during this period. 68 The correspondence concerning the previous trips to Rome and Paris shows that the Turinese royal house properly prepared the sojourns of its esteemed violinist. Therefore the presence of Pugnani in London during this period is highly unlikely. Colturat o suggests that in the years following the Parisian stay Gaetano traveled often to Vienna and London. 69 We know that he was in Vienna possibly in 1754 and that 65 Bruce Alan Brown, Gluck and the French Theater in Vienna (Oxford: Clarendon, 2001), 113. 66 Cordero, Pugnani 33. 67 68 Cordero, Pugnani, 33. 69 Gaetano Giulio Gerolamo, i n MGG2, 1036.
113 he returned there in 1762, and we also know that he was in London between 1767 and 1769. 176 0s I n 1762 Gaetano performed again in Vienna, both at court and in the Burgtheater. 70 At the Burgtheater he played as a soloist; according to the customs of the place and period, orchestral works were executed between the parts of oratorios and Alcide al bivio in 1762 there we re concertos played by Leutgeb (12 February), Ditters (19 February), and 71 Secondary literature reports also other records of other services rendered and c oncertos played in the musical academies from February 23 to 72 Heartz discusses the information found in the manuscript chronicles of theatrical ba llet. 73 Turinese violinist is mentioned performing un Solo sur le Violon during an Accademie de Musique 74 Two days later Pugnani is reported as having performed in Vienna a vio lin 70 Brown, French Theater 113. Also mentioned in Heartz, The Viennese School, 55. 71 The information in this paragraph is taken from Brown, French Theater 130. 72 Brown, French Theater 121. As reported in Hofkammerarchiv, Vienna cass 1764. 364, 1761/2 IV. 73 Heartz, Portrait, 108. As reported in Repertoire de tous l es spectacle qui ont t donn au theatre pr de la cour depuis le I.r Janvi Wien, sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Music Hs. 34580/b. Heartz reports also that during the publication of his study Gerhard Croll was in the process of editing all the extant Gumpenhuber chronicles. 74 in Philipp Gumpenhuber, R epertoire de tous les spectacle.
114 solo. 75 In the chronicles there are other entries for the month of March and April. Heartz gives records that put Gaetano in Vienna until mid May. 76 This is the last Viennese record with the name of the Turinese violinist. After the spring Gaetano presum ably returned to Turin. The Turinese Royal Chapel was going through a particularly prosperous period during the eighteenth century. After the abdication of Vittorio Amedeo, Carlo Emanuele I II became king in 1730 and reign ed until 1773. Marie Thrse Bouquet states him [Carlo Emanuele], the Piedmont and the Savoy were able to regain their stability and the arts developed to the greatest extent possible 77 An orchestra organized according to a modern physiognomy, w ith the distinction between f irst and second violins, appeared in documents starting in 1751 A rough idea of the balance of the mid century orchestra of the Royal Chapel is offered in the the study by Giulio Roberti. 78 From him we can certainly glean some information about the 75 Heartz, Portrait, 108, As reported in Philipp Gumpenhuber, Re pertoire de tous les spectacle. 76 Haydn Chronicle and Works, The Ear ly Years. vol.1, (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1980), 370. The Wienerisched Diarium was an excellent Tafel music, at which the famo us violinist Herr Pugnani was heard; and there was a 77 Marie Thrse Bouquet, Musique et Musiciens Turin de 1648 1775 ( Turin: Accademia delle scienze, 1968), 3 Avec lui, le Pidmont e la Savoie purent retrouver leur stabilit et les arts se Bouquet seminal study on the royal chapel of the house of Savoy, Musique et Musiciens Turin de 1648 1775 not pinpoint the evolution of the instrumentation of the Cappella The music al establishment of the Savoyard house paralleled that of Versailles for many years As for the violins, Bouq uet stresses that up to the eighteenth century the Italian violin band was modeled after les vi n g t quatre violons Bouquet does not try to reconstruct the roster, but supplies general information about the gradual addition of instruments to the orchestra. She also supplies several names, without charting the exact time frame during which people were employed in the orchestra. 78 Giulio Roberti, La Cappella Regia di Torino 1515 1870 ( Turin: Roux e Favale, 1880), 32 33. nineteenth century work is n ow rather dated and according to Rosy Moffa is incomplete and often inaccurately documented See Rosy Moffa, Storia della Cappella R egia di Torino dal 1775 al 1870, ( Turin : Centro Studi Piemontesi, 1990), 14 15.
115 balance of the string s ection around mid century: thirteen violins (including Somis as the first, Alessio Razzetto as leader of the seconds and Pugnani as the twelfth of the orchestra) divided in seven p rimi and four secondi 79 Further information is supplied by Bouquet who offers a picture of the rest of the orchestra that included two cellos, 80 two contrabbassi and two to four basses 81 and two violas 82 A s for the winds, information is contradictory. When in Turin, Gaetano used to serve in the Royal Chapel in the same position in which he was appointed in 1749 before l eaving for Rome. His stipend after his return by the end of 1750 was eventually raised from two hundred to fo ur hundred lire 83 But Pugnani did not ascend in the orchestra l hierarchy until 1763, the year of G iovanni B attista Somis It was probably such a loss that, by the end of 1763, led to the reorganization of the ranks of the violins. 84 Paolo Can a vasso was designated to substitute Somis as the first violin and Pu gnani became the seventh player. 85 This position implied the responsibilities as a leader of the second violins. 86 Starting his 79 Roberti, Cappella 32. 80 Bouquet, Musique 22. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sezuoni Riunite, Generale Patenti Controllo, vol. 6, 1727 in 1729, fol 13 r 0 81 Bouquet, Musique, 23. As reported in Archivio Capitolare Torino, Status Regiae, Aula Regis Sardinia, pro anno 1736 et sequentibus. 82 Bouquet, Musique 23. As reported in Archivipo Capitolare Torino, Stato Generale delle Persone Componenti la casa di S.M. annes 1751, 1774. 83 Appendix C. 84 Cordero, Pugnani 33. 85 Cordero Pugnani 33. 86 Schwarz and
116 career 1749 as the last of the last of the second violins Gaetano was now the leader of the same section. f o r which we have significant records is the one he took to London. This trip is particularly noteworthy in v iew of the appointment that would follow once he returned to Turin. I will show later how the achievements of these years eventually brought him not only recognition as a violinist, but also as a composer. These ideas will play into the chronology of the events around the dating of ZT 23. During the 1767 68 season Gaetano was invited to London to conduct the Italian opera orchestra. 87 McVeigh and others suggest that he stayed there until the following season, when his first comic opera Nanetta e Lubino had its premiere. 88 During this period he had several chances to perform as a soloist and as an orchestra leader. Occasions such as benefit concerts were o pportunities in which Gaetano could present his music. On the 17 March 1768 the Public Advertiser reports: Day, will be a grand Concert of Vocal and Instrumental MUSIC. N. B. all 89 During these years Pugnani worked closely with Johann Christian Bach and Carl Friedrich Abel. 90 In 1768 Bach and Abel 91 took over the management of a prominent 87 Simon McVeigh, The Violinists in London Concert Life 1750 1784 (New York and London: Garland, 1989), 70. 88 McVeigh, Violinists 70. 89 Public Advertiser 17 March 1768. This announcement could poss ibly play a role in supporting the idea fact that we are composer are emphasized, rather than the ones as a violin virtuoso. 90 Mc Veigh, Violinists 70. 91 According to Charles Burney the joint direction started on 29 February 1764 and continued until 9 May 1781. See Charles Burney, A General History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the Present period (1789) reprint with Critical a nd Historical Notes by Grank Mercer, Vol II (New York: Dover Publications, 1957) 1 017.
117 concert series that was or iginally founded by Theresa Cornelys 92 and directed by Gioacchino Cocchi. 93 Cornelys proclaimed society hostess 94 The fact that Gaetano Pugnani appears as a guest in the series, speaks of his status, entertainment s were known subscription concert s featuring expensive performers of international reputation and the best new instrumental music 95 The series was certainly prestig ious and successful for several years as reported by Charles Burney: As their own compositions were new and excellent, and the best performers of all kinds which our capital could supply, enlisted under their banners, this concert was better patronized and longer supported than perhaps any one hand ever been in this country; having continued for full twenty years with uninterrupted prosperity 96 Gaetano appeared in the series as an orchestra leader. An advertisement published in the Public Advertiser on 2 Jun e 1768 shows how he shared duties with both Bach and Abel: Street, THIS DAY, June the 2 d will be performed a Grand Concert of Vocal and Instrumental MUSIC. First Violi n and Conc erto by Sig. Pugnani Solo on the Viola da Gamba by Mr. Abel, Solo on the Piano Forte by Mr. Bach . 97 92 GMO. 93 Simon VcVeigh, Concert Life in London from Mozart to Haydn (Cambridge, Cambridge Univ ersity Press, 1993). 94 GMO 95 GMO. 96 Charles Burney, A General History, 1 017. 97 Public advertiser 2 June 1768.
118 performance style. Simon McVeigh suggests that during 1768 Gaetano also appeared as a soloist at the Covent Garden oratorios. 98 The Oratorio Series, which originally took shape in 1732, was staged performance of Esther ad hoc 99 The entertainment continued following the well oratorio would form the mai 100 This is the place in the program in which a violin virtuoso like Pugnani would have found an opportunity to exhibit his skills. McVeigh reports that the s ame year the Turinese musician also served as director at the Salisbury festival, 101 possibly the earliest festival in England. Originally associated 102 it was organized by local musicians. By 1769, when Gaetano was there, the event had grown from two to three days, and occurred between late August and early October. 103 Smither offers a description of the pattern of the musical performances of the festival that illustrates the venues in which Pugnani may have led: 98 McVeigh, Violinists 70. 99 GMO. 100 Howard E. Smither, The Oratorio in the Classical Era ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1987 ), 202. 101 McVeigh, Violinists 70 102 Smither, Oratorio, 217. 103 Smither, Oratorio, 217.
119 a festal service in the c athedral was followed by an evening concert in another building; but eventually the festal service was supplanted by a morning concert. Oratorios began to appear in the evening concerts in the mid century . 104 1770s Gaetano returned to Turin and in the Royal Chapel things were shuffled again. In 1770 Lorenzo Somis (brother of Gian Battista) retired, 105 and Gaetano Pugnani was appointed first violin and conductor of the orchestra. In Chapter 7 I will show how this appointment was different than the one that followed in 1776, an argument relevant to the dating of ZT 23. Stanislao Cordero di Pamparato reports the text of the patent issued on May 7 1770: The singular ability and mastery of the player Gaetano Pugnani, who always proved it undoubtedly with his v iolin in service of our Cappella and Camera because he inspired our appreciation, we are happy to promote him as first violin of the Cappella and Camera sure that by continuing to distinguish himself he will deserve the last affection of our grace . 106 The patent decrees the significant increase in his stipend, from five hundred to twelve hundred lire. 107 The leadership of the cappella entrusted to a virtuoso like Pugnani suggests that the ensemble continued to perform at a high level. Francesco Cognasso points out that the new king, Vittorio Amedeo III, did not have any real interest in artistic pursuits. He was a warrior instead and thought of himself as a great captain. He decided to initiate a reform of the army, the members of 104 Smither, Oratorio, 217. 105 Cordero, Pugnani 33. 106 Cordero, Pugnani singolare abilit e perizia del suonator Gaetano Pugnani, che ne ha sempre data indubitata prova del suono del violin al servizio della nostra Cappella e Camera av endo incontrato il pieno nostro gradimento, ci siamo volentieri disposti a promuoverlo nella qualit di primo violin della Cappella e Camera persuasi 107 For a comparison of the stipends in the royal Chapel see Moffa, Cappella, 22 23.
120 which eventually ended up wearing elaborate and expensive uniforms. According to Cognasso, t 108 Cognasso conclude 109 Rosy Moffa provides a rather detailed picture of the Cappella at this time. She eighteenth century were neither easy nor glorious for 110 pointing out that the new king, Vittorio Amedeo III, did not have the energy and the international reputation of his predecessors. Furthermore he had to deal with serious economic issues. 111 Drawing on the work of Nicomede Bianchi, Moffa reports that the court apparatus was excessive for its needs. It included over six hundred salaried employees. 112 The Royal Chapel in 1775 had forty two salaried musicians. Besides singers and other per sonnel, Moffa reports the names and salary of an orchestra of twenty eight, in which Pugnani played first violin. The instrumentalists are divided in six violini primi seven violini secondi two viole two violincelli two suonatori del basso [continuo], three contrabbassi and pairs of oboi fagotti and corni da caccia. 113 108 Francesco Cognasso, I Savoia 109 Cognasso, Savoia, 487. 110 Moffa, Cappella, 14. 111 Moffa, Cappella, 17. 112 Moffa, Cappella, 18. As reported in Ni comede Bianchi, Storia della Monarchia Piemontese dal 1773 al 1861 4 vols ( Turin Roma Florence : Fratelli Bocca, 1877, 1878, 1879, 1885), vol. I, 30 and 92 93 113 Moffa, Cappella 20 21. Moffa based her research on primary sources such as the payment record s to musicians and players (the accounts of the Tesoreria Generale della Real Casa) as well as the records of appointments and stipend increases (Patenti Controllo Finanze). While such documents help in tracing the transformations of the Cappella, they alo ne cannot account for a detailed history of the group.
121 In any case, as quantity and quality do not always go together, the Turinese court was not necessarily a happy place. Charles Burney in the early 1770s reports that: my sameness at this court, in the daily repetition of state parade and 114 The vanity of a king, inclined to self celebration for the sake of itself, could very well be t pointment was celebrated with a portrait including, Heartz says, an elements At the e nd of the next section I will touch on how this link is relevant to the dating of ZT 23. th e portrait, a significant acknowledgment and tribute to Pugnani, was recently revised by Robert E. Seletsky. The painting in question represents a musician; Heartz stresses that there can be no doubt about the identity of subject, whose violin sits rather precariously on his bow, which lies on a music manuscript showing the violin primo 1 no. 3 in C 115 According to Heartz the music portrayed with Pugnani convey s information about the suggests, was printed when Gaetano was in Paris to perform for the Concert Spirituel. Personnel may have been hired on occasions such as Carnival (straordinari), being borrowed from other departments of the royal house (trumpets from the scuderia), serving without a fixed stipend (sovra nnumerario), or being paid under different accounts. 114 Charles Burney, Music in France and Italy 75. 115 which Annarita Colturato suggests 1761. See Coul 219.
122 The man in the painting wears the official gala dress of the court music ians serving the house of Savoy 116 and the context in which he is placed shows great admiration for the craft of music. 117 Heartz states that: Pugnani was a proper courtier, and proud to be so, at an opulent and art loving court. He was more. With his quill in one hand, and, quite other hand, he embodies the creative artist, not just the virtuoso violinist. 118 We do not know exa ctly how the painting originated but given the unusual pre sence of the sketch sheet we can speculate about it. The sketch sheet may simply mean that Pugnani was or saw h imself to be a composer and that therefore the portrait could have been commissioned by him, or someone who esteemed him, at any moment Was som eone trying as a composer? As we know the Turinese court was structured very hierarchically. 119 Gaetano was gifted, but in such a system he must have dealt with issues not strictly related to his musical skills. With the po rtrait was he, or someone else, intending to make a bold statement about his skills, trying to find a way around the strict hierarchy? We should not exclude the possibility that Pugnani himself commissioned the portrait for this goal. 120 Such conjectures do not poin t at a precise moment, although if the painting is a statement 116 117 118 119 For instance, within the Cappella Cordero di Pamparato speaks of a strict system based on seniority in service ( see Cordero, Pugnani, istema di rigido rispetto della data di a nzianit vigente nei ruoli showing that rights were acquired proportionally to the length of the service. In a different excerpt Stanislao Cordero di Pamparato also mentions that having a relative in the Cappella translated to a sort of privilege in the app ointment priority (see Cordero Pugnani, 8). 120 Colturato suggests that testament does not mention any portrait, but three portraits are mentioned in done for his testamentary will (this is probably to document to which Colurato refers). Both the testament and an abstract of the inventory are reproduced in Bertolotti, Gaetano Pu gnani XVIII.
123 building his reputation. Given the atypical presence (as stressed by Heartz) of the sket hands, one possible, and more likely reading, it is perhaps that of looking at the portrait as the outcome of a noteworthy event, an event that would have justified the presence of the sketch sheet identity as a crea tive artist. Some consideratio ns on this matter could point toward life. Based on the music shown with Pugnani, Heartz suggests that the portrait was painted between 1754 and 1762, but also court artist in Turin. 121 Som e observations are in order, regard ing both elements (the time frame and the geographical origin). By the beginning of the twentieth century the portrait was already in London. 122 According to Heartz it came t o public attention in 1977 when it was put on sale. 123 The catalog attributes the work to the Italian painter Andrea Soldi, but Heartz points out that, given the possible Turinese origin of the portrait, such an attribution is unlikely, as Soldi was in fact in England from 1736 (circa) and died there in 1771. 124 A connection between Soldi and Pugnani might have occurred in the English capital, when Pugnani 121 122 Ritratto 123 Heartz, Portrait, footnote mber 1977 the painting is 1760 an attribution to Andrea Soldi has 124 Grove Art Online, ed. Laura Williams Macy (Accessed 2 December, 2010 ) http://www.oxfordartonline.com
124 lived there between 1767 and 1769. During this period where he staged his first opera, Nanetta e Lubino Therefore the attribution to Soldi may be likely, if the portrait is in fact Besides his work at heatre credentials During the late sixties, working with London firms, his printing achievements became more substantial. 125 The portrait may have very well been an appropriate Ther e is a further element, emphasized by Selestsky, that points at the 1770s as Cappella in these years reached an unprecedented peak. In the spring of 1770, after the death of his teacher Somis, Gaetano was appointed primo violino della Cappella e Camera, an appropriate promotion to be celebrated with a portrait of a violinist/composer in the court gala dress. The thesis that would place the portrait in the 1770 is substantiated by Seletsky with the fact that the screw fro g attachment of the bow shown with Pugnani belongs to a period no earlier than that. Seletsky also adds a significant consideration about the sk etch that has been previously taken by Heartz as a st at ement about an earlier date for the portrait. because it was his first published success, or, because the open page clearly r in 1770. 126 ancements, suggesting that it could have been an outcome of such achievements. The three events that are 125 See work list in GMO. 126 The information in this paragraph is taken from 2 Early Music 32 (August 2004), 422.
125 concentrated in these years (the staging of his first opera, an increase in number of p ublication s and the new appointment at the Royal Chapel) led to the commission of the painting that, as stressed by Seletsky, could not be painted earlier than 1770. If Heartz had k nown what Seletsky knew about the bow, he might have agreed that a later date is a good possibility. From this discussion we infer an important element for the dating of ZT 23. The 1770 appointment was particularly significant for Gaetano. This element, a long with the s insights as to the role of printed music, which I will explore deeper in Chapter 7 The duties as the first violin ist of the Royal Chapel did not keep Pugnani from further traveling abroad. 127 The t raveling between 1770 and 1776, date of the next appointment, must have been particularly significant as Gaetano gained the highest possible rank within the Turinese music establishment. On his way to London we find Pugnani in Paris in 1772. Cordero di Pa mparato reports the correspondence between the Italian ambassador in France, Ferrero della Marmora, and Count Lascaris di Casteller in Turin. A letter dated 12 October 1772 reads: 127 Zschinsky Troxler suggests that during these years Pugnani might have spent time in Berlin. Zschinsky Troxler based her claim on the fact that in Berlin was preserved a symphony with the 1772 performed in Turin on February 1 st 1772. The presence in Berlin of the only overture implied for Zs chinsky Troxler that Pugnani performed there. Even if no fu rther documentary evidence supports her claim, we can certainly quite appreciated also abroad. See Zschinsky Troxler, Pugnani sinfonien ist zur Chronologie nicht viel zu entnehmen. Eine einzige, Ms. 3516 (=Nr.14), enthlt auf dem Titleblatt ein Op. Nchtstliegende die Vermutung, PUGNANI habe am preuischen Hofe gespielt, und nic ht allein sein Spiel, sondern auch seine Weke htten Interesse erweck.
126 Mr. Pugnani who your excellence recommended to me with the letter he gave hi m at his departure from Turin, arrived in Paris last Thursday and left immediately the next day to go to Rome [London]. 128 We know in fact that Pugnani was in London in the following months. McVeigh e orchestra during this sojourn as well. 129 As a matter of fact Apollo e Issea a revision of his Issea presented in 130 During this stay his activity as a soloist was not as intense as it was on his earlier trip; McVeigh points out that Wilhelm Cramer in fact usurped him in the Bach Abel concerts. 131 In any possibly the direction also performed as a violinist o n 13 May 1773. The Public Advertiser reports: This Day, May 13, will be a grand Concert of Vocal and Instrumental MUSIC. Act I Tri by Sig. Pugnani, V iot and Janson Act II. Overture, Sig. Pugna I . 132 128 Cordero, Pugnani 35. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Francia. 12 ottobr e 1772. Ferrero della Marmora to the count Lascaris of transcription, but this is clearly an error; the same Cordero, commenting the le tter, says that Pugnani was departing to London. Cordero questions the fact that Pugnani could have been in London for the following period, probably because he was not able to support it with documents. 129 McVeigh, Violinists, 70. 130 GMO. 131 McVeigh, Violinists, 70. In thi s excerpt McVe igh does not specify the name of Cramer that it is implied. The same McVeigh in, in Grove Online, reports that in the 1770s and 1 780s Wilhelm Cramer was London f oremost violinist and that from 1773 he conducted the Bach Abel concerts. 132 Public Advertiser 13 May 1773.
127 This advertisement is particularly significant for the dating of ZT 23. Several sources 133 account for the early 1780s European concert tour of Pugnani and his pupil Giovanni Battista Viotti. As M cVeigh emphasizes the Public Advertiser report may suggest that the two violinists started touring together earlier than it has been suggested. 134 The possibility that Viotti could have been in London in 1773 has inspired Warwick Lister to review the early and Viotti could have already been on a concert tour in the 1770s. Lister suggests that the article on Viotti that Miel wrote for the Biographie Universelle (known as Biographie Michaud ) 135 tha anecdotal some accurate information. Miel in fact talks of a twelve year old Viotti who accompanied Pugnani in London. Viotti was indeed twelve when Pugnani was in London in 1767. 136 Furthermore, in reconsidering the relationship between Pugnani and Viotti, F tis 137 also should be reconsidered. In his Biographie he mentions that Viotti was about 22 years old when he and Pugnani met Volt aire in Fayel, just outside Gen ve. As suggested by Lister, this wo u ld put, the two violinists together in Geneve around 1777. This event will be discussed further in Chaper 6 where their relevance to the dating of ZT 23 will be clearer. 133 McClymonds and Schwar t z GMO As well as: Colturato 134 McVeigh, Violinists, 71. 135 Jean Baptiste Biographie Universelle Ancienne et Moderne, Eugne Ernest Desplaces ; Joseph Francois Michaud ; Louis Gabriel Michaud eds, ( Paris: Madame O. Desplaces, 1827), vol 43, 586. 136 The information in this paragraph i s drawn from 137 See Ftis Franois Joseph, Biographie Universelle des Musiciens et Bibli ographie Gnrale de la Musique (Paris: Librarie de Firmin Didot et cie., 1875 78 ), 360 364 Modern and Ida Reed, Music Reference and Research Materials 5 th ed. (Belmont, CA: Schirmer, 1997), 21.
128 Gaetano apparently left London sometime in June 1773 since, at the beginning of July he was again in Paris. He was probably planning on a short visit, but was forced to extend his stay. In the correspondence between della Marmora and Lascaris, a letter dated 5 July 1773 communicated to Turin that a mild indisposition kept Pugnani from go ing straight back. 138 The indisposition kept him longer than he anticipated; in any case, Gaetano must have been on his way to Turin via Lyon around the middle of July. 139 In 1776 King Vittorio Amedeo had an opportunity to demonstrate his esteem of Pugnani. G aetano was appointed Direttore Generale della Musica Strumentale, an appointment paralleling that of the French title of Suvrintendant de la Musique du Roi. It is not clear if this appoint ment was a political move or was meant to honor Pugnani for specific accomplishments, but it must be placed in context. some disappointment in the Cappella. 140 There were in fact two people that could have resented the appointment: the Maestro di Cappella Saverio Giay, who may have thought that his position was in jeopardy, and the longtime celebrated oboist Alessandro 138 Cordero, Pugnani, 35. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Francia. 5 L uglio 1773. Ferrero della Marmora to the count Lascaris of un indisposition qui lui est suive 139 Cordero, Pugnani, 35. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Francia. 9 Luglio 1773. Ferrero della Marm ora to the count Lascaris of il compte cependant de se mettre en route lundi prochain sans autre dlai, ayant pour cet effet art de 140 Moffa, Cappella, 33.
129 Besozzi who at the time had served uninterruptedly for forty five years. 141 As for the latter, the king decided to grant him the same title he gave to Pugnani. In this way he was honoring the two major member s of his musical establishment. 142 Unfortunately for Besozzi this appointment translated into an economic advantage only for Pugnani. not jeopardize the authority of Giay, the maestro di Cappella After stressing Pugnani achievements and qualities the document reads: We are happily determined to give to him [Pugnani] a particular sign of our esteem, in order to better display his qualities, we honor him as primo virtuoso of our camera and general director of inst rumenta l music without harming the authority and the privileges of the maestro di cappella. we appoint the aforementioned Gaetano Pugnani first violin of our Camera and general director of instrumental music with all the honors, privileges, advantage and ri ght and with the authority, that for such authority compete to him, in regard of music that will have to be represented and performed at court in occasion of fea s t s balls, concerts, and opera, as above, without harming the authority and privileges of the maestro di cappella 143 carried new responsibilities in the music establishment, duties that would also be given to the first violin during the entire following century. 144 In short, the newly appointed 141 Cordero, Pugnani, 38. 142 Moffa, Cappella, 33. 143 Cordero, Pugnani, 39. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sezioni reunit e: P atenti, vol.52, iamo ben volentieri determinate a dargli un pubblico particolare contrassegno della nostra estimazione e da posto in situazione di magiormente far apparire le pregevoli sue qualit con decorarlo primo virtuoso di nostra camera e direttore generale della musica istrumentale senza pregiudizio del maestro di Cappella in ci che a lui spetta deputiamo e stabiliamo il mentovato Gaetano Pugnani primo violin della Camera nostra e direttore generale della musica istrumentale con tutti gli onori, occorrer doversi presentare et eseguire in cospetto della nostra Corte in occasione di feste, balli, concerti, ed opera senza pregi in ci che a lui spetta. 144 Moffa, Cappella, 33.
130 director of instrumental music was accountable for the orchestra and in charge of balls, banquets, concerts and stage works, while the maestro di cappella remained responsible for vocal and sacred music. 145 This new appointment of the royal house show that Pugnani, starting in this period, often received money to pay the external musicians employed in balls and similar events. Several of those payment records are re ported by Cordero di Pamparato. Each record contains the amount given to Pugnani and the event for which he was given the money. 146 More important than that is the fact that in this moment Pugnani was at the very height of achievement in the Chapel, having c o llected significant recognition for his work as a violinist and having built his credentials on a number of published works. The link between published music and reputation, as relevant to the dating of ZT 23, will be explored further in Chapter 7 1780 s Gaetano Pugnani belongs to a prestigious and respected tradition of violin playing, one that includes his teacher, Giovanni Battista Somis, as well as his pupil, Giovanni Battista Viotti. Viotti is recognized as the last great representative of a violin pl aying tradition that stems from Arcangelo Corelli. 147 There is still much to learn about the working relationsh ip between Viotti and Pugnani, o ne that seems to have been rather controversial. On one side the pupil was quite satisfied with his tutor; later in his life Viotti acknowledged Pugnani as his only teacher. On the other side we must mention 145 Moffa, Cappella, 33. 146 Cordero, Pugnani, 40 42. 147 Chappell
131 that maybe on purpose or maybe as an honest mistake (which is unlikely), Viotti failed 0 1781 concert tour he undertook with him. 148 The reason for that may very well be that during the tour the young Viotti overshadowed his teacher. 149 London tour in 1770 But it was not until 1780 that the two violinists set out on a European concert tour that brough t them to Switzerland (Geneva 150 and Bern), then to Germany (Dresden and Berlin) and Warsaw b efore an extended visit to St. Petersburg. 151 The two left Turin in December 1779 to reach Geneva. The departure date is suggested by the recommendation letter that Pugnani turned in when arriving in Berlin later on. 152 The participation of the two violinists in a twelve week concert series in Geneva put them back on the road probably at the end o f March. The following three week trip brought 148 Giovanni Battista Viott i, 1798 (Manuscript), reproduced in Remo Giazzotto, Giovan Battista Viotti (Milano: Edizioni Curci, 1956), 229 231. Viotti wrote the document to proclaim his innocence after he wa s forced to leave England for political reason. 149 Warwick Lister, Amico: the Life of Giovanni Battista Viotti (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 42. Among the sources that Lister reports to support this point it is worth mentioning two. The first (p. 42) is a letter from Reverend Thomas Brand, a music lover and amateur musician who travelled around Europe in the 1780s and 1790s. The quotation describes how the two Italians fit the musical scene of Geneva and ends with the straightforward conclusion th 53) is a quotation from a Polish newspaper that, mentioning the arrival of the two in Warsaw, says: y with his pupil, 150 The concert series in Geneva was twelve weeks long. One concert is reported on the Giornale di Torino e delle Provincie imo violin della Cappella di S. M. il Re di Sardegna ha dato qui il suo primo concerto li 10 corrente al Palazzo della Pugnani, 51. This quotation does not qu estion the strong argument that Lister makes in his article about the fact that Viotti at this point had already a quite independent career from Pugnani, as Pugnani seemed 151 Cordero, Pug nani 51. Cordero mentions that because Pugnani used to stop by Paris and London when en route Although no documentary evidence is provided. 152 Lister, Amico, 423 As reported in the letter of c ount Fontana, from berlin to the Foreign Ministry of the Turin Court. 22 April 1780
132 them to Berne first and later to Dresden, before reaching Berlin in April 1780. Scholars have found no record of their departure from Berlin but at the beginning of January 1781, Pugnani sent correspondence fr om St. Petersburg. This means that they should have been in Warsaw during the fall of 1780. The two musicians probably stayed in St. Petersburg most of 1781, but they appear to have left in April for an unknown destination; 153 in any case they probably retur ned since Viotti, at the e nd of October, wrote a letter f r o m there. The tour ended in Berlin at the beginning of December 1781 ; the two departed from there. 154 Until this time Viotti but after thi s tour ended in Berlin, he proceeded alone to Paris. Pugnani returned to Turin, where as far as we know, he remain ed for the following years, except for a trip to Naples (1782 1784) and one to Vienna (1796) 155 At the beginning of 1782 Pugnani was in Turin. He resumed his duties at the Cappella and the Teatro Regio, where the rehearsal s of the Carnival opera season were underway. The fall of 1782 brought him to a concert tour to Naples. We have record of his success in one particular occasion, the concert he performed an evening of October at the Reggia di Caserta. The marquis of Breme wrote to Turin that Pugnani presented there with success a new piece for harpsichord and that the performance 153 laissa son ma tre St 154 The information in this paragraph is drawn from 424. Lister based his schedule on documentary evidence and, when needed, filled the gaps with reasonable guesses 155 The i nformation in this paragraph is taken from Chappel, W GMO C MGG 2. On ly McClymonds and Schwarz mention that the concert tour with Viotti lasted from 1780 to 1782. See McClymonds and Schwarz,
133 very much pleased Her Highness Marie Thrse. 156 This success eventu ally brought to the commission of an opera for Naples, Adone e Venere In 1783 Gaetano returned to Naples to stage the opera. He arrived there at the beginning of December, equipped with quite a parcel of recommendation letters. Firstly, the prime minister, count Perrone wrote on behalf of the king himself to the ambassado r in Naples, marquis of Breme; secondly the queen of Sardinia, Maria Ant onietta Ferdinanda of Spain, wrote directly to the queen of the Due Sicilie, Maria Carolina. Cordero di Pamp arato reproduces excerpts of the correspondence that followed, showing the warm welcome that such recommendations eventually prepared for Pugnani. The letters do not speak of the reception of Adone but secondary literature ensures that it was a true succe ss. 157 Following the reorganization of the army that Vittorio Amedeo began undertaking in 1774, the number of the military bands of the Savoyard army increased. 158 The large music establishment eventually needed a supervisor and Gaetano Pugnani seemed to be th e most suitable candidate. The professional figure of such a supervisor seems to appointment. Giuseppe Roberti discusses references to Savoyard military music as far back as the fou rteenth century. Roberti points out that, during the reign of Carlo Emanuele I, 156 Cordero, Pugnani 48. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Due Sicilie. The marquis of Brem e to the count a present une sonate de clavecin S. A. Cordero mentions that the concert took place on the 30 of October. The date is unlikely if the date of the letter, October 29, is 157 The information in this paragraph is taken from Cordero, Pugnani 49. The source from which Cordero drew information on Adone is : Benedetto Cro ce, I teatri di Napoli (Napoli: Del Hierro, 1891). 158 Cordero, Pugnani, 42 44.
134 oboes were introduced into the infantry regiments. 159 This choice almost surely finds its inspiration in the early seventeenth century tradition of Le Grand Hautbois of Louis XIV a band that belonged to the department of the French court called Grande curie 160 of which it was the most prestigious group. Given the musical ties between France and Turin specifically, this connection does not come as a surprise. During the first half of the century only privileged regiments were allowed to maintain a band. In the second half of the eighteenth century army generals across Europe engaged in a sort of competition. Displaying the best military music was a sign of prestige. Toward the end of the century some of the bands that initially included oboes added horns and a trumpet. Additions of this kind eventually took the denomination of banda turca and the average number of players increased from eight to a maximum of fifteen. Gaetano Pugnani had been involved with military bands since 1774, when the king commissioned him to compose some marches. 161 Gaetano was occasionally also entrusted with some administrative duties. His responsibilities within the military music ensemble were formalized in 1786 with his appointment as Direttore della Musica Militare one that earned him an annual salary of six hundred lire. The new appointment 159 Rivista Musicale Italiana 3 (1896), 702. 160 David Whitwell, The Baroque Wind Band and Wind Ensemble (Northridge: Winds, 1983), 26. As reported in Robert Isherwood, Music in the Service of the King (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973), 95. 161 Roberti,
135 n at home and in foreign nations. 162 It seems therefore that, having acquired a role within the military establishment, his fame as a violinist brought him an opportunity to increase his prestige. The new appointment included the responsibility to compose ne w marches that were to define a new set of standards for the bands. Furthermore, Gaetano was also entrusted with duties as conductor, instrumental coach, as well as with the responsibility of recruiting new musicians. In these tasks Gaetano was assisted by Vittorio Amedeo Canavasso. Canavasso was a horn player in the Cappella and became responsible for music school of the army, first for the corni da caccia and later also for the trombetti. 163 These facts show that Gaetano was truly responsible for leading a move to improve the military music. While this information is not directly relevant to the dating of ZT 23, it offers insights into the life of court musicians. In an era in whi ch political balance was mantained through the military and rulers were portrayed in military uniforms, after a career with great accomplishment, Pugnani could increase his prestige further by being involved with the army. 179 0s During his traveling Pugnani, because of his status and res ponsibilities in the Royal Chapel, maintained a privileged relationship with Turinese ambassadors and diplomats. These ties, in many cases, helped Pugnani shape his international success 162 Cordero, Pugnani, 43. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sezioni Riunite, Patenti e Biglietti, incarico ha egli gi compito da pari suo dando chiare riprove del costante suo zelo, non meno che di qu ella distinta perizia sulle parti tutte di musica, che non solo presso di questa, ma eziando presso delle 163 Cordero, Pugnani, 44 45.
136 and build his reputation. The connection with the city of Vienna and his 1796 invitation seems to be an occasion heavily associated with the connections Gaetano developed through his affiliation with freemasonry. 164 had among diplomats as a violinist. The ambassador in Vienna from 1794 to 1800 was Count Gioacchino Carlo Amico di Castelalfero, who in 1786 was carrying out his diplomatic duties in Naples. Both in Naples and Vienna, Castelalfero followed Giuseppe Lodovico Arborio di Gattinara, m arquis of Breme e Sartirana in this office. The latter was Neapolitan success. He was also the diplomat who received the high recommendation of Adone e Venere in Naples. Furthermore, this marquis was also the father of the ambassador who, back in the 1750s, arranged in Paris the sojourn in which Gaetano performed and succeded at the Concert Spirituel 165 o encouraged by the intensification of the diplomatic relationships of the Austrian city with Turin. The relationship between the royal families certainly became tighter after the wedding 166 of Vittorio Emanuele Duke of Aosta with Maria Teresa of Habsburg Lo rena Este 167 164 Alberto B Werther: Melologo in due Parti (Milano : Suv ini Zerboni, 1985), XX XXI. Basso throughout his essay stresses the connections that Pugnani acquired through freemasonry. Basso report s that there is no record in Turin about the precise date in which Gaetano joined the organization, but since his name ap pears in 1768 lists of the first Turinese lodge, his affliation must have begun in one of the three European capitals that he visited earlier (Paris, Vie nna, or London). See Alberto B asso, Werther XV. 165 The info rmation in this paragr aph is taken from Basso, Werther, XIII 166 To the celebration of the wedding Pugnani contributed an opera, Demetrio a Rodi, performed in Turin on May 2 1789. 167 The info rmation in this paragraph is taken from Basso, Werther, XIII.
137 Werther What was unusual about the piece was its somewhat descriptive nature. Based on the study of the original parts used for the 1796 Viennese performance, Al berto Basso suggests that the piece was performed with a narrator. Basso states that evoked the key passages from the novel, rea ding them over the music (or possibly before or after, if needed) as it wa s a melologo 168 The Italian designation of melologo translates in English to melodrama, a designation that, for its resemblance to the Italian word melodramma may be misleading. The Italian cognate melodramma refers in fact to a musical drama or an opera and not to a genre with spoken words In a melodrama spoken dialogues, or with instrumental accompaniment. Even if the use of music with dramati c action dates back as far the invention of drama, it is maybe better to consider melodrama a stand Pygmalion probably written in 1762. 169 The new hybrid genre of scenic produc tion 168 Basso, Werther, XVI. facevano parte della compagni stabile del Burghtheater) rievocasse I passi chiave del romanzo, me se si fosse trattato di 169 The i nformation in this paragraph is taken from Pe Branscombe niment in his Latin drama Sigismund (Salzburg, 1753).
138 170 Hence, it does not come as a surprise that a melologo It Werther, based on the novel by the same name, was created and possibly already performed privately in Turin in 1790 91. 171 Basso suggests that the reference made in a recently discovered autograph letter from 17 November 1794, refers Werther : It was requested by the Imperial Direction with the consensus of His Highness the Emperor, to compose an Opera with the honorary of two hundre d zecchini salary that is twice as much than what other Maestri di Cappella usually receive 172 The letter speaks of an opera, but Basso suggests that this word in this context could have meant melodrama. Basso stresses that the Imperial Direction of both the Burgtheater and the Krntnerthortheater were at that time entrusted to a group of men. Some o f them had connections with Freemasonry. 173 This fact may have very well favored both the commission and the actual Viennese performance of the piece. 170 B asso, XV. Basso provides a list of composers that approached the melodrama in this period. Basso reports that there is no record in Turin about the precise date in which Gaetano join ed the organization, but since his name appears in 1768 lists of the first Turines lodge, his affliation must have happened in one of the three European capitals that he visited earlier (Paris, Vienna, or London). 171 Basso. Introduzione, VI VII. 172 Basso Hans Schneider of Tutzing in Sales Catalog 192, ( 1975 ): di duecento zucchini, paga al doppio di quell ache si d ordinariamente agli a ltri Maestri di Cappella. 173 The information in this par XIV.
139 During the spring 1798 Gaetano, sick in bed, resolved to compile his will. 174 He died in Turin the morning of 15 July 1798. The inventory of his belongings shows that Gaetano certainly ended his days in the prosperity he had enjoyed for his entire life. 175 As disposed i n his testament the funeral mass was sung in the presence of his body, but the burial was not elaborate. Gaetano asked for one hundred masses to be celebrated in his memory. 176 The Life of Gaetano Pugnani: Remarks Gaetano started working rather early, at ag e ten. We have no evidence of him as a child prodigy, but this fact itself shows how the craft of being a musician was still learned in the field, rather than through formal education. The young Gaetano proved himself to be a prom ising musician an d deservi ng of a period of study in Rome. This Gaetano prospered within the patronage system, from which he received substantial support for his entire life. The correspondence explored in this chapter, as well as the diplomatic connections remarked upon in the section on the 1796 visit to Vienna, show the high esteem in which he was held within this system. Furthermore, his international travels and connections demonstrate his place in the homogen eous society that I described abov e. Gaetano was certainly a remarkable musician, but one 174 Bertolotti, essendo infermo in letto, consegnava il suo testament o chiuso al notaio Ansaldi, dichiarandogli che era stato scritto da persona di 175 Bertolotti, XVIII. An abstract of the in transcribed along with information on the outcome of the public auction in which such belongings were sold. In the list are included three portraits, one of which Colturato suggests, could be the one that I discuss earlie r in this chapter. See Colturato, 176 Bertolotti, VI. Bertolotti transcribes the full testament.
140 of the many who worked during the eighteenth century. This is quite evident in the challenges that early scholarship confronted in starting to exp lore his life. The professional growth achieved year by year, through the help of the patronage system and the extensive traveling built the reputation t hat brought Gaetano successive appointments within the cappella. His career in Italy culminated in the 1776 appointment as Primo Virtuoso da Camera e Direttore della Musica Strumentale which placed him in the most prestigious position of the Cappella As suggested by the discussion of his nist likely occurred starting around 1770. In any case the 1776 appointment leaves no doubt as to the fact that the 1770s were a true turning point in his life. In his new position he did not have any need to build his reputation further especially throu gh printed music. This fact is relevant to the dating of ZT 23, as we shall see below. Another relevant piece of information contained in this biographical sketch is the idea that Pugnani and Viotti could have developed a close working relationship throug h the 1770s. This information, when compared with the instrumentation of ZT 23, offers insights as to the possibility that Gaetano composed the set, to which ZT 23 belongs, to perform it with his pupil. e that remain obscure, this sketch has illuminated some points that are relevant to the dating of ZT 23. This frame of reference hopefully constitutes a springboard for further biographical exploration.
141 CHAPTER 6 PUGNANI AND THE ITAL IAN SYMPHONY The Position of P ugnani in the Italian Contributions to the Symphony Wellesz and Sternfeld claim that the symphony can be better understood geographically rather than chronologically. To see where Pugnani stands in the chronological evolution of the concert symphony, it is certainly helpful to place him in the framework of the contributions of his countrymen to the genre. However, the composer s that I will mention in this section had only the ir geographical provena nce in common while having rather different careers. As far as the symphony is concerned Giovanni Battista Samm artini has been the most important Italian figure in the transition between the Baroque and Classical periods. In his works he synthesized stylistic features of both eras. The new style favor ed homophonic texture to complex polyphony. After the middle of t he century most composers carefully avoided counterpoint, but S ammartini and few others found ways to incorporate non imitative, harmonically controlled counterpoint 1 in their compositions. This feature proved appropriate for developmental digression, sect ions in which unpredictability of themes and tonality was advisable. Bathia Churgin claims that elements represent ative of the early Italian concert symphony include scoring, movement types, and the adoption of two part form and sonata form. 2 1 Egon Wellesz and Frederick Sternfeld The A ge of Elightenment, 1745 1790 (London and New York: Oxfo rd University Press, 1973) 377 2 Bathia Churgin ed., The Symphonies of G.B. Sammartini (Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1968).
142 than those of his predecessor (Vinci and Leo) and feature a greater textural interest and more development of ideas. 3 of early symphonies was Ant onio Brioschi. His importance on the European scene is confirmed by the presence of his works in several libraries as well as the fact that his name appears in the Breitkopf 1762 catalog. 4 As far as style is concerned, Brioschi e mancipated the symphony from the operatic influence of a vocal style, introducing in his writing rhythmic emphasis and wide leaps. 5 Like Sammartini, Melchior Chiesa and Giorgio Giulini also operated in Milan, but their contributions to the symphony did no t reach in artistic merit those of Sammartini. History had to wait until the appearance of Luigi Boccherini to have further significant contributions to the Italian symphony. Boccherini was a gifted cello player and composed some twenty seven symphonies am ong other works The lyrical quality of 6 Scholarship highlights instead his concern with symmetrical repetition and phrase structure. Wellesz and Sternfeld claim that also Gaetano Pugnani trumental style resembled the lyrical emphasis of Boccherini. 7 With some exception s Pugnani favore d the four movement structure for his symphonies and overtures, one with which he experimented widely. In his oeuvre there are examples of works without the 3 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 375 4 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 378 5 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 378 6 Christian Speck and Stanley 7 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 381
143 development (O p. 4 No. 1) as well of works that omit the primary theme from the recapitulation (O p. 4 No. 3). 8 A glance at the thematic catalogue shows that he used several unconventional sequences. 9 Wellesz and Sternfeld suggest generalizations on some of features. His first movements contained advanced thematic articulation, but without proper balance between the main sections. 10 The works contained in his O p. 4 share the use of a pause to indicate the beginning of the modulating sectio n, in contrast to a mere change in dynamics and orchestration. 11 considered an important representative of mid century Italian Classicism. His symphonies exemplify the Italian theat rical style best 12 Another contemporary of Boccherini and Pugnani was Gaetano Brunetti. The latter spent most of his career working in Spain, in isolation similar to that Haydn had when working for the Esterhazy. 13 As a result Brunetti was not very well known during his life time. In any case, we have evidence that, through the court archives, he was exposed to a wide variety of styles that he synthesized into a very personal one. 14 8 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 381 2 9 The number of movements alternates among three, four, five and six, with sometimes an andante as the opening movement (e.g. ZT 20, 25, 28, 32) 10 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 381 11 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 381. 12 Schwarz and parts. He treated wind instruments both as soloists and as en semble players, as well as writing wind 13 Wellesz and Sternfeld, 382 14 Alice B Belgray and Newell Je
144 Wellesz and Sternfeld conclude that as far as symphony is concerned, Italians created few significant innovations and only a handful of masterpieces. 15 In any case the emphasis on easy, natural movement was important in the evolution of the symphony. French concerns for elegan t detail and German preoccupation with contrapuntal texture might have run the whole idea of the development aground; but the earthy rhythmic vigor and clear melodic objectives of the Italians served as a channel marker to keep the others on straight cours e. 16 Among the Italian eighteenth century contributions to the instrumental repertoire symphonies only four are currently recorded and only six are available in full score. 17 music was compiled in 1939 by Margerita von Zschinsky Troxler. In the op ening section of her work, Zschin sky number of source s that speak to Pugnani multiple roles in m usic Zschinsky Troxler suggested that to get an understanding of the personality of the Turinese musician, we must consider the different components of his personality that cannot be reduced to a keyword. The musical facets of Pugnani include in fact that of an orchestra violini st, that of a concert soloist and chamber player, that of a conductor and maestro al cembalo that of an educator, and finally that of a composer 18 15 Werllesz and Sternfeld, 382 16 Werll esz and Sternfeld, 382 38 3 17 For the full scores see GARLAND A III. For the audio recording see Pugnani, Overtures in Eight Parts, Academia Montis Regalis dir. Luigi Mangiocavallo, OPUS 111, OPS 30 151 (CD), 1996. 18 nstlerische Erscheinung und musikalische Ausformung ist mit einem Stichwort nicht zu erschpfen. Von seiner mannigfaltigen Ttigkeit ausgehend, werden wir dem Phnomenen Pugnani nherzukommen versuchen, um wieder zur Ganzheit seiner Persnlichkeit zu gelag en. Prsmagleich bricht sich seine Musikalitt in Strahlenbndeln verschiedener Wirksamkeit; wir sehen ihn besonders; als Orchestergeiger, Konzertsolisten, und Kammermusikspieler, Dirigenten, und Maestro al cembalo, Pdagogen und schliesslich als Komponiste
145 Zschinsky Troxler collects quotations from various authors that well speak about each side of Pugnani multifac e t activity as a musician. In her idea the words of all of the authors she mentions show and explain why in the phase of Italian instrumental music that goes from the baroque to the early romantic, Pugn ani is considered significantly rep resentative 19 In the thematic c atalogue, the works listed as encompass a group of twenty eight piece s designated variably as overture sinfonia or quintetto I will refer t o these works as symphonies. T he works are organized according to their key, making difficult, at glance, identify ing the ones belong ing to the same collections. A closer e and that only a few remain ed in manuscript. The printed works were engraved in collections of three or six, each collection including o nly instrumental parts and no full score, according to the custom of the time. 20 In 1939 Zschinsky Troxler located a tot al of seven manuscript symphonies in the Berlin Schlo bibliothek More recently Annarita Colturato added other works to the list of manuscripts 21 ( Table 6 1 ). The following section will focus on the manuscripts housed in Berlin. 19 Die Besprechung der Werke unseres Autors wird zu versuchen haben, warum wir in PUGNANI einem der bedeusamsten Vertreter der Instrumentalmusik in Italien erblicken, der in seinem Werke die Phasen der Stilwende des 18.Jahrhunderts vom ausgehenden Barock bis zur italienischen Frhromantik verfolgen lt und damit zu einem wichtigen Bindeglied zwischen Frh 20 These works were printed for players and therefore there was no need for a full score. 21 MGG 2, 1037 1038.
146 The Berlin Manuscripts Zschi nsky the entire group of orchestral works, five works (henceforth ob b ligato set ) highlight a common feature: they are the only works in the catalog to call for obbligato violin parts and that were never printed. 22 The scores of the o b bligato set are listed by Zschinsky Troxler as housed in Berlin (Schlo B) All of these works highlight a grouping of the violin section that may suggest a link with genres other than the symphony Violino principale violino di concerto and violino o b bligato suggest a hierarchical structure, in which several soloists are pitted against the orchestra. The designation of the ensemble violins as or ripieno suggests concerto grosso associatio ns that I will explore further in Chapter 7 The most recent scholarsh ip on Pugnani, such as the articles in GMO and MGG 2 relied on the work of Zschinsky Troxler for the scores location. Unfortunately the latter was compiled in 1939 a nd contains informat ion that is not up to date. Currently not all of th e works mentioned in Table 6 2 (obbligato set) are housed in Berlin. 23 In the list of Schinsky Troxler there is clear distinction between two locations in (Berlin Staatsbibliothek), and the Berlin, Schol B (the private music collection of the former king s of Prussia). The latter is the one of interest to this research as it originally ncluded the works of the obbligato set During World 22 As a matter of fa cts the catalog also mentions another couple of symphonies with obbligato violin parts, ZT 25 and ZT 27. The two works are reported by Z s chinsky Troxler as existing in two printed edit ions and five manu script copies. For both works it exists a version with no winds that also calls for four obbligato violins and basso. The different instrumentation suggest s that the scores should not be groupe d with the Berlin obbligato set, as this arrangement of the wor k may very well represent something done ad hoc for a local group. 23 In Berlin I was fortunate to find a valuable source of information in Dr. Roland Schmidt Hansel, librarian at the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Musikabteilung mit Mendelssohn Archiv. The f ollowing information about
147 War II the enti re music collection of the former King s of Prussia was brought to the Soviet Union and roughly half of it made it back to Berlin in the late 1950s. What remains of this collection is currently housed in the Berlin Staatsbibliothek and usually identified as Koenigliche Hausbibliothek Musik ). The original collection included about twenty catalog listings for Pugnani, 24 but only eight of these items are still extant in Berlin. In this group of manuscripts only six items are symphonies. 25 Four of them (ZT 26 but we do not have such record for the other two (ZT 14 and 23) The overture ZT 14 is listed in the catalogue as a op. a 2 da Tama s Kouli 27 Zschinsky Troxler did not list the opera score in the thematic catalogue, suggesting that she could not make the connection between the overture and its opera. In any case, as such connection is possible today, we can confirm the date of ZT 14 to 1772 (the opera was presented on 1 February). 28 Unfortunately the overture ZT 23 is currently the only work of the obbligato set that is extant in Berlin. ZT 23 seems to be the only work of the obbligato set available for study. According to Dr. Sc hmidt Hansel the remaining scores of the set could still be today in St. 24 For the list of the pieces originally included in this collection see Georg Thouret, Katalog der Musiksammlung auf der Kniglichen Hausbibliothek im Schlosse z u Berlin ( Breitkopf & Hrtel: Leipzig, 1865), 163. Because the catalog does not report incipits, but only the key of the works, a comparison with ZT is impossible. 25 The word symphony here includes similar genres such as the overture (Chapter 4). 26 27 Copy held by P La. 28 Information retrieved from the score
148 Petersburg or Russian libraries in other cities. Any attempt to locate them has thus far b een unsuccessful. ZT 23 The score I discuss in the following pages is listed by ZT as item number 23. 29 The reproduction contains the booklets of the different parts. Winds have separate booklets (e.g. first and second oboe); violin obbligato parts are sep arated from the ensemble strings. Each part has a frontispiece with the indication of the instrument. The instrumentation of the work is listed on the frontispiece of the basso parts. the list of the instrumentation: Violino pmo obligato; Violino 2 do obligato; Violino pmo ; Violino 2 do ; Viola e Basso ; Oboe pmo ; Oboe 2 do ; Corno pmo ; Corno 2 do 30 A bracket embraces the two co rno flat. Although the basso and v iola seem to share much of the same music, their par ts are written on separate booklets The incipit of the overture is the basso grouped in a grand staff. no 29 I thank the library that sent me a microfilm reproduction of the parts of the overture ZT 23. 30
149 Table 6 1. List of ZT Title Source Location 14 Overtura in D ZT D B 15 Sinfonia in D ZT D B 16 Caccia in D ZT D B 23 Overture in E flat ZT D B 35 Sinfonia in B flat ZT D B 36 Sinfonia concertato in B flat ZT D B 37 Sinfonia in B flat ZT D B ?? In C MGG D Ms, I Gl, I Rdp ?? In D MGG I Mc ?? In D MGG I Tn ?? In E flat MGG GB Lam ?? In B flat MGG CH EN As reported by Colturato in MGG2. Table 6 parts ** ZT Violins ** Violas Basses Winds Parts 1 5 1 obligato; 2 obligato; primo; secondo 1 1 e Contrabasso 2 Corni; 2 Oboes 9 16 1 di concerto; 2 dto.; 1 dto 1 1 Basso obligato 2 Corni; 2 Oboes 10 23 1 obligato; 2 obligato; primo; secondo 1 Violoncello; Contrabasso 2 Corni; 2 Oboes 8 bzw.10 (?) 35 2 Violini obligati; 2 violini di ripieno 1 B.e Contrabasso 2 Corni; 2 Oboes 9 (bsw. 11) 36 2 violini principali; 2 violini obligati; 2 di ripieno 2 Violoncello e Basso 2 Corni; 2 Oboes 1 ** As listed in ZT. All scores originally housed in Berlin, Schlo B. ***ZT reports the word obligato rather than obbligato
150 CHAPTER 7 N E FLAT ZT 23] The instrumentation of ZT 23 suggests information as to the reason Pugnani may have composed it. This piece could have been performed by Pugnani himself with his pupil Viotti and as such it would belong to the 1770s. In the following section I will first the choice of two violins for the obbli gato parts could have been compos ed by Pugnani with a specific pa ir of soloi sts in mind; lastly, since the obbligato set was certainly composed over a period of time, I will suggest that it belongs to the 1770s, the time frame during which Pugnani had a close working relationship with his pupil Viotti. The Meaning of O bbligato Violins In order to understand the implication of the instrumentation of ZT 23 it is important to clarify the meaning of the wo rd obbligato in this particular context, because has acquired different meanings in different contexts. 1 The instrumenta tion of this overture (and all the works of the obbligato set) outlines a hierarchy in the violin section. A glance at the score 2 shows that the trio of the minuet is the only section of the overture in which the obbligato violins are actually detached fro m the orchestra. 3 In the rest of the overture the obbligato parts are not independent line s but perform the same exact parts of the ensemble violins (henceforth ripieno 4 ). Therefore, in this context the 1 2 Appendix A. 3 The choice of the minuetto to feature the two obbligato parts may not be accidental and may carry implications of meaning (e.g. a statement about the nobleness of the violin or of the violinists). This topic could be investigated further comparing ZT 23 with the rest of the the works of the obbligato set. As I explained in Chapter 5 such tas k is far from possible at the moment. 4
151 obbligato violins are simply understood as two soloists pitted against the doubled ripieno parts. The terminology used by Pugnani to indicate the soloists is found much earlier, in the works of Arcangelo Corelli, 5 where the obbligato parts were not supposed to be doubled and the ripieno parts could be doubled ad arbitrio 6 Since on the first page of the violin obbligato part also appears the script Violino p mo the possibility exists that this overture could be a concerto grosso, but since ZT 23 lacks any hint of ritornello form, there is no association of thi s piece with that instrumental form Nevertheless, the presence of two soloists could suggest an association with another genre, that of the symphonie concertante. As we shall see below, this fact is relevant to understand the role of the soloists in ZT 23. The symphonie concertante is understood as an ensemble work with solo and extended solo parts resulting in a genre that is closer to the concerto than to the symphony. The genre was widely in vogue from the 1770 well into the first d ecades of the nineteenth century. During the 1770s and 1780 major contributions to the most prolific non Pari s at that time was an important cultural center, featuring soloists in the Concert Spirituel series. In 1771 the Journal de Musique reports that the French writer, theorist, and composer Nicolas Framery claimed that the genre was ideal for the Concert Spir 7 5 Concerti Grossi Op. 6 6 See GMO. 7 The information in this paragraph is taken from Barry Brook and Jean Gribenski Concertante in GM O.
152 Gaetano spent a brief period in Paris during this time frame and, given his status as a soloist, could very well have become fascinated with a new genre. We do not know of any of symphonie concertante, although we know that labels were not precise in this period. 8 The symphonie concertante was certainly suitable for displaying the virtuosity of the soloists, two violins being the most frequent instrumentation. In the performance the soloists were usually placed in front of the orchestra, being responsible for most of the thematic material and extensive cadenzas. 9 In ZT 23 the solo parts are not virtuosic and do not carry thematic material. However, the loose association with the symphonie ther suggest that the soloists here represent, as in a symphonie concertante, a world apart from the orchestra. If the two soloists were to be seated apart from the orchestra, did Pugnani have someone in mind when he composed ZT 23 and the obbligato set? For Whom did Pugnani Compose the Obbligato Set? Many of the concertos written during the eighteenth century were performed by the composer himself. The advertisements discussed in Chapter 5 for instance, show that Pugnani and his music were no exception. In London he often performed his own music in those venues that featured him as a soloist. When composers did not compose music for themselves, sometimes they had a friend in mi nd For instance, when in 1791 8 9 The information in thi s paragraph is taken from Brook and Gribenski GMO.
153 Mozart composed his clarinet concerto, he had in mind his friend Anton Stadler, 10 and when Haydn composed his only trumpet concerto in 1796 he had in mind his fellow court musician the trumpeter Anton Weidinger. 11 The custom of composing music tailored for or dedicated to a specific colleague was not lim ited to concertos, but also carried over in orchestral writing and chamber music. Notable examples of chamber music composed for a specific performer include, for instance, the music that Haydn composed for the baryton. Because his patron, prince Nikolaus Esterhazy, was an amateur baryton player, Haydn had no choice but to 12 and therefore tailor his music to the servant or leader of a court ensemble, would have specific performers in mind when composing. In the music of Haydn we can also soloistic writing could be tailored to a specific performer. Haydn entrusted to the cellist Weigl the solo of the third movement of his symphony No. 13. 13 14 has its roots in operatic music, in which composers usually tailored their arias to a specific singer. The scholarship of Dorothea 10 For a discussion on Mozart Clarinet concerto see Lawson Colin, Mozart: Clarinet Concerto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 11 Johann Nepomuk Hummel also composed a trumpet concerto for Weigl. See Elisa Koehler, "In Search of Hummel," International Trumpet Guild Journal (January 2003), 7 17. 12 uced and translated in Philip G. Downs, Classical Music, the Era of Haydn, Mozart and Beethioven (New York: Norton Company, 1992), 213. 13 See H.C. Robbins Landon, Kritische Ausgabe smtlicher Symphonien H.C. Robbins Landon ed. (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1963 67), vol II 14 letter from 28 February 1778 Wolfgang well The Letters of Mozart and His Family 3 rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1985), 497, 171.
154 Link illustrates this point well. Link has focused on operatic roles created for particular singers, showing that the tailoring of some arias was so specific that she was able to trace the vocal profile of the performers from the score. 15 In virtue of this discussion, it is possible that Pugnani would have performed his ZT 23 (and the obbligato set) with someone very close to him. The entire obbligato set was probably composed over a relatively long span time, as the terminology used to define the instrumentation is not consistent among the scores of the set. 16 The inconsistency indicate s that the pieces were not composed at the same time although the consisten cy of the two obbligato parts may indicate a similar purpose for all the works of the set. Did Pugnani ever have a long working relationship with a fellow violinist? When could he have shared such a simple soloistic endeavor with anyone? What does his biog raphy suggest in this regard? The Viotti Years The 1770s were marked by the relationship of Pugnani with his pupil Giovanni Battista Viotti, one that allegedly began in the late 1760s and that culminated in the European concert tour that the two undertook in 1780 1781. For as we know to date, professional life with someone el se. This moment in time reflect s the unique instrumentation of the overture ZT 23 (and that of the entire obbligato set ) that features non virtuosic writing for two soloists. 15 Dorothea Link ed., Arias for Francesco (Middletown: A R Editions, 2004); Dorothea Link ed., (Middletown: A R Editions, 2002). 16 Table 6 2.
155 The relationship between the two was apparently consistent throughout the decade even if a recent biography of Viotti shows that very little is known about the events of these years even today. 17 The relationship possibly started before the 1770s, certainly developed during that decade, and ended after the Grand Tour that the two shared in 1780 1781. The possibility that Pugnani and Viotti were already close before 1770 exists, a lthough its evidence is questionable. Warwick Lister claims that Edme Fran ois Miel, in fact report accurate information (Chapter 5). Miel mentions that the twelve year old Viotti accompanied Pugnani to London in 1767. Lister, highlighting a hiatus in the ith Ignazio Celoniati (August December), 18 claims that the date could be likely, even if there is no record that supports the id ea that Viotti was actually in London with Pugnani at that time. The diplomatic correspondence by a young boy. The element that raises questions is that of time frame. As I reported in Chapter 5 Pugnani remained in London until the fall of 1769. Lister says that records suggest that Viotti resumed his violin lessons in Turin at the beginning of 1768. Is it likely that the young boy travelled alone back to Italy? The possibility remains open and the implication for this argument would be q uite relevant, as the presence in London of the young Viotti at this time would suggest that Pugnani took particular care with his education, introducing him to the international professional network quite early. 17 Warwick Lister, Amico: The Life of Giovanni Battista Viotti (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). 18 Lister, Viotti 11.
156 Pugnani certainly took on Viotti as his pup il when he returned from London. Presumably the two of them already started working together in late 1769. The relationship continued in the orchestra of the Teatro Regio where Viotti started working from 1773 as well as in the Royal Chapel where Viotti wa s appointed in 1776. T he presence of both violinists o n other occasions, such as a masked ball in 1774, 19 shows that Pugnani and Viotti shared a variety of working venues. As I reported in Chapter 5 Pugnani was again in London during the early 1770s and it is reasonable to assume that, on the basis of a newspaper advertisement, Viotti was with him at this time. 20 Lister also infers that before setting off for the Grand Tour the two violinists could have shared music in other venues outside of Turin. 21 The working relationship eventually culminated in th e European concert tour of 1780 1781, after which Viotti undertook an independent career. Even if scanty, these facts suggest a close mentoring relationship between Pugnani and Viotti. Lister concludes that: [in 1779] within a month of leaving Italy [for the grand tour], Viotti was reliably reported to be a better player than his teacher, and within another three or four years he had established himself as the first violinist of Europe. It is highly unlikely that Viotti could have sprung thus fully armed without some previous experience. It is safe to assume that in the 1770s he played concertos and sonatas in and around Turin. 22 If Pugnani had anyone in mind when composing the obbligato set, it is very likely that this someone could have been Viotti. As Lister suggests above, Viotti certainly played 19 Lister Viotti 28 20 I reproduce the advertisement in Chapter 5. 21 See discussion in Chapter 5 22 Lister Viotti 37
157 concertos during the 1770s. This sug gests the possibility that the obbligato set could have been used to gradually educate the young pupil in the role of soloist The characteristics of the o verture ZT 23 certainly make it a suitable piece for an event featuring a virtuoso violinist and his preferred young ambitious pupil. If so this work belongs to the 1770s, the decade during which Viotti and Pugnani worked togeth er. It is possible that Pugnani composed ZT 23 to support his teaching endeavor during the early years of his relationship with Viotti. 23 The following section will provide evidence that ZT 23 could have indeed been composed during the 1770s. One of the challenges in studying eighteenth century scores is that dates of composition were rarely recorded. Autograph manuscripts sometimes carry dates, but this is not case for this unique extant manuscript copy of ZT 23. In the remainder of the c hapter I argue t wo distinct pieces of evidence that support the thesis that this overt ure was composed in 1770s In sum: some structural elements common to six other works by Pugnani suggest a common temporal frame; considering the publishing customs of the eighteenth cen printed music suggests that ZT 23 (extant in manuscript) was meant to be printed. The overture was never printed because it belongs to the period during which Pugnani stopped having his music printed. 23 We can assume that the simplicity of the solo parts of this piece wou ld have better served the education of a young rather than a mature pupil.
158 A Comparison Wi th Other S cores works edited by Joyce L. Johnson and reproduced in the Garland series. 24 The symphonies were originally published by Welcher in London as Six Overtures in Eight Parts 25 a collection that is relevant because there are formal similarities between the symphonies of this set and ZT 23. This could suggest that the works belong to the same creative period. Johnson in her editorial remarks on the Six Overtures offers t he following commentary: The orchestration is typical for its time. The first violin is generally the melodic leader, or else it plays in thirds with the second violin. The viola plays col basso ; oboes are in thirds, generally following the violins, while the horns (which as a rule remain silent during slow movements and trios) provide harmonic reinforcement. 26 As seen in the score provided in Appendix A t his assessment could apply equally well to a description of ZT 23 that also carries the same typical o rchestration of the period. 27 In the following quoted passage, in which Johnson mentions three elements shared by th e Six Overtures I have inserted the bar numbers in brackets where the same elements appear in the score of ZT 23. Johnson points out that Pugnani 24 III, 117. These full scores were first prepared in 1934 under the Works Project Administration and Johnson compared them with th 25 RISM 5571. 26 in GARLAND A III, xlii. See also Albert Mry, Die Instrumenatalwerke Gaetano Pugnanis (Basel: Buchdruckerei G. Krebs, 1941) 49 52. 27 xlii.
159 does utilize a contrasting melodic idea after shifting to the cont rasting key, but is often brief [b ars 52 58 in ZT 23] these movements repeat t he initial theme in the new key [bars 69 83 in ZT 23] then u tilize so me sequential movement [bars 85 93 in ZT 23] before returnin g to the initial idea in to nic [bars 109 115 in ZT 23]. 28 point at the same creative period for the Six Overtures and ZT 23. When were the Six Overtures in Eight Parts composed? If it is plausible to include ZT 23 in the time fra me of the Six Overtures, we have the first different scholars have suggested different dates for the Six Overtures in Eight Parts the option of the 1770s remains a probable one The date suggested by Johnson in the edited scores is that of the 1780s, but both Zschinsky Troxler in her catalog and Schwarz and McClymonds in the Grove Dictionary suggest an earlier time. The dates proposed by the latter two bear a question mark, sign aling that no precise date yet exists in regard of the composition of the Six Overtures Schwarz and McClymonds suggest that the collection belongs to 1768 1770, 29 while Zschinsky Troxler, based on partial information, suggests 1770. 30 I shall demonstrate b elow, that in contrast to what Johnson suggests ZT 23 was probably composed in the 1770s. Only One Manuscript Copy In the following section my assumption, based on the available evidence, is that the manuscript copy of ZT 23 is a unique extant copy and th at the overture was never 28 GARLAND A III, xlii. See also Albert Mry, Die Instrumenatalwerke, 49 52. 29 6 Overtures [18, 28, 31, 33, 19, 29] in 8 pts, Op. 4 (London, ?1768 70); no.5 (London, c 1767) 30 According to Zschinsky Troxler the pieces of this collection already appeared in 1763. See ZT, 112.
160 printed. The fact that a score is extant in printed form or manuscript copy does not offer, per se information on its date, although it might offer valuable information if put into the nuscript music in the eighteenth century served different purposes. As we shall see below the custom was for most music to circulate in manuscript, while printed music represented an exception. Combining such information with that of ill yield valuable insights into the date of ZT 23. Printed and Manuscript Music in Context Publishing in the eighteenth century encompassed the production of manuscripts, 31 There are i scores that achieved a wide dissemination remaining in manuscript. David Wyn Jones reminds us that the commercial nature of most music printing has a direct correlation wi th the kind of music published. Large scale works such as operas and oratorios, which were likely to be modified from one production to the next, were less likely to be published because the initial costs were high and there was no market for such publicat ions. 32 A glance at the history of seventeenth and eighteenth century Italian 31 The importance of the role of copyists in the dissemination of music is advocated in Dexter Edge, Revue de Musicologie 84e (1998): 298 304. 32 David Wyn Jones, Music P ublishing in Europe 1600 1900; Concepts and Issues, B ibliography, Rudolf Rasch ed. ( Berlin : BWV, Berliner Wissenschafts Verlag, 2005), 140. Jones mentions that the performances that followed the premiere of Demofoonte in Dresden in 1748 were all performed from man uscript material: in Venice (1749), Mannheim (1750), Naples (1750 and 1758), Vicenza (1750), Warsaw (1759), and Malta (1765).
161 opera shows indeed that, during that period, a genre that was rarely printed came in fact to dominate European musical taste through manuscripts. 33 Manuscript and printed music co existed for a long time. In the sixteenth century the printing press with movable type impacted music literacy and between the seventeenth and the eighteenth century music printing passed from movable type to engraving. The invention of engraving improved the graphic quality of the s cores but also increased the production costs Alex s produced by typographical method were on average half expensive as those produced by 34 The use of printing techniques has offered the po ssibility of producing multiple copies of the same item at the same time, yet manuscript copies, due to the lower production costs and the higher flexibility, made for a more profitable business than printed scores. The Advantages of Manuscript Alex Beers claim s that the size of the repertoire that remains in manuscript is roughly 90% 35 This suggests the eighteenth century 33 in GMO. 34 Rudolf Rasch ed., Music Publishing in Europe 1600 1900; Concept and Issues, Bibliography (Berliner Wissenschaft Verlag: Berlin, 2005), 1 69 T he difference is due to the quality of the paper required for the reproduction with the two techniques. Paper for printing is thinner (and therefore cheaper) while that used for engraving i s thicker Furthe rmore, engraving requires more time for the ink to dry and the cost of preparing an engraved plate is higher than that of assembling the material for printing a page. In any event, if producing typography is cheaper, the entire stock must be produced at once while engraving allows for smaller runs and plates may be stored for easy reprinting. See Rudolf Rasch, Music Publishing, 5. 35 163 1 64. Beers continues by estimating, that out of the total only a mere 10% would be the quantity of printe d music. The outcome of such an estimate is rather simple: the diffusion of music was mostly achieved output, the amount of lost scores would be signif 10% of his total production, several dozens of his symphonies must have remained in manuscript. Unfortunately no methodology can help us to establish that number with absolute accuracy.
162 predilection for manuscripts rather than printed music. As odd as this may sound to modern day musicians, th ere is evidence that brings this argument beyond that of economic suitability. Selling manuscripts remained for publishers the preferred way of making business and reading from man uscripts remained for the performers the preferred way of playing music. Man uscripts could serve the need of a very particular consumer, and as such they were produced only when needed. Such items would not wait for long time on the shelves of a music shop 36 and most likely would not remain unsold. As shown in the 1762 Breitkopf catalogue this strategy was, for a music publisher, much more profitable than investing lots of money in engravings, hoping that items would sell in a short time or, worse, fearing that they would remain unsold. The title of the Breitkopf catalog, even if the catalog itself contains printed musical incipit s, makes clear that the music shop sold manoscritti : trovano in manoscritto nella officina m usica di Breitkopf in Lipsia 37 Breitkopf kept in stock the manuscripts tha t he acquired from the composer. These scores served as master copies and upon receipt of an order from a client, his staff produced the required manuscript copies. 38 This strategy would certainly optimize the investment in terms of labor, avoiding the prod uction of a large number of copies that might remain unsold for long time. 36 Rudolf Rasch e d., Music Publishing in Europe 1600 1900; Concept and Issues, Bibliography (Berliner Wissenschaft Verlag: Berlin, 2005), 5. 37 Barry S. Brook ed., The Breitkopf Thematic Catalogue, 1762 1787 (New York: Dover Publications, 1966). 38 Piracy an d Panacea in the Dissemination of Music in the Late Eighteenth Century, in Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 102 (1975 76), 23.
163 Besides economic considerations 39 the preference to distribute manuscript music could also be a consequence of the rules imposed by the customs of the era. Because only the newest music was desired, very little time elapsed between the act of composition to that of consumption possibly too short to properly engrave and publish the scores. In conclusion, it was perhaps for the predominance of manuscripts and the lack of any altern atives, that reading from manuscripts remained the preferred manner to play music during the century. A quotation from 1778 shows that musicians favored reading from a manuscript rather than a printed page; Christian Gottfried Thomas, a lawyer, musician [preferred] handwritten music to even the best printing or engraving as handwritten 40 The preference for manuscripts was extremely relevant in Italy. Burne y reports his surprise when discovering that at the a c cademia he attended the music was ma 41 What Burney reported seems substantiated by modern scholarship that 39 Scholarship has suggested that profitable business was for publishers also a matter of collaboration. Imprints often signal collaborations among them either as sellers or co pulishers. See Anik Devris Lesure in Music P ublishing in Europe 1600 1900; Concepts and Issues, B ibliography Rudolf Rasch ed. ( Berlin : BWV, Berliner Wissenschafts Verlag, 200 5), 48 For a case study on this issue see Donald Burrows Music and the Book Trade from the Six teenth to the t wentieth Century Myers Robin, Michae l Harr is and Giles Mandelbrote eds. (New Castle: Oak Knoll Press, 2008) 40 die geschrieben Notem dem be s ten Druk oder Stich, vorzheit geschieben Noten allezeit am besser 41 Charles Burney, An Eighteenth century Musical Tour in France and Italy, ed. Percy A. Scholes (London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1959) 254. M ferred to J.C. Bach who was in Milan between 1756 and 1762
164 confirms that in Italy, Germany, and Austria most of the music trade was in manuscripts, pri 42 Burney in fact said that there was no such thing a s a music shop throughout Italy that he was able to discover. 43 The absence of printing businesses in Italy (maybe due to the fact that Italians preferred opera, a genre rarely printed), for P ugnani and his Italian contemporaries made the task of printing their music even more challenging. Therefore, manuscript cop ies were certainly the preferred sol u tion for music publishers and music players alike. Given such a framework one would see no reas on for a composer to print his music, rather than publish manuscript copies. Did composers prefer to publish manuscripts or printed sheet music? Why did Pugnani go through the challenges of printing music in Paris and London, if manuscripts were the prefer red method ? What, for the composer, were the advantages of printing music? The Advantages of Printing Music During the eighteenth century little if no economic reward to the composer. Often composers were ev en required to anticipate the expenses, receiving in exchange just the marketing of their works. 44 Furthermore, the absence of an international copyright law favored piracy. Musicians had to deal constantly with two facets of the phenomenon: the theft of t heir name 42 Philip G. Downs, Classical Music, 24 43 Burney, Musical Tour in France and Italy 139. London or Paris. The reasons for which music printing flowered in Paris during this time are explored briefly in Anik Devries Revue de Musicologie 84 (1998): 293 298. 44 Downs, Classical Music, 25
165 authorization or remuneration. 45 The truth of the matter is that most publishers made a before 1800 this [practice] was hardly ever considered an infringement on the rights or interest of the composer or previous publisher, particularly if enough distance either in time or place existed between the publication and its source (either printed or handwritten). 46 It seems that Pugnani also had to deal with this aspect of publishing, as suggested by the presence of the same collections issued by different signatures. 47 With such an array of challenges and economic disadvantages, the only reason for a composer to print his music was to try to enhance his reputation more broadly. 48 Did Pugnani fit in this framework? Why? Gaetano Pugnani d id not seem to be an exception to such general rule. It seems in fact that he stopped having his music published at a precise point in his career: the moment he did not need to build his reputation any further. Zschinsky Troxler has attempted a chronology Troxler lists the sources that were useful in constructing 45 21. Brook d escribes the steps that two Viennese publishers took in order to run their business in a more ethical way. 46 Rasch ed Music Publishing in Europe 1600 1900: Concepts and Issues, B ibliography ( Berlin: Berliner Wissenschafts Verlag, 2005 ), 203. Rasch stresses that p ublication issued without the consent or cooperation of its author or th representative were the great majority of music pulications before 1800, being often reprints, printed from manuscripts circulating outside the control of the composer. 47 See for instance RISM 5574 and RISM 5575, the same collection of pieces i ssued in London and Paris respectively. 48 Downs, Classical Music, 25 This remains generally true even if the agreements between composers 181.
166 her ch ronology: correspondence, catalogs, and excerpts of contemporary literature and documents. Unfortunately personal documents and autograph scores were virtually provide her w ith useful information for a chronology. 49 Zschinsky the printed works is based on the approximate dates of the first editions. A ccording to her of the 1770s, and this Besides receiving a stipend increase, Pugnani was given a sign of particular es teem from his patron, King Vittorio Amedeo, who appointed him Direttore Generale della Musica Strumentale o f the Royal Chapel There is therefore a chronological coincidence that Gaetano stopped publishing his music when his credentials were well established. The portrait made i n Turin to celebrate the 1770 appointment shows that Pugnani, at that time, was already a celebrated composer. Something happened in the 1770s that led to a further acknowledgment. The opening lines of the decree with which Gaetano was appointed in 1776 to his new position suggests that the king was very pleased with how the violinist represented the Savoyard court abroad. This document is 49 ZT, 109. zu gewinnen, ja bei der Mehrzahl dieser Werke is es berhaupt kaum mehr mglich. Die Dokumentierung is lckenhaft und sprlich. Um so wertvoller sind die wenigen Hilfsquellen, die einige Sttzpunkte zu bieten vermgen: 1. Die Berichte der sardischen Gesandten in Rom and die Minister des Knigs von Sardinien: fr die Jungendwerke 2. Der Manuskriptkatalog von Breitkopf fr die Zeit von 1762 1777 3. Die Anzeigen der Musikverl age, insbesondere die der Welckerschen Erstdruke 4. Mitteilungen oder Erwhnungen zeitgenssischen schrifttums, Akten aus der Zeit Auf persnliche Dokumente mute fast ganz verzichtet werden: weder gelang es aufschlureiche Briefe aufzufinden, noch Aufzeichnu ngen zu Erlangen. Lediglich die Preuische Staatsbibliothek bewahrt unseres Wissens als einzige ein Schriftstck von PUGNANIS hand auf: einem derim 18.Jahrhundert blichen Empfehlungsbriefe (s.Faksimile S.236). Die Namen der seltenem Widmungstrger ver mochten ebenfalls nicht brauchbare Hinweise z
167 certainly evidence of how Pugnani maintained his reputation up to that time. The decree opens as follows: We have alway s regarded with feelings of beneficial propension the subjects that were venturously gifted by nature with special talent, and cultivated it with untiring zeal and activity, and have succeeded in any science and profession. With these sentiments, with the mind to the unique ability and skill of the instrumental music of Gaetano Pugnani, first violin of our Cappella and Camera, and having [him] a distinct degree of subtleties of art, [and] having given commendable evidence not only in this city but also in f oreign lands . 50 patent. This might suggest that between 1770 and 1776 Pugnani was involved in activities that contributed to dramatically increasing his status. From the information above we might therefore conclude that Pugnani stopped publishing music in the 1770s because of his career advancements. The 1776 appointment placed him in the most prestigious position of the Cappella and as such, he was not in need of building further his reputation. Zschinsky to confirm that his last printed work is indeed from this period. In virtue of this discus sion it is reasonable to assum e that works that in these years were about to be printed, yet never reached the press. Is it possible that these works included ZT 23 and the obbligato set? 50 39. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Sezioni Riunite, Patenti, vol. 52, bbiamo sempre riguardato con sensi di benefica propensione qu i sogge tti che avventurosamente dotati dalla natura di particolare talento lo hanno con in defessa applicazione ed attivit coltivato e sono riusciti in alcuna scienza e professione. In questi sentimenti avendo rivolto l'animo alla singolare abilita e maest ria nella musica istrumentale di Gaetano Pugnani, Primo Violino della nostra Cappella e camera possedendo in grado di stinto le finezze dell'arte, co n averne dato commendabil i prove
168 The Obbligato Set, Music for the Press? The odd number of five works with a similar and unusual instrumentation suggests the possibility that a sixth work may ha ve existed (or was meant to exist). David Wyn Jones, discu ssing printed music, explains that: Often, the works themselves had been composed individually and had already circulated in manuscript and were only gathered together in sets for publication. Whil e sets of six works were by far the most common, there are many instances of twelve works (6x 2) and three works (6/2) increasingly towards the end of the eighteenth century, the decision whether to issue a set with fewer than the standard six works b ecame determined by the size and ambition of individual work; many publications of quartets by Haydn and Mozart, for instance, were of three works even if, as in the instance of traditiona l set of six. 51 A temporal continuity and widespread adherence to the tradition of publishing collections in groups of twelve or six pieces is well represented in the printed works of Pugnani 52 as well as in the work list of other Italians. 53 Whether or not a specific meaning was assigned to the number six, 54 Pugnani fit the conventions of his time 55 51 150. 52 Sei Sinfonie [RISM 5570]; Six Overtures [RISM 5571]; Six Simphonies a plusieurs instruments [RISM 5572]; A second sett of six overtures [RISM 5574]; Sei sinfonie a pi stromenti [RISM 5575]; Six pices plusieurs parties obligez [RISM 5576 ]. The RISM catalog shows that quartets and quintets were published in groups of three (eleven of them out of the thirteen entries), but that six remained the preferred grouping for the trio sontas (sixteen of them out of the eighteen entries) and for the duos (fifteen of them out of the sixteen entries). 53 Considering the ones I mentioned above which are somehow linked to Pugnani, for the violin traditition: Arcangelo Corelli (1653 1713) groups his concerti in twelves; Giovanni Battista Somis (1686 1763) p ublished collections in groups of twelve or six; the chamber works of Giovanni Battista Viotti (1755 1824) are chiefly in groups of six or three. As for the Italian symphonists: Giovanni Battista Sammartini (1700/01 1775) chooses twelve and six, Fortunato 1757) few printed works are in groups of six, also Gaetano Brunetti (1744 1798) opus numbers include works groups of six, the few works of Antonio Brioschi (c.1725 c.1750) were printed as part of collection of six or twelve pieces. Also the works of Luigi Boccherini (1743 1805), when grouped in collections, were likewise overwhelmingly grouped in sixes. 54 For a discussion on the meaning that the number six had in the seventeenth and early eighteenth century see The Musical Quarterly 77 (1993): 193 235. Marissen states that we often take as a convention the fact that pieces were grouped in sixth s
169 As a result it is quite possible that the obbligato set, to which ZT 23 belongs, comprising five pieces, was meant to be printed as a set of six. It is unlikely that in the eighteenth century the compositional efforts of a composer, in the process of building credibility, would have been targeted for anything but printing and publication. If the obbligato set was meant to be printed why did it never reach the pres s? Is the sixth work of the set extant? As mentioned above, as a result of his career advancements in 1776 Pugnani gained unprecedented prestige that likely allowed him to stop worrying about printing his music to gain credibility. This sequence of event s could very likely have determined the fact that the obbligato set, in these years, remained a group of five works, as Pugnani no longer needed to produce the sixth work to give the collection to the press. Remarks In order to show that Pugnani might have had Viotti in mind when composing ZT 23, I suggested evidence that places the score within the same time frame Two distinct elements provide substantiation for the 1770s as the likely date of composition First, the formal structure of the first movement of ZT 23 resembles that of a collection of symphonies printed by Pugnani in the 1770s. Second, t he odd num ber of five similar conspicuously and so often typically as the first word on title pages of these collections suggests that the indication is not merely quantitatively descriptive, but somehow more broadly significant. Marissen makes quite a generalizatio n in this discussion, showing that the association of perfection with the number 6 (it equals the sum of its real divisions, 1 + 2 + 3 = 6) goes at least as back as Pythagorean teaching. The association of six with perfection was so strong throughout time, that in the early sixteenth century it was believed that even God chose to create the world in six days because of the inherited significance of the number. Ma rissen conclusion that late seventee nth century and early eighteenth century composers understood the use of the number six as a signum perfetionis Given the time frame and geographical location of the context of ), this may not apply to Pugnani, but it certainly suggests the origin of the tradition of printing works in groups of six. 55 Out of a total of fifty five entries for Pugnani in the RISM catalog, thirty eight are grouped in six and eleven in three (69% and 20% of the total respectively).
170 works suggest s that the composer was headed toward the publication of the obbligato set and that, given the newly acknowledged prestige, Gaetano decided that he no longer needed to publish his music. As a result the obbligato set never reach ed the press. Although it is impossible to establish a certain date for the overture in E flat, the evidence discussed in this chapter points toward the 1770s as the most likely decade of its composition.
171 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION This dissertation had as its thesis the claim that Pugnani composed ZT 23 and the other works of the obbligato set to be performed with his pupil Giovanni Battista Viotti. Such on assertion was inspired by the instrumentation of the work that calls for two violin obbligato parts. Since the u nusual instrumentation appears in a set of five works, it is possible that Pugnani composed them for the same reason, but over a relatively long time span. What might such a reason have been ? Pugnani had a long relationship with his pupil Viotti, with who m he eventually set out for the Grand Tour. Pugnani does not show evidence of any other long lasting relationship comparabl e to the one he had with Viotti, suggesting that the pupil Since eigh teenth century musicians often composed music with a specific performer in mind, Pugnani could have very well used these works to perform with Viotti as a teaching tool and to educate him the concert duties. This reading of fact s also would point at the 17 70s as the possible date of composition and more specifically, to the earlier years of the decade. In fact, the rather modest technical challenge of ZT 23 would be more appropriate for a young violinist rather than a mature one as Viotti was by the end fo r the 1770s. Is there any evidence that could place ZT 23 in the same historical period of the long lasting relationship between Pugnani and Viotti? A Possible A nswer A comparison of ZT 23 with other works by Pugnani made it possible to highlight a recurring formal structure that all the works share: a sonata form with particular features. This fact suggest s the possibility that all of the works belong to the same
172 creative period of the composer Different s cholars have suggested a date for the wo rks that I compared with ZT 23, but no def initive word exists in that regard. In any case, the 1770s remain an open option As of today we know of one single extant set of manuscript parts for the overture ZT 23. The fact that we do not know of a printed version of any of the work s of the obbligato set prompts questions as of how these works could have fit within the music publishing customs of the eighteenth century ost music was disseminated as manuscript copies while a minor pa rt of the repertoire was printed. In regard to Pugnani the chronology of his printed music stops in the 1770s, suggesting that the cause for a resolution in this direction might be found in h is life events The 1770s marked for Pugnani significant career a dvancements within the music establishment of the royal chapel of Turin. Since one of the reasons composers printed their music w as to spread their reputation s new ly acquired prestige in the royal cha pel of Turin may very well have been the reas on he stopped printing his music. Among the works that were destined to the press and that eventually remain e d unprinted are ZT 23 and the other four symphonies of the obbligato set. In fact, t he odd number of five work s during a period in which many works were printed in groups of six, may imply that this set was about to become complete in order to be printed. Pugnani revised his plans as a consequence of the fact that at that point he no longer needed to print music to increase his reputation If so the entire obbligato set may well belong to the 1770s. Limitations While part of music scholarship should deal with facts, there is also a creative component to a scholarly endeavor. I n order to fill in missing information hypotheses
173 and educated guesse s are in order. The specific path that I suggested, considering this score in relation to its environment applies only to Pugnani and to this specific work This study focuses on a particular situation of a specific composer at a certain time of his life and as such does not necessari ly reflect a strict methodology that could be works and to the link that it has with som e specific events of his life. In the patronage syst em t he reasons that led a composer to publish his music remain speci fic to each situation. The methodology of this study would lead to faulty conclusions if applied, for instance, to the life of Joseph Haydn. Haydn never had an opportunity to print and publish his music when in service of the Prince Esterhazy; his contract reveals that such an option was not available to him. 1 (no earlier than 1779 1780 2 ), while we have no record of printed music in Pugn latest years. Therefore the evidence selected for this study on Pugnani does not necessarily reflect a widespread custom of the period. Its signif icance is indeed in suggesting one possible option. Final Remarks In this dissertation I have tried to link c riticism and positivism because f acts need an explanation to become meaningful This approach has been already advocated by 1 The contract explicitly mentions that Haydn was other person, not to allow them to be copied, but shall retain them for the absolute use of His serene Highness, and not co The document is transcribed and interpreted in Downs, Classical Music, 212 214. 2
174 3 I looked for facts in other sco res by Pugnani, in his life as well as in the environment of eigh teenth century music printing. This led me to offer an interpretation of these facts that eventually led me to conclude that the overture ZT 23 was co mposed in the 1770s and that therefore, i t is likely that Pugnani composed it to perform it with Viotti. The commentary that I offer with the edition of the overture ZT 23 suggests new possible approaches for scholarship involving mentioned above not much is known about the relationship between Pugnani and Viotti, a bond that developed throughout the 1770s. The possibility, as I suggest, that the overture ZT 23 was composed to educate the young Viotti opens questions about the possible venues in which the two, durin g the early 1770s, could have performed it together. In this regard I must point out that the man uscript copies of the complete obbligato set were originally found by Zs chinsky Troxler in Berlin. 4 It is certainly possible that the obbligato set was part of the repertoire the tw o brought along during the 1780 1781 gran d tour since, judging from the simplicity of the solo parts, it could have been also used to perform with amateur musicians along the way. The question of what specific venue(s) and what specific ensemble (s) could have performed ZT 23 and the obbligato set remain open. This diss ertation aims to fill one of the gaps in modern scholarship a gap that may reflect the preferred genres of the eighteent h century. A review of writings f rom the 3 The Musical Times 27 (1986): 88. 4 The German city was touched at the beginning and the end of the grand tour that Pugnani and Viotti undertook together in 1780 1781. Both the composers had a so rt of priviledged relationship with the members of the Prussian royal family to which Pugnani dedicated a cantata and Viotti some chamber music
175 period helped me show how, during that time, Italian s devoted much of their energy to opera at the expense of the development of an Italian tradition of instrumental music. Modern scholarship has probably mirrored such preference and to day one of the areas that is dramatically in need of research is that of late eighteenth centu ry It alian instrumental music This single study is certainly not eno u gh to f ill in the gap as much more remains to do on the gen e ral topic of eighteenth century Italian instrumental music and on Gaetano Pugnani T he large majority of his music in fact remains unstudied in modern times and n o comprehensive exploration ex ists, as of yet, about his style as a composer. Part of the problem is that scores are not readily available for investigation. Furthermore, we still have to shed light on many moments of his life. The significance of my study for Pugnani scholarship lie s in supplyin g a biographical sketch for future reference and an edition of a score of his music T he suggested date of composition (1770s) for ZT 23 will also provide a relevant element when looking for stylistic tra i ts in the comparison with other scores. Gaetano P ugnani is mostly known to violinists for his contribution to the technique and solo repertoire, but he remains virtually u n known to the public at large His operas and symphonies are generally no t heard today in formal venues. Gaetano Pugnani contributed t o our profession as an orchestral violinist, a concert soloist, a chamber player, a conductor and maestro al cembalo, an educator, and a composer 5 This dissertation will hopefully raise interest in the music of an artist who enjoyed a remarkable reputation during his life time and who merits our attention today. 5 ZT, Dirigenten,
176 CHAPTER 9 EDITING N E FLAT [ZT 23] Editing Music In order to study the formal structure of a score, the first step is to place the single parts in a full score. Some editorial decisions have to be made and it is important to account for the philosophy behind them. The neophyte who approaches the editing of a musical score may mistakenly assume that the task is limited to a mere reproduction of the source. Such an assumption is wrong, for both practical and philosophical issues. James Grier, in his monograph The Critical Editing of Music has set forth several useful indications on the topic. Editing music is important to a musicological endeavor but the is sues and methodologies are as numerous as the pieces we have to reproduce. Therefore one of Grier is not to provide a 1 Grier first relevant point is about the unavoidability of an editor intervention in the process of editing. 2 Despite the editor wish es to stay close to the original, some decisions will have to be made. Such a concept holds true even for Urtext editions, th e editions that shoul d be a reproduction of the w ish of the composer. This concept ha s also been debated The cult of U rtext Phillip Brett in 3 emphasize s that it is evident that an U rtext edition is not the original text. Drawing on a study by Walter Emery, Brett 1 James Grier, The Critical Editing of Music (Cambridge: Canbridge University Press, 1996), 5. 2 Grier, Critical Editing 4. 3 Authenticity and Early Music ed. Nicholas Kenyon (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
177 s as a rule, not what the 4 A lthough the remains a great difference between the notes the composer meant to write and those he meant to be played. 5 E diting music is therefore an act of criticism. But such an act cannot be l imited to the musical text alone In 1985 Margaret Bent act of criticism that engages centrally with the musical material at all levels, large and 6 al source), but requires information about the context where the piece was conceived and possibly consumed. A further important consideration offered by Grier is that editing is not a perfect science. An edition may certainly need continuous adjustments a s new sources become available. E ditorial choices may change o n the basis of new information. As a co nsequence the work is never completed 7 Such an issue is directly linked to the subjectivity of the editorial task. The latter, along with the wide diversi ty of the musical 8 and not a Furthermore, besides the multiplicity of issue s connected to the diversity of texts, we must consider that editors, as individuals, are 4 in Authenticity and early music, a Symposium Nicholas Kenyon ed. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1988). 90. As reported in Walter Emery, Editions and Musicians (London, 1957), 9. 5 6 T he Musical Times 1716 (Feb. 1986): 87. 7 James Grier, The Critical Editing of Music: History, Method, and Practice (Camridge University Press 1996), 9. 8 Grier, Critical Editing 5.
178 also different. As a consequence their priorities and contributions will be different. Grier traces a convincing parallel with performed music, stressing how two performances of the same piece will not possibly be the same Each performance will result as a unique 9 Editing is and mu st be approached as a creative process. The parallel between editing music and performing leads to further considerations. One of the things that make s music, and possibly all performing arts, unique is that work and text do not always coincide. The text is a sort of mediation between the composer and the listener. The work that originally existed only in the m ind of the composer 10 will never be fully reproducible. As such, even the most accurate and informed editorial task will never be able to reproduce the original work. In any case, the text remains the principal concern of editing even if not identifiable with the work ; editing starts and ends with a text. 11 Why should the editor learn about the work, if his/her primary concern is text? Joseph Kerman disc ussing music analysis addresses the same concept asking why should the analyst concentrate solely on the internal structure of the individual work of art as an autonomous entity, and take no account of such considerable matters as history, communication, affect, texts and programmes, the existence of other works of art, and so much else? 12 9 Grier, Critical Editing 6. 10 Grier, Critical Editing 21. 11 Grier, Critical Editing 23. 12 Joseph Kerman, Contemplating Music (Cambridge, Massachusetts: H arvard University Press, 1985), 18.
179 The reason for such a question is well explained in the parallel Grier traces between music editor and music performer The latter tries to aurally replicate the work, in the same way the editor must interpret the symbols in order to re create the work. 13 It is true then that th e symbol and therefore the text is the primary concern of the editor, but what was the meaning of that symbol when it was written? Should we reproduce the meaning of the symbol or the actual symbol? David Beard and Kenneth Gloag semiotics in Musicology, the Key Concepts mention s that there are several theories on the relationship between a sign and its meaning. T hey stress between signifier and 14 As Grier puts it in more simple terms, music signs have a name, but they carry no meaning. 15 As the system of signs is articulated in context, 16 the editor must be familiar with such context. In order to do so, the edit or must participate in the musicological endeavor. Brett mentions that the part playe d by editing and editions in our musical culture is rarely approached in a spirit of historical exploration. 17 S uch exploration allows the understanding of the meaning of a musical symbol. The editor, as an interpreter, must attempt to recreate the historical context and the conventions in which the text of the work was fixed. 18 13 Grier, Critical Editing 24. 14 Musicology, Key Concepts (London and New York: Routled ge, 2005), 164 5. 15 Grier, Critical Editing 24. 16 16 5. 17 music. 18 Grier, Critical Editing 27.
180 The manuscripts on which this project focuses, were, most likely used in performance 19 Neverth eless, their connection with the composer is not direct. W e shall not forget that copyists, in the act of their craft, had already made some critical decisions. As Grier points out, copyists created music under particular circumstances and their choices r eflect a specific purpose for a specific audience. 20 Grier brings in to the discussion the performer also The editor should be aware that both scribe and performer may change the text without changing the work itself. 21 T he choice s made by an editor do not mean to disrespec t the original source and the w ish of the composer. Editorial choices reflect artistic background. As Grier suggest s when editors take upon themselves the task of supplementing the indications provided b y the composers, they are simply expressing in writing the freedom that composers expect them to assume in performance. 22 Bent provides an appropriate right and wrong editorial decisions, knowing that these are relative, that they reflect 23 19 They are in fact par ts. 20 Grier, Critical Editing 41. 21 Grier, Critical Editing 44. 22 Grier, Critical Editing 153. 23
181 Editorial Commentary for the Overture in E flat [ZT 23] The study of performing prac tice is problematic in many regards. What was expected from a musician in the eighteenth century was quite different than what we expect today. Where nowaday s musicians are trained to follow the score closely back then good performers were expected to add several unwritten elements. Eighteenth century scores, as texts, are therefore incomplete. Pitches constitute the skeleton of a musical piece but as Neuman reminds us, partially or completely, is ornamentation, dynami 24 The following score is an attempt to create a consistent performing edition that c annot possibly account for all such unwritten elements. In any case, several of the editorial decisions were informed by scholarship on perf ormance practice. Rhythm Most of the o verture ZT 23 does not present difficult rhythmic issues. However, the trio of the minuet has several insta nces of binary ternary juxtapositions where a part of the orchestra plays in three and a part in two. As pre viously mentioned this is coincidentally the only section of the score in which the obbligato violins are separated from the orchestra. The trio section opens with the soloists proceeding in thirds at the higher octave, in a short antiphonal exchange with t he ripieno violins (measures 44 48 ). In these few bars the soloists play a binary rhythm that alternates with a ternary subdivision of the ripieno violins. In thi s excerpt the ripieno violins seem to clash with the rhythm of the viola and basso, featurin g a pattern of dotted eight and sixteenth). The following section 24 Frederick Neuman, Performance Practice of Seven teenth and Eighteenth Centuries (New York: Schirmer Books, 1993), 3.
18 2 (bars 49 56) makes the clash even more evident, featuring, among the violins, triplets of eight notes alternated or synchronous with groups of sixteenths. Where the beat is divided in three for the concertino, it is divided in two for the ripieno and vice versa The dotted rhythm of the oboes adds to the rhythmic variety. The issue of binary ternary clashes a common practice in the periods earlier, is in fact not new to Italian music. Neuman and others. Such clashes may or may not require the resolution of a problem that sometimes is just of a graphic nature. Eighteenth centu ry music notation did not have the 2 :1 symbol within a binary meter ( quarter and eight note in a triplet) in place of which composers often used t he 3:1 dotted note symbol (dotted eight and sixteenth). 25 Such is the resolution of the clash at measures 44 and 47 of the trio of the overture ZT 23. In this case the basso and t he viola should perform a triplet (as i n the edited score). The binary ternary clash here would certainly sound unintentional and therefore the rhythm must be assimilated. Issues of assimilation existed in music history as long as notation was developing 26 but this does not imply that in the Classical period assimilation may be applied to resolve every rhythmic clash. Neumann stresses that there is no evidenc e that suggests that the binary ternary clashes were ever forbidden. Music literature offer s seve particular effect. The section between bars 48 and 56 of the trio of the minuetto of 25 The information in this paragraph is taken from Neumann, Performance Practice, 143 and 136 137 26 Assimilation in the mu sic of Schubert is discussed in F. Eibner The Dotted Quaver And Semiquaver Figure with Triplet Accompaniment in the Works of Schubert in Music Review ( 1962 ), 281 4. Eibner conludes that in Schubert there is no rule to determine when assimilation must happen. As such it is important that the performer knows the available possibilities.
183 o verture ZT 23 is one of these instances. Here the clash in the violins produces an interes ting rhythm ic variety that has no reason and no possibility to be assimilated. In this case rhyt h ms should be taken at face value, including the rhythmic f igure of the oboes (measures 52 55) that, in any case, do not produce any kind of clash. Dynami cs In the individual instrumental parts the mediation between soft and loud dynamics is often given with words or abbreviations that recall the terms crescendo or decrescendo In some instances the music material calls for a gradual change between loud and soft and vice versa In these instances I added an explicit indication. 27 Sometimes the hairpin better fits the graphic need of a brief space, 28 but no hairpin appears in the original parts. In the eighteenth century important among dynamic symbols were those that indicated emphasis on a single note or a group of notes. 29 In this score there are two relevant instances. First is the use of rinforzando as an indication to give emphasis to a particular passage. 30 Rinforzando is not to be confused with sforzand o According to the eighteenth century theorist Koch, sforzando indicates play ing a note with vehemence, while rinforzando implies only a gentle pressure ( gelinden Druck ). 31 Second is the use, in the Rondo, of a sudden forte to indicate an accent. 32 The mode rn sign for accent (>) 27 E.g. Allegro con Spirito bars 19 20, or bars 133 1 38 or Rondo, bars 38 39. 28 E.g. Rondo bar 11. 29 Neumann, Performance Practice, 171. 30 E.g. Allegro con Spirito bar 2 and 4. 31 Neuman, Performance Practice, 171. As reported in Heinrich Christoph Koch, Musikalisches Lexikon (Frankfurt, 1802) 32 E.g. Rondo measure 11.
184 was not known before the end of the eighteenth century. It was in fact unknown to Mozart, but it appears in the late works of Haydn. 33 In this overture the re are instance in for instance the principal theme of the Rondo at measures 11, 52, and 98). As a general observation dynamic markings are absent from the original parts of oboes, horns, viola, and basso; 34 therefore indications of dynamics in these parts are all added. Orn aments s of performing practice have their not exception s Neumann states that there are three different ways to treat orna ments in scores: writing them out in regular notes, indicating them with symbols (including the unmetrical miniature notes), and not notating them at all. 35 This edition contains several instances of written out ornament ation. Neumann stresses that the orna mental nature of these pitches should not be underestimated, to avoid confusion with the pitches that constitute the actual structure of the piece. In this single note can affect its proper rendition when, for instance an appoggiatura calls for a different kind of emphasis than would be proper for a straight note. The issue is quite evident when comparing two different instances of the first theme in the first movement 33 Neumann, Performance Practice, 173. 34 Except for the last movement where dynamic markings apperar at measure 88 of the viola part and measures 1, 4, 42, 45, and 88 of the basso. 35 The i nformation in this paragraph is taken from Neumann, Perfo rmance Practice 294.
185 o f the overture ZT 23: measures 21 22 and 25 26 with 70 71 and 74 75. The second instance suggests that the sixteenth notes of the first instance do not belong to the musical structure of the phrase and, as such, should be conceived and played as graces. A n other example occurs that at bar 8 of the Rondo. Here the quarter note on the downbeat should be performed as an appoggiatura as the melody resolves in fact on the following eighth note. Also the examples of the violins at bars 44 and following of the firs t movement may possibly belong in this category. The thirty seconds are here understood as an anapestic descending slide 36 on the second beat and as such should be performed in one slur with their parent note (the following one). The use of symbols to indi cate ornaments offer s the possibility of different interpretations in performance. Indeed, the nature of an ornament should be that of a flexible element that varies according to the taste of the performer and cannot be consistent. Even when ornament table s are available, they are abstract models 37 and should not be taken as rigidly prescriptive. As a result the interpretation of embellishment symbols may give way to disagreements among modern performers. T wo instances in this overture require a brief introduction, that of grace notes and that of trill. One note graces in eighteenth century music may appear or not appear as slurred to their parent note. In any case, the slurs are understood when the composer omitted to specify them. 38 The presence or abs ence of a slur does not determine the performing style. A rigid rule for their realization does not exist as different musical contexts may suggest different approaches. Therefore the performer should decide, for 36 See Neumann, P erformance Practice, 352. 37 Neumann, Performance Practice, 297. 38 Neumann, Performance Practice, 300.
186 instance, if they should be performed on t he up beat or on the down beat. In any case, graces should not be perceived with a sense of rigidity and as formulaic stereotypes. 39 In the original parts the trill sign alternates inconsistently with a scribbled mark similar to the abbreviation for a mord ent. In the edited score such signs are all realized as trills. Using interchangeably the trill or the mordent like s ign dates back to Scarlatti and seems to suggest a preference for the main note type trill. 40 Such a trill has been long favored by the Ital ians and remained favored also by Mozart and Haydn. The context here sugges ts perform ing the trills of the overture ZT 2 3 in the Italian manner, without preparation or resolution. As a matter of fact, neither preparation nor resolution appears in the origi nal copies As for the unwritten ornaments, they depended heavily on the taste and preparation of the performer. 41 Improvised ornaments have often offered virtuosos the opportunity to display their technical skills, and as such were highly personal. This c oncept holds true for solo performance, but certainly has a lesser importance in orchestral music, especially in an era in which orchestras were r efining their style and see king more uniformity. 42 39 Neumann, Performance Practice, 350. 40 Neumann, Performance Practice, 398. 41 For a discussion on the freedom with wich ornamentations were performed see Neal Zaslaw, Op. in Early Music 24 (1996), 95 116. 42 Steps in this direction were first taken by Lully, who refined and developed ornamentations into a system of training and performance. See John Spitzer and Neal Zaslaw The Birth of the Orche s tra : History of an Institution, 1650 1815 (Oxford: Oxford Unive rsity Press, 2004) Zaslaw also report anneddoctes form contemporary sources that show that the matter of ornaments was of no secondary importance for Lully.
187 Editorial notes Description of the Editorial Notes The foll owing tables describe the places of the original parts that were changed in the edited score. When it was necessary pitches are given in capital letters, regardless of the range to which they belong (e.g. E flat). The indications that appear in the origina l abbreviations used in the original parts are spelled out in the edition and are not reported in the tables (e.g. a quarter note with two slashes in place of a tremolo of sixteenth notes). The beaming that I chose may occasionally not reflect the beaming of the original parts, but such instances are not reported in the tables, because th ey do not change the musical substance of the piece. Table 9 1 First movement, e dit orial n otes. Description of the p art s of the first m ovement ( Allegro con Spirito) of the O verture ZT 23 that were changed in the edited s core. Bar Instrument 1 TUTTI [f] 2 CR1 and 2 Beats 2 and 3 beamed together Vl.2ob Vl.1 4 CR1 and 2 Beats 2 and 3 beamed together Vl.1 ob.; No slur between eighths on beat one. [rinf.] Vl.1 Vl.2 10 Vl.1 ob.; vl.2ob.; [f] 12 Vl.1ob.; vl.2ob. [f] 13 TUTTI [crescendo] 4 TUTTI [f] 16 Vl.2 No slur on 16 ths
188 Table 9 1. Conti ued. Bar Instrument 19 Vl.2ob. No Slur between beats 1 and 2 19 20 TUTTI [decresc.] 20 V.2ob. [p] moved from down beat to the preceeding up beat 21 Vl.1ob. Appoggiatura is quarter note 22 Vl.2ob. No slur 22 26 Bs. Low E flat is not slurred 23 Vl.2 24 Vl.2ob. No slur 25 Vl.1ob. Appoggiatura is quarter note 27 Vl.1ob. 40 TUTTI [p] Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur 41 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur 42 43 Bs. No natural sign on B 44 TUTTI [f] CR1 and 2 Beats 2 and 3 beamed together Vl.1 Beat 1 is all slurred 44; 46; 48 Vl.1 ob. The whole beat 1 is slurred 46 CR1 and 2 Beats 2 and 3 beamed together 48 CR1 and 2 Beats 2 and 3 beamed together 50 51 TUTTI [decresc.] 52 TUTTI [p] 53 OB1 No slur OB2 No slur Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No natural sign on A Vl.1ob. No staccato on eights on beat 3 Vl.1 No slur 54 OB1 No slur OB1 No slur Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur between beat 1 and 2 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 55 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slurs The 16 ths are beamed all together 56 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur between beat 1 and 2 57 OB2 No slur Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur between beat 1 and 2 58 OB2 No slur Vl.1ob.; vl..1 No slur between beat 1 and 2 60 TUTTI [f]
189 Table 9 1. Continued Bar Instrument 63 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on sixteenth on beat 1 68 69 TUTTI [decresc.] 68 81 Vl.2ob. 8 ths beamed together in each bar 70 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slurs 71 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 Appoggiatura has no slur Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slurs 72 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur between beat 1 and 2 Vl.2ob. No slur on beat 3 73 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur on beat 3 Vl.2ob. No slurs 74 Vl.2 No slur on beat 3 75 Vl.1ob. Appoggiatura is quarter note with no slur Vl.1 Appoggiatura has no slur 78 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 Appoggiatura has no slur Vl.2 No slur on beat 3 BS. First note is marked A flat 80 Vla No staccato 81 Vl.2ob. No Slur on beat 1 and 2 Vl.1ob. Appoggiatura on beat 3, E flat (?) 84 Vl.1ob.; vl.2ob. 85 v.2ob.; vl.1; [rinf.] 86 Vl.1ob Bs. First note is marked A flat 87 Vl.1ob. No slur between eights on beat 1 Vl.2ob.; vl.1; vl.2 [rinf.] 88 Vl.1 No slur on C, D flat, C Bs. First note is marked A flat 89 Vl.1ob No slur between eights on beat 1 89 Vl.2ob. 91 Vl.1ob No slur between eights on beat 1 Vl.2ob. 92 Vl.1ob. No slur between A flat and a natural 93 Vl.2 95 Vl.1ob No slur between eights on beat 1 Vl.2 97 Vl.1ob No slur between eights on beat 1 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 [rinf.] 101 Vl.2ob.
190 Table 9 1. Continued Bar Instrument 103 Vl.1ob. [f] moved from second to the first eight of beat 1 Vl.2ob. 105 Vl.2ob 108 115 Bs Low E flat is not slurred 109 Vl.1ob.; vl.2 110 Vl.1ob. Appoggiatura is quarter note Vl.1 Appoggiatura has no slur 111 Vl.1 No slur 114 Vl.1ob Appoggiatura is quarter note with no slur Vl.1 Appoggiatura has no slur 115 Vl.1 No slur on beat 1 116 Vl.2ob. [cresc.] 117 Vl.1ob. No slur on 32 nds 118 OB1 and 2 Pitch exchanged on beats 2 and 3 119 Vl.1ob. Slur includes the whole beat 1 120 OB1 and 2 Pitch exchanged on beats 2 and 3 121 122 OB2 No slur 121 Vl.1ob. No slur on 32 ds 123 124 TUTTI [Decresc.] 125 TUTTI [p] Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 126 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 127 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 129 Vl.1 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 130 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 131 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato on 8 ths on beat 3 133 138 TUTTI [cresc.] 139 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 [ff] 143 All violins No slurs on 16 ths of beat 2 and 3 144 All violins No slurs on 16 ths of beat 2 and 3 146 Vla No slur 147 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 [f] moved from second to the first eight of beat 1 148 Vl.1ob. [p] moved from beat 1 to previous upbeat Vla Slur on first three 8 ths 151 Vl.1ob. No slur on 16 ths of beat one 153 Vl.1ob. [p] moved from beat 1 to previous upbeat Vla.; vl.1 Slur on first three 8 ths 155 Vl.1ob. [p] moved from beat 1 to previous upbeat
191 Table 9 1. Continued Bar Instrument Vla.; vl.1 Slur on first three 8 ths 156 Vl.2ob.; vl.1; vl.2 No slur on 8 ths 157 Vl.2 ob. 158 Vl.1ob. No slur on 32 nds of beat 1 Tutti [f] 160 Vl.1ob. Appoggiatura on beat 3 is 16 th with no slur Table 9 2. Second movement, editorial notes. Description of the parts of the second m ovement ( Andante sotto voce ) of the Overture ZT 23 that were changed in the edited s core. Bar Instrument 1 TUTTI [mp] 2 Vla No slur on beat 3 4 3 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 Ornaments signs on A flat and C are not clear Slur is on beat 1 and 2 Vl1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 5 Vl.1ob. Slur is on beat 1 and 2 Vl.1 No slur on beat 1 No slur on grace 6 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on grace 7 Vl.1 No slur on grace Grace is E flat, D flat, C 8 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on grace 9 Vl.1 Grace is quarter note 10 11 Vl.1 No bar line 11 vl.2 12 Vl.1ob. vl.2ob. Vla; bs No diminuendo sign on beats 3 4 15 Vl.1ob. Slur is on beat 1 and 2 17 Vl.1ob. Ornament sign on C is not clear Vl.1 No ornament sign on beat 1 18 Vl.1 Slur is on beats 1 and 2 19 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 21 Vl.1ob. No staccato on E flat on beat 3, slur include last 3 8 ths 22 TUTTI Vl.1ob; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 Vl.1 No staccato on E flat 23 Vl2ob. Slur only on beat 1 Vl.2 Slur only on E flat and D flat
192 Table 9 2. Continued Bar Instrument 24 Vl1ob. No slur on beat 1 and 4 Vl.1 No slur on beat 1 25 27 TUTTI No crescendo 26 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur between C and D flat 27 Vl.1 No staccato on D 28 Vl.1; vl.2ob. 29 Vl.1 Slur include whole beats 1 2 Vl.2 ob. No [p] 30 Vl.1 No slur on beat 1 31 Vl2ob. Vl2ob.;vl2 No slur between Cs 31 32 Vl.2ob; vl2 No slur between c and B flat 32 Vl.1ob.; vl1 No slur on beats 1 2 31 32 Vla No slur between F and D flat 33 Vl.2ob. Vla No slur 33 34 Vla No slur between F flat and D flat 34 Vl.1ob. No slur on beats 1 2 Vl.1 No slurs on beats 1 2 and 3 4 Vl.2ob. Vl.2 ob. Slur includes beats 1 2 Vl.2 Slur on beat 3 does not include C 38 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 3 and 4 39 Vl.1ob.; Slur on beats 1 and 2 Vl.1 No slur on beat 1 and beats 3 4 40 Vl.1 ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 41 Vl.1obl.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 42 43 Vla No slur on E flat across the bars 43 44 Vl.2ob; vl2 No slur between A flat across the bars 43 44 Vla No slur on D flat across the bars 44 45 Vla No slur on C across the bars 44 45 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur on G across the bars 46 Vl.2 47 48 Vl1 Vla. No natural sign on D 47 Vla C between beat 2 3 is a quarter, no rest 48 Vl.1ob. No slurs on beats 3 and 4 Vla C between beat 2 3 is a quarter, no rest 50 51 Vl.1ob. 50 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slurs on beat 1 51 Vl1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1
193 Table 9 2. Continued Bar Instrument 52 Vl1ob.; vl.1; No slur on beat 1 52 Vl.2ob; vl.2 53 Vl.1ob. Slur on beat 1 and 2 55 Vl.1ob. No slur on 16 ths on beat 1 and 3 Vl.1 No slur in 16 ths on beat 3 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur between A flats Vla No slur between F and D flat Bs No slur between F and D flat; 55 56 Vl.2ob.;vl2 No slur between Fs Vla No slur between D flat and B flat 56 Bs No slur from D flat of measure 55 57 Vl1ob. No slur on 16 ths on beat 3 Vl.1 No slur in 16 ths on beats 1 and 3 Vla No slur between F and D flat 57 58 Vla No slur between D flat and B flat 58 Vl1ob. No slur on beats 1 2 and 3 4 59 Vl.1ob. Vl.1 No [crescendo] 60 Vl1; vl.2ob 63 Vl.2 64 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 Vl.2ob Table 9 3. Third movement, editorial notes.Description of the parts of the third m ovement ( Minuetto ) of the Overture ZT 23 that were changed in the edited s core Bar Instrument 2 CR.2 No rest on beat 1 4 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur on beat 1 Vl.1 5 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 7 Vl.1ob. Grace is quarter note Slur includes the entire beat 3 Vl.2 ob. Slur includes only 32 nds F E flat Vl.2 Slur is between E flat D on beat 3 8 OB.2; vl.2ob. No slur 10 Vl.1ob Slur includes C and the 2 B flats Vl.2ob. Slur includes only A flat G 11 Vl.2ob. Slur includes only A flat G 12 Vl.2 Slur includes A flat G on beat 2 16 17 OB.2; CR1; CR2 No slur Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No staccato on G on beat 3
194 Table 9 3. Continue d Bar Instrument Vl.1 No staccato on E flat on beat 3 17 Vl.1 No staccato on B flat on beat 2 No slur on beat 3 Vl.2 No staccato on E flat and G No slur on beat 3 18 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 No slur on beat 1 19 Vl.1ob. 16 ths are included in one slur 20 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato oin E flat on beat 3 Vl.2ob.; vl.2 No slur between beat 1 2 on G Vl.2 No staccato on G on beat 3 20 21 CR.2 No slur 21 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No staccato on G on beat 1 No staccato on B flat on beat 2 No slur on beat 3 22 Vl.1ob.; vl1 ; vl.2 No slur on beat 1 23 Vl.1ob. Slur on beat 1 includes F A flat C Vl.1 Slur is not clear 24 OB.1; vl.1ob.;vl.1; vl.2 No slur between beats 2 3 25 Vl.1ob. No slur on A natural B flat on beat 2 27 Vla. First slur starts on C on beat 1 28 Vla no slurs 30 Vl.1 Vl.2 No slurs on G F 16 ths on beat 2 and 3 Vla. No slurs on D C 16 ths on beat 2 and 3 30 31 Vla. No slur on B flat across bars 32 Vl.2 No slurs on G F 16 ths 33 Vl1; vl.2 34 Vl1 Slur on beat 1 includes only D C D 36 Vl.1 Slur includes only G F Vl.2 Slur includes only E flat D 38 Vl.1 No slur 44 Vl.1 ob No slur on 16 ths on beat 3 OB.1; Vla Key does not change, remains E flat 45 ff Vl.1ob; vl.1 No 3 sign on triplets Vla. ; Basso Dotted 8 th and 16 ths in place of the triplet 46 Vl.1ob No slur on 16 ths on beat 3 48 ff Vl.1ob.;vl.2ob
195 Table 9 3. Continued Bar Instrument 55 Vl1; vl.2 No slurs on beat 3 56 Vl.1; vl.2 No slur on beat 1 58 Vl.1ob No slurs on beat 3 61; 62; 63 Vl.1 No slur on 32 nds 61 Vl.2 No slur on 32 nds 69 OB.1 D flat F G 75 OB.1 On beat 1 it is A natural Table 9 4 Fourth movement, edit orial notes.Description of the parts of the fourth m ovement ( Rondo ) of the Overture ZT 23 that were c hanged in the edited s core Bar Instrument 2 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur 4 Vla. No slur 6 Vl.1 Slur on beat 1 Vl.2 7 Vl.1ob. Slur on beat 1 8 OB.1; OB.2; CR.1; vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 9 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 10 Vl.1ob. Vl.1 [p] Vl.2 flat 11 TUTTI Vl.1 Slur on beat 2 includes A B flat F sharp TUTTI No hairpin 11 12 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur across bars 12 Vl.1 Vl.2 [f] 13 Vl.1ob.; vl.2 ob.; vl.1; vl.2 No embellishment on beat 1 14 TUTTI [ff] 22 Vl.2 ob. No slur on beat 2 24 Vl.2 ob. No slur on beat 2 Vl.1 Gs are slurred 25 OB.2; CR.1; CR.2 No slur 26 Vl.2 ob. No slr on beat 1 27 OB.2; CR.1; CR.2; No slur on beat 2 Vl.1ob.; vl.2 ob. No slur on beat 1 28 Vl.2 ob. No staccato on E flat
196 Table 9 4. Continued Bar Instrument 29 Vl.2 ob. No staccato on A 34 Vl.1ob. Slur includes whole beat 1 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 No slur 38 39 TUTTI [decresc.] [rall] 37; 38; 39 OB.1 Slur on beat 2 40 OB.1 Slur on beat 1; slur on beat 2 Vl.1 41 TUTTI No fermatas 42 TUTTI [a tempo] 43 vl.1ob. No slur 45 Vl.1 Vla. No slur 46 OB.1 Slur on beat 1; slur on beat 2 47 OB.1 Slur on beat 1 48 OB.1 Slur including A flat and beat 2 49 OB.1; OB.2; CR.1; vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 50 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 51 Vl.1 [p] Vl.1 No slur on beat 2 Vl.2 52 TUTTI Vl.1 ob. Slur on beat 2 includes A B flat F sharp TUTTI No hairpin 52 53 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur across bars 53 Vl.2 [f] 54 OB.1 No slur on beat 1 Vl.1ob.; vl.2 ob.; vl.1 No trill on beat 1 55 TUTTI 60 Vl.1ob. Both E flats are dotted quarter TUTTI Second beat is dotted quarter with no rest 62 Vl1ob. No slur 63 OB.2; vl.2 ob.; vl.2; vla. No slur 65 OB.2; vl.2 ob.; vl.2; vla No slur 66 Vl.1ob. No slur Vl.1 Slur on beat 2 is on E flat C
197 Table 9 4 Continued Bar Instrument 67; 68 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 One C three quarters long 67 Vl.1 Slur on beat 1; slur on beat 2 69 OB.2; vl.2 ob. ; vla; basso No slurs Vla. D in place of E 82 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 No slur on beat 2 83 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 No slur on beat 1 84 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 No slur on beat 2 85 Vl.1ob. No staccato on last 8 th Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 No slur, no staccato Vl.1 On beat B flat is staccato, A flat G slurred 86 Vl.2 ob.; vl.1; vl.2 87 Vl.1 Slur on beat 2 Vl.2 88 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 90 Vl.2 No trill on F on beat 2 91 Vl1ob. th Vl.2 ob.; vl.1 93 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 On beat 1 trill is on D, no trill on C Vl.1 ob.; vl.2 ob.; vl.2 [p] 94 Vl.1ob.; vl.2 ob.; vl.2 Slur on beat 1; slur on beat 2 95 OB.1; OB.2; CR.1; vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 96 Vl.1ob.; vl.1 No slur on beat 1 97 Vl.1; vl.2 98 TUTTI Vl.1 ob. Slur on beat 2 includes A B flat F sharp TUTTI No hairpin 98 99 Vl.1 ob.; vl.1 No slur across bars 99 Vl.2 [f] 100 Vl.1ob.; vl.2 ob.; vl.1; vl.1 No trill on beat 1; no trill on beat 2 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 Dotted quarter G on beat 1 103 Vl.2 ob.; vl.2 107 Vl.1 Vl.2 109 Vl.1 ob. Vl.1 110 Vl.1 ob; vl.1
198 Tabla 9 4 Continued Bar Instrument 112 Vl.2
199 APPENDIX A AN EDITION OF PUGNAN Like several scholars I also believe that one of the responsibilities of musicology, as a branch of music study, should be that of help ing and improv ing the performance aspects of our profession. I am an advocate for such synergy, especially for the forgotten or lesser known repertoire. The fact that a performing edition of ZT 23 is part of this dissertation supports that belief and aims at encouraging further contributions in this direction. The concern with Urtext editions as well as the flowering of literature on performing practice issued in th e last thirty years, shows that the concern of bringing together research and performance is by no means a new one. 43 Moving away from devoted time to preserve the musical te xt, making it legible to the modern performer. In the last few years A R Editions has brought this philosophy consistently to the fore, publishing different series of critical editions in which lesser known and forgotten repertoire is framed properly by in formation on the cultural and historical context. The score in this appendix was prepared from the manuscript copies of parts housed in the Ber lin Staatsbibliothek ( Ch apter 6 ). The engraving was realized with free software ( Lilypond ) that is available on the web. Lilypond is an ongoing project of an international community of music lovers and is acknowledged left in the footer at the end of every movement of the score. 43 Paul Henry Lang is one of the leading scholars concerned with both scholarship and performance. For a selection of his essays see Paul Henry Lang, Musicology and Performance, Alfred Mann and George J. Buelow editors (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1997).
232 APPENDIX B CONCERT PROGRAMS OF AT THE 1754 CONCERT SPIRITUEL The concert programs are reported in Constant Pierre, His toire du Concert Spirituel 1725 1790 (Paris: Socit Fran aise de Musicologie, 1975). I reproduce here the exact text with the abbreviations. 1 The subheadings refer to the concert numbers. Concert Program 505 2 fvr. (M. mars, p. 192) Symph., Guillemain. Salvum me fac Deus nouv. mgch., Giraud. Usquaequo Mouret ch. M lle Davaux. Conc. Flte, comp. et ex. Schm itz. 2 airs ital. ch. Albanse. Conc von comp et ex. Pugnani. Nisi Dominus Mondoville. Concert Program 506 25 mars (A. du 25, p. 190; M. mai, p. 182.) Symph. ital (A.), nouv. cors de ch. (M.) 2 Diligam te [Gilles] (rcit Beata gens de Lalande ch. M lle Devaux). Exaudi Deus pm. Nouv., Fanton ch. M mme Cohendet (dbuts.) Conc. von comp. et ex. Pugnani. Bonum est, Mondoville M lles Fel et Duprey, Benoit, Poirier et Malines ch. Dans les mgch. ( les noms des rcitan ts) Concert Program 521 1 Sources include announcements of programs given in advance (e.g. A.) and review a posteriori (M.). The abbreviations used for the concert programs are explained in the following table: Abbreviations A. Announces, affiches et avis divers (Affiches de Paris) M. Mercure [monthly magazine] Asc. Symph. Ascension Symphonie nouv. Nouveau, nouvelle Mgch ch. Chante, chant par conc. Concerto comp. cor de ch. Compose par, composition Cor de chasse ex. Excut, execute par ital. Italien pm. timb. Petit motet Timbales 2 A piece different than the one advertised was actually performed
233 23 mai (Asc.) (A. du 23, p. 318; M. juin, II, p. 178) Symph. cor de ch. del signor ***. Omnes gentes, nouv. mgch. timb., tromps et cors de ch., Cordelet. Air ital. ch. Albanse. Conc. Von comp et ex. Pugnani. Exaudi no s Deus, pm. ch. Glin. Exaltabo te [Deus] Lalande (rcit miserator ch. M me Cohendet.) M lle Fel, Benoit, Poirier et Malines ch. Dans les mgch.
234 APPENDIX C CREASE Annual stipends were given every three months ( quartieri ). Rosy Moffa in Storia della Cappella Regia di Torino dal 1775 al 1780 transcribes several documents in appendix of that volume. Table C 1. Date Annual Stipend April 1748 200 December 1750 400 End of 1770 1200 End of 1775 1500 August 1786 Sometime before 1789 +600 ** 1800 March 1789 *** 2200 I n 1775 other players of the Cappella received an increase. See Moffa Cappella 53 and 225. Increase started from January 1776, ** This stipend was corresponded for Gaetano duties as supervisor of the Military music in addition to the stipend he received as the first violin of the Cappella. *** In 1789 other players of the Cappella received an increase. See Moffa, Cappella 234. Increased start from April 1789.
235 APPENDIX D WHO WAS SIGNOR CIAMP I? Stanislao Cordero di Pamparato identifies S ignor Ciampi with Vincenzo Legrenzio Ciampi, who studied in Naples with Leonardo Leo and Francesco Durante. 1 Such identification is not supported by evidence and may very well be an assumption. The letter dated 14 June 1749 that Balbis sent to Turin mentioned the choice of Signor Ciampi l of Durante 2 (with whom Ciampi actually studied in Naples). 3 Furthermore, Giay offered an opinion about Ciampi in a letter that the marquis del Carretto di Gorzegno wrote to erit of Signor Ciampi are known to our Maestro di Cappella signor Giay, who very greatly 4 Later scholars, following Cordero di Pamparato, took for granted that Pugnani studied in Rome with Vincenzo Legrenzio Ciampi 5 Only more recent scholars hip realized that signor Ciampi was mistakenly identified as Vincenzo Legrenzio Ciampi. 6 1 Cordero, Pugnani, 16. 2 Cordero, Pugnani, 16. As reported in Archivio di Stato di Torino, Lettere Ministri: Rom a, the count Balbis of Rivera to the marquis of Gonzegno he non la cede al celebre Durante, che passa in Napoli p er gran maestro in questa scienza e che medesimamente dell a stessa scuola del Ciampi. 3 Dennis Libby reports that Vincenzo Legrenzio Ciampi studied in Naples with Leo and Durante. See lity the two were the well known Neapolitan opera composers Francesco Durante (1684 1755) and Leonardo Leo (1694 1744). 4 Cordero, Pugnani, 1 9. As reported in Archivio di Stato di To rino, Lettere Ministri: Roma, The marquis of Carretto di Gonzegno to the count Balbis of essendo ben noti a questo Maestro di Cappela sign or Giay, che molto lo stima 5 See MGG1 ), 10: 1744. 6 See GMO. See also: Annarita, Colturato, MGG2, 13: 1036.
236 By autumn 1748, Vincenzo Legrenzio Ciampi made it to London where he led the company of Italian opera singers led by Giovanni Francesco Crosa. Here the company gave t 7 The scanty documentation makes it impossible to establish for certain whether or not Vincenzo Ciampi was with the company during his residence in London (between 1748 and 1750), in any case, during th at period, he had works represented there and elsewhere far away from Rome. 8 We must assume that he was based in London for these two years, and that therefore he could not maintain a student in Rome. A chronology is given in Appendix C. Another Ciampi wh Francesco Ciampi, who had an appointment in the city in 1735. Francesco Degrada reports that in 1744 Francesco Ciampi was maestro di cappella at the Angelo Custode in Rome and that he may b e the Ciampi that at the end of 1749 was appointed instructor of the Cantori Pontifici S oprannumerari 9 He composed sever al opere serie but Degrada reports that nothing is left of his instrumental production, concluding that his compositional activities were probably secondary to those of violin virtuoso. 10 If Ciampi does not hold true for Francesco. The latter was in fact born in Pisa and before moving 7 GMO 8 Italian Comic Operas in London, Brussels and Amsterdam, 1748 Journal of the Royal Musical Association 188 (1993): 246. 9 in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Alberto M. Ghisalberti ed. (Roma: Istituto della Enciclo p edia italiana, 1960 ), vol. 25 : 126. The first name of Degrada is not given, but with all probability is Francesco, information I infer from the fact that the Italian scholar Francesc o Degrada (1940 Pergolesi. 10 Degrada, 126.
237 to Rome served in Massa. The case of homonymy between Francesco and Vincenzo Legrenzio has been a serious issue for scholarship. According to Degrada this makes it difficult to compile a catalogue of the oeuvre of Francesco Ciampi. 11 As suggested by the correspondence discussed here such c onfusion was also a fact when the two Ciampis were still alive. It seems that in the correspondence under investigation Balbis tried to identify suggest that this could hardl y be the case. Therefore, since in the correspondence between Rome and Turin the teacher is always mentioned only as Signor Ciampi, the question of his actual identity remains open. inked to those of the Crosa company that he joins in this period. In the following table the teacher in Rome. 11
238 APPENDIX E IEF CHRONOLOGY Table E 1. Date Facts 1731 November 27 Gaetano Born in Turin 1741 Joins orchestra Teatro Regio Last chair of second violins 1748 April 16 Appointed to the Cappella, last chair of second violins 1749 May Leave Turin for Rome 1750 Late April Leaves Rome for Turin 1754 January 8 Arrives in Paris 1754 Feb. May P erforms in Paris 1754 Late Turin 1756 Mar Apr Vienna 1762 Feb May Vienna 1763 Turin, appointed seventh player of the cappella 1767 68 London 1770 Spring Turin, first violin and conductor of the orchestra of the cappella 1772 October Tr avel to London via Paris 1773 Spring London 1773 Early July Travel to Turin via Paris 1774 Likely in Turin, composed marches for Savoyard army 1776 January Turin, new appointm ent 1779 December Leave Turin for Grand Tour with Viotti
239 Table E 1 Continued Date Facts 1782 1783 Naples 1786 Turin, new appointment 1796 Several days in Cumiana and Vienna
240 APPENDIX F UPDATE ON SCORE LOCA TION The information in this appendix is provided for the convenience of future was collected through on site visits (Milan) and cor respondence with the libraries. I Rdp The Archivio Doria Pamphili confirmed the presence of a collection of manuscript Only one of them is absent from in the thematic catalog by Zschinsky Troxler. See : manuskripte der Bibliothek Doria Analecta Musicol ogica V (1968): 201 247. I Mc The library of the Milan conservatory currently houses the manuscript copies of three symphonies. Overture / a piu Stromenti Obbligati / Del Sig. gaetano Pugnani [ZT33] Sinfonia del Sig:r Pugnani [Not in ZT] I Tn In the Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria there is a manuscript copy of a work that is not in ZT, simply titled: Sinfonia del Signor Pugnan i GB Lam The Roya l Academy of Music houses an Overtura XXIII [in E flat major] con violini, oboe, corni, viola e basso
241 Ch EN Quintett in Es (2 violins Basso, Ob) di Pu gnani Sinfonie in B (2 violins and Basso ) 3 Quartetts P La The Library has the Achille in Sciro, Adone e Venere, Aurora Betulia Liberata Demofoonte Issea Tamas Koulikan (two entries) RUS SPsc The National L ibrary in St. Petersburg confirmed that the re is only on e score by Pugnani there, the cantata La Bet ulia Liberata I Vc Quintetti ZT 24 A second Sett of Overtures RISM (two parts of the basso) Quintetti (in OPAC but not there) D Bsb La Scommessa (Autograph), ZT 9 La Betulia Liberata ZT 19 ZT 14 ZT 23 ZT 24 ZT 25 ZT 27
242 APPENDIX G CHART OF THE FIRST MOVEMENT OF ZT 23 O T P T K T 7 (6 + 1) 6 (2 + 2 + 2) 5 (2 + 3) 8 (2 + 4 + 2) 8 (4 + 4) 5 (2 + 3) 4 (2 + 2) 6 (2 + 2 + 2) | | | | | | | | | 1 7 8 13 14 19 19 27 28 34 35 39 40 43 44 49 tutti t utti \ vlns tutti ton ic pedal tutti Obl. vlns runs light tutti polych or arpeggio F pedal tremolo q uick slower quick slow er quick slow quick Trem/arp f p sfz f decresc p ff p f decr. E Flat Major V F major B flat V ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------S T P (dev.) (O material) (O material) T P 10 (3 + 7) 8 (4 + 4) 16 (2 + 8 + 6) 10 (6 + 4) 5 (4 + 1) 9 (4 + 5) 8 (1 + 7) | | | | | | | 50 59 60 67 68 83 84 93 94 98 99 107 108 115 tutti t utti tutti tutti tutti tonic pedal Alberti tremolo stay on V arpeggio slow quick slow quick quick quick/slow slow p f > p ff f f/p p p B flat Major (V/IV) A flat Major Mod. E flat major
243 T S T T K 7 (1 + 6) 10 (2 + 4 + 4) 6 7 13 (7 + 6) 5 | | | | | | || 116 122 123 132 133 138 139 145 146 157 159 164 || Tremolo Alberti tutti violins tutti tutti || pedal quick slow quicker quicker slower quicker || < f > p crescendo ff f/p f || ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------O = Opening P = Primary Theme T = Transition K = Closing
244 LIST OF REFERENCES Anderson, Emily ed. The Letters of Mozart and H is Family. New York: St. Martin, 1966. Beard, David and Kenneth Gloag. Musicology : Key Concepts. London and New York: Routledge, 2005. The Musical Times 127, (1986): 85 89. Bergeron Katherine and Philip V. Bohlman. Disciplining Music: Musicology and Its Canons Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. Bertolotti, Antonio. Gaetano Pugnani e altri musici alla co rte di Torino nel secolo XVIII. Milan: G. Ricordi, 1892 Black Jeremy. Italy and the Grand Tour New Haven and Lond on: Yale University Press, 2003 Blanning, T.C.W. Jeseph II. London; New York: Longman, 1994. Blume, Friederich. Classic and Romantic Music Tr anslated by M. D. Herter Norton. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1970). ed. Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart ; allgemeine Enzyklopdie der Musik. 17 vols K assel: Brenreiter Verlag, 1949 1979. Bouquet Boyer, Marie Thrse. Musique et musiciens Turin de 1648 1775 Turin Accademia delle scienze: 1968. Brook Barry S. ed. The Bre itkopf Thematic Catalogue, 1762 1787 New York: Dover Publi cations, 1966 C Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 102 (1975 76). Brown Bruce Alan. Gluck and the French Theater in Vienna Oxford: Clarendon, 2001. ed. T he Symphonic Repertoire. Bloomington & Indianapolis, Indian a Universi ty Press, 2002 2008 Review of The Symphony: a Research and Information Guide By Preston Stedman, Music & Letters 72 (Nov. 1991), 593 595 Burney Charles A General History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the Present period (1789) R eprint with Critical and Historical Notes by F rank Mercer 2 vols. New York: Dover Publications 1957. The Present State of Music in France and Italy 2 nd ed. London: T. Becket and Co., 1773. Carse, Adam. Eighteenth C entury Symphonies. Westport, Connecticut: Hyperion Press, Inc., 1951. Carutti, Domenico. Della famiglia di Gaetano Pugnani. Miscellanea di storia italiana 3rd ser., ii ( 1895 ), 335 46
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249 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Claudio Re studied bass tuba at the Conservatorio Lu ca Marenzio in Brescia (Italy) with Guido del Monte. Mr. Re was involved for several y ears with Italian amateur bands. He eventually developed an interest in conducting that was primarily supported in Italy by his studies with Maestro Lorenzo della Fonte. His conducting abilities were eventually developed at the University of Northern Iowa where Claudio earn ed the Master of Arts in conducting, studying with Dr. Ronald Johnson, Dr. Rebecca Burkhardt and Dr. Rod Chesnut. Claudio Re is curren tly pursuing a PhD in Music at the Unive rsity of Florida, where h e serves as a Teaching Assista nt in Music History Past assistantships at the University of Florida School of Music include duties with the University of Florida Bands