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1 HERE COMES THE BRIDE? AN EXPLORATION OF MN 9022 SCENE IN FRESCO FROM ROMAN CAMPANIA By LAURA M. WINN A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011
2 2011 Laura M. Winn
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am greatly ind ebted to my advisor and committee chair, Dr. Barbara Barletta for her astute guidance, unwavering patience and ability to in spire the best from her students. T o my advisory committee members, Dr. Maya Stanfield Mazzi and Dr. Mary Ann Eaverly thank you for sharing your expertise, and helping me to approach and understand ancient art in new and exciting ways. Lastly, thank you t o my parents, Michael and Sharon Winn, for their encouragement and steadfast support of my academic endea vors. It is their dedication and skill in the field of education, which continues to inspire my purist and growth as an educator. I am forever grateful to you both for bestowing me with your love for learning.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 3 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 5 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 7 2 MN 9022: QUESTIONS OF CONTENT AND CONTEXT ................................ ................. 12 Herculaneum Toilette Scene and the A rt of Artifice in Ancient Rome ................................ .. 12 History of the Bourbon Excavations at Herculaneum ................................ ............................ 22 Discovery of MN 9022: Problems of Origina l Intent, Audience, and Context ...................... 25 ................................ .. 29 3 REPRESENTATIONS OF THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN PRIESTESS ................. 36 ........... 36 Toilette of the Roman Priestess? ................................ ................................ ............................ 38 4 REPRESENTATION OF THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN BRIDE ............................ 54 Toilette of the Roman Bride? ................................ ................................ ................................ 54 The Roman Bride and Allegorical Link to the Toilette of Venus in Fresco ........................... 61 5 INTERPRETATIONS OF THE ICONOGRAPHY EXHIBITED IN MN 9022 ................... 65 Roman Priestess or Bride? ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 65 Conclusions: Proposed Context and Audience for MN 9022 ................................ ................. 73 APPENDIX : LIST OF ART WORKS CITED ................................ ................................ .............. 76 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 79 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 84
5 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts HERE COMES THE BRIDE ? AN EXPLORATION OF OILETTE SCENE IN FRESCO FROM ROMA N CAMPANIA By Laura M. Winn May 2011 Chair: Barbara Barletta Major: Art History This thesis is an exploration of MN 9022 in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, a fresco scene illustrating the dressing and adornment of a young elite Roman woman in her toilette. decoration makes an interpretation of what the toilette scene represents problematic. My research seeks to define the event taking place in MN 9022, and argues that it does not represent a daily Scholars have granted the Naples toilette scene the t By utilizing these titles I examined the iconography presented in MN 9022 in an attempt to establish visual parallels with representa tions of the Roman priestess and bride, as well as underline how these representations illustrated the activities and roles of women within Roman society. The study aims to answer the questions of what the toilette scene represents, why the event was signi ficant within the ancien offer ing possible solutions surrounding the
6 The investigation reveals that MN 9022 contains influences from Rom an religious and nuptial spheres, as well as imagery and iconography displaying the diverse geographic and Greek, Roman, religious, and nuptial influences, we ca n look to the equally enigmatic megalographic fresco frieze from room 5 of the Villa dei Misteri in Pompeii as setting a standard and precedent for the integration of these visual spheres within Campania. The shared polysemic visual language and activities that fall within the religious and nuptial context complicate our modern reading of MN 9022, making it difficu lt to identify the young woman definitively as a Roman bride or priestess, because she may be both.
7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION commemorate, instruct, and propagandize the women they represent. While scenes of classical gynaeceum, were rendered on Attic red in Greek society, centuries lat er, Madame de Pompadour carefully choreographed and self constructed her own image and persona through her representation in the toilette. Unlike the prescribed and instructive iconographic representations male patrons and artisans created of Athenian wome matresse en titre in collaboration with Francois Boucher, constructed her image as an artist, literally painting herself with cosmetics at her morning toilet te. 1 illustrate how the representation of the toilette reflected the evolving customs, constructions of feminine identity, and gendered space throughout history. This particular inquiry into the history and function of toilette scenes will focus on fresco scenes created in Roman Campania during the first century B.C.E. through the first century C.E. e rich tradition Queen Neferu was immortalized in low relief on her elaborately carv ed and painted limestone tomb (F igure A 1). The queen was depicted in her royal toilette, as she received the attentive 1 Bulletin 82, no. 3 (Sept. 2000): 453 475.
8 decking of her hairdresser Henut. 2 The ancient Egyptians believed the application of cosmetics and attentive groomin g was linked to allure, reproduction, and in turn rebirth in the afterlife. The passage into the next world. 3 e and intimate workings of the elite thousand year importance and presentation, and intended audience of toilette scenes have evolved, enabling the genre to be utilized in a variety of contexts and thereby allowing these intimate scenes to remain popular throughout the Mediterranean and western world. s royal toilette was captured in limestone, artisans working in Roman Italy, appropriated the visual imagery and iconography of Egyptian and Greek toilette scenes and continued the tradition within their own representations. The popularity and longevity of society. In Greek and Roman imagery, in three general contexts. The f irst category represents prenuptial scenes, in which, the bride is depicted in the process of being decked by her attendants and female family members. The second toilette context falls within the funerary genre, where the deceased is shown in her dressing room surrounded by 2 Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15, no. 1 (Jan. 1956)12 14. 3 https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/3599/Sunk_Relief_of_Queen_Neferu
9 attendants as she prepares for the day or a special event. These funerary toilette scenes often represented the deceased in her bridal toilette, as a Greco preparations were a significant and pivotal event in h er life. Bridal toilette scenes were figured on the funerary decoration of young women who died before they were able to marry, symbolizing the bride and mother they would not have the opportunity to become. 4 These representations carry a serious and nosta lgic air and are traditionally figured on grave stelai or vessels utilized in burial. 5 In addition to the bridal and funerary contexts, women in domestic spaces and toilettes appear in scenes that call upon and recreate episodes from ancient Mediterranean literature, theatre, and mythology. The goddess Venus is frequently pictured in her toilette preparing for her amorous encounter with Mars, and Euripides' heroine Phaedra is often figured within the confines of the gynaeceum as she contemplates her forbid den love for Hippolytus. 6 As modern viewers of these ancient representations we must ask ourselves, who commissioned and created these toilette scenes, what did the scenes represent, and why was the event important enough to render in fresco and stone? Add itionally, who were the principal and decoration? This thesis aims to answer these questions and to underscore the importance of 4 Sarah B. Pomer o y Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves : Women in Classic al Antiquity (New York: Schocken Books, 1975), 62. 5 See Grave Stele of Hegeso, Athens 400 BCE figure 8.47 from: John Griffiths Pedley, Greek Art & Archaeology 3 rd ed. (London: Laurence King, 2002), 278. 6 See fresco in British Museum, registration numb er 1856,0625.5, Greek and Roman Antiquities catalogue number: Painting 29 The British Museum Research Collection Database. http://www.britishmuseum.org/research.aspx
10 toilette scenes in fresco from Roman Campania, with a particular emphasis on a single toilette scene, MN 9022, now in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, Italy (F igure A 2). The fresco MN 9022 was d iscovered in 1761 by Karl Weber during the Bourbon excavations in Herculaneum. 7 The painting was found among other frescoes of similar size and palette that are believed to have been salvaged from Third Style wall decoration damaged in the 62 C.E. Campania n earthquake. After the earthquake, the frescoes were cut out of their original location, presumably with the intention of being reused in a new Fourth Style decorative program. Before MN 9022 was incorporated into a freshly plastered wall, on August 24 25 79 C.E. the toilette scene and other frescoes discovered in the same chamber were encapsulated in 8 Although MN 9022 is unanimously recognized as describing the interior of an elite spot and surrounding wall decoration makes a reading or interpretation of what function, context and particular event the toilette scene represents problematic. This thesis seeks to define the event taking place in MN 9022, and argues that it represents not a daily toilette, but a specific exploration of the objects, iconography, and figural repres entation included in MN 9022. I begin my inquiry in C hapter 2 with a formal description of the figures and contents pictured in MN 9022, as well as the importance the toilette held within the daily activities of elite Roman women. In additi on, C hapter 2 w ill discuss the history of the Bourbon excavations at 7 Michele Ruggiero, Storia degli Scavi di Ercolano (Napoli ale delle Scienze, 1885), 339 343 8 Christopher Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity: Karl Weber and the Excavations of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabiae (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1955), 352
11 Herculaneum, which led to the unusual discovery and lack of archaeological record for MN questions of content an d context surrounding the fresco. After introducing MN 9022, C hapters 3 and 4 will continue with an overview of the various titles scholars have granted the Herculaneum toilette scene, and what these titles reveal or conceal about the event pictured in MN Vestizione Bride). I will continue my inquiry by examining the iconography utilized in Roman fresco and sculpture that fea tures the bride and priestess. My intention is to link the objects and imagery displayed in MN 9022 with the established iconography of the priestess and bride, as well as underline how these representations illustrated the activities and roles of women wi thin Roman society. The location of these frescoes will be considered in an effort to define public/private and male/female spaces within the fabric of the Roman city, domus, and villa. The investigation will conclude in C hapter 5 with an interpretation o f the iconography in and overlapping nuptial/religious spheres, which continue to make a definitive reading of this fresco problematic.
12 CHAPTER 2 MN 9022: QUE STIONS OF CONTENT AN D CONTEXT Herculaneum Toilette Scene and the Art of Artifice in Ancient Rome and private bath complexes incorporated within Roman cities. In the Ar t of Love Ovid 1 The Roman author Seneca reported that a complete bath was taken once a week, or every n ine days on the market day, in addition to daily washing of the arms, legs, and face. 2 Well to do ancient women had a myriad of attendants and household slaves to aid them in their daily toilette and ritual cleansing. The term not only as the process of daily or ritual grooming, but also the tra ditionally private physical space where this activity occurred. attest to the importance Roman wo men placed on their daily preening and toilette. 3 Elite women crafted their beauty as a means of elevating grace, dignity, and sophistication. 4 A regimen of baths, cosmetics, perfumes, wigs, hairdressing, and rich clothing was prescribed to signify the soc ial standing of elite women who could afford such luxuries, yet the true art was making the artifice achieved within the toilette appear natural. 5 1 Ovid III.193 199, translation from o, Women and Beauty in Pompeii (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2001),7. 2 Women and Beauty in Pompeii, 7. 3 Roman Women (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 7. 4 Roman Women, 7. 5 Roman Women 1 13.
13 illustrated by the fr esco of a you igure A 2) currently housed in the extensive collection of the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli The fragmentary fresco is relatively small in scale measuring 44 x 44 cm (1 palmi y 9 on. por 18 on. per Kar correspondence with King Charles III.) 6 The painting has suffered damage resulting in horizontal and diagonal fracture lines on the surface as well as the complete loss of the painting in the top right quarter of the composition. Unfortunately, i t is impossible to ascertain whether this damage was incurred before or during the 79 C.E. eruption of Vesuvius. The surviving scene is arranged within a square composition that is divided nearly in half by a vertical, white, smooth, and unornamented colu mn placed in the center of the background. The column, in addition to other simplified architectural elements, informs the viewer that this dressing room. The t oilette scene in MN 9022 is comprised of four female characters that busy themselves with, or attentively watch, as the main female character is decked. In the left of the composition a matron is presented in three quarter profile as she sits in a throne l ike chair with elaborately to toe festooning of gold jewelry she has received. In addition to her jeweled necklace, earrings, and bracelets, the ld accessories, as well as golden sandals to adorn her feet. The elite woman was most likely the domina and materfamilias of the home. As the female head of the household she ruled only second in command to the paterfamilias as owner and 6 of the fresco noted in Ruggiero Storia d egli Scavi di Ercolano 339.
14 master of the d omus and slaves. The domina is pictured gently grasping the light blue veil or palla that rests on the back of her umber colored hair, while she gazes pensively beyond the picture plane. Although jewelry was an important part of the toilette and feminine a dornment, a well to 7 Elizabeth Bartman believes that 8 xpressive and communicative power. In ancient Egypt the styling and touching of hair was equated with sexuality and fertility. In ancient Greece a woman would let her traditionally bound hair down to convey sadness at a ary vases often depict mourning women pulling at their hair as an expression of extreme grief and pathos. 9 The ever changing style and manner in which Roman women displayed their long locks is presented through the hairstyles women wear in extant portrait sculptures, frescos, reliefs, and coinage. Popular coiffures ranged in style from the more classical and subdued centrally parted and plaited locks of the Augustan era, to the flamboyant and towering hairstyles fashionable during the Flavian and Antonine periods. 10 springing curls held in place with jeweled tiaras and gold, ivory, and silver accessories. The symbolic and potential eroticism of hair was a theme many ancien t authors, such as Ovid and 7 Roman Women 118. 8 American Journal of Archaeology 105, no. 1 (Jan. 2001 ): 1 25 Especially 2 4. 9 7. 10
15 Juvenal, discussed in their poetry and literature. 11 Although the intricate dressing of the hair was matron would cover her head and body with a palla or mantle when in public. 12 In the Roman world, luxurious hair was associated with Venus, sexual desire, and availability; therefore a chaste matron covered her coiffure as a symbol of her honor and marital status when outside the interior domestic world she ruled. The palla in MN 9022 is pictured as a rectangular piece of protect women from the elements; however the accessory evolved into a necessa ry garment 13 In addition to her palla the domina pictured in MN 9022 wears a white stola with a light blue border at the foot that matches the fabric of her palla The stol a was a long, draped garment that was worn over a tunica and suspended on the shoulders by straps. Much like the palla the stola 14 worn proudly like a uniform that distingu ished her as an elite and respectable woman to the public. 15 The fresco painter rendered the matron as an imposing and statuesque figure, shown through the large folds of drapery in her stola which outline her foreshortened legs and body. The domina is sho wn gently embracing a young girl who leans into the older woman from the lef t side of the scene. It appears that the fresco painter has attempted to convey the youthful age 11 4, 6, 14. 12 Alexandra Croon, Roma n Clothing and Fashion, (Charleston: Tempus, 2000 ), 109 110. 13 Alexandra Croon, Roman Clothing and Fashion, 109 110. 14 The World of Roman Costume ed. Judith Lynn Sebesta and Larissa Bo nfante, 46 53 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001) 48 and 246. 15 Roman Women 50.
16 of the girl through her relatively small scale in relationship to the imposing stat ure of the seated domina. The girl, most likely the daughter of the domina is presented in profile as she rests her chin on the back of her hand. This iconographic gesture was used throughout antiquity and still appears in contemporary iconography to sugg est thought and contemplation. 16 The girl is finely robbed in a gold tunic like dress, which may have been a toga praetexta, a garment worn by Roman freeborn girls until their marriage. 17 her dark amber hair is neatly arranged and bound with a vitta a woolen fillet utilized to secure Vittae matron bound her hair with woolen bands to indicate modesty and fidelity to he r husband, the young girl in MN 9022 wears a single, white vitta symbolizing her youth and purity. 18 The well to do girl gazes intently across the scene to the set of female figures pictured on the right side of the composition. Here the fresco painter has rendered a second set of women. The more mature figure, also indicated by her larger stature, stands in near profile behind a younger and thus smaller, but more ornately dressed woman, and is presumably a servant or hired hairdresser. The older woman is b cleaning for wealthy families, female slaves and manumitted servants hired by elite families 16 See the Ilissos Stele, with father and son from Pedley, Greek Art and Archaeology 314, fig. 9.39 and the fresco of Penelope or the Muse Polyhymnia from Stabiae: Valerie Sampaolo & Irene Bragantitni, La Pittura Pompeiana (Napoli: Soprintedenza Archeologica Napoli e Pompei, 2009), 456. 17 Freeborn and patrician boys also wore the toga praetext a along with a bulla until after they reached puberty. At time the young men traded the garment in for the toga virilis See 50 18 Sacrificial animals were also adorned with white vittae to indicat
17 often took on the duties of dressing and decking their mistresses a nd their daughters in the toilette. 19 A female slave who was an expert and tasked with the chore of hairdressing was known as an ornatrix 20 MN 9022 illustrates the slave working class costume. In contrast to the rich and multilayered costume wealthy Roman women proudly donned, slaves and working freedwomen were traditionally depicted in a simple girt tunic, which was a loose, usually neutral colored and undecorated garment worn without the signature palla or stola that signified the status of the domina. 21 This particular woman wears a slate colored, short led back from her face in a simple knot or nodus the signature coiffure of servants and working class freedwomen. 22 Female attendants or household slaves are a familiar iconographic element within domestic and toilette scenes. The main character of the g presented in a frontal pose. The young woman stands with her weight on her back leg in a contrapposto stance, with her foot turned so that a foreshortened gold slipper peeks out from the intricat ely embroidered design on the hem of her floor length tunica. The front of the young intensely on the back of the coiffure. Much like the domina and filia previously de scribed in the 19 Natalie Kampan, Image and Status: Roman Working Women in Ostia (Berlin: Mann, 1981 ), 127. 20 Women and Beauty in Pompeii 13. 21 Kampen, Image and Status 6 4. 22 Kampen Image and Status 92.
18 left of this scene, the young woman, most likely the eldest daughter of the seated matron, is richly dressed from head to toe. She is robed in a violet tunica covered by a white garment with overfold, and then wrapped in an olive colored ma ntle. status. The dye utilized to make purple, violet, and indigo garments was produced from crushing the murex conchylium a shelled mollusk, with iron rods. The mollusk shards were then ground into a mortar and mixed with honey for preservation, making the indigo dye a luxurious commodity in the ancient Mediterranean world. 23 The young woman gazes assertively out at the viewer and draws her right arm towards her left shou lder, while letting her left arm hang loosely toward the floor. To the right of the attendant and her mistress in the foreground of the picture plane is a wooden table with carved legs. A variety of vegetal branches, possibly laurel, olive, or myrtle, is p surface, in addition to a piece of cloth and a small decorated chest. Greco Roman toilette scenes include an array of jewelry boxes, cosmetic jars, and perfume bottles that exemplify their use within the regimen of feminine preening. These containers were made from various materials, and survive in extant examples of bone, bronze, ivory, and glass. 24 In addition, Greco Roman toilette scenes often featured jugs and pitchers that were employed in the transportation and pouring of water, which was necessary for baths and daily cleaning. In MN 9022 the fresco painter has included a large transparent pitcher with a single vertical handle under the wooden table. The glass vessel appears to be a hybrid of Greco Roman 23 Tunica Ralla, Tunica Spissa The World of Roman Costume ed. Judith Lynn Sebesta and Larissa Bonfante, 65 76 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), 68 69. 24 Women and Beauty in Pompeii 12.
19 materials and shapes. Whi le the use of glass on this scale is distinctly Roman, the slender shape, vertical handle, and spouted mouth are reminiscent of the loutrophoros, produced in clay throughout Greece. 25 Although not present in MN 9022, an object that is frequently represent ed in toilette scenes 26 The Greeks, Romans, and Etruscans utilized a vast array of mirror type attribute, the mirror was no doubt one of the most indispensable and utilized tools in the Roman The fresco painter contained his toilette scene within a painted frame that borders the figu ral scene on all sides. The first frame, closest to the female characters consists of an approximately 2 cm band of white. The frame continues outward from the figural scene with a strip of green, then another strip of reddish brown. The band of white and the thin strips of color are all contained within an exterior dark brown frame. miniature scale of the composition, as well as its classicizing style place the toilette scene within the Third Style of Pompeian wall painting. 27 This style was introduced during the late first century B.C.E., gaining popularity during the reign of Augustus and into the mid first century C.E. 28 25 Friederike Naumann Roman Glass: Two Centuries of Art and Invention, ed. Martine Newby and Kenneth Painter, 86 98 (London: Society of Antiquaries of London, 1991). 26 Ovid Art of Love, III. 135 Women and Beauty in Pompeii 18. 27 Roger Ling, Roman Painting (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 53,57. 28 Ling, Roman Painting, 52.
20 One of the most salient features of Third Style wall p ainting is the rejection of surface illusionism and architectural edifices, as found in the Second Style, for a preoccupation with rich ornamental detail, such as thin columns and candelabras. These delicate elements served to break up and divide flatly co lored wall into zones and aediculae. Framed figurative and landscape fresco scenes, such as MN 9022, were included within these wall divisions, as if they were framed paintings or pinakes in a gallery. MN 9022 would have served as a pinax like framed scene within a larger decorative program. The framed vignettes rendered within Third Style wall painting adhered to the classicizing style popular during the Augustan era. The classical revival began in Athens during the Late Hellenistic period around 150 B.C. E., incited by the Greek fifth and fourth century classical works of art. 29 The neoclassical style is evident in Neo Attic Roman sculpture from the Late Republic and early Empire but also spr ead and influenced all style is exhibited through the extant sculpture, fresco painting, metal work, and architecture commissioned during the reign of Augustu s in Rome and Campania. 30 The Emperor Augustus utilized the restrained but idealized Greek style symbolically to link the Pax Romana of first century Imperial Rome to the Periclean Golden Age of Athens. Greek artisans trained in Athens in the neoclassical s tyle emigrated and set up workshops in Italy, lending their talents to public and private Roman art during the first century. MN 9022 like many other Third Style figurative scenes embodied the classical tendencies found in 29 assicism, and the Origins of Neo Regional Schools in Hellenistic Sculpture 93 99 ed. by Olga Palagia and William Coulson (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 1998), 93. 30 Eleanor Winsor Leach, Social Life of Painting in Ancient Rome and Bay of Na ples (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 153 4.
21 Augustan era works, such as the d harmony and stillness. 31 Additionally, the posture and drapery of the main female character receiving the attentive decking is recognizable as a popular Greek statue type known as the Small Herculane um Woman. The figural type acquired its name from the discovery of a pair of draped female statues in Herculaneum, which inspired King Charles III to sponsor the excavation for antiquities in the ancient city. The Large and Small Herculaneum Women were bel ieved to have been displayed original Hellenistic sculptures and used extensively to portray the wealthy and elite women of Rome. 32 The Herculaneum Women statues and MN 9022 were both created in the early to mid first century C.E. Perhaps then, it is possible that the public display of this popular statuary type in the Herculaneum Theater may have influenced the posture and drapery of the main female character in MN 9022 The next sections will further discuss the history of the Bourbon excavations at Herculaneum and the peculiar find circumstances of MN 9022, which continue to complicate and 31 Ling, Roman Painting 57. 32 Brunilde Sismondo Rigway, Roman Copies of Greek Sculpture: The Problem of the Originals (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1984), 101 and Getty Museum Websit http://www.getty.edu/art/exhibitions/herculaneum_women/
22 History o f the Bourbon Excavations at Herculaneum According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the ancient city of Herculaneum was founded by Hercules in the late sixth century B.C.E. as the hero returned from his laborious journey in Iberia. 33 When Hercules had settled all his affairs in Italy as he wished, and when his fleet had arrived safely from Spain, he sacrificed a tithe of his spoils to the gods, and founded a small city at the place where his fleet lay. 34 story is unclear. Like its sister city Pompeii, Herculaneum is believed to have been occupied by the native Oscan and Samnite people until the fourth century B.C.E., when it came under Greek control. 35 Herculaneum surrendered to the Roman Republic after Sul la defeated a revolt of the Campanian cities during the Social War of 89 B.C.E. 36 In 79 C.E., the thriving Roman city suffered the same fate as its eruption. 37 After being covered in up to 20 or more meters of ash and solidified pyroclastic flow, the lost city was rediscovered in the early eighteenth century under the modern city of Resina, a suburb of Naples, Italy. 38 well to be sunk, and 39 33 Joseph J. Deiss, (New York: Harpers & Row, 1985), 5 6. 34 Deiss, 6 35 Deiss, 5. 36 Deiss, 7. 37 Deiss 5. 38 Amedeo Maiuri, Herculaneum ituto poligraficio dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, 1962), 5 8
23 The first excavation of Herculaneum commenced on October 1, 1738. The project was sponsored by the Bourbon monarch King Charles III, the Spanish king who conquered and subsequently ruled over th e kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. Charles III appointed Spanish military engineer Rocque Joaquin de Alcubierre to direct his excavations in Campania 40 As soon as the excavations were initiated scholars such as J ohann Joachim Winckelmann and Camillo Paderni, who ironically would later take over as curator of the collections in the Royal Portico Museum at Herculaneum, condemned the archaeological methods of Alcubierre and the Bourbon excavators. 41 Paderni reported t o the members of the Royal Society of London: The first mistake those men they call [engineers] have committed is their having dug out the pictures without drawing the situation of the place, that is, the niches where they stood. For they were all adorned with grotesques composed of most elegant masques, figures and animals; which not being copied, are gone to extremely curious, consisting of many sides, all variously pai nted, of which they do not preserve the memory. 42 insatiable appetite for antiquities. The early excavators exhibited no interest in recording the architectural remains 43 39 Reale Accademia Ercolanese di Archeologia. Database of digital reproduction of a rare book in its entirety: Le Antichit di Ercolano Esposte, vol I IX. COE Research Program, Research on P ictorial and Cultural Studies, http://www.picure.l.u tokyo.ac.jp/arc/ercolano/index.html 40 Maiuri, Herculaneum 9. 41 Parslow Rediscovering Antiquity 1. 42 translation fro m Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 33 43 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 1 2.
24 thing with them in which they could take notes or draw sketches, leaving scholars frustrated and bitter. One of the most notable critics, the so antiquity as the m 44 Winckelmann vilified the Bourbon operations because of as well as the rejection he received to his request to access and study the royal collections. In retrospect, it is easy to criticize the non scientific or even bungling techniques the early Bourbon excavators utilized; however as Christopher Parslow notes, Alcubierre and his workers were appointed the task of retrieving artifacts because they were trained as military miners, not because of their knowledge in classical art and architecture. 45 The scientific and systematic field of archaeology did not exist; therefore Alcubierre and his men employed the methods and approaches best known to them at the time. Despite his erratic and highly dangerous tunneling tec hniques, Alcubierre changed the future study and field of archae ology when he requested that Swiss military engineer Karl Jakob Weber be appointed his assistant to oversee the excavation efforts at Herculaneum and Pompeii in 1749. 46 Unlike the Spanish engi neer, Weber saw the value in recording the context of his discoveries. He meticulously sketched and reported the Vesuvia streets, 44 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 1 2. 45 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 2 46 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 18
25 public and private buildings, fountains, and baths, in an effort to understand the ancient city as a co llective and connected unit. 47 48 ore scientific approach to the excavations at Herculaneum, the discovery of MN 9022 remains peculiar and frustrating to archaeologists and art historians. Discovery of MN 9022: Problems of Original Intent, Audience, and Context In the summer of 1760, Weber inscribed with hieroglyphics (MN 1107) on the street outside what Weber believed to be the Orientalis II (s ee F igure A 3). This find encouraged the engineer to continue tunneling along the street in hopes of recovering the statuette that belonged to the bronze base. 49 excavations along Cardo V in Insula Orientalis I and II in search of the votive statuet te recovered several bronze ornaments and candelabra, but after months of labor failed to produce any 50 Despite the lack of considerable finds, Weber stubbornly continued to tunnel along Cardo V in se arch of a noteworthy discovery. While many on his team believed the continued 47 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 3 48 Parslow, Redis covering Antiquity 3 49 Weber identified the southern vestibule of the Palestra in Orientalis II in Herculaneum as a temple because of an inscription found in July 1757 recording restorations by Vespasian in 76 C.E. of a Templum Matris Deum (MN 3708 ) foll owing the 62 C.E. earthquake. Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 134 5. 50 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 134 148.
26 Diacam po, sank a shaft from one of the higher story rooms bordering the Palestra down into a room on the first floor of the building complex that flanked the great apsidal hall. 51 tunnel fortuitously dropped onto a collection of framed fresco fragments that rested against one 52 The series of frescoes were found leaning against one of the walls where they had been fixed flow. 53 Despite the excitement these frescoes cr eated, the exact findspot or even chamber was not recorded and remains unknown. 54 Amedeo Maiuri, the archaeologist who directed the Herculaneum and Pompeii excavations during the early twentieth century, described the hall that flanked the chamber where the fresco wing and behind it, on a higher level, there are other large vaulted rooms still containing parts of their beautiful wall decoration with architectural mo 55 The structure in which this collection of frescoes was discovered was an impressive a length of 80 meters along the east of Cardo V and the athletic palestra. 56 The ground floor 51 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 148 52 Ruggiero, Storia degli Scavi di Ercolano 339 342, Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity ,148. 53 Ruggie ro, Storia degli Scavi di Ercolano 339 342, Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity ,148 54 in a chamber flanking the Great Apisidal hall that led out onto the Insula Orientalis II palestra. Sampaolo and La Pittura Pompeiana lists Insula Orientalis II, 4, 19 as the findspot. This was the vestibule entrance to the palestra, which Weber erroneously identified as the Temple of the Mater Deum 55 Maiuri, Herculaneum 55. 56 Maiuri, Herculaneum 54.
27 consisted of shops and workshops while the upper floors each contained several apartments. Access to the stories above was granted through a staircase on the ground floor. The layout of the multistory structure led Amedeo Maiuri to believe the residents of this apartment block were also the owners or tenants of the establishments housed below. 57 paintings, this frustrating lack of loc practice of cutting out and removing frescoes from their original plastered walls to be preserved in wooden frames. 58 Camillo Paderni, curator of royal antiquities in the Herculaneum Museum at Porti co, was on site the day the Palestra frescoes were discovered in the commercial/residential complex and suggested the paintings had been salvaged from architecture damaged during the 62 C.E. Campanian earthquake, an early warning of the disaster and destru ction Vesuvius would cause 17 years later. 59 Paderni was so eager to view the discovery that he had himself lowered into the room to inspect the work in situ. His excitement was curtailed by the lack of oxygen and the overwhelming heat in the narrow tunnel. 60 The Prime Minister, Bernardo Tanucci, found the discovery of these frescoes important enough to include in his report to the king. Tanucci noted quality an which the pictures had already been cut down, a sign that the ancients esteemed these paintings 57 Maiuri, Herculaneum 54. 58 Parslow Rediscovering Antiquity 221, 352. 59 Lawrence Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identifiable Figure Painters of Ancient Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Stabia e (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1988 ), 34 60 Storia d elgi Scavi di Ercolano 341.
28 61 discovery of frescoes in the Praedia Julia Felix in Pompeii that had been cut out of their original walls and placed into wooden frames for preservation. 62 After hearing of the discovery, Winckelmann displayed extreme interest in the group of Winckelmann to pronounce the works as original paintings from Greece or Magna Graecia that decoration. 63 Despite this original assumption, the art historian later acknowledged the Campanian production of the 64 nsula Orientalis II apartment complex leaves many unanswered questions in regard to how the ancient owner of these framed scenes may have intended to utilize them in new interior decoration. Were the frescoes going to be used in a public shop, in a picture gallery, or in a private domestic space? Without knowing the specific room in which these paintings were discovered, we can only speculate on the possible function of that room. Despite the lack of an established findspot, even if a more precise record o f the discovery was documented, because the frescoes were removed from their original location, a modern 61 Ruggerio, Storia d elgi Scavi di Ercolano 24, 1761. 62 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity, 352. 63 Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 352. 64 Winckelmann first attributes MN 9022 and MN 9019, MN 9020, 9021 to Stabiae. Johann J. Winckelmann and Alex Potts, History of the Art of Antiquity: Texts & Docum ents (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2006), 254 and Parslow, Rediscovering Antiquity 221.
29 context, remains problematic. The next section will discuss the collection of frescoes discovered by Weber in Insula Orientalis II and their proposed authorship. In his correspondence with King Charles III on February 21, 1761, Karl Weber reported t hat several fresco scenes were discovered in Herculaneum in a chamber under the Bisogno property along Cardo V with a white mosaic floor. 65 The frescoes are now located in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli and cataloged accordingly: MN 8970, MN 901 9, MN 9020, MN 9021, MN 9022, MN 9041, MN 9816, and MN 9906. 66 Several of the paintings discovered in the Herculaneum Palestra group are of similar size, uti lize them as decoration in a single room. 67 Problems with this theory arise from the number of pieces recovered. The four framed fresco scenes (MN 9019, MN 9020, MN 9021, and MN 9022), in addition to the fragmentary frescoes found in the same chamber (MN 89 70, MN 9149, MN 9816, and MN 9906) were too many to decorate a single room, such as a triclinium or cubiculum, of average proportions in Campania. 68 Additionally, there appears to be no defining 65 Storia delgi Scavi di Ercolano 339 340 and Reale Accademia Ercolanese di Archeologia Database of di gital reproduction of a rare book in its entirety: Le Antichit di Ercolano Esposte, vol I IX http://www.picure.l.u tokyo.ac.jp/arc/ercolano/index.html 66 Various scholars cite frescoes that were not mentioned by Paderni or Weber in their original letters Richardson Jr. and Sampaolo among the collection of frescos recovered in Feb 1761 in Herculaneum, Insula Orientalis II. See Ruggiero, Storia Delgi Scavi di Ercola no and Reale Accademia Ercolanese di Archeologia Database of digital reproduction of a rare book in its entirety: Le Antichit di Ercolano Esposte, vol I IX http://www.picure.l.u tokyo.ac.jp/arc/ercolano/index.html 67 Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identif iable Figure Painters 34. 68 See n. 74, several scholars also include MN 8993. Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identifiable Figure Painters 34.
30 theme or mythological story, which links all of the fresco sce nes to support their incorporation within a single decorative program. In an effort to elucidate who and what the scenes in the Herculaneum Palestra fresco group represent, scholars have suggested that the four framed scenes, (MN 9019, MN 9020, MN 9021, an d MN 9022) constitute a collection. Several scholars have taken on the task of evaluating details in the rendering of the hands, facial features, drapery, and proportions, as well as the preferred palette and subject matter of these paintings in an attempt identities. These scholars believe that a detailed examination of the paintings in a Morellian frescoes and workshops. Before discussing the proposed authorship it is necessary to outline who The first of this framed Third Style group is MN 9019 entitled the igure A 4). This was the initial and only fresco Paderni was able to describe briefly before he was overcome with heat and lack of air in the tunnel where the frescoes were unearthed. 69 The genre scene is composed of three figures. The principal male figure, on the left, is a tragic actor whose disheveled and matted hair suggests he has just finished his last scene. He is seated, dressed in a theatrical costume, holding a scepter and what appears to be a sword in a scabbard on his lap. in loose robes and kneels before a tragic theatrical mask in order to paint a dedication. The third figure stands behind the mask and looks on as the woman carefully attends to her painted dedication. 69 Ruggerio, Storia delgi Scavi di Ercolano 341.
31 coloring, reporting to King Charles III Achilles (MN 9109) recovered from the Herculaneum Basilica. 70 Another fresco from the group stacked on the mosaic floo r is MN 9020, entitled igure A 5). The painting features two nude male figures that are believed to be representations of Achilles and Patroclus. 71 The hero Achilles is seated on a gold throne at the sword is sheathed in its scabbard and rests against surface. Ho wall separates the two male figures in the foreground from a stable represented in the left o been damaged and left unreadable. (F igure A 6). The square composition pictures three characters in the act of a musical performance while two male figures with wreat hed heads are pictured in the left background enjoying the concert. The first musician figured in the left of the picture is a woman whose wreathed headdress and is donned in a sleeved tunica She is seated with her legs crossed and has a stool to support her feet. The female musician turns toward the male aulos, or flute player, who is rendered at the center of the composition. He is seated facing forward and is dre ssed in long 70 Ruggerio, Storia delgi Scavi di Ercolano, 340 1. 71 Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identifiable Figure Painters Ragghianti, The Painters of Pompeii and Sampaolo, La Pittura Pompeiana cite the two male figures as Achilles and Patroclus.
32 elegant robes. A third musician flanks the aulos player on the right side. This young female with flowers. She looks out at the viewer, while her de licate hand is suspended in the air scene at the center of this investigation, cataloged in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli as MN 9022 (F igure A 2). The four frescoes were all similarly framed, square in shape, and of comparable size and figural proportions. 72 Paderni stated in a February 26, 1761 letter to King Charles III that the group was of fine quality and high merit but also ends by writin believed the frescoes were created by various painters and therefore not a unified collection in the sense of authorship. 73 Law rence Richardson Jr. employed Mo of careful various authors, some of whom he has named and identified with other works in Campania. He attributes the toilette scene in MN 9022 to the Principe di Montenegro Painter, while asserting that the 72 Weber reports the approximate sizes of the fresco in his Feb. 21, 1761 letter t o King Charles III as follows MN 9019: 1 pal y MN 9020: 1 pal. y 9 on. p or 18 on., MN 9021: 1 pal. y 9 on. por 18 on., MN 9022: 1 pal. y 9 on. por 18 on. See Ruggerio Storia d elgi Scavi di Ercolano 339 340. 73 Storia d elgi Scavi di Ercolano, 342.
33 were of unique and non attributable authorship. 74 Although Paderni is more critical in his assessment stating the : figures are painted in a rather heavy palette too dark and tending too much yellow and red in the flesh of male figures, too chalky in the flesh of women. The s are long and narrow with an odd fullness and softness to the oval jaw, as if the chin were held pulled back. The facial expression is one of abstraction and worry and tends to be understated. The eyes are small and thin, slightly raised brows only the up per lid is distinctly marked. Nose and ear are elongated the nose usually unhooked, the ear set high and poorly studied but with a distinct lobe tight against the jaw. The forehead is always excessively high and the hair fits over into a cap. The neck is u sually distinctly long. The arms are almost always short and light, but the hands patches of shadow in several gradations to the figures in finishing his pictures; although he observes the rule of light source he works within the reverse logic, the darkest shadows falling on the most important figures. 75 Ludovico Ragghianti evaluated frescoes from Campania in an effort to establish stylistic trends and links among the authorship and workshops of fresco painters in the Vesuvian cities of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabiae, as well as in outlying Campanian villas. Unlike Richardson, Ragghianti bel ieved that MN 9019, MN 9020, MN 9021, and MN 9022 were created by the classical style and themes Ragghianti believed the Third Style painter appropriated from Athens. 76 74 Richardson also assigns the fresco MN 9816 Peresus freeing Andromeda by the Principe di M ontenegro Painter to the Herculaneum group where most scholars believe this fresco came from Pompeii. Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identifiable Figure Painters, 34 5, 80. 75 Richardson Jr. A Catalog of Identifiable Figures Painters 80 1 76 Carlo Ragghia nti ; 4 (Milano: Edizioni del Milione, 1963), 55 57.
34 Through an examination of the large corpus of Campanian wall painting, Ragghianti 77 He stated that the fresco painter w as distinguished by: a n architecture of graded and graduated planes, very pure and simple of deliberate and ordered rhythms in the luminous space and of elegant volumes and often he loves to use backgrounds all of one deep and resonant color. The range of colors is extremely frugal and of a transparency that is at times a concealing veil, but always divided into areas as if to keep virgin the original mineral pureness of the colors, the lights and darks are calculated so as to integrate the generally contem plative nature of the volumes and at the same time be a vital confirmation of the planes. turning of the attention to the forms of the fifth and fourth century B.C. 78 Despite and inspiration may also reveal his Hellenic fresco training and heritage. The substantial number of Greek inscriptions and classical elements incorporated in Vesuvian wall painting during the late Republic and early Empire confirms the prevalence of Greek artisans working in Rome and Campania. 79 artisan, or was trained in a local, Campanian worksh op in the classicizing style. Although scholars may never agree upon the attribution of the four fresco fragments as a display similarities in the rendering of the fig ures, their drapery, and the painted white, green, scale, and classicizing style, reveal that the paintings may not only have been created by the same master, b ut potentially decorated the same space. What detracts from this theory is that the 77 Carolo Ragghianti The Painters of Pompeii trans. by Shirley Bridges (Milano: Edizioni del Milione, 1964), 47 78 Ragghianti, The Painters of Pompeii trans by Shirley Bridges 47. 79 Amedeo Maiuri and Stuart Gilbert, Roman Painting: The Great Centuries of Painting (Geneva: Skira, 1953), 10 11.
35 four scenes display no obvious connection in theme or subject matter that would further substantiate their original placement in a single chamber. Despite the various genre mythological, and theatrical scenes the four frescoes depict, their discovery, as framed and grouped, leaning against one another, suggests that regardless of their original location they may have been set aside for reuse in a single chamber. While MN 9 Herculaneum Palestra complex deserves more in depth study, the focus of this thesis will attend to the questions of who and what the toilette scene in MN 9022 r epresents. C hapters 3 and 4 include an examination of the iconography exhibited in Roman art that features the priestess and bride in an effort to link these scenes to the imagery and iconography included in MN 9022.
36 CHAPTER 3 REPRESENTATIONS OF T HE ANCIENT MEDITERRA NEAN PRIESTES S The interior domestic setting, cosmetic accoutrements, and presence of a female servant ilette gynaeceum have enjoyed a rich tradition of representation in the visual arts spanning from the ancient into the modern world. These scenes were created to c onvey multiple meanings and various functions. primarily intended to serve a funerary and or nuptial function. A third category recreated popular scenes from ancient literature, toilette and domestic activities were often transported to the fantastic, mythological, or allegorical realm. Mythological or allegorical references to the toilette and gynaeceum are illustrated t hrough the numerous representations of Venus at her toilette and muses at work walls. 1 ry of female prostitutes and flute girls on Greek symposia vessels and Roman brothel walls, was imagery of females created and intended for a privileged male audience. 2 In turn, domestic and feminine imagery of proper women within the gynaeceum may have be en created for a privileged female 1 ivities are the female painter MN 9018 from the Casa del Chirurgo, and the fem ale concert displayed in MN 9023. For w omen produ cing art and music in the guise of Minerva, s ee Kampen, Image and Status 101 102. 2 John Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy, 100 BC AD 250: Ritual, Space, and Decoration (Berkley: University of Califoria Pr ess, 1991), 221.
37 audience to serve as instructive examples of behavior or bestow a higher intellectual, allegorical, or religious message. 3 decking in Ro man Campania, what does the scene actually tell us about the pictured event and its activity, what event does MN 9022 represent within Roman society, and why was thi s event worthy enough to capture in fresco? Over the centuries, scholars have put forth various hypotheses attempting to determine what the decking in MN 9022 describes. The majority of scholars, art historians, classicists, and archaeologists employ the MN 9022. 4 I believe these generalized titles do not convey the actuality or significance of the event represented, or more accurately, the event for which the women pictured are carefully preparing. The preening illustrated in the Herculaneum fresco extended beyond the typical, daily two hypotheses for the ceremonial toilette scene illustrated in the H erculaneum fresco. Some readying to perform a religious sacrifice. The 1986 edition of the Le Collezioni del Museo Nazionale di Napoli 3 Kampen, Image and Status 44, 82 83,105. 4 Kampen, Image and Status 150 and Ragghianti, Pittori di Pompei 55 57.
38 clearly identifying the young girl as a religious official. 5 The second hypothesis calls upon the rich visual tradition of Mediterranean bridal toilette scenes in fresco, vase painting, sculptural relief, and metal work, proposing that the Herculaneum fresco represents the prenuptial decking of a bride and her female family members in the bridal toilette. 6 d by time for modern audiences, there is no doubt that the toilette scene presented in MN 9022 would have been read and understood by first century Campanians. The fresco painter constructed his scene to include well known signs and iconography that would have informed the ancient viewer of the event domus may have further dictated its function and significance to the beholder. The following sections will explore the iconograph y presented in MN 9022 in an attempt to establish visual parallels with representations of the Roman priestess and bride. Toilette of the Roman Priestess? The Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli has entitled and catalogued the toilette scene in MN 902 2 (F igure A receiving the attentive decking as a priestess. The 1986 edition of the Le Collezioni del Museo Nazionale di Napoli cited the glass pitcher, piece of cloth, vegetal branches, and d ecorated box profession as a religious official. The most recent publication concerning the fresco in 2009 5 Le Collezioni del Museo Nazionale di Napoli vol. I ed. Maria Rosaria Borriello and A rch iviio fotografico Pedicini (Roma : DeLuca, 1986), 138. 6 Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identifiable Figure Painters, 34 35.
39 entitled La Pittura Pompeiana made use of the estab identity. 7 Therefo scene enough evidence to successfully distinguish the young woman in MN 9022 as a priestess? This section will examine the costume, iconography, and objects included in MN 902 2 in an effort to link this imagery to Roman representations of the priestess or female acolyte and The principal character in MN 9022 is dressed in a violet colored tunica with gold embroidery at the hem. The tunica was fastened at the shoulders by gold clasps and then covered by a white overfolded garment. The young woman draws her right hand towards her left shoulder, which is enveloped by her olive green mantle. What does the communicate, and can these garments identify her as a priestess or link her to a particular religious cult? Representations of Roman religious costume varied to reflect the specific traditions and required dress code of a multitude of local and state sponsored cults. While priestesses adhered archaic or classical style tunica or Greek chiton, often with a highly belted Heraclean knot under the breasts. 8 Many Roman priestesses are pictured with a mantle covering their heads bestowing 7 Sampaolo and Bragantini, La Pittura Pompeiana 162. 8 Joan Breton Connelly, Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 86 88
40 them with the appropriately pious and reverent air expected of religious officials. 9 The covering of the head was not only a visual marker that identified a pri est or priestess in the act of sacrifice, but also served to protect the religious official by concealing or obstructing their sight from potential evil omens that could make the sacrifice impure. 10 While these garments were often utilized in statuary, fre sco, and vase painting scenes to 11 How then does the costume of the young woman in MN 9022 compare with the visual representation of garments worn by priestesses in Roman fr 9022 may have served one of the most exalted feminine priesthoods as a Vestal Virgin? privileges were similar Rome. 12 The priestesses held a public and glorified role in Roman society. Because of t heir public persona many dedications and statues survive describing their unique costume and coiffure. Through the centuries the Vestals were depicted wearing a variety of dress and hairstyles. This diversity is illustrated through a series of statues that represented the priestesses in their ancient residence in the Atrium of the Vestals at the east end of the Roman forum (F igure A 7). 9 Male and female religious officials are often depicted in the capite velato action of pulling their toga or mantel to The World of Roman Costume, ed. Judith Lynn Sebesta and Larissa Bonfante, 13 45 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), 20 and Connelly, Portrait of a Priestess, 86 88. 10 11 Connelly, Portrait of a Priestess 87 and 115. 12 Sorolta Takacas, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons: Women in Roman Religion (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008), 83
41 Unfortunately, there are no extant representation of the Vestal Virgins in Campanian fresco, yet a marble head carved du ring the second century which now resides in the British Museum in London (F igure A type of vitta known as influa The influa was a red and white fillet of wool that was coiled around the he ad and tied at the back leaving long loops. 13 The influa in the British Museum sculpture appear s veil, known as a suffibulum The incorporation of the wool infula and symbolic coveri ng of the head with the suffibulum was believed to protect the priestess, allowing her to maintain pure during sacrificial activity. 14 The piece of cloth that rests on the wooden table in MN 9022 may be understood as a woolen vitta but it is not distingui infula The dressing of the young woman in MN 9022, therefore making her service to the cult of Vesta highly unl ikely. Because the Vestal Virgins resided in and attended the sacred flame of Vesta in first century C.E. The oriental cult of Isis offered women, elite and non elite, the opportunity to participate and hold influential roles within its organization. 15 Women in the Roman world were not 13 Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion 112 and Laetitia The World of Roman Clothing ed. Judith Lynn Sebesta and Larissa Bonfante, 54 64 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001) especially 57 59. 14 15 Sha ron Kelly Heyob, The Cult of Isis Among Women in the Greco Roman World (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1975) 98 100.
42 secluded from society, but were restricted or discourag ed from engaging in public life. An household duties. Therefore, w omen of all classes could use religion as a passage to social prestige and power. 16 Sacred rite s, such as the offering of sacrifices and liquid libations, were often performed in public forums and temples, providing the Roman women who served as priestesses and religious officials an avenue of recognition and visibility within the male dominated pub lic sphere. In turn, imagery of feminine religious activity was commissioned and created to occupy public spaces. In addition to highly visible representations of the priestess within the public sphere, she is also featured in the Roma on Visual references to the oriental deity Isis are common throughout the public and private spheres of the Vesuvian cities. In Pompeii, a public temple to Isis was erected next to the theatre, while small shrines and imagery associated with the goddess have been discovered in many private homes and villas. 17 Egyptia n motifs that alternated with the figures of priests and priestesses of Isis in ceremonial attire. 18 Two scenes, MN 8918 and MN 8923, (F igure A 9) depict women as an acolyte and a the cult. 16 The Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii: Ancient Ritual, Modern Muse ed. El aine Gazda, 38 49 (Ann Arbor: Kelsey Museum of Archaeology and the University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2000). 17 Heyob, The Cult of Isis Among Women 79 and 98. 18 Only 7 of the 12 religious figures have survived, see Mauiri and Gilbert, Roman Painting 90. Pompeii VIII vii.28, Temple of Isis. South Portico surrounding the temple. Pompei: Pitture e Mosaici vol 8, 772 and 775 6, figs. 62 and 68. MN 8918 and MN 8923 attributed to Nozze di Ercole Painter by Richardson Jr. see Identifiable Figure Painters of Pompeii
43 mercantile center introduced and propagated the worship of the Egyptia n goddess in Italy. 19 The goddess was connected with human, economic, and agricultural fertility and served as a healer aiding women in childbirth, making her one of the most prominent deities in the Egyptian Pantheon. 20 Roman women identified with Isis beca use she was believed to have established the arts of spinning and weaving. She was portrayed as a model wife and mother equipped with, and able to display, human emotion. 21 Roman representations pictured Isis dressed in white robes with a knot tied at the f ront of her garments symbolizing life. strated in a statue from Rome (F igure A 10) that is believed to represent the goddess or a priestess of re depicted in oriental inspired white, fringed garments that consisted of a tunic and long fringed cloak with a knot at the center to imitate the symbolic attire of the goddess. 22 Priestesses of Isis were figured in the costume of the goddess, often making it difficult 23 costume does not correspond to the rich gold, purple and olive garments of the young woman in MN 9022. 19 Takacs, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons 77. 20 Takacs, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons 75 21 Heyob, The Cult of Isis Amon g Women, 48. 22 Croon, Roman Clothing and Fashion 113. 23 Heyob, The Cult of Isis Among Women 100.
44 Another foreign female deity that received worship throughout Rome was the goddess Cybele, known as Magna Mater Deum 1 ) contains frescoed wall decoration illustra ting the Procession of Cybele (F igure A 11). Worship of Cybele, the mother of the gods, originated in through Greece where s he was connected with her partner Attis. 24 The fresco painter visually described the activities associated with the cult and included references to Dionysus and Venus Pompeiana, as well as mortal followers and religious officials within the procession. The goddess Cybele is represented in the form of a seated cult statue that would have been carried by her followers on a litter known as a ferculum. 25 The cult statue is dressed in a deep plum colored purple and white tunic. The prominent role women played in the cult of Cybele is illustrated through the inclusion of numerous female followers and priestesses within the fresco scene. Pictured to the left of the cult statue are two female figures that Vittorio Spinazzola identified as priestesses of the cult. 26 Th e first priestess wears a vegetal crown and is dressed in a green robe. 27 Although the fresco has been badly damaged rendering it difficult to read, the robes of the priestesses and cult statue featured in the Procession of Cybele could be tenuously connected to 24 John Cla rke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, Visual Representation and the Non Elite in Italy, 100 B.C. A.D. 315. The Joan Palevsky Imprint in Classical Literature (Berkley: University of California Press, 2003), 88 93, fig. 48 49. 25 Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans 91. 26 Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, 91, n. 49 50. 27 Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans 90 91.
45 the garments of the young woman in MN 9022 through their similar purple violet and olive colors. Additionally, the branches included on table in the toilette scene could be potentially substantial enough to confirm the young woman in MN 9022 as a priestess to the cult of Cybele. Is it possible then, that the young woman in MN 9022 may have served as one of the frenzied and uninhibited female members of the infamous cult of Bacchus? One of the most renowned and enigmatic ancient fre sco scenes was discovered in 1909 in the Villa dei Misteri located on the outskirts of Pompeii. The Villa dei Misteri was constructed in Pompeii between 250 and 200 B.C.E. under Samnite Oscan rule. After the city came under Roman control in 89 B.C.E., the peristyle in Second Style decoration between 80 50 B.C.E. Later modifications were made to the villa between 50 30 B.C.E. that rebuilt and reorganized the rooms surrounding the atrium into three di stinct areas. 28 Margaret e Bieber has suggested that the divisions created gendered suites for the master and matron of the villa, while also leaving a third suite at the southwest corner of the residence for guests. 29 Rooms 4 and 5 situated in the south of t he villa, which opened out onto the western 28 Margaret e American Journal of Arc haeology 77, no. 4 (Oct. 1973): 453. 29
46 end of the house to be utilized by male occupants. 30 The cinnabar, red ground and subject matter of the wall decoratio n in rooms 4 and 5 connected the two spaces of this suite. 31 After decades of research and analysis, the life sized megalographic fresco frieze in room 5 continues to offer more questions than answers. Although scholars continue to debate the purpose, orig and initiation into the mystery cult of Bacchus. 32 The mystery cult of Bacchu s was assimilated into Roman religion through the syncretism of Greek Dionysus and Etruscan Liber. 33 Dionysus/Bacchus is one of the most complex and multifaceted Greco Roman gods. The god has many roles and images, which are often contradictory to one anoth er. Dionysus served as the patron deity of music and theater, the inventor of wine and intoxicated madness, and the god of fertility. 34 He is portrayed in Greco Roman art and literature as industrious and destructive, but also charitable and loving. The go d is represented on the east wall of the megalographic cycle, which immediately confronts the viewer as he or she enters room 5. Bacchus is rendered as a young, ivy crowned, 30 The Villa of the Mysteries i n Pompeii: Ancient Ritual, Modern Muse ed. Elaine Gazda, 27 34 (Ann Arbor: Kelsey 456. 31 Clarke The Houses of Roman Italy 95 96. 32 The Visual Idea: Interpretations of Classical Art, trans. by Maria Brendel, 91 138 (Washington DC: Decatur House Press, Ltd, 1980), 93. 33 Brend The Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii: Ancient Ritual, Modern Muse, ed Elaine Gazda, 116 128 (Ann Arbor: Kelsey Museum of Archaeology and the University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2000). 34 Masks of Dionysus ed. Thomas Carpenter and Christopher Faraone (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993) 1 2.
47 and clean shaven god. He reclines on the lap of a throned woman, often interpreted as either his consort Ariadne or mother Semele. 35 mythic creatures, and deities within the same walls, blurring the division of reality and mythology. 36 Unlike the thiasus of ecstatic animal skin clad m aenads and followers of Dionysus that appear on Greek painted vessels, the Mysteries frieze presents severe and reverent female acolytes within the cycle attending to their ritual duties by carrying offerin g trays and pouring libations (F igure A 12). These female acolytes, known as camillae don vegetal crowns and appear in a variety of dress. The camillae are attired in simple tunics with a long piece of fabric tied around the hips. The mantles the female acolytes wear around their hips were frequently inc 37 White, yellow gold, and purple are colors featured prominently throughout the fresco cycle h symbolic colors, indicative of the Roman cult of Bacchus. 38 The female figure positioned with her back towards the viewer i n scene 2 of the fresco cycle (F igure A 13) has been proposed as a priestess or initiate of the mystery cult. 39 The woman is draped i n white robes and wears a white head 35 The Journal of Roman Studies vol 3, par t 2 (1913): 157 The Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii: Ancient Ritual, Modern Muse, ed Elaine Gazda, 98 115 (Ann Arb or: Kesley Museum of Archaeology and the University of Michigan Museum of Art, 2000) 101. 36 110. 37 38 n.18. 39 The Journal of Roman Studie s vol 19 (1929): 67 87. Especially pages 73, and PB Cooke offered the possibility that the female figure in white might be a
48 which Jocelyn Toynbee has suggested are myrtle branches and Otto Brendel as olive. 40 While the various costumes of the cult officials and followers presented in the Mysteries frieze share the similar colors of white, yellow garments in MN 9022, the intricate embroidery and gold fastening of her dress are not translated into the costume of the acolytes and priestess featured in the megalographic fresco cycle. Although the similar colored garments of MN 9022 and the Mysteries cycle is a potential link, I believe because of the variety and quality of these garments the colors alone do litt le to confirm or repudiate the young woman in MN 9022 as a priestess of the mystery cult. Because of the vast array of religious costume, it may be impossible to determine the identity of the female character in MN 9022 based on her garments alone. Instea d we must look to the objects or attributes the fresco painter included in toilette scene as a way to potentially signify her status as a priestess. Among the responsibilities of Greek and Roman priestesses was the maintenance and caretaking of cult object s. Items that were sacred and significant to the cult were included in participation within a specific cult. Greek painted vessels and Roman wall painting include a vari ety of sacrificial and religious paraphernalia to suggest religious activity. These objects often included the presence of sacrificial baskets, temple keys, sacred cista, libation jugs or dishes, and 170. Cooke suggested the scene was inspired by the Maid en of Anzio in the Museo dell Terme, which has been interpreted as a priestess engaged in a purification ceremony. 40
49 vegetal branches, as well as items that communicated a r eligious setting such as an altar or incense burner. Therefore, can the wool vitta glass pitcher, vegetal branches, and decorated chest included in MN 9022 be viewed among the catalog of religious objects used to signifying sacred activity? How were thes e objects and other symbolic attributes utilized to depict the priestesses of Isis, Cybele, and Bacchus and communicate their status and responsibilities within the cult? Archaeologists have uncovered numerous visual references to the cult of Isis that we re integrated within the public and domestic fabric of the Vesuvian cities. The previously reference to the sacrificial activities of the oriental cult through th e attributes inclu ded within the painted scenes (F igure A 9). In addition to the visual record, the Roman author Apuleius described the procession of Isis in his novel Metamorphoses, (XI 9 10). Women, resplendent in their white robes, happily carry differe nt kinds of emblems and decked in spring flowers, strewed the ground with blooms, drawn to their besides, both men and women, carried lamps, torches, candles and other kinds of ar tificial lights to win the favor of the goddess who is in the origin of the stars and in, men and women of every rank and age, shining in the pure whiteness of their linen robes. The women had swathed their hair, dripping with perfume, in transparent veils. The men had shaved their heads completely to leave a glistening pate. All together they shook their sistrums that were bronze, silver, even gold, to make a piercing rattl e. 41 Sacred objects such as the sistrum a distinctive rattle like noisemaking instrument employed in the ceremony, the situla of Isis, a golden vessel, which is believed to have contained 41 Translation from Beard, North, and P rice, Roman Religions vol 2, 135.
50 water from the Nile, symbolizing Osiris, and a pail containing milk for sacrificial libations are all 42 Additionally, a Fourth Style fresco scene from the mid first century C.E. that illustrates a religious ceremony of the cult of Isis from Herculaneum, MN 8924 (F igure A 14) includes the iconographic objects of the palm branch, sistrum and situla but leaves the glass pitcher, vitta, leaved vegetal branch, and gold chest from MN 9022 conspicuously absent. The lack of 9022 in representations of the cult of Isis, in addition to the absence of the signature attributes of this cult in MN 9022 provides no evidence for the e procession of Cybele also patera baskets for offerings, and musical instruments such as cymbals, tympanum and the Phrygian flute, which were utilized in the deit 43 These attributes are echoed in a Roman representation o f Cybele carved in low relief (F igure A 15), but were not included in MN 9022. cro wns. One of the women carries a patera and a vegetal branch, while a priest holds up 44 The cista was a vessel that contained items sacred to the cult, much in the way the tabernacle is used in the Catholic Church. Although the shape, size, and coloring of the cista in the Procession of Cybele fresco does not 42 Heyob The Cult of Isis Among Women 97, 99, 101. 43 Beard, North, and Price, Roman Religions vol 2, 211. 44 Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans 91.
51 correspond to the gold and white chest included in MN 9022, as previously mentioned, vegetal branches are present in both scenes. Veget al branches make several appearances in t igure A 11). The cult statue of Cybele is shown holding a long golden branch with thin leaves in her left hand. The head priest of the cult is depicted carrying a green twig in his ri ght hand, and the priestess dressed in the dark purple robe holds up a branch in her right hand. 45 The prominence himself in a love crazed frenzy incited by the god dess. Flowers grew from the earth Attis bled onto because of his self sacrifice to the goddess. Nearing death, Attis was turned into a pine (or fir) tree, symbolizing the agricultural cycle of death and rebirth. 46 and rebir the early Christians. 47 Additionally, pine was used as an antiseptic and purifying agent in the ancient world. Women used pine during childbirth because they believed the branches possessed qualities that would aid in the health and purity of the mother and newborn child. 48 vegetal branches such as olive, laurel, palm, myrtle, an d vine leaves were symbolic attributes to a variety of Greco Roman gods and religious cults. Although a leaved vegetal branch has been included prominently in MN 9022, I do not believe it can be identified as the pine or fir variety 45 Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans 90 91. 46 Takac s, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons 35. 47 In addition to the resurrection, further parallels include the pine tree as connected to the cross of Christ, and Cybele as the Virgin Mary. For more connections see A.T.Fear, Cybele, A ttis and Related Cults 50 (New York: EJ Brill, 1996). 48 Takacs, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons 35
52 sacred to Cybele. Addit ionally, this single attribute, without the definitive presence of a red lidded cista, tympanum or even an offering dish such as a gold patera, cannot convincingly connect the young woman in MN 9022 to the cult of Cybele. Much like the objects included i n the Procession of Cybele and Isis fresco scenes, the items pictured in the Villa dei Misteri fresco cycle are believed to have communicated and symbolized the religious activities preformed by the mystery cult of Bacchus. In scene 2 of the megalographic frieze, a female acolyte is shown pouring water from a small pitcher in what has been interpreted as the purification of the priestess or initiate before the ritual activities. Despite n MN 9022 could possibly have served a similar function in the transportation and pouring of libations or purification. In addition to the possible libation vessel, both the toilette scene and Mysteries frieze include leaved vegetal branches that can poten tially be identified as myrtle or olive. While these attributes are encouraging, it should be noted that libation vessels and vegetal branches can be connected to many religious scenes and are not specific to the Roman cult of Bacchus. Dionysiac attributes included in the Mysteries frieze are theater masks identifying the god as the patron of theater, ivy covered thyrsus, the inclusion of large wine vessels, and the action of ne. Additionally, religious ceremonies. Unfortunately for this inquiry, MN 9022 lacks the specific Dionysiac iconography of theater masks, wine vessels, thyrsus, as well as the obvious mythological inclusion of satyrs.
53 Likewise, the vitta and decorated chest have not been included within the repertoire of religi ous objects found in the Mysteries frieze. The lack of a distinctive religious object, such as a tympanum, infula, thyrsus, sistrum, or even the generic priestly attribute of a patera service to a particular R oman cult as a priestess problematic. Consequently, questions regarding In addition to Roman sculptures and painted frescoes, the majority of Greek and South Italian vase painting scenes that represent priestesses captur e them in the act of presenting offerings on patera, pouring sacrificial libations, or implementing sacred rites, such as the choosing and decorating of sacrificial animals. The purpose of these images was to illustrate the performance of feminine religiou elevated status and public role in Greek and Roman society as a priestess. Why then would the re ligious activities that defined and validated her purpose as religious official? Although Le Collezioni del Museo Nazionale di Napoli suggested that the vitta, glass pitcher, vegetal branch, and decorated chest in MN 9022 are items the fresco painter incl uded to iconography makes it unfeasible to definitively attribute the yo dentity as a priestess, C hapter 4 will examine the iconography of MN 9022 in relation to representations of the Roman bridal toilette.
54 CHAPTER 4 REPRESENTATION OF TH E ANCIENT MEDITERRAN EAN BRIDE Toilette of the Roman Bride? While the prieste ss was traditionally represented in the act of performing sacred rites, the ancient Mediterranean bride was often figured in her toilette receiving the attentive decking of attendants and female family members. The rich tradition of Greco Roman prenuptial toilette identity in MN 9022 as a bride. specific religious cult, could these rich garments reveal her status as a bride? Does the costume of the young woman and objects in MN 9022 adhere to the tradition of Roman bridal toilettes described by ancient authors and visual representations? To answer these questions we must first retur n to the Second Style megalographic fresco frieze that decorates the walls of room 5 in the Villa dei Misteri. Chapter 3 sociations and subsequent interpretations make the Mysteries cycle problematic, scholars have also proposed that the frescoes display imagery and iconography associated with nuptial activity and the divine realm of Venus. 1 This interpretation has led Alan 2 1 The Villa of the Mys teries in Pompeii: Ancient Ritual, Modern Muse, ed. Elaine Gazda, 24 37 (Ann Arbor: Kelsey idal Drama at the Villa of the Mysteries, 453 456. 2 Alan Little, A Roman Bridal Drama at the Villa of the Mysteries (Wheaton, 1972), 9 10 and Longfellow, 37. Scholars cont inue to
55 Scene 9 of the megalographic cycle (F igure A rendered in th e southwest corner of the chamber. The scene is believed to depict a young bride in her toilette. While the young woman in MN 9022 is robed in violet, white, olive, and gold, the seated bride from the Villa dei Misteri appears in a long white and yellow go ld garment belted by a purple sash. Festus (55.20 L ) and Pliny the Elder ( NH 8.124) reported that the traditional dress of the Roman bride was the tunica recta loom. 3 he tunica recta was symbolic; representing the responsibility 4 The white nuptial garment was o 5 Although not the typical all white tunica described by ancient authors, the young gold and purple violet garments in the Mysteries cycle may illustrate the tunica recta and Heraclean knot within the larger Dionysiac context of the chamber. A female servant and two Cupid or Eros figures attend to the young woman in scene 9. The first Eros is figured to the left of the young woman He holds a mirror for the bride, in which we can see her reflection. The second Eros is pictured admiring the young bride from behind her and her maid on the adjacent wall. debate over how to classify room 5 : as a triclinum, oecus, or general reception room. At this time it is impossible to 3 55. 4 54 55. 5 Roman Women 74
56 The inclusion of Eros, the demigod of love, signifies the presence of Venus and nuptial Bacchus. 6 Additionally, the company of Venus may be conveyed throughout the fresco cycle by what Jocelyn Toynbee has proposed are myrtle leaves in vegeta l crowns worn by the female acolytes and priestess. Myrtle was sacred to Venus and utilized in marriage ceremonies in ancient weddings. The leaved branches still appear today in modern nuptial ceremonies. 7 Among the accouterments displayed in Greek and Ro man bridal toilette scenes are objects mirrors, and cosmetic or perfume containers. The gold and white decorated chest in MN 9022 could easily be identified as a jewelry box or cosmetic container used for the ritual bedecking of the bride. In addition to the objects, which aided in the obligatory preening and gift giving, the glass pitcher rendered underneath the table in MN 9022 may also allude to the ritual eve nts that utilized in the transportation and pouring of the bridal bath water. In the Greek world the l outrophoros or bath carrier, was a specific vessel employed to transport bridal bathwater to the prenuptial chamber. 8 Both the bride and groom symbolically washed and purified themselves for their entrance into a new married way of life. 9 6 48. 7 The Journal of Roman Studie s 19 (1929): 67 87. 8 Oakley and Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens 6. 9 Oakley and Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens 15.
57 The ritual decki ng of the bride included bathing, adornment, and dressing of her hair. The bride in scene 9 of the Mysteries frieze is shown separating her hair in sections. Ovid and Plutarch reported that Roman brides wore a signature six locked hairstyle, known as a sen i crines. 10 hasta cealibaris a vittae. 11 Fillets and vittae are found in a variety of scenes ranging from athletic competitions to religious sacrifice, but are also significant objects in wedding iconography. 12 aromatic herbs that the bride had gathered, such as marjoram and myrtle. 13 Visual and literary vitta and vegetal leaves that are prominently displayed within the toilette scene on the wooden table top. colored mantel known as the flammeum Pliny the Elder described the flammeum as egg yolk in color. 14 The mantel was pull 10 e Villa of the Mysteries 105 110. 11 Why the hasta caelibaris women, through their mi Roman Women 12 Hesperia 58, no. 4 (Oct Dec 1989): 411 444. 13 d your brows with flowers of fragrant marjoram, put on the Roman Women 74. 14 Roman Women 75. Pliny states the flammeum is luteum in color meaning egg yolk.
58 husband. The symbolic veiling and unveiling was so important to the tradition of Roman marriages t hat the Latin word to marry, nubere also means to veil oneself. 15 Instead, the flammeum appears in the last scene of the Mysteries frieze, (F igure A 17), which figures a richly robed and veiled woman seated on a kline. Some sc holars believe scene 10 portrays the bride from the previous fresco scene awaiting her bridegroom on the bridal bed, known as a lectus genialis 16 conveyed through what has been suggested as tabella or marriage contract, whic h lays next to the domina on the bed, and the wedding ring the woman displays on her hand. 17 The woman is dressed in rich yellow gold, purple, and white garments, which correspond to the hues of other garments included throughout the fresco. Otto Brendel h as identified the flammeum and believes the purple praetexta stripe at social status and privileges as wife and domina. 18 in the Villa Imperiale in Pompeii (VIII.1a) near the Porta Marina also depicts a bride and her attendants in the gynaeceum (F igure A 18). Amedeo Maiuri, the archaeol ogist overseeing the 15 Roman Women 75. 16 Bridal Drama 115 119. 17 Brendel, 18
59 19 The bride carries a shy and contemplative countenance in her gaze and posture. She is pictured seated on the nuptial bed within the gynaeceum or bridal chamber. Beside her is a younger woman, gazing at the bride in a similar manner to the girl who leans on her mother in MN 9022. On the left of the compositio n a female attendant is pictured carrying what appears to be a flabellum. Much like the domina from the scene 10 of the Mysteries frieze, the bride from the Villa Imperiale has already been unveiled by the bridegroom and now wears the flammeum on the back of her hair like a palla The flammeum is believed to have served as the definitive attribute of the Roman bride, but it is conspicuously absent from bo igure A 16) and MN 9022. Perhaps this absence can be explained because the female figures are pictured within the toilette, in the process of having their hair dressed. Their coiffures will not be ready for the finishing touch of the flammeum until the bride is ready to leave her toilette and commence with the marriage ceremo ny. Frescoes, such as the example in the Villa Imperiale, that portray the bride after the toilette and marriage ceremony as she waits on the lectus genialis include the flammeum, s head. Despite the lack of the definitive flammeum footwear may provide further evidence for her status as a bride. The Roman poet Catullus luteum soccum, ding Song for 20 19 Maiuri and Gilbert, Roman Painting 105 7. 20 10.
60 illustrated by two frescoes also believed to represent brides and female attendants as they await the arrival of their bridegrooms on the lectus ge nialis The fresco scene known as the igure A 19) and a fresco fragment from Pompeii now in the British Museum collection (F igure A luteum soccum. 21 The visual and otwear corresponds to the yellow slippers the young woman in MN 9022 wears. To summarize, the interior domestic setting and presence of female family members and attendants found in MN 9022 is consistent with the location and activities of the bridal scen es in the Villa Imperiale, Mysteries frieze, and Aldobrandini Wedding frescoes. Additionally, traces of Roman frescoes of brides in their toilettes and bridal chamber s. While the iconographic objects of vitta nuptial context, the toilette scene also lacks the signature flammeum or presence of Venus and Cupids that would more clearl The imagery of brides and Aphrodite/Venus has been indelibly linked to the toilette through centuries of Greek and Roman representations. Many Greco Roman bridal scenes incorporated mortal men, demigods, and deities all within the same scene, blurring the boundaries of reality and mythology. The next section will discuss the numerous representations of Venus at her toilette from Campania, which I believe served as an allegorical visual refe rence 21 J.J. Winckelmann has suggested that the Aldobrandini Wedding fresco represents the marriag e of Peleus and Thetis, while Frank Muller asserts both the British Museum fragment and the Aldobrandini Wedding fresco represent Phaedra and Hippolytus See Frank GJM Muller, The Aldobrandini Wedding: Iconological Studies in Roman Art III (Amsterdam: JC G ieben, 1994) and The British Museum Research Collection Database. http://www.britishmuseum.org/research.aspx
61 The Roman Bride and Allegorical Link to the Toilette of Venus in Fresco The ancie nt divide between the divine or mythological realm and that of mortal reality was much different from our modern mentality. Go ds and mythological beings lived within the same world and came into contact with mortal Greeks and Romans. Deities and mortals were therefore part of the same human experience, and in the case of Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar, crossed over into th e divine realm. 22 The mixing of mythology and reality is expressed through artistic representations. Otto Brendel believes that 23 During the first and second centuries C.E., the wealthy elite sought to promote their association with the gods and conflate their status by casting themselves in the guise of deities through the visual arts. These representations became known as the mythologica l portrait, and the portrait genre became a popular way for elite women to have themselves immortalized in fresco and stone. The majority of these portraits depicted wealthy women in the guise of the sensual and semi clad goddess Venus. Mythological portr aits conformed to standard sculptural types such as the Capitoline and Knidian Venus, but with the individualized portrait and coiffure of the matron. 24 While the nudity of these respectable women would have been viewed as indecent and scandalous, their myt hological likeness as the goddess of sex and love justified and even called 22 Nuptial Imagery in th e Villa of the Mysteries Frieze 23 24 I Claudia II: Women in Roman Art and Society, ed. Diana Kleiner and Susan Matheson, 101 114 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000).
62 costume. 25 cultus (culti vation), 26 In the same way elite women were depicted nude or partially nude in the guise of Venus through mythological portraiture, agreeable and ins tructive representations of the bridal toilette the expectations o f sexuality, fertility, and reproduction that was conferred upon all young brides. A fresco (MN 9088) from the triclinum 7 of the Villa di Arianna pictures a young woman s eated cross legged on a stool (F igure A 21). She wears a crimson robe, which she has allowed to slip off her shoulders and rest on her hips, leaving her breasts and torso bare. Reminiscent of the pose of the bride depicted in scene 9 of the Villa of the Mysteries (F igure A 16), the young woman holds out a piece of her hair and examines her self in the mirror she holds in her other painting would have been familiar to Roman audiences due to from his adopted heir Augustus. 27 25 114. 26 Adornment in Female Portrait Sculpture of the Second Century AD 101 114. 27 Sampaolo and Bragantini, La Pictura Pompenian 456.
63 The allegorical and iconographic association between the toilette of Venus and that of young Roman brides was so common that there are several frescoes where it cannot be determined if the female figure represents Venus or an elite Roman bride in her toilette. 28 A fresco scene in cubiculum z from the Casa di M. Epidius Sabi nus in Pompeii (IX 1, 22) illustrates the difficulties of attribution modern viewers must content with as a result of the 29 The fresco was damaged at the time of its discovery, which has compounded the task of identifying the female figure. The painted scene depicts Venus or a wealthy Campanian woman, presumably a bride, attended by maids in her toilette. Among the numerous representations of Venus at her toilette discovered in the Ves uvian cities, many were located in secluded areas of the home or villa intended for the private viewing of the women of the house. This is exemplified by a fresco located on the east wall of a cubiculum from the Casa di M. Lucrezio Frontone (Pompeii V 4, a). A nearly identical version of the Lucrezio Frontone toilette scene, by the same painter, was discovered in cubiculum 14 in the Casa Primo Piano (I 11 15 ) but was stolen from the excavation site in 1977. 30 representations of the goddess, often coupled with Mars, can also be found in more public spaces of the home. The north wall of the tablinum in the Casa di M. Lucrezio Frontone featured a Third 28 Pompei: Pitture e Mosaici vol 10, 740. 29 Pompei: Pitture e Mosaici e scomprasa, oltre che da questo disegno. La rappresentazione viene definite Toletta di Venere; si vede una funcuilla che si avvicina con una cassetta ad una donna seduta, accanto alla quale sono altre due ancelle che la aiuteranno nella preparzione. Potre bbe essere in effetti 30 Pompei: Pitture e Mosaici, vol 2, 637 fig 32, and vol 3, 997, fig 60. See also Richardson Jr., A Catalog of Identifiable Figure Painters attributed to the mast er of the Casa di M. Lucrezio Frontone Painter
64 Style fresco scene of t he marriage of Mars and Venus (F igure A 22). 31 The nuptial activity of the 32 P rominently disp layed scenes including the union of Mars and Venus also occur on the south wall of the tablinum 8 in Casa di Meleagro (VI 9, 2 MN 9256) and in tablinum f 2, 23, MN 9249). 33 As if mimicking the nuptial activities themse lves, toilette scenes of Venus preparing for union or marriage are more often discovered in public spaces such as the atrium and tablinum, falling in line with the pu blic ceremony and wedding procession of the bride and groom through the streets. 34 C hapter 5 will conclude my investigation through an interpretation of the iconography presented in MN 9022 and its connection to Roman religious and nuptial spheres. The vi sual evidence presented in scenes of the bride and priestess will be employed to decode, as well as substantiate, who and what I believe the toilette in MN 9022 portrays within the broader con text of first century Roman Campanian representations. 31 Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy 151. 32 Scholars have also interpreted the figure as Hermes, however the god should be figured with wings on his feet, not on his head. A god illustrated with wings on his head is Hymen the god of marriage. Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy 156 7. 33 Sampaolo and Bragantini, Pitture Pompeiana, passim 34 Roman Women 75 76.
65 CHAPTER 5 INTERPRETATIONS OF T HE ICONOGRAPHY EXHIB ITED IN MN 9022 Roman Priestess or Bride? While an investigation of MN 9022 reveals that the fresco contains influences from both Roman religious and nuptial spheres, an interpretation of the scene must also take into account diverse geographic and cultural idioms working within the Bay of Naples. s home to many port cities. These commercial ports served as conduits for the extensive trade of various Mediterranean ideas, cultural practices, and material goods The Bay of Naples became a mixing pot for Etruscan, Hellenic, Phoenician, Egyptian and na tive Italic influences, a ll which manifested themselves in the arts manufactured in Campania. During the late Roman Republic and early Imperial periods, classical and Hellenistic art was reinterpreted for domestic display throughout Augustan Rome. The clas sicizing style and Rome during the first century, but also a s blend of Greek style and Roman elements in addition to its religious and nuptial iconography make modern interpretations of this multifaceted toilette scene difficult. Therefore, how do we approach a reading of the painting: as a Greek, Roman, bridal, or religious scene? drapery of the main character appear to have been appropriated from the Small Herculaneum Woman figural type, which was an original
6 6 1 In addition to visual quotations of Greek statuary, ancient textual sources provide evidence that connects the young woman in MN 9022 to the Greek br idal toilette. As discussed in C hapter 2, the elite status of the young woman was conveyed through the color of her violet tunica and jewelr y. The second century B.C.E. author, Achilles Tatius, described the lavish preening and rich garments a Greek bride received on her wedding day, which corresponds to the adornment and violet tunica of the young woman in MN 9022: She had a necklace of color ed gems, and a dress all of purple, and in the place where on other dresses there is purple, on this dress there was gold. The gemstones vied with one another; the blue one was a rose in stone, and the amethyst burned with gold, and looked like a golden eye. As for the dress the purple was not a second rate dye, but that which the Tyrians say gown. 2 (2.11.2 4) The poet Sappho, writing in the as iokolpos Achilles Tatius described had been a traditional color for the dress of Greek brides. Since purple wa 3 While MN 9022 contains emblematic classical Greek and Hellenistic influences, the s cene slippers and the glass pitcher figured under the wooden table. 4 1 Rigway, Roman Copies of Greek Sculpture: The Problem of the Originals 101 and Margarete Bi Proceedings from the American Philosophical Society vol 106, no. 2 (Apr. 1962):111 134. 2 Achilles Tatius (2.11.1 4 .) T ranslation from Oakley and Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens 16. 3 Oakley and Sinos, Th e Wedding in Ancient Athens 16. 4 Naumann 98.
67 Because of the characteristic elements of both Greek and Roman culture, MN 9022 should not solely be understood as either a Greek or a Roman creation. Rather, it is a product of the Augustan classicizing style and the cross cultural influences that coexisted in Campania. The toilette scene is not Greek or Roman, but distinctly Campanian. MN 9022 is not alone in its eclectic blend of Greek, Roman, religious, and nuptial influences. To understand the intricate mixing of imagery exhibited in MN 9022, we can look to the equally enigmatic Mysteries frieze as setting a standard and precedent for the in tegration of these visual spheres within Campania. megalographic wall decoration. Many twentieth influence and subsequently exa mined the paintings as appropriations of original Greek works. The visual quoting that occurs in the Mysteries frieze led G. de Petra, P.B. Mudie Cooke, and Ludwig Curtius to propose that the painted frieze was a copy from earlier Hellenistic wall decorati on. 5 Several scenes, including that of Dionysus and Ariadne, from the Mysteries frieze can be connected with figural groupings echoed in various media throughout the Mediterranean. The figural composition of the frescoed couple from the east wall of room 5 was reiterated through a terracotta figurine from Myrina, in the Louvre, a cameo from the Kunsthistorishes Museum in Vienna, a Domitianic coin from Smyrna, as well as a fresco from the triclinia of the Casa dei Vettii in Pompeii. A possible source for th e Dionysus and Ariadne composition may be a Hellenistic period painting by Aristeides of Thebes. The painting was on display in the Tempio di Cerere in Rome during the time the Villa dei Misteri frieze was painted. 6 In addition to the 5 Davis, 6
68 divine couple, the po se of the dancing female nude clashing cymbals on the southeast wall can be connected to a Neo Attic relief of a maenad. Meanwhile, the leaning cupid figure from the 7 A differen Maiuri, Margarete Bieber, and more recently by John Clarke and Roger Ling, acknowledges sual repertoire that was available throughout the ancient Mediterranean world. The fact that this imagery appears in such a variety of media, periods, and locations erodes the foundation of the theory that the mural is strictly a copy after one particular 8 These scholars believe the Campanian painter of the villa utilized and integrated a number of popular compositional types within the painted frieze, as opposed to copying the entire composition from a single prototype. 9 The Mysterie organization of doors and windows. 10 The way in which the groups of figures overlap and engage one another through interlocking glances unifies the fresco cycle. By drawing upon several peri ods and media found in Greek and Roman the Mysteries frieze serves as a foundation for the practice of cross cultural mixing displayed in MN 9022. 7 92. 8 The Houses of Roman Italy Ling, Roman Painting S 93. 9 10 187.
69 Additionally, t he Mysteries frieze can be viewed as setting a visual precedent for the integration of nuptial and religious spheres, which occurs in MN 9022. The megalographic fresco cycle presents imagery and activities associated with the realms of Bacchus and Venus, c ommunicating the idea that both deities had a role in Roman marital festivities. In addition to the patron of the theatre, wine, and revelry, the Mysteries frescoes also 6 on the east wall of the Villa life force, as a charm for fertility 11 Both Venus and Bacchus were associated with sexuality and fertility, which was symbolically and physically r maid, to matron, and later mother and domina of her family. The collaboration of Bacchus and Venus was not only a part of the visual tradition, but was also exemplified in ancient liter Aeneid parallels the sequence of events illustrated in the Mysteries frieze. 12 betrothal to Aeneas, Amata, the queen of Latium, allows her daughter to be abducted into the woods by maenads. Amata, Lavinia, and the maenads partake in Bacchanalian revelry and cult returned from the woods to be married to Aeneas. Brendel has identified equivalenci es between 11 The Villa of the Mysteries: Ancient Ritual, Modern Muse ed Elaine Gazda, 38 49 (Ann Arbor: Kelsey Museum of Archaeology and The University of Masks of Dionysus, ed. T. Carpenter and C. Farone, 44 64 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993) 12
70 this literary event and the cycle of events pictured in the Villa dei Misteri as a preparatory Dionysiac ritual followed by a wedding. 13 Therefore the maenad and bride can be viewed similarly as participating in rites of passage. The visual and t extual evidence suggests that the sequence of religious cult activity followed by a wedding ceremony may have been a common practice in Rome. The mixing of nuptial and religious spheres did not only occur in relationship to the cult of Bacchu s and Venus. As illustrated in C hapters 3 and 4, scenes of feminine priestly and prenuptial activity had mutual and overlapping iconographic elements, which were exhibited in Greek vase painting and Roman frescoes. Vegetal leaves were a common signifier of both marriag e and religious events. The use of the Heraclean knot was utilized in the dress of both the priestess and the bride, as was the use of vittae to bind their coiffures. The fact that the dress of many of the most visible women in Roman society, that is, appo inted priestesses, conforms to liminal space and activities of nuptial and religious spheres. rons is illustrated through seni crines Their hair was reported to have been plaited in the fashion of the Roman bride, and bound with w oolen infula. a mantle. In addition to the mantle the Vestals wore long, stola like garments, which were associated with the Roman matron. 14 13 14 Takacs, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons 83.
71 heir liminal status, the daily attire of the nuptial flammeum communicated her role as eternal bride. 15 T he ancient author Festus stated e flammeum is worn by the Flaminica Dialis that is the wife of the [Flamen] Dialis and the priest of Jupiter, the cloth of which is the same color of 16 flammeum as a good omen, becaus e the Flaminica, the wife of the Flamen [Dialis,] to whom divorce was not 17 The practice of overlapping nuptial and religious realms occurred at the official cult level, be due in part to the practice of religious rites and sacrifice that took place prior to and during the wedding c eremony. Both Greek and Roman brides gave offerings before their wedding day. It was necessary for both the bride and groom to make sacrifices paying respect to the gods for their good fortune. 18 Artemis/Diana and Aphrodite/Venus received the majority of sacrifices from young brides. phrodite, the bride had to propitiate also the 15 Tak acs, Vestal Virgins, Sibyls, and Matrons 114. 16 17 18 Oakley and Sinos, The Wedding in A ncient Athens 11.
72 19 The bride would make offerings to the marriage union. 20 The night be fore her wedding day, the Roman bride made sacrifices to the symbolic of her girlhood and passage into womanhood. 21 s and nuptial spheres exemplified their conception of how these entities were connected and interacted with one another on a daily basis. Religious, administrative, marital, commercial, and military realms were not specifically delineated, but rather frequ ently and un problematically overlapped in the ancient Roman world This may be a difficult concept for modern viewers because we live in a world that segregates and makes secular the activities we engage in outside of organized religion, but to the Romans religion was an entity that touched all facets of life. In the same way that the female figure from the Mysteries frieze may be understood as simultaneously a bride and Dionysiac initiate, the young woman in MN 9022 may be conceived within a similar fra mework of religious preparation or initiation followed b y marital activities. The polysemy of the visual language and activities that fall within the religious and nuptial context complicate our modern reading of MN 9022 It is difficult to identify the yo ung woman definitivel y as a Roman bride or priestess because she may be both. employed 19 Oakley and Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens 12. 20 Oakley and Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens 12. 21 Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy 10.
73 22 Brendel states : Wedding rites are intended to detach the bride from her original family and admit her to a new one. Mystical initiations transfer human bein gs into a new religious frame of mind and, at the same time, award them a new and higher religious degree. Mystical initiations and weddings are indeed comparable. 23 It is likely that MN 9022 would have been read and understood by first century Campanian au MN 9022 is no ordinary toilette scene. T he painter purposefully included the vegetal branches, vitta decorated box, and glass pitcher to communicate both the eve nt taking place and the young gold dress can be understood simultaneously within the religious and nuptial context is not a coincidence. The fresco is a snapshot like of passage. I believe what the fresco painter intended to capture was the liminal stage between allowing her t o simultaneous ly be understood as an initiate or priestess, and bride. Conclusions: Proposed Context and Audience for MN 9022 After the earthquake of 62 C.E., the people of Campania went to work rebuilding and redecorating the public and private structure s damaged during the natural disaster. Many and fashionable Fourth Style while salvaging prized scenes from their current Second and Third Style fresco decorati on. Artisans were commissioned to cut these framed scenes from the 22 23
74 outdated or earthquake damaged walls and to integrate the panels into new Fourth Style decorative programs. aneum Palestra complex were cut out of their original walls with the likely intention of being reused in Orientalis II residential/commercial complex, which was h objective being to refurbish or resell the painting for new wall decoration. Regardless of the holding place before the toilette scene would have been restored and reintroduced into its Althoug h the Palestra complex in Insula Orientalis II where MN 9022 was discovered was on of other toilette and domestic genre scenes discusse d in C hapter 4, which have been discovered in situ or with established find spots. Therefore, the toilette/domestic setting and the all female cast of MN private domus in Herculaneum. Although the Roman home was not strictly segregated by gender, it is not surprising to find that chambers within the domus displayed wall decoration with feminine oriented subjec ts and themes. These scenes traditionally appeared in areas of the domus or villa that were more private and secluded, identifying them as chambers utilized by the domina, her female family
75 members, and their companions. 24 rs were not specifically bedrooms or dining rooms, rather they most likely served a multifunctional purpose as a place for women to convene, converse, and, most importantly for this inquiry, to be used as a space for daily and ritual preening as a toilette 25 original chamber may have been a private room that was utilized as a w Little proposed the nuptial content of the megalographic fresco frieze in the Villa dei Misteri 26 of a bridal toilette may further expose the but as a bridal toilette for the female family members of the home. The same way modern wedding pho tographs of the bridal toilette and marriage ceremony document and preserve memories, the toilette scene in MN 9022 may have served a nostalgic purpose in reminding the women utilizing the space of their wedding day and preparations. By alluding to religio elevated status as an elite matron and transformation into woman and motherhood. 24 Andrew Wal lace Kleiner and Susan Mathenson, 104 115 (New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery, 1996) and Clarke, Ritual, Space, and Decoration, 158. 25 37. 26 Little, A Roman Bridal Drama at the Villa of the Mysteries, 9 10
76 APPENDIX LIST OF ART WORKS CI TED A 1. Sunk Relief of Queen Nef eru from Dayr al Bahri The bes Egypt. ca. 2008 1957 B.C.E, Second par t of XI Dynasty; Middle Kingdom. 19 x 23.6 x 1.9 cm, painted limestone. Brooklyn Museum http://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/3599/Sunk_Relief_of_Queen_Neferu A 2. Vestizione della Sacerdotessa from Palestra complex, Insula Orientalis II Herculaneum. 1st century C.E. 44 x 44 cm, Third Style fresco. MN 9022, Muse o Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://www.lessing photo.com/dispimg.asp?i=11010126+&cr=204&cl=1 A 3. Plan of Herculaneum detail of Insula Or ientalis I/II. (in Maiuri, Herculaneum, excavation plan included as insert.) A 4. from Palestra complex, Insula Orientalis II Herculaneum, 1st century C.E. 39 x 39 cm, Third Style fresco. MN 9019, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli. Acc essed February 22, 2011 http://www.lessing photo.com/dispimg.asp?i=11010129+&cr=207&cl=1 A 5. Due Eroi from Palestra complex, Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, 1st century C.E. 44 x 44 cm, Third Style fresco. MN 9020, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli (in Sampaolo and Bragantini, La Pittura Pompeiana, fig. 48, p. 165.) A 6. Concerto from Palestra complex, Insula Orientalis II, Herculaneum, 1st century C.E. 44 x 44 cm Third Style fresco. MN 9021, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli (in Sampaolo and Bragantini, La Pittura Pompeiana, fig. 46, p. 163.) A 7. Portraits of Vestal Virgins, in the House of the Vestal Virgins on the Forum Romanum, third century C.E. marble sculpture, building before the second century B.C.E.; continually modified through the third century C.E. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedi a/commons/d/d4/Vestalvirgins11.jpg A 8. Portrait Head of Vestal Virgin 2 nd century C.E. h. 29.3cm, w. 23.3 cm, Marble sculpture #1979. 1108.1, British Museum Collection Accessed February 22, 2011 http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/ search_object_details.as px?objectId=465546&partId=1&searchText=vestal+virgin&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_co llection_database.aspx&numpages=10¤tPage=2 A 9. Sacerdotess Isiaca 79 C.E. 45 x 24 cm, Le Collezioni del Museo Nazionale di Napoli v ol. 1, fig. 278.)
77 A 10. Priestess of Isis early second century C.E. h. 179.5 cm, Marble statue. MC 0744, Museo Capitolini, Rome. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://en.museicapitolini.org/percorsi/percorsi_per_temi/dei_eroi_e_figure_mitiche/statua_d i_isi de A 11. Procession of Cybele, fresco scene from shop o Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans fig. 48 49, p. 90 ) A 12. Female acolyte (camilla) of Bacchus with offering tray scene 1 2 from room 5, Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii. 60 49 B.C.E. Second Style fresco. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Roman_Painting_1.jpg A 13. Priestess (or Initiate) of Myster y Cult of Bacchus from Villa dei Misteri. 60 40 B.C.E. Second Style fresco Accessed February 22, 2011 http://www.lessing photo.com/dispimg.asp?i=03050342+&cr=4&cl=1 A 14. Rel igious Ceremony of Isis from Herculaneum. 50 79 C.E. 95 x 96 cm, Third Style fresco. MN 8924, Museo Arc heologico Nazionale di Napoli. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://www.less ing photo.com/dispimg.asp?i=10040355+&cr=96&cl=1 A 15 Cybele 2 nd century C.E. 120 x 120 cm, marble relief. Museo Capitoline, Rome (in Beard, North, and Price. Religions of Rome v ol 2, p. 211.) A 16. Decking of the Bride scene 9 from room 5, Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii. 60 40 B.C.E. Second Style fresco ( in Miauri, Roman Painting p. 61.) A 17. Domina, scene 10 from room 5, Villa dei Misteri, Pompeii. 60 40 B.C.E. Second Style fresco. Accessed Februrary 22, 2011 http://www.lessing photo.com/dispimg.asp?i=11010149+&cr=227&cl=1 A 18 Bride in gynaeceum, 1 st century C.E. Third Style fresco, Villa Imperiale, Pompeii (in Maiuri. Roman Painting 106.) A 19. Aldobrandini Weddin g, from Esquil ine Rome, first century B.C.E. fresco, Vatican Museum. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Aldobrandini_wedding.JPG A 20. Bride in gynaeceum (also known as Phaedra and Nurse) from unidentified building in Pompeii. 20 60 C.E. #1856, 0625.5 from British Museum Collection. Accessed February 22, 2011 http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_image .as px?objectId=466195&partId=1&searchText=wall+painting%2c+pompeii&orig=%2fresearch%2 fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&numPages=10¤tPage=2&asset_id=192092 A 21. Fanciulla allo specchio, from triclinium 7, Villa di Arianna, Stabiae. mid late 1 st century C.E. 50 x 33 cm, Fourth Style fresco. MN 9088, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli in
78 Sampaolo and Bragantini, La Pittura Pompeiana, fig. 244, p. 456.) A 22. Wedding of Mars and Venus, from tablinum, Casa di M. Lucrezio F rontone, Pompeii. ca 25 45 C.E. 46 x 47 cm, Third Style fresco. MN 9250 Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli Accessed February 22, 2011 http://picasaweb.google.com/clements.peter/Publi cDomain#5374284425572940914
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84 BIOGRA PHICAL SKETCH Laura Winn was born and raised in Wilmington, Massachusetts In 2003 Laura completed her BF A in p hotography with d epartmental honors and in 2007 a Master of Arts in Teaching in Integrated Learning in Educational Technology from Jacksonville U niversity in Florida. A t the University of Florida, research has foc used on Greek and Roman painting and the representation of women in classical art. Laura plans to continue her education by pursing a PhD in art h istory with a focus in Roman Art a nd Archaeology