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1 ARISING FR OM THE TREES: ACHIEVEMENTS CHANGES, AND CHALLENGES OF THE RUBBER TAPPERS MOVEMENT IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON By LEONARDO MARQUES PACHECO A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011
2 2011 Leonardo Marques Pacheco
3 To Almi Pacheco, for everyt hing he taught me about life. T o Luana eyes I continue to learn
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my parents Almi Pacheco, and Olivete Marques and my siblings Luciano, Luiz Paulo, Clarissa, Paulo Henrique, Livia, Almi, Andre, Elza, Patricia, Carolina, Katia, Gilson, Alessandra, and Lidice for the stron g and eternal support I thank Ana for her friendship and for sharing with me the most precious part of our lives I would like thank my adviser Marianne Schmink for her constant support and Allegretti and Stephen Perz for their thoughtful insights. Thanks to Robert Buschbacher, Jonath an Dain, Charles Wood, and Carmen Diana Deere for providing me with the Wanda Carter for their indispensable support. I would like thank Amanda Bemis for the careful assi stance in the revision of this thesis. Thanks to Valerio Gomes, Paula Soares Pinheiro, Eric Carvalho, Mason Mathews, Shoana Humphries, Pedro Constantino, Ana Carolina Crisostomo, Amy Duchelle, Wendy Lin Bartels, Geraldo Silva, Amintas Rossete Denyse Mello Raissa Guerra, Ricardo Mello Ane Alencar, Vivian Zeiderman, Iran Rodrigues Lucas Fortini, Morena Maia, Bruna Brand o, Sam Schramski, and Wendy Francesconi for their strong support Grinter Hall does not even suspect the strong foundations of love and fr iendship that we built there. To my colleagues from the B oteco do Pacheco study group. M would not be the same without your helpful insights. Thanks to the staff from the National Council of Rubber Tappers from the states of Acre, Par, Am azonas, and Tocantins states. Thanks to the staff from the Pastoral Land
5 Commission from Acre and Amazonas. Thanks to the staff from the Forest Library (Biblioteca da Floresta) from Acre especially Edegard de Deus. Tha n ks to Dercy Teles from the Rural Wor kers Union of Xapuri. Thanks to Celia Regina Cristina da Silva Sandra Gon alves, Atanag ildo de Deus, Joaquim Belo, Mano el Cunha, Julio Barbosa de Aquino, Jo se Maria Barbosa de Aquino, Raimunda Gomes Emilia Rodrigues Elson Pacheco, Ivo da Silva, Francisco Pinto, Erivan Morais, Adevaldo Dias Francisco Ademar, Osv aldo O liveira Jovina Gomes Manuel da Concei o, Raimundo Barros Juan Rueda for sharing their stories, friendship, and thoughts about the rubber tappe rs movement. The technicians from IC MBIO : Waldemar Londres Vergara, Katia Helena de Barros, Rosenil de Oliveira, Erika Pinto, Euvaldo da Silva, Felipe Mendona Sebasti o da Silva, Bruna de Vita, Karina Dino, Sandra Maria Barbosa, and Jose Maria da Silva thanks for their support during the collection of data. Additional thanks to the Amazonian Conservation and Leadership Initiative and Moore Foundation for funding my research, making possible the systematic development of my critical thinking
6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 8 LIST OF ABBREVIATI ONS ................................ ................................ ............................. 9 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 11 CHAPTER 1 OPENING THE RUBBER TRAILS ................................ ................................ .......... 13 2 FROM THE ROOTS TO THE LEAVES: CHANGING THE SCALE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE RUBBER TAPPERS MOVEMENT ................................ ........ 20 Theoretical Framework ................................ ................................ ........................... 20 Problem Statement ................................ ................................ ................................ 22 Research Question ................................ ................................ ................................ 23 Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 23 Results ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 25 Laying the groundwork (1839 1945) ................................ .............................. 25 The Rise of the Rubber Tappers Movement (1970 1990) ............................. 30 Institutionalization of a Policy Proposal (1990 2002) ................................ ..... 55 2007) ................................ ........................... 65 Reframing the struggle (2007 2009) ................................ .............................. 68 3 DIVERGING PATHS: ACHIEVEMENTS, STRATEGIES AND DEMANDS IN THE RUBBER TAPPER MOVEMENT ................................ ................................ .... 84 Theoretical Framework ................................ ................................ ........................... 84 Problem St atement ................................ ................................ ................................ 88 Research Question ................................ ................................ ................................ 91 Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 92 Results ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 93 Achievements ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 93 Strategies ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 101 Breaking the order: The use of non conventional strategies. ................... 101 Predictable dissent: conventional but still unexpected. ............................ 105 Demands ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 115 4 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 126 APPENDIX: LIST OF EXTRACTIVE RESERVES, ASSOCIATIONS AND POSITION OF INTERVIEWEES ................................ ................................ ............................. 143
7 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 146 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 155
8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Extractive Reserve Areas Created and Management Instruments Implemented. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 120 3 2 Number of Extractive Reserves by Number of Management Instruments Implemented ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 124
9 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S BASA Amazonian Bank CAUREM Central of the Associations of the Users of the Marine Extractive Reserves CEBs Base Ecclesiastic Communities CENTRU Center f or Education and Culture of the Rural Worker. CNBB National Conference of Brazilian Bishops CNPT National Center for the Sustainable Development of Traditional People CNS National Council of Rubber Tappers COIAB Coordination of Brazilian Amazonian Indigenou s Organizations CONTAG Nation al CPT Pastoral Land Commission CTI Center for Indigenist Work CUT Central Workers Union FETAGRI Rural Workers Federation FPA GTA Amazonian Working Group IBAMA Bra zilian Institute of Environment and Natural Renewable Resources IEA Institute for Environmental and Amazonian Studies INCRA National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform MIQCB In terstate Movement of Babassu Brea kers MONAPE National Fishermen's Movement MOPEPA Fishermen's Movement of Par State NGO Non Governmental Organization PAC Growth Acceleration Program PAE Extractive Settlement Projects
10 PNRA National Plan of Agrarian Reform PPG 7 Pilot Program to Conserve the Brazilian Rain Forest RTM Rubb er Tapper Movement SPVEA Superintendence for the Economic Valorization of the Amazon Region STR Rural Workers Union SUDAM Amazonian Development Superintendence UNI Indigenous Nations Union
11 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts ARISING FR OM THE TREES: ACHIEVEMENTS CHANGES, AND CHALLENGES OF THE RUBBER TAPPERS MOVEMENT IN THE BRAZILIAN AMAZON By Leonardo Marques Pac heco May 2011 Chair: Marianne Schmink Major: Latin American Studies A remarkable characteristic of the social movements that arose in Latin America in the 1980s is the central role that identity played in their mobilization and formulation of demands. Following the political opening, some of their demands were incorporated by the state. The outcomes of this recognition and the relationship established with the gover nment vary across a broad spectrum. Some movements disappeared, others changed their goals and demands, and others were informally incorporated into the structure of the government as branches of agencies. Some authors have been asserting that the new inte raction established with this relationship led to changes in the which include demands, dynamics, strategies, and frames. In this paper I will operationalize these concepts, analyzing how the changes affect the dynamic s relat ed to the mechanism of scale shift and how this relationship affects the perception of achievements, strategies, and formulation of demands by the rubber tappers movement. To achieve these goals, I used different sources of information: previous studies, a rchives of local and national organizations, and semi structured interviews with 43 leaders of the social movement The results show that the rubber tappers movement has been changing its strategies and demands. However this
12 does not mean that the social m ovement is becoming less effective in pursuing their demands through the realm of politics. The development of specific frames as a strategy, and the growth of the movement, led to a friction in relation to the strategies, frames, and definition of goals between low er and high er level leaders. This friction leads to a tension between them, but is part of a dilemma in which the rubber tappers movement tries to influence the making of public pol icies.
13 CHAPTER 1 OPENING THE RUBBER TRAILS People say that when you are at the base it is good because you are organizing your reach this level, in which you can have a national meeting and bring this entire people together, you go further, and your struggle becomes more respected We used to fight using an old and small shotgu n in our hands, a fishnet on our backs, and carrying a machete at our hips. But we went further. Nowadays we have all this technology, comrades, and support Besides this, the most important is that we conquered the land! That was our main demand! Furtherm ore we are more respected today. The cultural Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007 On October 5 th 2010 the Wall Street Journal ran a half page news story about the about the defeat of Marina Silva as a candidate from the Green Party in the presidential election of 2010. Her defeat could be understood as a victory too. Even without the and that she left in 2009, Marina Silva obtained 19% of the vote, which corresponds to 20 million of the electorate. Duri ng the campaign, and with a platform based on the building of a fair and sustainable nation and ethics in politics, Marina Silva was framed as a socio environmental leader and a person who surpassed difficulties to reach a position in which she was able to influence politics Born in the Seringal Bagasso, a rubber estate close to the city of Rio Branco, Acre, Marina has tapped rubber since her childhood and learned to read when she was sixteen years old Having a political foundation based in the branch of the Catholic Church that adopted liberation theology, she has a long history of participation in the mobilizations that started during the seventies in the Brazilian Amazon for the
14 establishment of a new path fo r developmental policies. In 1990, when she was 36 years old, Marina became the youngest senator in the history of the country and in 2003, she was indicated as Minister of Environment in the Workers Party term. r tappers movement too. The movement arose in the seventies in the Brazilian Amazon demanding for creation of extractive reserves, welfare policies, and participation in the process of making developmental public policies for the Amazon. In 1990, in a coal ition with indigenous and environmental movements, the rubber tappers movement held the first Meeting of the Forest People. The event happened in a small gymnasium in the city of Rio Branco and had the participation of one hundred and fifty people. In 2007 almost twenty years later rubber tapper, indigenous, and environmental movements got together again in Brasilia the Brazilian capital, with other social movements and non governmental organizations from the entire country to evaluate the changes in the movements and discuss new and common demands. They brought together more than five thousand people in one of the main convention centers of the city Furthermore, they had the participation of Ministers and the national P resident in the opening of the mee ting. The local movement that challenged the paradigm of developmental policies for the Amazon region in the eighties accomplished more than they ever imagined when they seized the North of the country. The victories of the movement can be easily quantifi ed by the fact that now we have more than 48 extractive reserves decreed by the federal government in the Brazilian Amazon and more than 110 new demands for reserves presented by the social movement all around the country. Furthermore, they gained visibili ty and have been electing candidates, such as Marina Silva, for different
15 posts in Brazilian politics since the eighties These dramatic changes raise deep questions about the relationship between social movements and the state Expanding from their partic ular cases, in Latin America many countries faced a strong uprising of social movements after the breakdown of military rule (Eckstein, 2001). A remarkable characteristic of these social movements is the central role that identity has in their formation an d demands (Escobar and Alvarez, 1992). Following the political opening, some of their demands were incorporated by the state and led to the recognition of some of their claims and the incorporation of rights in the new constitutions, even though in practic e they were not always enforced The outcomes of the recognition of their rights and the relationship established with the state vary across a broad spectrum. Some movements disappeared, other changed their goals and demands, and others were informally incorporated in the structure of the government as branches of various agencies (Paley, 2001). Another factor that contributed to t he interdependence between government and social movements was the lack of resources by many of the social movements for their self maintenance (Foweraker, 1995). On the other hand, support with resources seems to be an important tool of the state to stifl e many of the demands of social movements (Paley, 2001). Even though there is a large list of studies about the rubber tapper movement (Allegretti, 2002, 1979; Almeida, 2004; Brown and Rosendo, 2000; Calaa, 1993; Eringhaus, 2006; Gomes, 2001; Gonalves, 2 001; Cardoso, 2002), few of them addressed the internal dynamics since institutionalization of the extractive reserves as
16 public policy, nor local level dynamic. Furthermore, few studies covered the diversity expressed in the different chapters of the rubb er tapper s movement. It is important to have a clear definition of that which I call the rubber tappers movement. The movement arose in the state of Acre in the seventies. In the beginning, it was composed basically of rubber tappers. With the active effo rt of its main leaders, the rubber tappers movement has grown up and encompassed groups from different regions and with different identities. Nevertheless, to make reference to the movement the label they currently use. Some authors have asserted that the new interaction established in this relationship led to changes (professionalization, demobilization, formalization) in the social movements repertoire which include s demands, dynamics, strategies, and frames (Staggenborg, 1988; Klandermans et al. 1998; Hipsher, 1998; Lebon, 1998). Considering this context, in this thesis I will address the question of the changes in social movements as they relate to their relationship with the government and among their constituents, and the consequences of these changes as perceived by the main leaders. I will use two different theoretical frameworks to explore this question. The first developed by Mc Ada m et al. (2008) proposes analyses of the dynamics of social movements through common mechanisms and processes that they identify: actor constitution, polarization and scale shift. The la tter will be useful in our discussion in C hapter 2 about the dynamic adopted by the rubber tapper s movement in two different political contexts of their history: before and after the process of institutionalization of
17 extractive reserves as a public policy. The second approach in C hapter 03, focuses on changes in the strategies and demands caused by the attainment of their goals and the close relationship established with the state Considering this background, my main research questions are How d id the relationship established with the state and a change in the political context affect the To answer this question I will consider the changes in the dynamic s of the social movement and in the choices and perceptions of the rubber tappers movement leaders. The main question brings me to two secondary questions that will be the theme of the Chapter 02 and Chapter 03 How did the relationship established with the state and a change in the political context affect the dynamics of t he rubber tappers movement? How did the relationship established with the state and a change in the political context affect the choice of demands and tactics and perceptions about achievements of the rubber tappers movement leaders? To analyze the development and evolution of the rubber tapper movement and the creation of extractive reserves I drew on different sources of information. The first was previous studies about different aspects of the rubber tapper movement and the creation of extractive reserves. The second source of information was the archives of local and national organizations involved in the history of extractive reserves or the social movement organizations surrounding the extractive reserves, and the third was interviews conducted with leaders of the social movements from September 2007 to June 2009. Furthermore, I conducted semi stru ctured interviews, and recorded speeches and talks given by leaders of the social movement organizations in different
18 meetings promoted by them. In the analysis of the data collected, I used discourse analysis, and a statistic program (SPSS) to verify the frequency of the answers. The innovative aspect of this research remains in the fact that most of the studies related to social movements address question s about national or local social movements. In my research I propose an analysis of the dynamic s betw een leaders at different levels of action within the same movement highlighting the importance, similarities and challenges faced in this interaction. Specifically in the case of the rubber tappers movement despite the number of studies about the movemen t or their main demand, the extractive reserves, few studies have been dedicated to the internal and current dynamic s of the rubber tappers movement after their main policy achievements The results show that the close relationship established between the rubber tappers movement and the state had a considerable impact on The strategies and demands adopted by the social movement have been affected by the clientelistic relation ship establish with the state ; h owever this does not mean th at the social movement became less effective in pursuing their demands through the realm of politics. The development of specific frames as a strategy and the growth of the movement led to a friction between lower and higher level leaders in relation to the strategies and frames Nevertheless the goals remain ed the same This friction leads to a tension among different levels of leadership, but it is part of a dilemma faced by leaders of all levels about keep ing their power to influence in the making of p ublic policies and maintain ing the movement with the state as main resource provider Furthermore, t he study contributes to the literature o n dynamics of social movements and scale shift showing how different dynamics can be performed by the same social
19 movement in different periods of its history. The case of institutionalization of a public policy they proposed and the outcome of reach ing their goals suggest s that the enlargement of a social movement can cause tension among their main leaders, without imply ing its demobilization.
20 CHAPTER 2 FROM THE ROOTS TO THE LEAVES: CHANGING THE SCALE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE RUBBER TAPPERS MOVEMENT Theoretical Framework Mc Adam, Tarrow and Tilly (2008), instead of working with the classic social movement agenda, pr opose a more dynamic analysis of the development and outcomes of social movements as part of a strategy to promote a broader understanding of contentio u s politics through the mechanisms and processes that they identify as common. The authors describe thre e processes: actor constitution, polarization, and scale shift. The latter will be useful in our discussion about the dynamic adopted by the rubber tapper movement in two different political contexts of their history: before and after the institutionalizat ion of extractive reserves as a public policy. coordinated contentio u s actions leading to a broader contention involving a wider range of actors and bridging their claims and ide et al. 2008: 331). Even when they are successful, most social movements are not able to spread their claims beyond the local or regional level s However, some social movements have spread the word about their demands to upper levels, inc reasing their chances of reaching their goals (Della Porta & Tarrow, 2005). The study of the scale shift process as a robust emergence and maintenance is becoming more common with the emergence of transnational and global s ocial movements (Della Porta & Tarrow, 2005; Della Porta et al. 2009; Tarrow, 2007). In his analysis of a scale shift mechanism, Tarrow (2007) proposes a descriptive model that starts with a local action followed by the establishment of some coordination
21 through the creation of cross spatial collaboration. However, the coordination reaches its goal only if a practical mechanism that links social sites (brokerage) functions in consonance with a generalization of a local idea or claim to a broader group of potential demanders or theorization (Tarrow, 2007). This process is similar to that of the formation of a master or collective action frame that can be operational for a large number of groups (Snow et al. 1986; Snow and Benford, 1988; Benford and Snow, 2000). The next component of the model proposed by Tarrow (2007) is an object and claim shift. The author proposes an explanation in which moving the contention from one level to another leads to changes either in the claims or in the form in which the ideas are presented, with new targets or ideas attached to them. The sixth component between two political actors and of relations across The last phase of this process is the scale shift. Scale shift can operate in two directions: upward, which happens in those cases in which the local action spreads beyond their original limits, to upper levels; and dow nward, referring to cases in which the contention goes from upper levels to regional shift leads to the identification of new targets and to the making of new claims, downw ard scale shift allows lower level activists to take on local targets and make local claims in new and different way s. Some authors have been theorizing and studying the process of scale shift in different social movements in recent years. However the st udies refer to analy s es of
22 scale shifts involving different social movements and are centered on upward scale shift s (Tarrow, 2007; Mc Adam et al. 2008; and Della Porta & Tarrow, 2005). In this C hapter I will analyze a case of scale shift performed by the same social movement ( the rubber tappers movement) in different periods of its history and how it was influenced by changes in the political context and institutionalization of the extractive reserves Problem Statement During the seventies the reaction s of rubber tappers to exclusionary governmental policies or poor life conditions happened simultaneously in different parts of the Amazon. I n the state of Acre, the rural workers union of Xapuri coordinated a process with the support of brokers that raise d the profile of a regional movement through the use of a general frame that encompassed the demands of rubbers tappers from the whole Amazon r egion. O ver a transition from a military rule to a democratic government, the movement underwent a change of thei r identit y and new themes were added to their claims for land tenure and welfare. Finally in 1990 the central demand of the social movement, the creation of extractive reserves, was recognized by the state. Twenty years later, the rubber tappers movement had bec o me a national movement, developed a large structure, and adopted a broader identity. The vertical structure and the growth of the movement seem to have led to conflicts among leaders at different levels when the national leaders tried to add new id eas to the previously well established claims. The political context was totally different as well. The Workers Party government led to a leadership drainage and cooptation, a closer relationship with the government and narrowing political opportunities.
23 Research Question How does the relationship established with the state and a change in the political context affect the dynamics of the rubber tappers movement? Methodology To answer my question, I drew on different sources of information. The first was previous studies about different aspects of the rubber tapper movement and the creation of extractive reserves. The second source of information was the archives of local and national organizations involved i n the history of extractive reserves or the social movement organizations surrounding the extractive reserves. I had access to the archives of the National Council of Rubber Tappers (CNS) in different states, state representations of the Pastoral Land Comm ission (CPT), the Interstate Movement of Babassu Br ea kers (MIQCB), and the Rural Workers Union of Xapuri, Acre Another important source of information was the archives of the Biblioteca da Floresta. The list of archives encompass es Internal documents, let ters, news in intern ational and national newspapers and public documents Furthermore, from September 2007 through June 2009, I conducted semi structured interviews, and recorded speeches and talks given by leaders of the social movement organizations tha t had been requesting the creation of extractive reserves. Additionally, I took part in different meetings they promoted. The meetings were: The II Meeting of the Forest People, held in September 2007; Forest People and Climate Change Workshop held in Apri Meeting of the Interstate Movement of
24 Babassu Breakers State Meeting of Traditional Populations from Acre To analyze the documents collected I considered the period, the main subject and the source. All the interviews were t ranscribed and analyzed th ro ugh the technique of discourse analysis Themes that emerged with frequency in the documents and interviews were considered rel e vant to the study. Furthermore, the role of the interviewed and the sources were considered in the analysis. For analytical purposes I divide d the history of the rubber tappers movement in four different periods according to the main changes in the social movement. The first period cover ed the formation of the rubber tappers movement during the 197 0s since the launching of the Program of National Integration (PIN), a public policy that changed the land use dynamic in the Amazon region and deeply affected the rubber tappers life, until the 1990s when the extractives reserves were recognized as publ ic policy by the Brazilian government. The second period covers the time from the recognition of Extractive Reserves as a public policy, in the beginning of the 1990s with the establishment of a close relationship between the rubber tapper movement and t he state, until the victory of Luis In was a leftist candidate with a historically close relationship with the rubber tappers movement. The third part of the temporal in 2002, in a period of high expectations related to the Workers Party government, and goes until 2007, when the rubber tappers movement started to mobilize to push their
25 demands within the government, usi ng a frame based mainly o n global warming and payment for environmental services. The fourth period covers the time between 2007, when the National Council of Rubber Tappers and other Amazonian social movements h e ld the II Meeting of Forest People, until 2 009, when most of these data were collected. Also, during this period the rubber tappers movement developed most of the elements that composed the new mobilization. However, before analyzing each of the periods, I included a brief presentation about the historical period that anteceded the emergence of the rubber tappers movement. In this part of the text I intended to show the bas is o n which the movement was grounded in the rubber boom and bust at the turn of the 20 th century, and the successive waves o f migration of people from Northeast of Brazil to the Amazon region. Results Laying the g round work (1839 1945) In 1839, when Charles Goodyear developed the process of vulcanization, which conferred more stability and durability to natural rubber, the mar ket for the exudates of the rubber tree ( Hevea brasileinsis ) faced a considerable boom (Hemming, 2008; Brockway, 2002). The use of the new product in different industries had as a main consequence a jump in the rubber demand from 31,365 tons of rubber in 1 827 to 2,673,000 in 1860 with little technological value added to the process of extraction, transportation, and manufacturing (Weinstein, 1993). The demand, the price, and the fact that the production of rubber was concentrated in the Amazon region broug ht an unexpected wealth to the region and rubber became the luxury of barons in cities such as Manaus and Bel m (Weinstein, 1993).
26 The earliest penetration by Europeans into the Amazon region led to the decimation of the indigenous populations that inhabited the estuary and the lower part of the Amazon basin (Bunker, 1984; Higbee, 1951). The main consequence was the scarcity of one of the most important components of an extractive economy: a cheap labor f orce (Barham & Coomes, 1994). From 1889 until 1891, an intense drought plagued the Northeast region of Brazil resulting in a massive migration of small farmers from the countryside to the capitals (Greenfield, 1992; Kenny, 2009). Looking to solve the pro blem of migration to the cities, the state governments organized a system to promote migration to other states, such as S o Paulo, Amazonas, Par and Maranh o (Secreto, 2007). Thus, the need met the opportunity and rubber patrons were able to secure a la rge number of workers available to tap rubber in the Amazon region (Hecht & Cockburn, 1989; Bunker, 1984; Cowell, 1991). Almeida et al. (2002) cites that just in 1878 more than 54,000 small farmers were transported from the Northeast to the Amazon to work in the rubber estates. Once recruited, transported, and provisioned, the rubber tappers were trapped in a system of debt enslavement (Bunker, 1992). The labor relationship between rubber tapper and rubber barons was deeply marked by exploitation of the fo rmer by the latter Their commercial relationship was exclusive The rubber tapper was obligated to exchange rubber for overpriced products only with the owner of the rubber estate, who established the price of both rubber and goods. They were obligated to pay for transportation from the northeast, food consumed during the trip, and the materials used
27 to tap rubber (Bunker, 1992). Besides this, the relationship also was marked by violence against the rubber tappers (Allegretti, 2002; Goncalves, 2003; Weinst ein, 1993). With a lucrative market, rubber became a coveted raw material and after failed attempts to cultivate rubber trees in the British colonies in the West and East Indies, the 2002). The impact of British plantations in Asia was devastating for Brazilian rubber production. In 1900, Brazil exported 26,750 tons of rubber and the Asian countries just 3 tons. After almost 20 years, the balance changed radically. In 1919 the British colonies in Asia were exporting 381,860 tons of rubber and Brazil was exporting just 34,285 tons (Brockway, 2002). The rubber bust had a cascade effect. A considerable portion of the rubber estates were sold at a low price or abandoned. Most rubber tapper s migrated to the cities and some remained in the rubber estates, changing the relationship between rubber barons and rubber tappers (Weinstein, 1993; Leonardi, 1999). Even with the effort of the Brazilian government to maintain and protect the rubber ma rket from 1912 to 1942, the rubber price increased only during World War II The conflict between Japan and the United States led to the closing of access by the allies to the rubber produced in Asia. The only way to get rubber as a raw material was to go back to the original source: the Amazon region. Through the Washington Agreement of 1942 the Brazilian government agreed to promote a large scheme to guarantee the supply of rubber to the United States. In addition, it constituted a huge opportunity for the Brazilian government to restructure the rubber market (Dean,1987).
28 The need for rubber to maintain the war machine met the perfect opportunity for the policies and programs promoted by P resident Getulio Vargas. Adopting a populist strategy and investin g large amount of resources in propaganda, the main pillars of his government were the promotion of modernization, industrialization, and the construction of a national identity. Thus, it was necessary to shift the frontier to the North and, consequently, structure of agencies to make the rubber system work, and established a program to recruit, train, transport, and allocate workers to the rubber estates located along the banks of the Amazon r ivers (Secreto, 2007). At first the main labor force utilized in the program was the arms and legs of the inhabitants from Northeast Brazil. The second wa ve of recruiting reached a broader area. Rubber soldiers were recruited from all states of Brazil (Martinello, 2004). Even considering all the structure s created by the government, upon arrival in the rubber estates the rubber soldiers were enslaved by debt, suffered violence, or were mistreated by the patrons (Martinello, 2004). However, the rubber tappers adopted forms of resistance against the violence and the system imposed by the rubber patrons. Some of the strategies used to respon d to the oppressi on were more subtle, such as selling rubber to independent buyers (regatoes), adding rocks to the rubber to make it heavier, since rubber was bought by the weight, or escaping from the rubber estates and from the debt enslavement. Some other strategies wer e more violent as in the
29 cases in which rubber tappers killed or lashed rubber patrons or foremen. One of the cases presented by Oliveira (1985) illustrates this situation: At Antimary River, a rubber patron used to tie rubber tappers to a tree with a ch ain on their feet and force them to gather herbs in a field with an armed foremen taking care of them. Sometimes he tied the arms and legs of rubber tappers to the ground, exposing them to rain, sun, and p ests Once, he ordered the forem a n to tie a rubber tapper to a tree. When other rubber tappers saw one of their own suffering, they became angry and one of them, a pernambuc an o [someone born in the state of Pernambuco] decided to cut the rope. Afterwards, the pernambucano told the rubber patron to try to tie him to the tree. The rubber patron became worried over the possibility of a rebellion and told him to go away from the rubber estate. The pernambucano convinced the other rubber tappers that had a debt to sell their rubber to another rubber estate So they took the tools with them, and went away leaving the rubber patrons without anything. In August 15, 1945, with the official surrender of Japan to the Allied Nations, the economic relationship between United States and the countries of Latin Ameri ca that had been supplying the Allies with rubber changed radically. The end of World War II brought back access to the cheaper rubber produced in Asia. Once the flux of rubber was already established, the American government instructed the state agencies involved with the programs addressing rubber production in those countries to shrink the programs until the termination of the legal agreements between the governments of Latin America and United States. With the end of the Vargas Era and the press liber ation, the problems of the rubber soldiers became public. Some estimates say that, between 1941 and 1945, at least 55,000 people were sent to the Amazon by the government (Secreto, 2007). Many After the end of World War II, many of them migrated to the cities, such as Manaus and Rio Branco. Many of them experienced starvation, misery, and had to beg in the streets. Just a few were
30 successful in going back to their hometowns and a considerable number of them remained in the rubber estates collecting rubber or working in the extraction of other products and in agriculture (Martinello, 2004; Oliveira, 2005). When word of the mistreatment of the migrants involved in the rubber battle was brought t o the attention National Congress, a feeling arose among the representatives was created in the National Congress to investigate the abuses of the campaign. After months of investigations, P resident Gaspar Dutra signed law decree 9882 of September 16, 1946 authorizing the elaboration of a plan to assist the rubber tappers that took part in the Rubber Battle Campaign. However, the rubber soldiers have their effort recognized as they expected based on the propaganda spread by the government. Thus, the two cycles of migration that occ urred, mostly from the N ortheast, to the N orth region of Brazil laid the groundwork for the next period that will be analyzed here, in which the constraints caused by policies related to colonization and the opportunities found by the rubber tappers led to the organization of the social movement and the ir claims for a public policy driven by the need to guarantee the historical land occupation by rubber tappers. The Rise of the Rubber Tappers Movement (1970 1990) The policies designed for the Amazon d uring the military dictatorship installed in Brazil in 1964 had as a main goal the promotion of the modernization, territorial integration, and consolidation of the national sovereignty (Becker, 2001). After the coup d'tat of 1964 and during the Cold War, the military worldview of Brazil saw the Amazon
31 as a region to be strategically occupied to protect Brazilian frontiers from violation by other countries. With this vision, the development of the Amazon became a national security issue. Even internationa l outcry against the destruction of the Amazonian rainforest and extermination of indigenous people w ere seen as an international threat to national sovereignty (Martins, 1984; Wood & Schmink, 1993). The base of the strategy was to build large infrastruc ture networks, create settlements for migrant laborers, subsidize enterprises to attract capital from other regions, and give lands to entrepreneurs from the S outh and S outheast (Becker, 2001; Schmink & Wood 1992). Furthermore the occupation of the Amazon region represented a solution to another problem created by the modernization of agriculture in the South, Southeast and Northeast regions of B razil. As a consequence of the green revolution, many small farmers were expelled from their lands or fired to make space for an extensive production o n large properties with mechanized structure s and biotechnological support. The plan developed for the Amazon region included the transfer of those small farmers In 1964, the government launched law 4504, the Estatuto da Terra (Land Statute). Even though the law was a milestone in the advance of agrarian issues, relevant points were suppressed by pressure of the rural elite during the ela boration of the policy. In 1970 the federal government created the National Institute of Colonization and Land Reform (INCRA) through the fusion of the Brazilian Institute of Agrarian Reform and the National Institute of Rural Development (INDA) (Mello, 20 06). Other institutions were created to give support to the occupation of the Amazon region. The Amazonian Development Superintendence (SUDAM) was created with the
32 dissolution of SPVEA ( Amazonian Economic Valorization Plan Superintendence ) The new agency (SUDAM) consolidated the attributes of different agencies becoming a powerful institution largely responsible to take decisions in the Brazilian Amazon. Besides this, the Amazonian Credit Bank became the Amazonian Bank (BASA). Instead of be ing responsible only for the buying and selling of rubber in the Amazon, the new institution started to receive a large budget to support developmental projects in the Amazon in different areas, such as logging, extractivism, cattle ranching, and mining, amon g other activities (Duarte, 1987). Once the responsible agencies for the task of promoting the colonization of the North region were created, in 1970 the government launched the Program of National Integration (PIN) with a main goal of creating settlements along the roads that were paved or under paving. Different models of settlements were created by the government in an effort to turn those lands in to productive belts. However, the migrants faced different conditions than those promised by the government. The schools, roads, technical support, and medical healthcare were often nonexistent or lacking (Mello, 2006). In a second moment, the government decided to concentrate its efforts on a productive occupation of the Amazon region through the II PIN. The s ocial emphasis of the first program w as changed to a favor more economic and productive focus (Schmink & Wood, 1992) The program was structured in fifteen productive pol e s established in the Amazon. With support of SUDAM and BASA, loans, free land, and fi scal incentives were given to national enterprises interested in developing activities such as cattle ranching, mineral exploitation, or logging in different locations in the North region.
33 In the state of Acre, considered the cr adle of the rubber tap per s movement, in addition to the fiscal incentives and financing given by the federal government, the state government also established a set of incentives to bring cattle producers from the South and S outheast. Wanderley Dantas, the governor invested in a strong campaign in the South and Southeast of Brazil to bring enterprises from those regions to invest in Acre. The main attractions propagated by the government were fiscal incentives, cheap land, and support of state agencies technical support, loan s given by the state bank (BANACRE), among other s (Duarte, 1987; Costa Sobrinho, 1992). The campaign was successful and had a deep impact on land use, land distribution, and the deforestation rate. From 1970 to 1974, 30% of the state of Acre was sold to 2 84 entrepreneurs from other regions of the country. Of this total, 32% was sold to just to four of them (Duarte, 1987). Furthermore, the areas authorized by the environmental agency to be deforested increased by 400%. Mainly, the areas deforested and occup ied were rubber estates sold at a very low price and converted to cattle ranches. The fragile situation of the land titles in the Amazon gave rise to organized land speculation and opened space for land grabbers to act freely (Duarte, 1987). This change in the land occupation happened at the expense of local and indigenous people who were expelled from their territories to the periphery of the state capitals such as Rio Branco and Porto Velho (Costa Sobrinho, 1992; Teixeira, 1999). The Rio Bra nco in 1977 a text d a
34 from the rubber estat es. Describing the landscape they sa id that: [ traditional house architecture used by rubber tappers and indigenous people ] although they are made with items scavenged from buildings from other parts of the city, a nd incorporate new elements, such as aluminum roofs and manufactured wood, [ a stem of a palm traditionally used to build houses ]. Besides this, they are designed with the traditional architecture used by the rubber tappers with two rooms, the first without walls, open for inviting the neighbors to talk, rest, and for hospitality. O Varadouro (1977: 1) They continued to descri be the dynamic in the neighborhood: Every day new families of rubber tappers arrive that have been e xpelled from the rubber estates that have been converted to cattle ranches, or taken by land speculators or developmental policies that do not include people O Varadouro (1977: 1) With the increase in the arrival of paulistas [ people born in S o Paulo ; a term used in Acre in the seventies to refer to those entrepreneurs arriving from other states ] and land speculation, the rubber tappers started to react in a different way to the threat of eviction. Even though in many cases they migrated to the cities or other areas, it was not uncommon to hear or read about other cases in which the rubber tappers reacted published a five page article about the rubber after being threatened with eviction by the new owner of the property, they killed a foreman. In the article they present the different versions of some of the individuals involved in the case: the landowner the foreman (previously interviewed), the rubb er tapper, the governor, the bishop, and the local representative of the agrarian reform agency. Talking about the assassination, the rubber tapper explained: I shot to kill ; if I had not done that, he would have killed me! The landowner s would like to ex pel us from the area, telling us that we were going to
35 another place, but they did not give us any security about the other place. They did not give us any document. They just wanted us to get out. I was threatened several times by him and I looked around for the state representatives. O Varadouro (1977: 3) The newspaper continues, saying how the rubber tapper held a meeting in his house with twenty other rubber tappers to decide what to do with the forem a n and his supporter s who were spreading terror in the rubber estate (O Varadouro, 1977). A strong reaction of rubber tappers to the threat of eviction happened not only in the state of Acre, but in other regions of the Amazon, such as Rond nia Amazonas and Par (Cousineau Adriance, 1995). Never theless, the mobilization s occurred locally and isolated with little or no connection among them. T he coordination and spread of the rubber tappers movement happened only afte r the process of democratization In 1974, whe n General Ernesto Geisel was appointed as resident, the country was economically ruined and facing a high level of popular dissatisfaction. Challenging the most conservative branch of the military government, Geisel started the presidency of Joo Figueiredo, from 1979 until 1985. The gradual transition to democracy and the diminishment of repression opened space for mobilizations and public demonstrations by civil soc iety (Sandoval, 1998). The process of democratization constituted a political opportunity for the rubber tappers movement in the sense that it allowed the emergence of brokers and support organizations such as the Catholic Church and NGOs -but violence at the local and state levels was still high. T he political opening did not happen uniformly all over the country and had a late impact in decreasing repression against rural workers in the North, mainly in those municipalities far from the c apital. In those places, power was still
36 (traditional elite patrons) who were not prone to give up their control over the poor and illiterate people. They were powerful local bosses who maintained their political and economic status t hrough the exchange of favors with the militar y and by using violence against local people (Leal, 1977) During the 1980s in Acre state, and the military police were a strong factor in maintaining the status quo Following the implementation of developmental polic ies in the Amazon, new and wealthy landowners from the South supported by the state, soon aligned their interests with the local oligarchies already established in power (Duarte, 1987). As usually happens, the stat e ma d e its structure available to the landowners in exchange for their economic and political support. T he mobilizations promoted by rubber tappers were strongly repressed by military police officers. It is possible to find in the pages of Acre newspapers uncountable registers of truculence, illegal arrest s beating s threats of death, and informal activities carried out (non violent standoff) promoted by rubber tappers in the Santa Fe Rubber Est ate in 1982 112 rubber tappers were arrested and beat en B eat en provides some details about the case: Many rubber tappers were subjected to violence by military police officers. At gunpoint they were obliged to lie face down in the road. A rubber tapper called Jose Ademir was kicked by the police officers. Another rubber tapper told us that a police officer put a machine gun in his mouth to obligate him released, referring to police officers. Gazeta do Acre (05.08.1982) In an other event reported by a rubber tappers denounced that a land owner had hired a police officer to intimidate the squatters in the municipality of Senador Guiomar. Accord to the news, the police officer
37 used a non registered machine gun and hired other military police officers from the municipality to threat en s and arrest s of 200 hundred rubber tappers who were occupying a rubber esta te. The seventy police officers arrived at the place shooting and beating the workers. Furthermore, they destroyed the ir houses and croplands The violence sometimes was directed at supporters of the rubber tappers movement. In a case registered by the new spaper Gazeta do Acre in August1987, the mayor of Xapuri himself beat and arrest ed Arn bio de Ara jo Marques, instructor teacher in a project organized by a n NGO and the Rural Workers Union of Xapuri to educate rubber tappers. The professor was supporting a public demonstration of rural workers against the lack of attention from local government to education. The professor was arrested by the sheriff and transported to the police office in the personal car of the mayor. After b eing tortured, the professor was released and tried to report to the mayor about the aggression he had suffered However, the sheriff refused to register the report Besides the rubber tappers, the church and rural workers unions were targeted and persecu ted as organizations that supported the rubber tappers movement. Andrew Revkin in his book about Chico Mendes and the rubber tappers movement (1990) talks about a moment in which the police forces were mobilized by the cattle ranchers against the church: T he ranchers tried to push the police officers to crack down on the church. In 1979, a training season for church monitors in Xapuri was broken up when half a dozen heavily armed men from the Military Police broke down
38 the door. They briefly jailed [Priest] Revkin, 1990. Pp: 145). Pimenta Bueno, two municipalities of Rondonia State, rural workers unions presidents along with priests were arrested and sued by the state for threaten ing the public order. Even in 1990, five years after the beginning of civilian rule, Revkin (1990: 140) was impressed with the strength of the presence of military police officers in small municipalities of the Amazon. Th to prevent the organization of civil society to push for demands. Even though at the beginning the Church stop the spread of communism, the violence of the military regimes reached the Church leading to an increase in the repressive apparatus as priests were jailed, tortured and expelled from the country (Smith, 1991; Klaiber, 1998 ; Cavanaugh, 1998). However, i n the context of a growing democ ratization, the maintenance of a subtle activism under the religious mission, the central role in t he political opening as one of the only social actors that still had leg itimacy and protected status to mobilize the civil society dismantled during the military rule (Drogus and Stewart Gambino. 2005). Since the formation of the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (CNBB) and the second Latin American Bishops Conference, that was held in Medellin in 1968, a branch of the Catholic Church in Latin America adopted a more critical view of the Catholic scriptures, through the incorporation of ideas about social justice and wealth distribution (Smith, 1991). In practice, one of the consequences of the spread of
39 Liberation theology was the formation of Ecclesiastical Base Communities (CEBs), groups of lay people who study the bible and use their reflections to critically analyze their own reality, and to the creation of the Pasto ral Land Commission (CPT) (Levine, 1986). The spread of the CEBS and the uprising of social movements in different parts of the country (Sandoval, 1998) were part of the main strategies to promote the mobilization of civil society In the case of the rubber tappers, the creation of CEBs and the stimulus to the development of critical thinking among rural communities paved the road to the organization and coordination of the movement among leaders in different parts of the region. One of the leaders of the social movement demanding the creation of extractive reserves in Par State described the dynamic of the CEBs: When the priest arrived here, he identified the potential leaders from each community and sent them to take courses. Tho se courses opened our mind about the world within a church that is not just concerned with praying, but with social causes too. Afterwards we started to bring this knowledge and fisherme n organization and a rural workers union to represent us. We need leaders that are really concerned with our situation. Consequently, everything that we started to work on came from this effort of the church. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Par 2009 He continues, with a description of the methodology used in these courses organized by the church: The course was based on a methodology proposed by this new church, the judge, and took three days to show us the reality of Brazil: the economic situation, the politics, the land conflicts. Usually we analyzed the s ituation at the national, state and local level. It was done with a biblical context, so we could learn the importance of reading the bible according to our reality.
40 me give an exampl e: the people of Egypt. How did politics and economy influence the way they lived? How can we link that reality with our reality? will only change the situation if we organize ourselves and create proposals for change. From the last part we started to learn about different ways to organize ourselves: unions, associations, cooperatives, communities, neighborhoods, among others. Leader of an Extractive Reserve, Para 2009 The expansion of CPT groups and formation of CEBs in rural communities of the Amazon region paved the way for the formation of associations and rural workers unions in different regions of the Amazon in which agrarian conflicts were sprouting (Adriance, 1995). On the agrarian frontier, the main reasons for the conflicts were the developmental policies adopted by the Brazilian government which did not take in to consideration policies previously implemented by other gov ernments (Duarte, 1987). However, in other parts of the Amazon, such as Amazonas state and the Juru Valley, the problem was still debt enslavement and the labor relationship between rubber tappers and patrons: The struggle there (Upper Juru ) was headed by rubber tappers that saw themselves as pressured by the traditional patrons that charge us a high rent, take our right to live on and use the land, and take our feelings of security. They sold us the goods for a high price and paid a low price for our r ubber, and these were the reasons that the rubber tappers decided to mobilize themselves and struggle for the creation of the extractive reserves, to secure their lands. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Acre 2009 The mission take n on by the church stimulated the formation and expansion of other organization s that had a crucial role in the development and growth of the rubber tapper movement, or the movement surrounding the creation of extractive reserves: the Rural Workers Union s During the govern ment of Jo o Goulart, the president who
41 preceded the coup d'tat, the rural workers made significant advances with the signing of the Rural Worker Statute in 1963. Even after the coup, they found a spot to base their legal demands in the Land Statute of 1964, which was promulgated as a strategy to calm down the mass of rural workers mobilized by Jo o Goulart and the Brazilian Communist Party in the early sixties. The National Confederation of Agricultural Workers (CONTAG ), a central organization that cong regates all rural unions, was formed in January 1964 and, even during military rule, increased in size by 9.4 % from 1964 to 1985 (Mayburry Lewis, 1994). Maybury Lewis (1994) attribute s this growth and maintenance of the organization to a strategy combining the use of government structure s and the subtle spread of the movement with the support of important allies. The arrival of CONTAG in the region and the formation of the first unions had a profound impact on the knowledge accessible to the rubber tapper s about their rights as squatters, with the enforcement of the Land Statute and Rural Worker Statute (Duarte, 1987). Thus, after the adoption of Liberation Theology by the Catholic Church, and sub sequent creation of CEBs and CPT, the leaders, originally ed ucated in the CEBs, started to establish organizations or rural workers unions and to demand the enforcement of the law and recognition of their rights ( Adriance, 1995). One of the supporters of the rubber tapper movement talks about this relationship: Ev rights, squatters, land statutes, and everything related to the land conflicts started in the Base Ecclesiastic Communities. Thus, the CEBs were important as the cradle of this movement. T hey created a base for the leaders. They created a cultural broth for the birth of the unions. The unions rose after that and grew up far beyond the churches. Advisor of the National Council of Rubber Tappers Acre 2009
42 In an interview with Maybury Lewis (1994), Chico Mendes declared that the first CONTAG committee arrived in the s tate of Acre in 1975, into the crossfire between land speculators and land owners vs. rubber tappers. The first rural workers union was founded in 1975, in the municipality of B rasil ia after a course o n unionism and represented a strong force for resistance against the eviction of rubber tappers and destruction of rubber estates. After the found ing of the first rural workers union, six others were created in the state between 1975 and 1977. The same movement occurred in different parts of the Amazon in which rural workers unions were formed by local leaders as a response to land conflicts. In the sa me period, in the municipalities of Carauari and Jutai in Amazonas state, conflicts were still related to debt enslavement and the life conditions of rubber tappers. The church had been working there for a long time and the arrival of priests with a more progressive agenda led to the formation of rural unions in 1981 and 1982, respectively. The priest Jo o Derickx, a representative of CPT wrote about this change in a manuscript: With the founding of both unions the meetings became more frequent as well as the opportunities for the rubber tappers to learn about their rights and the instruments to fight for them. The unions started to vocalize their denunciations and demands to the municipal, state, and federal government agencies and to the National Radio and the Educational Radio of Tef Furthermore, they started to propose solutions for the problems they identified. (Derickx, 1986) Even though disruptive reactions of rubber tappers to eviction were common and spread through out the s tate of Acre, with t he creation of the unions they became a rose as a non violent strategy to avoid the deforestation of rubber estates and eviction of rubber
43 tappers. Raimundo Barros, a leader of the rubber tappers movement tells us about the strategy: The empates a rose from our daily experiences. We, as rubber tappers, always had some divergences with other rubber tappers, for different reasons. For example: rubber trails. Sometimes rubber trails cr oss each other, and sometimes a rubber tapper believes that if a rubber trails crosses his rubber trails, then it belongs to him, and he decides to take the rubber trail. So the rubber trail is disputed by him and the owner. During the dispute, the owner d ecides that he will empatar (to hinder) the comrade from using the rubber trail. So, from this experience we decided to empatar the destruction of the forest from which we live, in which we find game, water, rubber, Brazil nuts, everything that we need to live. Politically they We were weak so we decided to bring a high number of comrades and made them conscious that we had to stop the deforestation. So the empate a rose as a strategy: L we used to mobilize the comrades through walking from one rubber estate the rubber estate x, because they are trying to de stroy the rubber trails of thirty, fifty, or one hundred rubber tappers. Thus, we created the empates We did the first and they retreated; in the second, they retreated; in the th ird, they tried to confront us and we went against them, and they retreated. So we created the large scale empates Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers, Acre 2009 ne twork of allies working to give visibility to the acts In a n interview conducted by He y ck (2002) with Marina Silva, a leader of the rubber tappers movement, she talked about the extended dynamic of the mobilizations: somewhere and block deforestation. We coordinated it carefully. So that at the very moment that we were at our destination, Dom Moacyr [Bishop from the Parish of Acre from 1972 to 1998], the syndicate members in Rio Branco and Brasilia, the federal capital, and lawyers who knew of the illegality of the deforestation would also be spreading the news of the destruction and of the empate. Their job was to inform of what deforestation means fo r the traditional populations and for all of us. Empate s were events that had to have great repercussion just have an isolated empate and get anywhere. There followed about ten
44 days of protests and marches, with many of our companions carried off to jail. Leader of the Rubber Tappers Movement in Heyck (2002) The rural workers union s acquired a central role in the struggle against public building occupations, they emerged as an organization that knew the rights of the workers and that negotiated with the state. The growing number of workers union offices throughout the Amazon helped them to form a strong network in the region. Dail y, the unions start ed to receive a large number of denunciations made by rubber tappers from different regions. Organized, the rubber tappers reacted in a strategic way against the violence driven by land speculators and landowner s (Cala a, 1993). A change in the negotiations between government and rubber tappers arose as a result of the organization of the rubber tappers and from their knowledge of their rights as squatters. The common outcome of the negotiations between rubber tappers and the governments after a disruptive act, used to be the creation by INCRA of lots of fifty five hectares to settle the rubber tapper as a small farmer. Because rubber tapping required much larger land areas, the result condemned the rubber tappers to sell their land and mi grate to the cities, or change their productive activities (Cala a, 1990). Conscious of their rights, the movement started to defend the idea that, instead of receiving an indemnification and moving out to the plots offered by INCRA, the rubber tappers sho uld stay at the rubber estates. At this time, a leader of the movement started to become known for his capacity to express both himself and the feelings of the movement in a lucid way and to get support from different segments of the society. Chico Mende s was the first president of
45 the rural workers union of the municipality of Xapuri. Chico had a quality pointed out by one of the leaders of the movement: Chico was one of those leaders that had the capacity to arrive in any place and talk with everybody i n the same way. He was charismatic. Always smiling, shaking hands, but extremely secure and convincing. He was the right person for this kind of task, for making allies. I never had the stomach for this kind of task. I was the guy that used to go to the ru bber estates and convince the rubber tappers to take action, to mobilize the comrades. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Acre 2009 Chico used to have a large network of allies in the city of Rio Branco composed of intellectuals, students, and rese dedicated to making public the conflicts for land and their consequences for the state of Acre, had a team of editors committed to the struggle of rubber tappers and indigenous oriented to the state of Acre, people from different regions, such as S o Paulo, Bras lia, Pernambuco, Par and Paraiba wrote letters to the editors acknowledging the journalism and the publication of the newspaper. I nformation about land conflicts in the state of Acre started to become well known in other Brazilian states. However, it still was n o t enough to create a reaction or gain support from other key social actors. On one of these trips between Xapuri and Rio Branco, Chico met a group of researchers who helped him to strengthen the rubber tapper movement. One of them was Mary Allegretti, a researcher who wrote a about the structure and relationship among rubber tappers and patrons on a rubber estate at the T araua ca River (Allegretti, 1979 ). After that, invited by Chico Mendes, she went back to Acre to help in a project to promote education among the rubber tappers. If during the years of debt enslavement the rubber tappers were kept captive by their illiteracy and lack of
46 knowledge about mathematics, becoming literate was a way to become free of the yoke of the patron. The project was maintained for years and, after helping to organize a group of professors to continue with the program, Allegretti went back to Cur itiba and then moved to Brasilia to work in the Institute of Socio economic Studies (INESC). In January 1985, Mary Allegretti wrote a letter to Chico Mendes telling him about the work she was doing in the office of INESC, in Brasilia. Some weeks before wr i t ing the letter, she was taking part in a meeting about the Amazon region and noticed that among all sorts of themes, nobody was concerned about or even conscious of the situation of the rubber tappers. Their invisibility became evident to her. She decide d to write a letter to Chico Mendes asking him to discuss with other leaders of rural workers unions about the possibility of having a meeting in Brasilia thereby giving visibility to the question of rubber tappers: When the Amazon s eminar happened I was coordinating some of the indigenous people and I could not leave my work. When I asked the deputies about the proposals for the rubber tappers, they put their hand o n their head and told me that they forgot about the rubber tappers. Look how absurd! I bel ieve that it is time for us me, you, and all people who have an interest in the situation of the rubber tappers to take a position. Out side of Acre, nobody knows that the rubber tappers still exist! Everybody believes that the rubber tappers disappeare d at the beginning of the century. Nobody knows about the struggle in the state of Acre. Mary continues, talking about a meeting that she held with Mauro Almeida, a researcher who was doing a study o n the Upper Juru River: We decided to propose to you and to all the rubber tappers of Acre that we have a meeting here in Brasilia, or S o Paulo, with representatives from each of the rural workers unions to talk about the problems faced by the rubber tappers in the Amazon and to demand political changes in th e rubber policies and in the land situation in the Amazon. ( Allegretti, 1985 )
47 One month after getting the letter from Mary Allegretti, Chico Mendes responded. Pressured by the intense conflicts with land grabbers and cattle ranchers in 1984, Chico wrote about the local problems in Xapuri and the need to give visibility to the confl icts: We received your letter, and we are very pleased. Yes, Mary, the question that you bring up about the rubber tapper is very important, since land year Approximately four hundred rubber tappers were involved in th e struggle for land tenure and we reached a point at which we were almost isolated from the rest of the country. We already talked with a small group of comrades and the idea of having a gr o up of rubber tappers travel to Brasilia to protest to all the co untry and the government representatives, including the newspaper representatives, seems to be very good. ( Allegretti, 2002 ) After discussi ng with rubber tappers of the rural workers union of Xapuri, when they decided to organize the event, Chico Mendes had a meeting in Brasilia with representat ives from INESC and Funda o Pro Memoria. The main tasks assumed by the different organizations w ere to spread the word about the meeting to rubber tappers and potential allies at different scales ( such as CNBB, CP T, workers unions ) ; to get support from donors; and to invite governmental agencies and representatives to take part in the meeting (Allegretti, 2002). Prior to the meeting, Mary Allegretti and Tony Gross, a coordinator of Oxfam in Brazil, went to Washing ton D.C. to seek financial support for the rubber tappers movement among the American environmental movement. In this trip they met Stephan Schwartzman, an anthropologist who had taken part in the lobbying process to include an environmental component in t he World Bank funded project called Polonoroeste, in the state of Rond nia. Stephan was part of a group of activists who were looking for environmental accountability in the programs funded by multilateral banks in developing countries (Revkin, 1990; Keck & Sikkink, 1998).
48 As the meeting continued they realized that both movements were struggling for the same object, but using different frames. The alliance and frame alignment among both movements, acting at different scales, could optimize the achievement of their goals. The struggle against eviction, land tenure, and the end of debt enslavement other side, the conservation of the tropical forests amplified the frame and consequently, the claims presented by the rubber tappers. Practically, the rubber tappers movement got access to international arenas, giving them the capacity to influence the design and enforcement of national policies (Keck & Sikkink, 1998). Even tho ugh the defense of the forest was already present in their claims, this opportunity represented a change in the frames and concepts used by the rubber tappers. Almeida (2002) cites a meeting held in 1986 in Brasil ia in which, after hearing that rubber was not a good argument for the creation of the extractive reserves, Osmarino Amancio, a leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers asked the do not want our rubber, then we can offer this ecology. This we have been doing all the time anyway." (Almeida, 2002: 192). In the final document of the first meeting of rubber tappers it is possible to discern the environmental frame that was emerging among the demands for a s pecific land reform, health care, and economic policies for rubber: We, the rubber tappers, demand to be recognized as rubber producers and for the Amazon that favors big enterprises which exploit the workers and destroy nature. (CNS, 1985)
49 Another example which is evocative of the shifts in the claims and their new identity is in the presentation made by Jaime Araujo, the first elected president of CNS during a meeting promoted by th e United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development, in 1985 and headed by Gro Brundtland, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. A few days after the First Meeting of Rubber Tappers, Jaime made a speech there: I work with rubber trees in the Amazon. I am here to speak about the want to take the opportunity of having many people here gathered with the same objectives in mind: the defense of our habitat, and the conservation of forest, of tropical forest. (WCDE, 1987) adopted by the rubber tappers movement allowed them to make new and important alliances to expand the movement. Even th ough the rubber tappers of the Amazon were spatially isolated, the existence of this network, including the coordination of the rural workers union workers with the support of the other two organizations, was essential to the realization of the meeting tha t changed the course of the rubber tapper movement. The network formed by the church, parishes and rural unions provided institutional linkages with rubber tappers from the different parts of the Amazon in which those organizations had been working. Some o f the leaders from other areas of the Amazon region talk ed about how they found out about the meeting: We had this organization through the rural workers union and the parish. The priest was always looking for information and was well informed about what w as happening in other parts of the Amazon. Thus, he told us about this meeting and we selected the representatives that were going to the meeting. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Amazonas 2009
50 Another important social actor in the dissemination of the i nformation about the meeting was the researchers. In that period of history social scientists were carrying out research projects about rubber tappers in different regions of the Amazon: Suddenly the people that were doing research in different parts of th e Amazon with those groups c a me together to support the organization of the meeting and the articulation after the meeting. In each of the states we had different people doing research. Advisor of National Council of Rubber Tappers 2009 The organization and diffusion of the information about the meeting led to the formation of local meetings in which questions related to the problems faced by each group were discussed. Additionally, the groups presented solutions to the problems they iden tified. The meetings happened in the cities of Amazonas, Rond nia and Acre states The final documents of local meetings reflected the reality of each one of the places. In the state of Rond nia, for example, all the organizations that took part in the mee ting were formed by ex rubber soldiers and rubber tappers affected by the arrival of migrants, evictions, and deforestation, so the challenges pointed out and the solutions offered were related to these topics. In Amazonas state, debt enslavement was the main problem faced by rubber tappers, so the solutions proffered by them were related to this topic. Thus, it became clear during the meeting that the situation faced by groups in different parts of the Amazon had their own features. However, some aspects were common to all of them: all the groups were fighting for state recognition of their rights, be they related to land rights or to reparations earned by taking part in the efforts to win the World War II as a rubber soldier. Despite the different deman ds, a common claim was the autonomy over their territories to be created by the recognition of their land
51 tenure. Another common aspect was the fact that all of them were rubber tappers or had worked with rubber extraction in a certain phase of their life. During the meeting some great achievements were realized by the rubber tappers: they got visibility with those who had been making public policies for the Amazon; they met and exchanged their experiences and proposals with other rubber tappers from diffe rent regions; the proposal about the extractive reserve w as delineated; and the National Council of Rubber Tappers (CNS) was created to represent the interest s of the a concept that included rubber soldiers, autonomous rubber tappers, an d rubber tappers still working for a boss among others. The final document written by the rubber tap p ers and the end of the meeting reflected the diversity of interests and demands among those that took part in the encounter. The demands presented by th e rubber tappers included participation in policy making, health and education policies adapted to the reality of the Amazon region, land reform, policies for rubber production, and retirement for the rubber soldiers. The first meeting of the board of dire ctors of the National Council of Rubber Tappers (CNS) happened in 1986 in Rio Branco, Acre. The members of the CNS and a group of advis e rs discussed the diversity of situations found in different parts of the Amazon and set the goals to be pursued by the organization, already formalized. The following excerpt from the final document of this meeting shows the horizontal diffusion to be performed by the rubber tappers movement and the CNS : The Council will have as its main tasks in 1986 to initiate the formation of municipal commissions and to hold regional meetings with representatives in the states of Acre, Rond nia, Amazonas and Par In those meetings
52 representatives should be elected that will take part in the nex t meeting of CNS, to be held in October, 1987. ( CNS, 1985 ) A leader of the rubber tap p ers movement talks about the importance and the strategic role of the meetings promoted by the CNS in other municipalities of different states to enlarge the movement: We felt a need to transform this struggle. It should not be a struggle of the rubber tappers of Xapuri or Acre; we felt that was necessary that all of the Amazon could protest together. The Amazonian states could protest together. The workers. Because there is a difference, no? The rubber tappers of Acre live one reality, the rubber tappers from Juru Valley another one. The comrades of Purus Valley, the rubber tappers of Rond nia, another reality, but they are all rural workers, no? And exploited. And all have the same need to be heard, to claim their rights. To say what they are feeling. The injustices that are happening. So that was the main goal when we started to keep in contact with comrades from other states and municipalities, to thereby mak e this struggle spread through all the Amazon. To involve more comrades, more people, and with this, for sure, we were not defending just part of Acre, but the whole Amazon. L eader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers, Acre 2009 In the following mo nths, leaders of the CNS and their advisors traveled to different states and municipalities of the Amazon region and held meetings with groups of rubber tappers to talk about the creation of the organization and to bring them together. The meetings were p groups of researchers. The meetings were followed by the formation of a local commission responsible for spreading the word about the movement and discussing with the local rubber tappers their situation, and the solutions to the challenge s they were facing. Furthermore, the meetings served to spread the idea about the proposal for land reform designed in the first meeting of rubber tappers to attend their needs: the extractive reserves.
53 Besid es the American environmental movement, the Catholic Church and t h e rural workers unions, the rubber tapper movement built alliances with other groups such as national NGOs, the Green Party, and another crucial alliance with the indigenous movement. Desp ite many historical conflicts and divergences between rubber tappers and indigenous people, in 1987 the rubber tapper movement joined with a strong ally: the indigenous movement. In an attempt to strengthen the alliance among the groups they worked within the common demands of both groups. Furthermore, they started to as a general frame to sustain the alliance. After some meetings among the main heads of the movement, and facilitated by rese archers, the CNS, STR of Xapuri and, with support of NGOs, organized an event called main goals of strengthening the alliance between indigenous people and rubber tappers, and demanding the inclu sion of their claims in the design of public policies. Mary Allegretti describes this event as an attempt to: Insert in the government policies the priorities of rubber tappers, have the indigenous people as allies, and give their proposals visibility to p ublic opinion. (Allegretti, 2002) During the event, the leaders of the two movements visited different agencies in the capital and had meetings with the heads of the agencies. In some places they were welcomed, as in the land reform agency, but in other in stitutions the meeting was tense. The alliance between the indigenous movement and the rubber tappers movements was solidified in the Second Meeting of Rubber Tappers that happened in Rio Branco, Acre, in 1989. T his meeting strengthen ed the alliance previo usly established between CNS and UNI.
54 The main consequence of the meeting was the resonance of the proposal about the extractive reserve within INCRA In the same year, a group composed of rubber tappers, supporters, and INCRA technicians was established t o incorporate the rubber National Agrarian Reform Plan (Menezes, 1989). In July, 1987 INCRA issued an internal decree constituting the Extractive Settlement Projects (PAEs) and in the following three years, ten PAEs were created i n the Amazon region ( Murrieta and Rueda, 1995 ; Menezes, 1994). In the same year, Chico Mendes took part in a meeting promoted by the Inter American Development Bank in Miami an important opportunity to raise concerns about the risks involved in paving of the BR 364 without environmental and social conditionality. Under pressure from American environmentalists, the Inter American Development Bank suspended financial support for the road. Locally, the main consequence was an increase in the hostility of land speculators, cattle ranchers, and local government against the RTM. In 1988, Chico Mendes was killed by the owner of the where one of the first PAEs was created. This unfortunate incid ent created a strong international backlash and presented a n important political opportunity for the rubber tappers movement Nationally unknown until that moment, the international outrage over the killing of one of the main leaders of the movement repr esented a large black mark on the image of the country. In spite of the gains within the Ministry of Land Reform and Development (MIRAD) the PAEs have certain weakness es related to the long term proposal designed by the rubber tappers. First of all, the l egal document that recognized them
55 was an internal decree that could be revoked by the current or next director of the agency; the land regularization, that should be carried out prior to the creation of the PAEs, became an obstacle to the creation of new areas; and with the extinction of MIRAD, a few years after its creation, land reform became a politically weak theme in to press for their proposal for the creation o f extractive reserves. The constitution of 1988 provided a nother political opportunity for the recognition of the land rights of rubber tappers, at the same time that it dovetailed with the new master frame used by the group. In its article 225, the Consti tution defined as a role of the State to define protected areas for the promotion of a healthy environment for the individuals. Besides this, the law defined that the decrees that create protected areas can only be changed or nullified by the passage of a law (Cardoso, 2002). Institutionalization of a Policy Proposal (1990 2002) In 1990 the scenario of environmental policies in Brazil started to change. The government established law 7.804, changing the National Environmental Program and creating the Braz ilian Institute of Environment and Natural Renewable Resources IBAMA Furthermore, the law established an article that allowed the creation of specially protected areas with environmental aims. Internationally, discussion about the need to address question s of development while considering environmental and social issues started to take place in different for a (Hochstetler & Keck, 2007). Finally, in January, 1990, the federal government created the first Extractive Reserve (RESEX): The Upper Juru Extractiv e Reserve. Following the creation of the first RESEX t he president of IBAMA formed a working group with the participation of CNS, Institute of Amazonian Studies ( IEA ) Indigenous Nations Union ( UNI ) and
56 INCRA technicians who formulated decree law 98.897 that was signed by the president on January, 30 th 1990 and that established norms for the creation of extractive reserves (Allegretti, 1994). It is remarkable that the decree refer red to the beneficiaries of the creation of the extractive reserves as extractivist population instead of rubber tappers, which opened the possibility for the policy being extended to other groups: Art. 1 Extractive reserves are territorial spaces destined to the self sustainable exploitation and con servation of renewable natural resources used by an extractivist population. (Presidencia da Republica, 1990 ) Asked about this question a Forest People Alliance leader who took part in the design of the policy explained that: other groups not just those. If the policy was available to rubber tappers, why not make it available for our comrades who collect babassu nu ts or fishermen from the coast? Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2008 Once the first extractive reserves were created, the rubber tappers started to look for an interlocutor within the environmental agency with whom they could establish a dialogue. Us ed to managing a different category of protected area, IBAMA employees were not familiar with the extractive reserves project In 1992, the representatives of CNS had a meeting with the head of IBAMA and requested the creation of a center within the struct ure of the agency to work specifically with extractive reserves. The portaria 22/92 IBAMA that created the National Center for Sustainable Development of Traditional Populations ( CNPT ) recognized the participation of civil society in the decisions of the government The text of the decree says that Their main goals are [CNPT] :
57 To promote economic development in order to improve the life conditions of traditional populations based on the sustainability, culture, and accumulated traditional knowledge; To create, implement consolidate, manage and develop the extractive reserves together with the traditional populations that live there; To support, coordinate, supervise and monitor the development and the implementation of plans, programs, projects, and act ions demanded by the traditional populations from the protected areas of direct and indirect use; To promote articulation with federal, state, and local institutions for political, technical, and financial support for the implementation of plans, programs, projects, and actions demanded by the traditional populations To promote articulation among governmental agencies, non government organizations, and traditional populations representatives in order to subsidize the design of policies and the implementation of plans, programs and projects proposed by traditional populations. (IBAMA, 1992 ) The CNPT became a reference point for traditional populations and social movements. It wa s proposed by CNS and the first president was a technician from the state government of Acre who had been working with the organization for a long time. The center had a completely different structure and dynamic compare to the other centers of the agency One of the first heads of the center talks about this: The center was directly related with the presidency of the agency and had a decentralized structure. We used to work with local chapters formed by a group of three people: a representative of the tra ditional populations, one from the local government, and another one from the federal government, from the environmental agency. These chapters organized meetings, pushed local demands, plans, and projects We did a lot with this structure and working toge ther with the civil society. We were able to add to the donation s from the World Bank and PPG 7 some resources for the extractive reserves, and we started to implement developmental programs for those communities. CNPT was like a n NGO, a n NGO that had a pa rticular structure within IBAMA. Former head of CNPT 2009
58 Another important conquest that contributed to the success of the center was its autonomy in relation to the governmental structure, thanks to the international support of multilateral organizatio ns. A leader of CNS talks about that: We were able to do a lot of things after the creation of CNPT. CNPT had autonomy. The center was not constrained by the same structure of the other centers. Our leverage was the fact that we worked with economic reso urces originating from international donations. L eader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2009 The creation of the CNPT opened a new avenue f o r the rubber tappers movement. Taking part in the decision making process through CNS the y were able to work on one of the main goals of the institution since the creation of the CNS: the expansion and strength ening of the concept of extractive reserves. Following the creation of CNPT, a political opportunity for the creation of new extractive reserves came up during the preparation for the Earth Summit in 1992. Taking part in a preparatory meeting for the Earth Summit, held by UNCED in March, 1992 in New York, the environmental minister, Jos Antnio Lutzenberger, declared that IBAMA was a branch office of loggers and criticized the agency (Leite, 1992; resulted in his being fired from his position in the country was chosen to ho ld the Earth Summit three months later. In an attempt to fix the situation, two months later the Brazilian government created a total of eleven protected areas. Five of them were extractive reserves. Following the understanding between a leader of CNS and the head of CNPT about the goal of diffusing the model of extractive reserves, the areas were created to benefit other groups and in different regions. The common theme among these groups
59 was that extractivism was a strong element in their economy and lan d conflicts. The extractive reserves were created in the states of Maranh o, Tocantins both in the North region and Santa Catarina, in the south region of Brazil. The extractive reserve of Quilombo do Frechal was created to benefit (former escaped slaves) from the municipality of Mirinzal, Maranh o. The quilombolas had their land rights recognized in the constitution of 1988 through ADCT 68 (Constitutional Transitory Act Ato das Disposies Constitucionais Transitrias 1988 ): To t he communities of former escaped slaves that have been living on their lands land rights are recognized through the acquisition of land by the s tate that should give them the land title. (Presidencia da Republica, 1988 ) The community of Frechal had been oc cupying the land for two centuries and, eighteen years before the creation of the extractive reserves, they started to have conflicts with the supposed new owner of the property. Based on the ADCT and with support of the Maranhense Society in Defense of Hu man Rights (SMDDH) and Black Culture Center (CCN), the community of Frechal asked for the recognition of their land as a quilombo. However, the instrument was relatively new. A leader of the community tells us about this moment for the quilombo: I took par t in the discussions about the ADCT 68, in 1986. The law was demanding the recognition of the quilombo. However, the instrument was new and many of the law operators did not know about it. It t ook time to understand the rights enumerated in the law. Not even the constituents understood. We organized the process and our lawyer from the Maranhense Society in Defense of Human Rights, took it to INCRA. From the land reform agency, the process was tr ansferred to Brasilia. In the last phase of the process, at the office of the National General Attorney (PGU), an attorney saw that the process had remarkable references to the environment, because that is the way we relate to the environment. Thus, they a sked our lawyer if we were not interested in the creation of an extractive reserve, instead of a quilombo. He came here and we had a
60 meeting. He told us about Chico Mendes, rubber tappers, and their struggle for land. We told them that we would not accept it if the idea and structure process was faster, because they already knew how to do it, so we accepted the creation of the RESEX. We were not expecting that it would be so fast. O ne night we were watching TV and we heard in the news about the creation of the RESEX Quilombo do Frechal. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Maranh o 2009 The other three extractive reserves created in the Amazon regions ( t wo in the state of Maranh o and o ne in Tocantins) had as a main extractivist product babassu nuts. The extraction of the nuts of the babassu palm ha d been done for decades by local communities, mainly women. Such as in the case of the states of Acre and Rondnia the implementation of dev elopmental policies had led to land conflicts between squatters and landlords: When I arrived here o n November 05, 1971, a lot of the area was communally used. Everyone was allowed to grow manioc wherever they wanted. After 1972 the conflicts started. Some people came from outside telling us that they owned the land and started to take the land from the growing manioc until 1984. Since then, they started to charge us to work there and forbade us from collecting babassu nut in those areas. We invaded those lands with fifty families and the struggle for land began. That is the way through which our land became a settlement. Leader of Interstate Movement of Babasu Nut Breakers Maranho 2009 Such as in other regions of the Amazon, the church promoted the organization of the rural workers in the region and supported the creation of rural workers unions and local associations. The degree of organization among the communities increased with the land conflicts and the struggle for land was the greatest demand for the rural workers. Taking part in meetings promoted by CONTAG, Manoel da Concei o, a regional leader and founder of the first rural unions in the region, had contact with the prop osal of extractive reserves promoted by Chico Mendes. Manoel realized that, instead of
61 settlements, the proposal of extractive reserves could be a resolution for some areas in the regions of Maranh o and Tocantins: Settlements were seen as a way to occupy the land that INCRA would expropriate the land from small farmers, so that the land could be used for agriculture and deforested. On the contrary, on the reserves you can grow now about the extractive settlement. The first time that we heard about the extractive reserve, we decided to embrace the idea. Leader of the Center of Education and Culture of the Rural Worker Maranh o 2009 Taking part in a meeting in 1991, in the city of S o Luis, Manoel da Concei o heard that the government was planning to create an industrial park to produce iron and realized that it was a threat to the maintenance of the babassu palm groves an important resource for the families for whom the babas su nut w as a main source of income. In the same meeting he met another person who was integral in the creation of the extractive reserves in the region: In a meeting in Sao Luis I met this comrade called Gilberto Siqueira. He was talking about the extracti ve reserves too and I realized that the extractive reserves could help to save the babassu palm groves and assure the land for our comrades. Leader of the Center of Education and Culture of the Rural Worker, Maranh o, 2009 The opportunity created by the E arth World Summit was the right moment to support the creation of the extractive reserves and spread the movement that was started in the state of Acre to other regions in which a grassroots movement had been supported by the church and rural workers union s The rural workers union played an important role in this case too. Through their network, the leaders of the rural workers union from the region of Par that had been taking part in the meetings held by CNS,
62 learned about the land conflicts in the region through the meeting promoted by CONTAG and supported the demand of Manoel da Concei o. Gilberto Siqueira, head of CNPT, and other leaders of the r ural workers union from the region of Imperatriz went to the region proposed by Manoel da Concei o: They arrived here on May 4, 1992, telling us about the possibility of creating extractive reserves in the region. On the same day we had some meetings with the rural union of Axixa. By the way that he behaved with those of us from the movement, I realized that he was a person that already had contact with the movement. Furthermore, he knew about our struggle for land and preservation of the babassu palm grov es The next day we left the city to visit the regions that we had pointed out as the most feasible for the creation of extractive reserves, considering the threats, organization, and preservation of babacuais areas. We visited the areas, talked with the p eople and less than 20 days after that the extractive reserves were created. Leader of a settlement in Augustin polis Maranh o, 2009 The Earth World Summit that happened in May of 1992 opened a great opportunity for strengthening the model of extractive reserves. The establishment of a program for the conservation of the rainforests, funded by the seven richest countries in the world, represented an opportunity to include the demands of the social movement. In 1997 the federal government created the firs t extractive reserves in the state of Amazonas. Such as in other municipalities of the Amazon, the organization of the rubber tappers there started with the support of the Catholic Church and the formation of the Rural Workers Union in 1981. Even before th e First Meeting of Rubber Tappers they had been organizing meetings among themselves. After taking part in the national meeting, they started to have local meetings to examine the possibility of requesting the creation of an extractive reserve there: We s tarted to think about what we had seen in Brasilia, and the extractive reserve was one of the most important points to us. Thus, we asked for
63 more information from the CNPT and the CNS. The CNPT gave us support for the first assemblies. Leader of an Extrac tive Reserve Amazonas, 2009 Even recognizing that they had different motivations for requesting the creation of an extractive reserve, they realized that the model fit in their reality: The patr o was the owner of the land ; if one day he dislike d you, he could expel you from the land without any right s That was the main reason: to own the land. However we had other motivations: the illegal extraction of timber that was destroying the forest, and the illegal fishery in our lakes. So those were the three m otivations for requesting the creation of an extractive reserve in Carauari. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Amazonas, 2009 The Amazonas first extractive reserve had its decree signed in 1997. It represented the expansion of the model to different areas of the Amazon region. The model was already established in at least five out of nine states of the Amazon region and the expansion of the extractive reserve to different regions was in accord with the goal of CNS of spreading and strengthening the model o f development they proposed. Two important moments in the history of the relationship between the government and the rubber tappers social movement happened during the term of Fernando Henrique Cardoso as president ( 1995 2003 ) The first was the appointme nt of Atanagildo de Deus, a former president of CNS to be the Coordinator of CNPT and the second was the appointment of Mary Allegretti, a supporter of the rubber tappers movement, as Secretary of the Amazon. Atanagildo de Deus is from the state of Par and his installation as leader was linked to the formation of CEBs. He was one of the founders of the Central Workers Union ( CUT )
64 in Par and helped in the creation of many rural workers unions. He was a director of the state chapter of Rural Workers F ederation ( FETAGRI ) and through the meetings promoted by the organization met Chico Mendes and learned of his ideas about extractive reserves. In the III National Meeting promoted by CNS in 1992, he was elected president of CNS and stayed in the position for two terms. In 2001, Atanagildo de Deus Matos was invited to be a coordinator of the CNPT by the president of IBAMA. About that Atanagildo says: When I was elected president of CNS in 1992, my main mission was to extend the base of CNS and extractive re serves to other regions in which people was based in extractivism, and I worked to accomplish only with the condition that I would be able to extend the concept of extrac tive reserves to other regions, so in a certain way I followed with the mission previously established by the movement. Thus, we worked to make possible the creation of other areas as a way to strengthen our proposal. I knew that it was impossible for the government to create all those extractive reserve in a short period of time, but we were attempting to push the requests from communities as far as possible to make that easier for our successors. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Taper Para, 2009 Mary Allegretti had been a supporter of the rubber tapper social movement since the beginning of the movement. She had been working in the government of Amap a s Secretary of P lanning and in 1999 she was appointed to be the Secretary for the Coordinat ion of the Amazon (Hochstetler & Keck, 2007). The creation of Pirajubae Extractive Reserve in the southern region of Brazil before the Earth World Summit further expanded the space for the creation of a new group of extractive reserves in the Brazilian Am azon: marine extractive reserves. The process of creating the marine extractive reserves in the Amazon involved a brokerage
65 among the movements surrounding the extractive reserves represented by CNS and the National Fishermen's Movement ( MONAPE ) Until 1986 Brazilian fishermen were organized in a structure created and regulated by the government (Fishermen Colonies) that conferred low autonomy to the category they pledged to represent (Mello, 1995). In the context of regime change, and supported by the Catholic Church, the fishermen organized a committee with the main goal of influencing in the elaboration of the National Constitution. Successful in their intent, the fishermen got more autonomy and organized themselves in an organization named MONAPE (L eito, 1995). The organization work ed through the Fishermen's Movement of Para State ( MOPEPA ) and was particularly well organized (Potiguar Junior, 2007; Campos, 1993). In a meeting promoted by CNPT in February, 1992, representatives from MONAPE had the fi rst contact with the idea of extractive reserves. The idea met the demands already clear in the state chapter about the establishment of fishing reserves to avoid conflicts and to protect local stocks of marine resources, such as crabs, fishes and oysters (Furtado, 1993). The fishermen embraced the idea and in 2000, after the election of a state representative as president of MONAPE, the first marine extractive reserve in the Amazon region was finally created. In the following years eight more extractive reserves were created in the state of Par and one in the contiguous state of Maranho. (2002 2007) The launching of the happened in the late seventies in S o Paulo through a movement hea ded by union leaders with much participation by intellectuals and members of the Congress as the main proposers
66 (Keck, 1992). However, since the beginning of the mobilizations promoted by the church and rural unions, the occupation of formal posts in poli tics through elections was considered a strategy and an alternative by the movements that were emerging in the Amazon (Galleta, 1986). The main idea behind this assumption was that rural workers did not feel themselves represented by the politicians, so th e strategy was to elect people that really represent ed them (CPT Acre, 1986). The party quickly spread its representatives in the Amazon and in the first election after the creation of the political party, 165 PT candidates ran for elections in the regio n (Galleta, 1986) The main goal of the political party was the election of Luis Incio Lula da Silva, a leader of the work movement of S o Paulo, as president. Lula, as he is better known, unsuccessfully ran for president three times with the strong support of social movements all around country Particularly in the case of the rubber tappers movement, Lula always had a close relationship with the movement and their leaders. He visited the state of Acre and reinforced the relationship among th e labor unions after the assassination of Wilson Pinheiro (1980) and Chico Mendes (1988). He was also there during the first Meeting of Forest People and foundation of the Forest People ed the poorest regions of the country as part of his electoral campaign of 1993. In 2002, with a much more moderate campaign, Lula was finally elected. Accustomed to dealing with right wing governments, the election of Luis In cio Lula da Silva, in 2002, seemed to be an unprecedented political opportunity for the rubber tappers movement. Some of the leaders of the movement, historically affiliated ndidate.
67 After the election of Lula, the appointment of Marina Silva, a historical leader from the rubber tapper movement, as Minister of Environment and the maintenance of Mary Allegretti, an advocate from the movement, as a head in the Secretary of Coor dination of the Amazon supported this idea (Hochstetler & Keck 2007). However, the policies designed for the development of the Amazon region retained many of the same aspects and were even remin iscent of the developmental policies implemented by the military government in the seventies. These policies were based in investment in infrastructure construction roads, dams and power lines which led to an increase in deforestation rates and to dis placement of indigenous people and local communities (Fearnside, 2001; Schmink & Wood, 1992). The maintenance of the same policies designed by the previous government to reach a high rate of economic growth was at the expense of the environmental sector i n Even though some policies developed by the government seemed to incorporate the demands of the Amazonian social movements and created an institutional space to facilitate the dialogue between social movements and government 1 the actions were weakened by the priorities defined by the government. The Ministry of Environment suffered two great and emblematic defeats in the first term. The first was the approval of the federal government for the growing of transgenic crops in B razil without impact assessment studies, and the second was the approval of importation of used tires from the European Union, contrary to a decision 1 In 2004 the federal government created the National Commission for Sustainable Development of People and Traditional Communities and in 2007 the national president signed the decree that established the National Policy for Sustainable Development of People and Traditional Communities
68 approved in the National Council of Environment. These two acts of legislation were a sample of what was t o come. For the rubber tappers particularly, the consequence of the political priorities established by the government was the weakening of Marina Silva and, consequently, of the Environment Ministry and the Secretariat of Amazonian Coordination This fa ct led to the resignation of Mary Allegretti and at the same time, Atanagildo de Deus, former president of CNS and head of CNPT was fired under accusations of misusing public resources. This scenario led to a significant loss in the capacity of CNS to inf luence policy making (Leroy, 2005; Hochstetler & Keck, 2007) In its second term, in January 2007, Acceleration Program (PAC). Following the path of the policy adopted in the previous term, the program was based on in frastructure construction and improvement. As historically happened, those projects, such as the pav ing of the BR 163 and BR 319 highways and the constructions of Belo Monte and Jirau dams, increased deforestation, and directly threatened the territories of indigenous people and local communities (Soares, et al 2006; Fearnside, 2006; Fearnside & Graca, 2006; Fearnside, 2007; Secretaria de Imprensa e Porta Voz da Presidncia da Repblica, 2007). Reframing the struggle (2007 2009) Considering this national context, in May 2007, the main leaders of CNS held a meeting with representatives of the Amazonian Working Group ( GTA ) and the Coordination of Brazilian Amazonian Indigenous Organizations ( COIAB ) in Santar m, Par In this meetin g analyzing the political conjuncture, they decided to re f o und the
69 One of the leaders of the rubber tappers movement talks about the motivation that led them to rebuild the Forest People Alliance: Actually, in 2006 we start ed to have informal meetings between the leaders already passed and, even recognizing that we had significant advances in some aspects, we felt that we were missing something. We realized tha t the environmental agenda was not a priority for the government. So we perceived that Marina [Silva Minister of Environment] was isolated and weakened. We felt mistreated, because this agenda is the agenda of the traditional populations. Thus, we starte d to hold conversations in this direction, and finally we decided to bring back the alliance. Anyway, I believe that the alliance came up in the right moment, because now we are having the same problems that we had in the past., the problems that were the reason why the alliance was formed the first time. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Taper Amapa, 2007 Another leader, talking about the re foundation of the alliance, says that, as in the formation of the movement, the launching of PAC as a speci fic public policy was a determining factor in the decision to bring together the social movement organizations in an alliance: We decided to bring back the alliance after the launching of the Growth Acceleration Program (PAC). Analyzing the polic y we real ized that almost 70% of the infrastructure building was planned for the Amazon region, a great part of it overlapping with territories of forest people indigenous people, rubber tappers or former escaped slaves. So we realized that if we decided to work separately, we would probably lose the battle. So we had a meeting, in which we made an analysis of the political scenario and defined a common agenda to all of us. Thus, we decided to bring together the alliance. Leader of the Forest People Alliance Am azonas, 2007 Besides the PAC, the re foundation of the movement had as a main frame the question of climate change and payment for environmental services. The discussion about the effects of climate change and the right to be paid for the maintenance of th e forests emerged with the increase in worldwide concern about the effects of global
70 warming in the daily life of people. A strong discourse that emerged in this context was about those who would be the most affected and those who contributed the least to climate change: We started to feel that our life was changing. The friagem [A cold period of time during the summer], that used to come regularly in a specific time during the year, disappeared, and this was a very important event for us, because we use to grow watermelon during the friagem to avoid the assault by bugs, but now that we do not have friagem we cannot grow watermelon, beach beans, etc. Furthermore, in the last election we could not bring our people to vote because the river was completely drie d and they could not come to vote, so we are that the ones who have been suffering more with the consequences of the global warming, because we do not have a supermarket. Our supermarket is the forest, the river, and the crop fields. Furthermore, we are t hose who have been contributing less to global warming. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Taper Amazonas, 2008 So we decided to use as a main theme in our discussions ideas that were in the media and increasing in awareness among the general public. We realized that climate change was the main theme, and it got a central place in our discourse. In this way, we became the first group in the Brazilian Amazon to protest against climate change and ask for an open discussion with the government at different levels. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2007 So in May 2007, the leaders of National Council of Rubber Tappers (CNS), Amazonian Working Group (GTA) and Coordination of Indigenous Organizations from Brazilian Amazonia (COIAB) again quality of life of the traditional people that live in the forest, considering the framework of climate change, biodi a dos Povos da Floresta, 2007 :05 ). In the final document of another meeting they held in August 2007 they claim ed paid for the environme ntal services they provide for Brazil, and for the World, by their
71 a dos Povos da Floresta, 2007). Thus, they included payment for environmental services as one of their main deman ds of the CNS. Even with the change in the role played by the leaders of the rubber tappers movement in this period of the movemen t as in the building of the movement in the seventies, allies played a important ng of their demands. The leaders of the movement pointed to the Amazon Environmental Research Institute (IPAM) as the main ally. According to them, the organization had been giving them support through access to information and access to national and inte rnational forums. Both have been important in the formulation of demands and frames about payment for environmental services: IPAM was one of our most important partners in the sense of bringing information to the communities, to us, leaders of the allian ce, about global warming and climate change. We had four meetings of leaders from all over the Amazon, in which IPAM took part, with the main goal of providing information about the causes and consequences of climate change. Some of the effects we are alre ady feeling, but many we will only perceive in the future. They answered questions about gas emissions, the role of forest burnings, and our role in the reversal of this phenomenon. They ma d e it very clear for us. Furthermore, they gave us advice about the channels for expressing our demands and help ed us to formulate proposals to the government. So that was the beginning of the discussion about the services that the communities do to maintain the worldwide climatic balance. The group [IPAM] was instrumenta l in gaining access to some forums in which we could express our concerns and present our demands about climate change and payment for environmental services. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2008 The relationship between them brought pos itive outcomes for both. Such as happened before with the American environmental movement, the participation of the leaders of the rubber tappers movement in international and national forums, side by side with researchers from IPAM, legitimized the discou rse of the environmental
72 organization. One of the researchers from the Amazon Environmental Research Institute (IPAM) says about the relationship: One way to legitimize and confer more importance to our words about why the forest is important is giving vo ice to those who live in the forest. It has a strong impact on those from outside. Thus, in all the conferences in which we took part, we always brought representatives from the social movement ink, but the Thus, this relationship was important in bringing visibility to our ideas, building capacity among them, and giving them international projection. Besides this, it is i mportant to say that both of us learned a lot from each other. This relationship started in 2001, and I believe that this meeting in appropriated the knowledge about climate change and d eveloped their own discourse. 2008 Another important ally pointed out by the leaders of the National Council of Rubber Tappers is The Enviro n mental Defense Fund an American NGO. Steve Schwartzman, a director in tropical forest pol icy has worked with the National Council of Rubber Tappers since the eighties and had a strategic role in giving national projection to the movement during the same period of time. The main support of EDF, in the words of the leaders of CNS, was in the es tablishment of international alliances and the procurement of funds to support the re uprising of the movement: Another important partner is Environmental Defense and Steve [Schwartzman]. He was very important in the formation of the alliance and fostering conditions to bring all the leaders together, with financial support. Furthermore, Steve has been helping us to learn more about global warming and climate change, both through his own knowledge and bringing researchers from other parts of the world to di scuss with us about climate Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2008 Other important allies cited by the leaders of the rubber tappers movement were the federal and state governments from the Amazon. The Ministry of Environment
73 th rough the Amazonian Protected Areas Program (ARPA), and the Ministry of Agrarian Development shouldered a great part of the travel expense of attending the meeting. Furthermore, the government of different states of the Amazon region supported the event to o. The participation of government representatives from different levels and states created in the local leaders a strong feeling about the meeting as a space to present their demands to the government. With the definitions of the event held in May the l eaders of the FPA decided to have a meeting with constituents of the three organizations, social movements from different regions and allies from governmental and civil society spheres. I n August 2007, in one of the biggest convention centers of Brasilia, they held the II Meeting of the participation of the different groups cited. The support of a high diversity of groups and allies, demanded the accommodation of the distinct interests of banks, NGOs, state agencies, local leaders, constituents, and political part y representatives. As a result, c onflicts sprouted within the social movement, showing the dilemmas of the group. At the top, a roundtable was formed by the national leaders demanding payments for environmental services, and state officials, some of whom originated from the environmental and social movements, spoke about g overnment actions At the bottom, local leaders and constituencies discussed demands for health care, education, economic policies for forest products, land reform, and creation of more extractive reserves. The tactics employed by each group differed too. The national level leaders were looking to use less disruptive tactics such as conversations with government officials, while the local leaders were looking to the use of more direct strategies, such as protest s sit ins, and occupation of public offices.
74 The conflicts that arose in th is meeting exposed the repercussion s of the relationship established between the rubber tapper s movement and the state The institutionalization of the extractive reserves, the achievement of posts in state agencies and poli tics, and the economic dependence established with the state had a deep impact on the dynamic s of the social movement The meeting was a moment in which all these conflicts emerged. The main disagreements that emerged in the meeting were related to the d emands presented by the national leaders about payment for environmental services as a way to compensate the communities by their role in the conservation. On the other hand, the local constituents presented as their main demands the creation of more extra ctive reserves, land regularization, access to market s education and healthcare. In the first speech given by a national leader, he set the tone of the meeting: Our main cause today is the maintenance of the forest. Thus, we believe that payment for env ironmental services must be a public policy for all the states, for all the forests of our country. Thus we need to establish some regulatory frameworks to universalize the program [PES] for all Brazilian forest peoples in the sense of compensat ing those c ommunities for the services they have been providing Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007 One of the interventions by a local constituent after the first roundtable seems to present an oppos ing idea: [an environmental services payment program], 2 s health care education to develop our citizenship, our culture. The rubber tapper wants citizenship ; the 2 Bolsa Floresta is a program created by the state government of Amazonas to compensate forest people for environmental services.
75 indigenous people want citizenship. Because what we need is to develop our extractive reserve s, not the charity of any government. Leader of an Extractive Reserve 2007 At first glance it appears that local constituents and national leaders define the main demands of the rubb er tapper social movements differently However the latter, as social movement entrepreneurs have a strategic position in relation to the access to information and allies from different environments and, consequently, can identify emerging political tende ncies, using ideas and concepts as a mean to mobilize local constituents and potential allies and neutralize potential counter actors Therefore it could be that the demand of PES is just a display of such a strategy. In an interview, a national leader t alked about it: we chose as the main theme to mobilize our people this question about climate change, because it is an issue that it is in the media every day, that you can see in your daily life on television, but this question has not been discussed in our communities and that is what we are doing now We are trying to bring the discussions to the community level, to bring awareness to the people in the extractive reserves. Because the people there need to start to understand that we made a huge effort, innocently, to preserve the forest, and why now are we the most affected [by climate change] ? How can we not have clear policies for forest people? Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007 The same leader continues : We achieved the creation of many extractive reserves, but the people are still there without school s in the community, without healthcare, without any support to sell their products. Another point is that we talk about extractive reserves, land right s but do you kno w how many communities did not have land rights recognized? We, that have our rights recognized, we are the minority! On the other hand did you know how many groups in the Amazon currently are requesting land, healthcare and education ? Most of them! Did you know how many have been demanding payment for environmental services in a frame of global warming? None. Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007
76 Thus it appears that the demand for payment for environmental services in a framework of global warming and climate change has been used by national leaders, not just as a alternative to lack of policies for forest activities, but also as a mean to regain their legitimacy and capacity to influence in the making of public policies. The main challenges pointe d by the local constituents on the other hand, were related to : creation of more extractive reserves, land regularization, support for production, education and healthcare. The interviews and manifestations during the presentation ma d e it clear that the l ocal leaders consider ed these to be the main challenge s for the rubber tapper social movement: We need to solve the problem s of education and health in our communities. t have access to potable water. Leader of an Extractive Reserve 2007 Ano ther local constituent stated that: The federal government and the state government must invest in the land regularization of the extractive reserves. They must guarantee the rights of the people that were born on the land. Secondly [they must invest] in the because we are workers! Human beings with brain s We must solve the problems of the schools, education, science ; we are human beings! Leader of an Extractive Reserv e 2007 After the first conflicts, the national leaders quickly identified the need to promote a downward scale shift about the main frame and source of demands they had articulated as bilateral activists, which were still to be recognized and adopted by local leaders. In interviews, the national leaders declared the need to take the discussion about payment for environmental services to the local level of action: This alliance cannot be an alliance just among the leaders of the three organizations that had a meeting and started to launch documents about
77 the demands of the groups. We will work to mobilize our people ; the bas e of our movement must be involved and be clear that we are mobilizing ourselves again Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007 Ano ther leader talking about the same issue stated the importance of keep ing the ties between the different levels of the social movement: This discussion is still here, at the head of the movement but we must go down with this discussion and it will be hard to do, but we must do so; otherwise we will have a strong head in a weak body. Our bas e cannot stay disconnected ; it is a big risk. So we will work on this task. Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007 However, the leaders have been facing probl ems with the economic maintenance of the rubber tappers movement: Thus, we have a big challenge, even about our financial structure. How can we mobilize and inform all these people without money? Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2007 Af t Meeting of the Forest People Alliance tappers movement began an effort to spread the discussion to high spheres of influence. In 2008, in a hotel in Manaus, the leaders of the national c hapter o f the rubber tappers movement with support from international donors such as Packard Foundation -promoted a meeting with leaders of social movements from different regions of Latin America and Africa as an attempt to enlarge the Alliance. Researchers, donors, state representatives and NGOs took part in the same meeting. The main goals of the leaders of the movement for this meeting were to build a strong coalition among leaders of different soc ial movements and organizations to incre ase their influence in the conference of the Un ited Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to be held in Copenhagen in 2009 and to influence in the inclusion
78 of REDD (Reduction of Emissions by Deforestati on and Degradation) mechanism s in the discussion The discourse made by one of the main l eaders in the opening session is elucidative: Last year we held a meeting in Brasilia with more than five thousand leaders from a diversity of branches of the indigenous movement, rubber tappers, riberinhos former escaped slaves, and plenty of other Amaz onian social movem ents to talk about the future we want for our lives, our forests, and our territories. In this effort we, with IPAM, decided to step forward and, considering the positive experience that we had with the forest people from Brazil, bring to gether forest people worldwide and to open a dialogue about the role of the forests and build a strong coalition for the Climate Conference of the Part ie s to be h e ld in Copenhagen to ask for the incorporation of the debate about the role of native forest s in stopping climate change. Thus, in this sense we invited forest people from Latin America and worldwide to prepare them for the debate to be h e ld in Bali by the United Nations. We would like to build a strong alliance, such the alliance buil t around the W orld S ocial F orum, to talk about our future, and the future of the planet. Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2008 Even though most of the movements present at the meeting strongly agreed with the discussion and create d a coalition among the organizations fighting for the same goal, the idea of formaliz ing the Alliance as an international coalition was not accepted. The other social movements agreed to cooperate, but without be ing part of a formal organization. This meeting, was especiall y important to show that at the same time that they were planning to perform a downward scale shift, the rubber tappers movement was seeking to build a strong coalition of other social movements as a strategy to strength en its role in influencing the discu ssion about REDD in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in 2009 The model pointed to by the leaders was the World Social Forum, one of the main forums analyzed by a set of authors to study the
79 scale shift process and transnational ac tivism (Tarrow, 2007, Della Porta and Tarrow, 2005). In the World Social Forum of 2009 that happened in the city of Bel m, Par the members of the FPA held meetings w ith their own constituents to spread the discussion to lower levels of the movements. The rubber tappers movement associated the discussion with other themes such as income generation, and market s for forest products. The meeting had the participation of the state government of Amazonas, as well as IPAM and CNS. The discourse of the leaders of the movement brought a new element. The impacts of global warming were adapted to incorporate local themes that affected directly the life of local constituents, such as change s in the life cycle of species with economic value, change s in the frequency and amount of rain, among others. In this way, local leaders could incorporate the discussion about a broader theme, such as global warming, with local themes, such as the growing scarcity of natural resources indispensable to the life o f the movement constituents. During the speech by the leader of the rubber tappers movement, he exerted the frame of global warming along with other more familiar frame s : Our work, the work of CNS is centered on four main ax e s. They are: access to the res ources indispensable for our surviv al; the second is the organization of the communities ; the third is natural resources conservation ; and the fourth is production. Leader of the Forest People Alliance 200 9 Following the discussion the global w arming fr ame was introduced in the discourse: The recognition of the role of the extractivist in the defense of the forest in the landscape of climate change is another theme. I am talking about a possibility that is passing in front of our eyes. However, we and so me other partners, such as IPAM, have made a huge effort to recognize our role in
80 the defense of the forest and in the prevention of global warming. We have an important role as forest guardians. We have been doing this job for our children for ourselves, for the country and for the world. We would like to be recognized for that. It will be a victory, but some governments do not recognize our role, our rights and we have to make sure that this right will be guaranteed through the creation of public policie s. Leader of the Forest People Alliance 2009 Attached to the diagnostic fr ame the damage that global warming has been causing in our life -another idea was brought up by the leaders of the movement. Payment for environmental services was shown to be the solution to the problem, since the payment s to be ma d e by the international community could be useful to alleviate the damages caused by climate change. With economic resources, communit i es would be able to adapt themselves to climate change a prognostic frame. Unfortunately, without economic resources to mobilize leaders from different parts of the Amazon, the rubber tappers movement, with the support of local governments and the state government of Par were able to mobilize only the local leaders and constituents from the regions close to the municipalities close to B l em. This fact decreased the spectrum of groups that could be reached by the attempt of the organization to spread the frame among their constituents at this meeting The next and more important moment to spread the word about climate change, global warming and payment for environmental service to lower levels of the rubber tappers movement was the II Congress of Extract ivist Populations. The congress was also held by CNS in the city of Bel m, Par It takes place every three years and the main goal is the election of the board of directors of the CNS, and the definition of the agenda they will develop during the follow ing years.
81 The meeting in 2009 focused considerable attention on the discussion about global warming, climate change and payment for environmental services. One presentation was made by a technician from the staff of IPAM; however the reception of the ge neral audience was low, due to the lack of understanding about the theme. A working group was formed to discuss global warming, but the discussion went around the same themes and traditional demands of the rubber tappers movement. At the end the final doc ument addresse d some of the main questions related to the demands presented by the local leaders and one of the main demands was access to more information about the new themes. The dilemma faced by the movement in these two moments wa s about how to dire ct efforts and scarce resources of the rubber tappers movemen t to perform both actions : to strength en the base and at the same time keep their capacity to influence in the design of public policies within the country and worldwide. One of the main challen ges seem ed to be the economic resource to perform this action. Nevertheless, some sources of funding seem ed to be the answer to this question. The Fundo Amazonia a fund created by the national government with the support of the Norwegian government -was seen as one of the main promising source s of resource s to perform the downward scale shift needed. However, the state would continue to be the main provider of resources. The big challenge for the rubber tappers social movement now is about how to main tain their autonomy, keep their main source of economic resources, and influence in the design of public policies for the forest people. To conclude the analysis t he formations of the rubber tappers movement, and the history of evolution of extractive res erves as a public policy, are the result of sequential
82 policy implementation by the Brazilian states with the main goal of promoting the development of the Amazon region. Besides the sprouting of conflicts in the Amazon region, the political opportunities and alliances buil t by the rubber tappers movement provided them with resources to optimize their demands and gain enough visib ility to project themselves as political actors. The evolution of the policy and the trends in terms of which political party was occupying the government led them to a different scenario in which, despite an apparently favorable party in power, their position was weakened in terms of influencing political decisions. so many resources available political space, and a strong base however they established a strong coordination that allowed them to enlarge its social network and perform some important p rocess of brokerage, claim s and identity shift In the process es of brokerage, the vertical relationship established with strategically important allies was important, as was the building of horizontal alliances The strengthening of ties with social movements from the same level of action was important to confer legiti macy to the model proposed by the rubber tappers movement. The use of a large frame was important in the identity shift and in the achievement of a successful scale shift. In the second period of analysis, the social movement had already reach ed important demands and gained influence in the process of decision making and their leaders were already able to achieve posts in the legislat ur e. The perception of a political opportunity and the identification of a common threat led the national leaders of the rubber tappers movement to perform a re emergence of the social movement through the adoption of a new master frame with new allies, and in a totally diverse
83 environment Nevertheless, t he grow th of the movement, at the same time that it created t he conditions to reach their goals, brought a dilemma about the relationship among leaders of different levels of action. This became clear during the conflicts that sprouted during the II Meeting of Forest People among leaders of different levels. In 2007 the attempt to perform a new upward scale shift was blocked by the tensions within the movements, and the perception among the leaders of the need to perform a downward scale shift to bring the local leaders to the same p l ace. D espite the similarities am ong the two processes of scale shift performed by the leaders, the downward scale shift seems to be more costly than the upward scale shift performed earlier considering the large structure developed by the social movement and the lack of resources. The a doption of the master frame related to global warming and payment for environment services seem s to be an opportunity to have access to resources that can be useful to alleviate the internal tensions in the movement.
84 CHAPTER 3 DIVERGING PATHS: ACHIEVEMENTS, STRATEGIES AND DEMANDS IN THE RUBBER TAPPER MOVEMENT Theoretical Framework In the seventies, with the turbulence caused by the rise of so many different social movements in the U.S. antin uclear movement new theories about social movements began to emerge Using a concept coined by Zald and McCarthy (1987: 20), these movements had as a marked feature the existence of social movement organizations An analysis of these movements led Zald a nd McCarthy to design Resource Mobilization Theory that is focused basically o n how social movements emerge and the significance of infrastructure and resource accumulation, organizational aspects, and collective coordination of actions by social movement leadership (Zald & McCarthy, 1987). Foweraker (1995) points out that some scholars have highlight ed that Re source M obilization Theory is inadequate to discuss the reality of Latin American movements because it ignores the role of social identity, is focused on middle class reform goals, and because economic resource s are scarce for most of both urban and rural social movements. However, in a continent in which the state has a main role as a dispenser of scarce resources the theory could be useful to analyze the political trajectory of these movements and their relationship with the state (Foweraker, 1995). In t he post military period in Latin America, the acceptance of social movement claims by the state, the creation of democratic spaces to conduct their demands, and their recognition as significant interlocutors impacted them in a considerable way (Cardoso, 19 92). Escobar and Alvarez (1992: 03) state that in the context of democratic consolidation, some social movements declined because they were unable to advance
85 from the more disruptive tactics of the transition period to the strategies of negotiation On the other hand, other social movements used strategies that permitted them to strengthen their ties with the state or establish processes of negotiation as an attempt to have their claims incorporated as policies (Foweraker, 1995; Canel, 1992). However, the o rganizational logic of state to work is not based in mobilization, but on order, formalization and institutionalization (Eckstein, 2001). Even though some scholars believe that the achievement of demand s leads to demobilization of groups ( Foweraker, 1992 ), studies have also show n that some social movements established a relationship with the state as a strategy of having their demands either attended to or incorporated by the state without necessarily b ecoming demobilized (Hipster, 1998; Katzenstein, 1998; Haber, 2006). Nonetheless, in the same way that social movements influence state, on the other hand, the state affects social movements in the way that they perceive their interests, organize collecti vely, and in the strategies they adop t (Canel, 1992). One of the main consequences of the establishment of a close relationship with the state is the professionalization and formalization of social movements with changes in their strategies and demands (Pa ley, 2001; Haber, 2006). Staggenborg (1988) analyzes the consequences of professionalization and formalization in the pro choice movement in different periods of time. She found that [Social Movement Organizations] engage in fewer disrupt ive tactics of the sort that pressure government authorities and other elites to make concessions or provide support than do informal SMOs. Formalized SMOs also tend to select strategies
86 and tactics that enhance organizational maint 88 ). Talking (Staggenborg, 1988 ). Analyzing the impact of professionalization and fo rmalization in the S o Paulo trajectory of social movements and social movement organization, even though they are not inevitable outcomes. These are formalization, institutio nalization and professionalization. Formalization is defined by Lebon (1998: 30) as a process by which a social movement or informal SMOs become formalized, with more established rules, stricter membership requirements and higher division of labor. Institu tionalization is a process by which movement representatives start to adopt more predictable and conventional strategies to present their grievances. Additionally, they establish an integrative cooperative relationship with the state (Lebon, 1998). Professionalization is described as a process by which members of a social movement organization start to be paid for their activities. I n her research, Lebon (1998 ) describe d how the return to a civilian rule i n Brazil facilitate d policies, which at the same time intensifie d the relationship with state agencies. After the election of Fernando Henrique, in 1994, these actors became closer and estab lished a more cooperative relationship. In any case, the heterogeneity of the ed the action at different levels leading to conquests
87 same time r esisted discursive accommodation. Klandermans, Roefs, and Olivier (1998), analyzing the response of the South African population involved in the fight against apartheid under the government of the African National Congress, used four concepts to make the i dea of institutionalization operational and to show differences between the perceptions of the constituencies and of the leaders who were closely related to the government: perceptions about political opportunities, the act of choosing tactics to react to an identified problem, perceptions about their capacity to influence the government, and the definition of their main demands. In my case, I decided to study specifically the rubber tapper s movement in Brazil and the consequences of the acceptance of a public policy (creation of extractive reserves, a new form of land tenure) on the social movement. Different ly from the group studied by Staggenborg (1988 ), the rubber tappers movement organizations established with the creation of extractive reserves have few or no paid staff, and the majority of the work is done by volunteers. Some of the leaders have to deal with the lack of resources in the organization and a subsequently high dependency on external resources, mainly supplied by the state. Besides this, the formalization of the local social movements through the creation of associations was a prerequisite to having access to a series of policies. The proposal presented by the rubber tapper social movement through the National Council of Rubber Tappers (C NS) already had the formation of the local associations as a crucial point for the success of the extractive reserves, since a variety of policies could only be made reality if the residents were organized in a formalized
88 organization. The transformation o f local associations raised a series of questions about political autonomy, economic maintenance of the organization, and the relationship with the state and political parties. Problem Statement During military rule in Brazil (1964 1985 ) the government assumed the task of promoting the development of the N orth region, protecting the frontiers, and solving problems related to land conflicts in the South and Southeast regions of the country. Using a discourse based o n these goals, federal and state govern ments promoted a conquest of the north in the Amazon region, attracting at first small farmers, and later large enterprises, to expand the agricultural frontier (Schmink and Wood, 1992; Mello, 2006). The policies designed by the government were based on construction of large infrastructure such as roads and dams, creation of colonization projects, investment in infrastructure construction, and tax incentives for large enterprises (Becker, 2001; Becker, 2005; Mello, 2006). The main consequences were defore station and displacement of indigenous people and local communities. In this context, rubber tappers affected by these policies in the Brazilian Amazon organized an unprecedented movement with the main goal of fighting for a policy of land reform that reco gnized their forms of land use, and their traditional knowledge about forest resources (Allegretti & Schmink, 2009). With support from the Catholic Church, and organized through rural unions, they developed a strong social movement based on the development of particular frames and alliances with external organizations (Allegretti, 2002; Brown and Rosendo, 2000). In a historical meeting held in 1985, they formulated a land reform proposal based on their settlement patterns (the extractive
89 reserves), and foun ded an organization to represent their demands, the National Council of Rubber Tappers (Allegretti, 2002). The National Council of Rubber Tappers (CNS) was created as a liaison between ntermediary policies in decision making spaces (Chalmers et al. 1997). In the last twenty five years of existence, the organization has grown in terms of its structure, p olitical spaces to influence public policies, economic resources, and visibility. This happened thanks to their capacity in defining frames, building alliances, channeling resources, and seizing opportunities to strengthen the rubber tapper movement (Ering haus, 2006; Hochstetler & Keck, 2007; Allegretti & Schmink, 2009). The residents of extractive reserves are not directly affiliated with CNS. Instead, local associations are linked to CNS, and its leaders channel the local demands of each extractive reserv e through the CNS. With the end of the federal subsidy for rubber in 1990 and the absence of policies for non timber forest products, the rubber tappers faced a change in their livelihood and in land use (Gomes, 2001; Salisbury & Schmink, 2007). The change in the livelihood of the rubber tappers led to the loss of their ecological legitimacy, and the forest guardians frame used by the group started to be criticized (Eringhaus, 2006). The intentional strategy to promote the enlargement of the movement surrou nding the extractive reserves brought a diversity of identities and, consequently, demands to the social movement. The formalization of local challengers in associations created a demand for new and different approaches for the rubber tappers movement.
90 On January, 30 th 1990, through decree law 98.897, the model proposed by the rubber tappers finally became a policy and the first four extractive reserves were created (Arnt, 1994). In 2000 there were 10 in all the country (Cardoso, 2000), and twenty years lat er, more than 57 extractive reserves had been created by the federal government. The model was adopted by the s tate at different levels of governance (state and national) and in different regions of the country. It has encompassed not only a large range o f ecosystems, but also a huge part of the highly threatened areas of the Amazon region. In 2000, after ten years of studies, discussions, and lobbying by environmental NGOs in the legislative federal chamber, the president signed law 9.985. The National Sy stem of Conservation Units (SNUC), as it is known, recognized the Extractive Reserves as a category of protected areas (Mercadante, 2001).The advances were significant in relation to previous environmental legislation already existent. The SNUC incorporate d the concepts of sustainable and local development, recognized the role of traditional populations in the maintenance of biodiversity, increased public participation in the decision making process to creat e and manage protected areas, and recognized right s for the people that live inside national parks (Santilli, 2005). However the same law brought some setbacks for the rubber tapper movement. The creation of public spaces for participation, such as deliberative councils, increased the participation of th e broader society but decreased the autonomy of the residents over their territories, since it included other social actors in the decision making process (Conselho Nacional dos Seringueiros, 2009). Furthermore, the law created the position of manager of p rotected areas to be occupied by a public servant from the
91 environmental agency, which has become the main point of conflict between residents, local organizations, and the environmental agency (Conselho Nacional dos Seringueiros, 2009). If before the eff orts of the environmental agency were concentrated on strength ening the local associations, with the new model of management for the extractive reserves, the focus shifted from the local associations to the deliberative councils (Vianna & Sales, 2008). Ac customed to working in an environment of right wing governments in 2002 the rubber tappers movement faced the first term of president Luis Incio Lula da Silva, who had participated in some important moments of the movement, s uch as protests after the killing of Wilson Pinheiro (in 19 80 ) and Chico Mendes (in 1988) leaders of the rubber tappers movement However, the rubber positions they held in previous governments to effectively channel their demands and garner political and financial support for the social movement (Hochstetler & Keck 2007). Furthermore, the movement suffered a leadership drain, with many of their members and advocates occu entire context, the rubber tapper movement lost political visibility and the capacity to influence effectively in the design of public policies. Research Question How does the relationship establis hed with the state and a change in the political context affect the choice of demands, tactics and perceptions about achievements of the rubber tappers movement leaders?
92 Methodology Looking for answers to the questions I posed, and to have access to the perceptions of leaders of local associations and members of the board of directors of the national chapter of CNS about achievements, demands, tactics and dynamics I collected data from September 2007 through June 2009, through conducting semi structured interviews, recording speeches and talks given by national and local leaders, and collecting documents produced by and about the National Council of Rubber Tappers (CNS) and local organizations. To optimize resources and have a larger number of interviews and documents produced by the rubber tapper movement, I took part in different meetings promoted by leaders of CNS or they attended. The meetings were events in which they expressed themselves c ollectively. The meetings were: The II Meeting of the Forest People, held in September 2007; Forest People and Climate Change Workshop held in April 2008; January 2009; f the Interstate Movement of Babassu I considered 08 national leaders of CNS that I interviewed to be key informants since they are social movement entrepreneurs definition (2005), those who have played a primordial role in the def inition and development of demands, tactics, and frames within the organization. Interviews and talks were transcribed in a full and standardized manner to provide a consistently prepared and comparable textual record. Subsequently, all the transcriptions were
93 identified in the same way, considering the differences between the positions occupied by those interviewee from within the organization. To identify the local leaders to be interviewed I asked for data about the local associations from the Brazilian Environmental Agency, and crossed that with the data given to me by the CNS offices in each state of the Brazilian Amazon. I interviewed 35 leaders of local associations from Amazonian extractive reserves, asking about their relationship with the CNS and t he main demands, tactics, and frames to be used by the local organization. As in the interviews with the leaders from CNS, the interviews were transcribed and I analyzed the content of the interviews, trying to identify recurrent themes. I used a statisti cs program (SPSS) to analyze the frequency of the answers. Besides this, I personally analyzed the content of the discourses Results Achievements To better understand the consequences of the institutionalization of a public policy proposed by the rubber t apper movement and its impacts on the movement itself, it is important to consider and understand what the leaders of the social movement identify as the main achievements of the movement, since its emergence in the seventies. The perception of the leaders about the achievements is important because it project s ideas about the relationship with the state in recent years and reveals the results of the establishment of ties between them When asked about the most important outcomes for the rubber tappers movement the main and most common response among the leaders of the movement is related to the creation of the extractive reserves, including the acceptance by the state of a proposal presented by the rubber tapper movement, and its transformation
94 into public policy. In the following discourse of one of the leaders of the movement, he emphasizes this aspect of the achievements: I believe that the recognition of our territoria lity by the federal government was one of our biggest advances. No other group has as many territories as we do, extractivists and the Amazonian indigenous people. No one compares to us! We have almost twenty two million hectares of extractive reserves. Da mn! It is a lot of land! It is 04 % of the Amazon region, almost five. However, we have to reach 10 % That is our goal. By 2020 we have to reach 10 % You know why? We still have a lot of comrades in the forest e more than one hundred demands [for creation of extractive reserves] presented by them to the Instituto Chico Mendes from different parts of the Amazon! It is important. It shows how our struggle was important. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Ta ppers, Par 2009 In a broader context, since the creation of the first extractive reserve, 70 areas were recognized by the state as protected for cultural, social and environmental purposes. Furthermore, the model proposed by the rubber tappers spread th roughout the country and was adopted by different social groups that have their life based in the collection of extractivist products for subsistence and as a source of income. This led to the expansion of the social movement. However, the recognition of extractive reserves as a public policy was followed by the formalization and institutionalization of local social movements through the creation of local associations. In a proposal designed to improve the autonomy of local groups over their territories a nd to increase the participation and representation of residents in the decision making process vis a vis the state, the rubber tapper movement emphasized the role of associations. Their main functions were proposed as: holding the legal instrument that le gitimizes their use of the area control over the use of natural resources and representation of the residents in governmental fora (Allegretti, 1994).
95 Local associations were created and formalized with the support of churches, labor unions, and other or ganizations, but the state also assumed an important role in this process. 71% of the processes of the creation of local associations had the support of the Catholic Church but in 65.7% of cases the state also had an active role. Associations were formali zed primarily (68.7%) after the process of creation of the extractive reserves. Generally, they are formed as a structure of formal positions and composed of leaders of local social movements who had struggled for the creation of the extractive reserves. T hus, after the creation of an extractive reserve the local organizations shift ed from a position of challenger to a cooperative position and leadership drainage follow ed s ince in 91.8% of the cases, representatives of local associations that I interviewed had been leaders in local organizations before the creation of the formal organizations. In addition to the creation of extractive reserves, there are other public policies demand ed and received by the rubber tapper movement which were recognized by the leaders as important victories. The recognition of extractive reserve residents as beneficiaries of the National Program of Agrarian Reform, for instance, gave them access to a vari ety of lines of credit that were previously restricted to residents of settlement projects established and managed by INCRA. In 2001, through an alliance between the National Center for the Sustainable Development of Traditional Populations ( CNPT ) CNS, an d Amazonian Working Group ( GTA ) the program was modified to include extractivists as beneficiaries. Since its establishment the program managed by INCRA is recognized as one of the major sources of public investment in the extractive reserves (Centro de G esto e
96 Estudos Estratgicos, 2009). INCRA calculates that US$ 233,700,882 was invested in extractive reserves from six Amazonian states from 2003 until 2009, benefit t ing 1 031 706 families (Centro de Gesto e Estudos Estratgicos, 2009). This includes the o e foment o intended for the construction of houses and the acquisition of materials to be used for income generation and subsistence of the families. Each family receives approximately US$ 7.315, but local associ ations manage the funds. In some cases, access to that economic resource led to the formalization of the local social movements into organizations. In the interviews conducted with the leaders of the local organizations, 44.1 % indicated that the main reaso n to form an association was to have access to public policies, such as the credit lines of INCRA. A president of a local association tells us about this in his discourse: The people today recogniz e the importance of the association in the extractive rese rve. Through the association they can have access to projects, to resources to improve their life. Before the creation of the They were nobody to the government. Today credit is a rriving for fishers, so they can buy a boat, a fishing net. They can have a decent house in which to live. It is an advantage for us. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Maranho 2009 In this case, it seems that formalization and institutionalization of loc al social movements gave them access to credit policies and led to the achievement of benefits by the residents of extractive reserves. Thus, if the social movement is prone to work in a cooperative association with the state, this case suggests that forma lization, instead of leading to a demobilization (Piven and Cloward 1977), dr o ve the social movement to have access to specific public policies. However it is important to understand the consequence of this acceptance in the choice of strategies and demands
97 Another achievement identified by the leaders of the rubber tapper movement as important is the occupation of positions in mainstream politics as a way to get access to governmental funding and to influence in the design of public policies A f ormer president of the National Council of Rubber Tappers says : The movement changed and had different achievements as important as land security. The search for other spaces to be occupied by leaders in other sectors of the society, such as the parliamen t and the executive power, occupying other sources to strengthen the struggle was a victory. It was a conquest that happened a lot in different parts of the Amazonia. I am an example of that. I was a leader from the rubber tappers movement and today, I a m a mayor of my municipality. You can see the case of the Minister of the Environment too. She is a com rade too. We struggled side by side to defend our land in Acre and today she is a Minister! Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers, Acre 200 7 At the local level of governance, associations seem to rely strongly on the election of municipal representatives, or advocates linked to a local social movement, as a way to strengthen their capacity to get access to the making of public policy and to g et support for the maintenance of the organization. In the last election for municipal representative s 82.9% of the associations presented or supported candidates (29 out of 35). From this total, 44.8% were elected (13 out of 29) as a mayor or municipal representative. The election of those leaders represented dilemma for the social movement since as it drove many leaders inside the government structure, consequently weakening local social movements since less experienced leaders took positions formerly occupied by more experienced leaders. In some cases in which they completely lacked new people to take the positions in the association or social movement organizations, leaders had to hold both positions, blurring the boundary between government and socia l movement organizations.
98 However, leaders also identif ied good outcomes from this process, mainly in the participation in public policy design and in facilitati ng their access to economic resources to maintain the organization and support the ir activities When asked about the reasons why it was important to have representatives occupying posts in the government, the leaders declared that the election of someone they supported could be useful to help them gain access to specific policies that are directed to the communities through the local government: Healthcare and education are policies defined by the federal government, no? However, they are driven through the local government. We know that the cake is not so big, and they still take the larg er slice for themselves ; if we did not have someone there, we would never have access to our slice, not even to the leftovers. That is the reason why is so important to have someone there that looks out for us. Leader of an Extractive Reserve, Para 2007 L eaders of the social movement organizations that I interviewed identif ied two different sources of funding at different levels of govern ance, which can be useful to them depending upon the amount of money that can be accessed. Specific expenditures are covered by the federal government and others by the municipal government. Construction of buildings and acquisition of goods that require a larger amount of money, are relegated to the fed eral government through specific programs. From the total of 35 associations included in the study, 77% have their own buildings. From this total, 80% were built with economic resources from the federal government through programs such as those in the Envi ronment Ministry I found the same situation with other kind of resources such as trucks, boats, computers and fax machines. 98% of the associations declared that they had acquired those goods with federal government funding.
99 The monthly expenditures in cluding bills and meetings among residents are more often funded by the municipal government. This support comes in small amounts of money that are negotiated monthly with the local government through the association or government representatives related t o the social movements. Among the local leaders of social movement organizations, 70% declared that their monthly expenditures (which include light, phone and water bills) are paid with support from the municipal government. This seems to have a considerab le impact on their strategies as we will see later. Besides this, the resources are used to hold meetings with the residents of the extractive reserves or to guarantee their participation in larger forums: When we went to the World Social Forum in 2009, t he municipal government helped us with transportation and with a house that was used to host the residents of the extractive reserve in the city of Bel m. The same happens when we have to hold meetings among us. They give us support with funding for transp ortation and meals. Leader of an Extractive Reserve, Par 2009 Data collected in the interviews show that 85% of the associations promote meetings among their associates using resources from the state The meetings generally involve the participation of a large number of people who have to travel to one place and spend two or three days there. The main expenditures in these cases are related to transportation and food. In cases in which transportation involves the acquisition of large amounts of fuel, th e support of the state is essential and sometimes the meetings happen following events promoted by state agencies: It is impossible to promote these meetings without the support of the government or other organizations. Sometimes we can only meet if we ta ke the opportunity of another meeting promoted by them. We ask them to give
100 us a few more days to bring our people together. In general they agree and it is good because we only can afford it with the societal contributions. Leader of an Extractive Reser ve, Para 2009 Another achievement pointed out by the leaders of the rubber tapper movement is the cultural exchange promoted by the group in the understanding by society and the state of the themes related to the main frames used by the social movement. Some of the main claims and frames used by the group since the rise of the movement, such as public participation in social and environmental policy design, the importance of considering cultural and social factors in the creation of protected areas, and the design of specific policies for forest people, influenced the adoption of these concepts in the design of subsequent policies. Beyond these changes, the leaders of the rubber tapper movement consider that they changed the perception that the broader so ciety has about their identity, rights, and role in biodiversity conservation, as we can see in the discourse of one of the leaders of the movement: The biggest change, the greatest conquest was that the movement gained visibility and the society became c ognizant of us. Today you can see debates in the schools, the children talking about the rubber tappers, the environmental consciousness that we brought about. However, we still have to advance. When we started to talk about sustainable development nobody was talking about that. We were the first. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers, 2007 Thus, the list of achievements recognized by leaders of the rubber tapper movement, or the movement surrounding the extractive reserves, includes accomplishme nts related to the relationship between social movements and the state, such as the acceptance of public policies proposed by the rubber tapper social movement, the filling of political positions in mainstream politics and state agencies, the recognition b y the broader society of their role as social actors and the broader
101 acceptance of frames used by them. Those victories related to the role of the state as a provider required the adoption of different strategies in each one of the periods of the politica l context in which the movement was developed. Strategies Breaking the order: The use of n on conventional strategies. Since the early days of the rubber tappers movement, they used to combine disruptive tactics with more conventional and predictable ones. This combination of strategies gave the movement the ability to negotiate and pressure the state at the same time in their attempts to reach their goals of land security and welfare. During the years that followed the acceptance of the extractive reserve as a public policy by the state, they seized space in state agencies and mainstream politics, and the disruptive t actics became less common. Among the disruptive tactics adopted by them, the empates were a hallmark of the movement. The tactic was used during the early days, and consisted basically of moving to a forested area of a rubber estate, where they knew that c lear cut was planned, and standing in front of the trees, thereby preventing the advance of bulldozers and workers hired by the owners or land grabbers to chop down the trees. Having the workers unions as main organizers, they orchestrated an intense mobil ization of rubber tappers from different seringais (rubber estates). Chico Mendes, one of the main leaders of the rubber tapper s movement, explained to Maybury Lewis (1994: 224) in an interview about the nature of the empates: In 1976, we, a group of rubbe r tappers, began the first resistance movement against large scale deforestation. On March 1, 1976, our group of sixty rubber tappers surrounded an encampment of laborers engaged in
1 02 an enormous deforestation project. We kept up the siege for three days. Th at act had a great impact because it was a surprise. The authorities took this very badly, because at the time the area in question was considered a national security [zone]. Eventually the act caused a reaction from the army, om all the security organs. But our movement was peaceful. Our movement was not one that had as its objective the spilling of blood. No. On the contrary, it was a movement that attempted to make public opinion aware of the grave problems we were obliged to confront head on. (Chico Mendes in Maybury Lewis, 1994) In this part of the interview, Chico Mendes emphasized the non violent but s t ill disruptive aspect of the empates The rubber tappers, a disempowered group, looking to raise awareness about the situa tion they were facing started to organize disruptive and unexpected protests. At the end, the empates achieved the recognition by the state agency that the rubber tappers were squatters and had rights to reparations. Generally, in the beginning, the empa tes concluded with a negotiation between the land reform agency, landowner s, and rubber tapers. As the years passed they realized that the indemnification was not enough to guarantee that the rubber tappers would not migrate to the city and live in slums on the outskirts. Thus, they started to petition for the permanence of the rubber tappers through agrarian reform projects. Even though the empate was a non violent tactic, sometimes it brought some tension between the challengers and the hired workers or police force. The threats and violence with which the state and the landowner s started to react, led the rubber tappers to change some features in the strategy. In a discussion with a leader fr om the rubber tapper movement of Acre, who took part actively in several empates this shift is highlighted. Under the threat of violent conflicts the rubber tappers started to b ring women and children to the empates as a way to show that it was a non viol ent action: In the beginning the empates were carried out only by men, and then we realized that we were reaching a point at which the conflicts were agitating so much that the risk of violent response was increasing. So we started to
103 bring women too, an d they usually took the front of the lines. The children had to go too. Thus, we showed them that we were not there to bring violence, but to defend our right to have our own land covered by a forest, to have our comrades living there. Leader of the Nation al Council of Rubber Tappers, Acre 2008 However, the use of empate as a tactic was restricted to the state of Acre, the hearth of the rubber tappers movement. Even though the movement spread throughout the entire Amazon region, the strategy remained rest ricted to some municipalities of the state of Acre, but had great repercussions. In other states of the Amazon region the occupation of public buildings was and is a common strategy used by rubber tappers and groups fighting for the creation of extractive reserves. The case of the Extractive Reserve of Quilombo do Frechal is illustrative of the use of the strategy. In 1993, the residents of Quilombo do Frechal Extractive Reserve, Maranh o state, were being pressured by the landowner to leave the area. Even though the extractive reserve was decreed, the land regularization was not done. The residents had been requesting the completion of the procedure, but the government was not responsive to their claims. So they decided to adopt a more disruptive strategy. It becomes clear in the 2009 explanation of a leader of a local organization from there: We had attended meetings with IBAMA representatives from here and from Brasilia to present our demands and concerns about the land regularization. The landowner was p ressuring us ; nevertheless they were always telling us meeting among us and decided to react. One day we organized ourselves, we went to the environmental agency building in S o Luis and, using a lock and a chain, we locked the main door. Then we called the main agency building in Brasilia and told them that if they did not give us a guarantee about the land regularization, we were ready to burn down the building that afternoon with o urselves and the agency representative still inside. They
104 negotiated among themselves and on the same day we had the money in the treasury account for this purpose. Leader of an Extractive Reserve, Maranho 2009 His discourse suggests that a disruptive tactic was used after failed attempts to negotiate the resolution of the problem with the state through less disruptive tactics. In the absence of responsiveness, they decided to employ a more disruptive tactic to force the government to act. This strategy was used for a long time and in a lot of different places in which the rubber tapper movement was strongly active and demanding the creation of extractive reserves. The occupation of public buildings was employed at different times during the existence of the movement. Following the timeline of the rubber tapper movement, occupations have been happening since the beginning of the movement and throughout the last twenty five years, and they generally occurred after an attempt to negotiate through conventional channels the resolution of a certain problem identified by the challengers. For instance, in 1985 the residents of the Jutai River, Amazonas state, started to demand the recognition of their rights over their territories through the creation of an extractive reserve in the area. In 2000, when the rubber tapper movement in Amazonas state was still struggling for the creation of the protected area, they faced strong opposition from the state government which was proposing that the RESEX should be created by them, instead of by the federal government. After sending letters to the president of the Environmental Protection Institute of Amazonas State (IPAAM), the residents of the area, with the support from the chur ch and other social movements, moved to Manaus, the capital, and occupied the building of the agency as a strategy to
105 pressure the government to agree to the creation of the extractive reserve by the federal government. The occupation lasted two days and ended with the agreement being signed by the president of the agency. The extractive reserve was created in 2001. The residents of some rubber estates in the municipality of Boca do Acre started to mobilize in 1990, demanding the creation of an extractive reserve in the area. In September 2005, they promoted the occupation of the local office of IBAMA (Brazilian Environmental Agency) as a strategy to pressure the federal government to create the reserve. After approximately one week of occupation, the resid ents decided to leave the building with the promise that the extractive reserve would be created soon. It happened eight months after the occupation. Predictable dissent: c onventional but still unexpected. Some strategies were predictable in the sense the y did not break the order, but in the initial context of the movement they were still unexpected, since the government was not anticipating that reaction from rubber tappers. Such methods included sending letters or holding meetings with government represe ntatives. Allegretti (2002: 193) cites that Chico Mendes had the habit of sending letters to representatives of state agencies, governors, the president, or international organizations. The letters were used to make denounce s present demands of the rubber tapper movement, ask for state action, or give support to specific situations. The letters were a very important instrument when Chico Mendes was president of the rural union of Xapuri during the most intense years of conflict between rubber tappers and l andowner s. Furthermore, they were used in subsequent events by the movement. Sometimes, the content of the letter was presented in a challenging way.
106 In the newspapers of Acre state it is possible to find countless letters sent by Chico Mendes to the pub lic in general or to specific representatives of the state such as it clear to the readers that the rubber tappers were shifting from a passive to a more active position i n relation to the threats to their lives. In a letter directed to the governor asserts that: [We] blame you for any incident that eventually comes to pass in Xapuri, beca use we understand that the situation is at its limit and we are no longer prone to die passively like a frog under the cattle feet. o n O ct o ber 22, 1987 he states that: The rubber tappers ar e disposed to resist using our old, organized and peaceful strategy of struggle that are the empates. However, we appeal for the enforcement of P ortaria 486, from October 28, 1986, that to this day has not been accomplished, not even by the agency that est ablished it, the IBDF (Brazili an Institute of Forest Defense) This is it. The alert is given. These fragments suggest how the rubber tappers brought together disruptive and more institutionalized tactics to achieve their goals. The dispatch of the letters to the newspapers suggests a strategy of using the media to publicize the facts that were happening in the countryside of Acre and the lack of responsiveness by the state, forcing the representatives of the government to attend to their claims. The establ ishment of alliances with researchers and international NGOs was important to help the rubber tappers publicize the situation they faced in the Brazilian Amazon and had great impact in the definition of public policies that directly affected the region. Ma ry Allegretti (2005) cites how the rubber tappers movement got international recognition through the ir alliance with the environmental movement from the United
107 States. With the support of national NGOs, they had access to environmental NGOs from the United States and Europe that could lobby politicians and directly pressure the multilateral banks, who were the main contributors, to adopt a different position in r elation to the development of the north of Brazil. After months of political maneuvers, they achieved the suspension of economic resources allocated to the POLONOROESTE, a program designed by the Brazilian government to develop the North region, by the Wor ld Bank, and the establishment of social and environmental constraints on the Inter American Development Bank to fund the paving of the BR 364. Another less disruptive tactic used in the early days of the movement was meeting with representatives of govern ment. After gaining some visibility through less conventional strategies, the rubber tappers movement was able to get access to state representatives and to present their demands. That was a way to create room for negotiation. An important moment in the in itial phase of the movement, in which the protests were more frequent was the I Meeting of Rubber Tappers, that took place in 1985, in Brasilia. During the meeting the rubber tappers from different states of the Brazilian Amazon presented their demands and heard the proposals and policies presented by the government. However, in the end, they disagreed with the National Agrarian Reform Plan ( PNRA ) signed by the president one week before and presented in the meeting. The policy designated 30 hectare plots f or each worker. The extractive reserve proposal had a requirement of 300 hectares of land for each extractivist. Thus, they organized a march to deliver the final document of the movement to congressmen. In an interview
108 the National Council of Rubber Tapper declared: If the government does not accept our proposal, we are going to carry out the agrarian reform with our own hands. They did not listen to us and this is c lear in the PNRA. They do not attend to our demands. We need ten times more land. The government is trying to transform us into a cheap labor force for the landlords. When the rubber tappers realized that the policy presented by the government did not cons ider their proposal, and that they did not have the political influence to reach their goals, they delivered a threat of employing more disruptive tactics. The second moment was in 1987 at which representatives from CNS and UNI held meetings with heads of state agencies to present their demands and proposals to solve the problems. The media covered the meetings thereby giving visibility to the movement and promoting the Forest People Alliance. A llegretti (2002: 555) describing the second event says that: The strategy cautiously prepared was put into practice: to insert in the governmental policies the priorities of rubber tappers, to have the indigenous people as allies, and to give visibility to their proposals among the public. This part of her study shows that the main goal of the rubber tapper social movement was to get influence over the making of public policies through the use of conventional tactics, such as meetings with state represent atives but, at the same time, the lack of responsiveness by the government led them to employ more disruptive strategies. After the creation of the first extractive reserves, the rubber tapper movement went gradually into the mainstream politics and seized space in state agencies. In 1992, after some conflicts with specific sectors of the IBAMA, they start ed to demand the creation of a specific division inside the agency to deal with their demands. In February 10,
109 1992, the President of IBAMA through an in ternal directive created the National Center for Sustainable Development of Traditional Population ( CNPT ) The center represented the creation of a safe space in a state agency for the rubber tapper movement to push their demands. An important element in the establishment of a structure inside the state was the 7 Pilot Program to Conserve the Brazilian Rain Forest, launched in 1990 in Houston during the meeting of the seven largest industrialized count ries (G 7). The project had as its main objectives: completing the legalization of the first four extractive reserves through land regularization and establishment of use plans, capacity building in local community organizations, installing infrastructure and technical capacity to improve the efficiency of CNPT and local organizations, and improving the subsistence and commercial production of local communities. The resources of the project were essential to consolidat e and strengthen the rubber tappers mo vement, and to promot e the expansion of the extractive reserves as an alternative model to secure land for extractivists from the Amazon region as explained in the discourse of one of the leaders of the movement: about how the CNPT would work, not even the people from IBAMA. We just had the need for a center to attend to the demands of the rubber tappers. Thus, we pointed Gilberto Siqueira to be coordinator. He had worked with us as a technician from FUNTAC (Techn ology Foundation from Acre State). We had been able to do a lot of things since the creation of CNPT. The CNPT had autonomy. The center was not constrained into the same structure as the other centers. Our leverage was the fact that we worked with economi c resources originating from international donations. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2009
110 An important way to gain access and present their demands inside CNPT and IBAMA, was the participatory branch of CNPT. The center was divided in t o an executive and participatory branch. As stated in the report 13047 BR of the PPG 7: The participatory branch of the CNPT is comprised of the Consultative Council, a body reporting directly to the director of CNPT. The Council is responsible for monito ring the activities of CNPT and for proposing policies. It is composed of representatives from CNS, MONAPE [National Fishermen's Movement] GTA [Amazonian Working Group] CTI [Center for Indigenist Work] COIAB [Coordination of Brazilian Amazonian Indigeno us Organizations ] IEA [Institute for Environmental and Amazonian Studies] and each of the nine national extractive reserves. Regional Consultative Councils are also part of the participatory branch, supervising the activities of the regional CNPT offices These councils are composed of regional government and NGO representatives. Another local leader who took part in the Consultative Council of CNPT stated that: I was the representative of this extractive reserve in the Consultative Council. We used to have a representative in the Council from each of the extractive reserves already created to take part in the discussions, and to make decisions about issues relate d to extractive reserves. It was a place to route demands and propositions to the government. We had people from Acre, Rondnia Amap Tocantins and Maranh o in the council. Leader of an Extractive Reserve, Tocantins 2009 Such as in other social moveme facilitated their access to economic and structural resources to expand and strengthen the movement, and their particip ation in the policy making process. The experience of one of the leaders of the CNS shows the difference between working in two different institutional spaces: outside and inside the state. He was president of CNS for six years and after this, a chief in a state agency: When I became the president of the National Council of Rubber Tappers, I assumed as a main task the expansion of the areas designated to be
111 extractive reserves. It was our main discussion. We used to go to the areas through previous contac t with organizations that had a history of acting locally, such as the rural unions and church, and informed and mobilized them to demand that the government create new areas [ extractive reserves ] Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2009 H e contrasts that with his experience as a chief of a center inside a state agency, where he attempted to use his position to push their demands as a social movement representative. He served as chief of CNPT: When I was invited to work in the government, I discussed it with the CNS leaders and I put forward a condition: I would only accept if I could continue working to expand the areas designated to be extractive reserves. Even though the areas were not created by the president at that time, I thought that we should have the administrative documents ready for the areas to be created later. The outcome is that when I left the government we had 23 administrative documents for new areas, just waiting to be signed by the president in all the states of the Amazo n where we had demands. Besides this, we had a lot of victories for the rubber tappers movement: for the first time an extractive reserve got credit from the agrarian reform agency. Even though the center was a weak one in the government structure, we seiz ed a space within the government to negotiate our main interests with other ministries and agencies. However, it happened only because we worked in a close relationship with the National Council of Rubber Tappers and other organizations from civil society. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2009 These fragments of interviews allow us to understand the different perspectives achieved by a leader of the rubber tapper movement about the role of an insider in the state government. Occupying a po sition in government, leaders have direct access to the state structure and resources, making it possible to push the demands of the social movements to which they belong. Pointing to the risky relationship between social movements and the state, Yashar (2 005) raises the point that leaders of social movements can face a h ard task once inside the state. Some leaders interviewed pointed to the importance for insiders of keeping a close relationship with social
112 movements (the base) that give them visibility a s a strategy to maintain their capacity to influence public policy making and have access to resources. A leader of the rubber tapper movement, talking about another leader that occupied a position in a state agency, stated that: She arrived there thinki ng that she was familiar with the forest people who worked to elect her. She started to tell us that she already knew our demands, and that she was already taking care of the rubber tappers did not get so much from the government for the rubber tapper movement. She isolated herself! Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2009 When asked about the tactics they are most prone to use to solve their problems, leaders of the local asso ciations answered that meeting with government representatives and participation in public forums organized by the government were the most frequent. Even considering tactics with lower frequencies the means used to present their grievances were less disr uptive th a n those performed in the past. Even at the local level, the rubber tapper movement attenuated their tactics, changing from more disruptive to more institutionalized approaches. In the discourse of the leaders from different scales it is possible to identify some common themes that explain the change from more disruptive tactics to moderate strategies. One is the responsiveness of the government through the creation of public arenas for the expression of claims, the designation of representatives to have dialogue with the social movements, and the incorporation of claims as public policies, even though in some cases the lack of enforcement and economic resources to accomplish the specified task make it ineffectual.
113 Another case of note is about the marine extractive reserves in the state of Par The first marine extractive reserve was created in 1992 in the s tate of Santa Catarina, in the Southern region of Brazil before the Earth Summit (Hochstetler & Keck, 2007). The first marine extractive reser ve created in the Amazon region was the Reserva Extrativista de Soure, also in the state of Par In the years that followed the creation of this extractive reserve, eight others were created in the marine areas of the same state. The local leaders of the marine extractive reserves from Par report that they attended the II Meeting of the Forest People, held in September 2007 in Brasilia The y went to the meeting with high expectations about having a space to present their demands to representatives of the government that attended the meeting How e ver the general feeling among them after the meeting was that the marine reserves had their demands suffocated by the high number of extractive reserves from the forested areas. They decided to create a coalition among the marine extractive reserves to enlarge their space and presence in the movement. Thus, they created the Central of the Associations of the Users of the Marine Extractive Reserves ( CAUREM ) The extractive reserves of Par have a peculiar situation rel ated to the fact that they built a strong alliance with the Judi c i ary Power represented by the Public Ministry, to push their demands and pressure other sectors of the government from within CAUREM has been working closely w ith the Public Ministry A watchdog Ministry that is responsible for ensuring that the government enforces laws and policies, that the rights secured from the state have been delivered, or that the other state agencies are working properly. About this, a president of the association told me: One of our main partners is the Public Ministry If the environmental agency or the land reform agency is not fulfilling their responsibilities properly, we
114 generally have a meeting with the Public Ministry osecutor and they charge the government. If they have a job, they have to accomplish it. Leader of an Extractive Reserve, Para 2009 Another aspect of institutionalization that can be noticed in the same organization refers to the presentation of candidat es for mayors and municipal legislative position representatives (vereador) in the last election. The organization decided to present candidates for these positions in eight of nine extractive reserves: one mayoral candidate and seven municipal legislate r epresentatives. From this total, five of the municipal legislative representatives were elected, as well as the one mayor: We believe that the political position can help us to advance some public policies and get some support from the government. Even tho ugh the federal government is legally responsible for the extractive reserves, sometimes it is easier to negotiate support or specific public policies at the local level. That is the reason we decided to work to put our representatives in the chamber of mu nicipal representatives. Besides this, we are always give them all the political support they need, but they have to work with us. Leader of an Extractive R eserve Para 2009 As in the case cited by the representative of CNS that accepted the position to civil society at large in overseeing their representatives is important to guarantee that their claims and demands will be accepted by the state. The challenge is that the s tate is composed of a balance of power between different groups trying to advance their demands, and sometimes groups with more economic power will be able to have more repr esentatives and, consequently, increase the probability of having their demands incorporated by the state. Based on the information collected, it seems that the strategies used by the rubber tapper social movement have been varying from more to less disrup tive. Both kinds of
115 strategies always seem to be combined in the history of the movement from its origins in the seventies until today. Demands Analyzing the demands presented by the 35 leaders of local associations as the most important for residents of extractive reserves, the most frequently cited was support for commercializing production (12 out of 35), infrastructure which includes health care centers and schools ( 8 out of 35), and land regularization through Use Concessions (CDRU) (5 out of 35). What caught my attention in these demands is the fact that, besides the creation of the extractive reserves, they are the same since the formation of the social movement (Allegretti, 2002). This raises a question about how responsive the s tate has been to the demands of the rubber tapper movement. In the Second Meeting of the Forest People, held in September 2007 an apparent difference emerged among local and national leaders. I asked the main leaders of CNS about the main demands from the local associati ons and how they had been dealing with them. One of the leaders responded: We achieved the creation of many extractive reserves, but the people are still there without a school in the community, without health care, without any support to sell their produc ts. Another point is that we talk about extractive reserves, land rights, but do you know how many communities have not had land rights recognized? We, who have our rights recognized, we are the minority! So we recognize the demands of the local associatio ns, the residents of the extractive reserves, but we have to use a more convincing discourse. Do you know how many groups have been requesting land, health care and education in the Amazon currently? Most of them! Did you know how many have been claiming p ayment for environmental services in a frame of global warming? None. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2007 It is important to highlight in this discourse that the leaders of CNS recognize the main demands of the local associations and, c onsequently, the residents, but believe
116 that the presentation of these demands should be part of a larger strategy to convince Steinberg (2001), the CNS leaders have been becomin g bilateral activi sts, since they have to operate in different circles local, national, and, in some cases, international; they are cosmopolitan, and have to deal with international donors as well as prominent researchers. This mobility and a larger netw ork make them more likely to encounter foreign ideas and anticipate new tendencies and potential frames for the movement (Diani, 2003). frame is an interpretative schema th at gives meanings and significances to the world by selectively emphasizing and encoding objects, situations, events, experiences, and sequences of action. Through condensation and simplification, a frame enables individuals to locate, perceive, identify, and label occurrences within their life space and the world at large (Benford and Snow, 2000; Snow et al. 1986; Snow and Benford, 1988; Snow and Benford, 1992). As cited in the statement of the problem, the leaders of the CNS first and second terms realized that they had lost political power to influence policy making, visibility and their legitimacy as a social movement organization. This realization led them to look for a new strategy to push forward their demands: We had a meeting in the city of Santar m, and we realized that we were losing political spaces. Our main leadership inside the Ministry of Environment was weak and isolated. The developmental policies for the Amazon region were the same applied by the military government in t he eighties, so we decided to mobilize ourselves in partnership with other organizations, such as GTA and COIAB to strengthen the movement. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2007
117 Furthermore, in the meeting they decided to choose a common theme, or a master frame to be used by the social movement. The discussion involved the participation of researchers from NGOs and state governments. The prominence of some themes in the general media was a key element used to convince and mobilize their c onstituents and potential allies about the main goal identified by the national leaders, and to recuperate their capacity to influence in the setting of national and international policies: So we decided to use as a main theme in our discussions ideas that were in the media and raising awareness among the general public. We realized that climate change was the main theme, and it got a central place in our discourse. In this way, we became the first group in the Brazilian Amazon to protest against climate ch ange and ask for an open discussion with the government at different levels as a strategy. Leader of the National Council of Rubber Tappers 2007 In the analysis of the documents and speeches given by the leaders of the CNS, some themes arise as common. O ld frames, such as those about the role of the rubber tappers in the maintenance and conservation of the forest, or those that present the rubber tappers as forest guardians, arose frequently in the analysis of the discourse. However, new frames also appea red in the discourse of the leaders as a way to adapt present in their discourses shows that they are bringing together old frames, already pretested by the rubber tapp er movement, and combining them with new frames, such as the master frame about climate change (Snow and Benford, 1992; Noakes and Johnston, 2005). Furthermore, they are using a frame borrowed by other social movements about payment for environmental servi ces, in a different and more complex context (Allegretti and Schmink, 2009).
118 At the same time, they perform what Tarrow and McAdam (2005) call a scale shift or the spread of contention beyond its origins to other levels, when they ch o ose a global framing, such as climate change, as a master frame to be employed by the movement. A scale shift can bring about the possibility of building broader alliances, accessing more economic resources, and getting wide visibility, which can improve the capacity of a soci al movement organization to push forward their demands (Tarrow; 2007). However, scale shift by the adoption of a broader master frame, such as climate from the real life What has happened with the extractive reserves? A central factor that should be considered in the analyses of changes in the rubber tappers movement is related to the way that extractives reserves and related public policies have been implemented since their institutionalization. Besides the creation of extractive reserves, the proposal presented by the rubber tappers movements to the state had other elements that they considered essential to the success of the model proposed, such as territorial consolidation, through the land concession to the rubber tappers; implementation of developments plans; the strengthen ing of local inst itutions through the support and recognition of informal institutions and formal organizations; healthcare; education, among others (Conselho Nacional dos Seringueiros, 1985.) An analysis of the capacity and willingness of the Brazilian government to implement extractive reserves can be carried out through assessment of the rate of implementation of the main management instruments defined by public policies for extractive reserves. From 1990 until 2000, the main policy that regulated the creation
119 and i mplementation of the extr active reserves was Decree L aw 98.897. The main management tools defined by normative instruments Use Rights Concession between the local communities and the environmental agency for the sustainable use of the natural resources within the extractive reserve. The document is based on the traditional institutions already established by the communities. (CDRU) is an institution in which the state formally concedes the area of the extractive reserve to the use by local communities. The document should be signed by the head of the governmental agency and the head of the local organization that represents the resid ents. Previous to the concession the government should proceed with land regularization, which means indemnifying all the owners of legal titles located within the boundaries of the extractive reserve. Law 9985 National System of Protected Units (SNUC ) launched in 2000, redefined the management instruments for the extractive reserves. The use plan was a more prominent role compared to traditional knowledge, but with the same function. a participatory space for decision making. The CDRU remained as the main instrument to officially recognize the rights of the communities to the land. Figure 3 1 shows the relationship between extractive reserve areas created and the implementation of management instruments by the state. During the period from 1990 until 2000, the creation of extractive reserves happened at a slow pace, but the implementation of t hose areas was slower than expected due to the time needed for
120 the consolidation of the model proposed by the rubber tapper movement. From 2000 until 2010 there was an abrupt increase in the number of extractive reserves created by the federal government, but the im plementation was still far from expected. Figure 3 1. Extractive Reserve Areas Created and Management Instruments Implemented. All the instruments present a low rate of implementation relative to the number of extractive reserve s created. However, considering the length of existence of each instrument, the concession of lands within the extractive reserves to local communities is the instrument that presents the worst situation. From the establishment of extractive reserves as a public policy in 1990 until 2009, just 4 % of the extractive reserves (2 out of 45) had this instrument implemented. In 2010, the environmental agency conceded the land for the associations of 38% more of the extractive reserves
121 (17 out of 45.) However, ins tead of prioritizing those areas in which land conflicts were more intense, the state worked with the logic of lower costs such as in the case of the marine extractive reserves in which most of the areas of the extractive reserves already belong to the s tate itself. Furthermore, in extractive reserves with regular land titles within the boundaries of the areas, these properties were simply excluded from the concession rather than indemnified In some extractive reserves, even with the decree that create d the area, the land implemented are elucidative of the situation faced by the local communities: Nowadays the biggest challenge that we are facing within the extractive rese rve is related to landowners. For instance, we have the crab collector s who are some mangroves because there is someone there who says that he is the owner. We have two communities in which the landowner built a wall with a gate. She maintains a security guard there all day long and they only allow you to go there if you live in the communities. The consequence is that we ore one of the main income sources of our region tourism. We place. Thus, we lose money with this situation. Leader of an Extractive Reserve Par, 2009 Even in the case of th e extractive reserves created previously the lack of land regularization is still a problem for the communities: Our main problem here is land regularization. The extractive reserve was created in 1992 but, until today, the land has not been regularized. We resources for the development of the associates. Furthermore, it affected the organization, because, currently, few people here still believe that the extractive reserve can bring any ki nd of improvement in our life quality. They lost the confidence in us. They say that we are lying about the extractive reserve. The extractive reserve was created seventeen years ago groves ]. Leader o f an Extractive Reserve Tocantins, 2009
122 If we consider that 36% (11 out of 35) of the leaders of local associations interviewed pointed to land conflicts as the main motivation for the mobilization of local actors in the demand for creation of extractive reserves, the lack of implementation of this specific management instrument in those extractive reserves had a high impact on the quality of life of local communities. This explains why local demands nowadays a re the same since the creation of these areas The only instrument that presented a significant increase since the extractive reserve The incorporation of participatory councils in the management of protected areas in Brazil represented a strengthening of the role of civil society in the decision making process for environmental conservation. Depending on the category of protected area, the state allows participation at different levels by civil society. With national parks and other more restrictive conse rvation categories the council is merely consulted by the environmental agency. In other categories with broader goals of conservation, the council is deliberative which allows for wider participation by civil society. In the case of the extractive reserv es, the re are diverse understanding s about the role and the consequences of the establishment of the deliberative councils. Some leaders of local organizations believe that the deliberative council disempowered the local associations, while others note tha t the councils increased the participation by other sectors of civil society. Of the 35 leaders of local organizations, 49 % declared that the extractive reserves where they work have deliberative councils. However, among those in which the council has already been established, 54% believe that the council is
123 still ineffective in providing support to the demands of the communities. The main reason pointed out by the leaders is the low frequency of council meetings Beyond the importance as an instrument to regulate the use of the area of the important to allow the residents to have access to specific credit lines from different agencies, ma inly the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform. As in the case of the creation of extractive reserves, in the first period in analysis (1990 2000), the implementation of the use plans happened at a slow pace. However, the first management plan was not created until 2007. In the following years some other management plans were established, but, currently, just 8% of the extractive reserves already created in the Amazon region have management plans. The main consequence of this fact is that a ccess by members of communities of extractive reserves to credit lines is denied by the other state agencies. Following the analysis of the rate of implementation of extractive reserve management instruments, Figure 3 2 shows the number of extractive reser ves that have the three instruments established by law (deliberative council, real use rights concession, and management /use plan s ). The existence of these three instruments is official evidence that the area is in fact consolidated. As we can see only tw o extractive reserves have all the instruments already established or2, just 4 % of the areas. The remaining extractive reserves ha ve only one or two of the instruments. Since the main demand of the rubber tapper movement was land right s, associated with i nstitutional support for the sustainable use of natural resources, the lack of i mplementation of these instruments suggest s that the areas were only partially implemented.
124 These data are important to understand the relationship between the rubber tappers movement and the state, since it shows that the willingness of the state in attends the demands of the social movements are really low. Considering the final goal envisioned by the rubber tappers movement with the proposal of the extractive reserves, the c reation of these areas by the state, should be think as a way to reach the acquiescence of constituents, promote the weakening of the leaders through the incorporation of them to the state structure of councils and associations without give them a concre te answer to their requests. It explains in a certain way the maintenance of the same demands since the creation of the first extractive reserves. Figure 3 2. Number of Extractive Reserves by Number of Management Instruments Implemented To close this part of the analysis, c onsidering what has been discussed about the perception of leaders about achievements, and the choices of strategies and demands, it seem s that at the different levels of the rubber tappers
125 movement, the relationship w ith the state wa s viewed as a fundamental element of the victories of the movement. Furthermore this relation ship wa s perceived as very important to the maintenance of the movement. The main consequence of this perception is the attenuation in the strategi es chose n by the social movement, from more disruptive to more conventional, even though disruptive strategies are still used in specific contexts and moments. Regarding demands, they seem to be the same for both levels of leadership; nevertheless, as said before the choices about the paths to reach them are different t related to the perception s of leader s from different levels about the socio and political context. The formalization and institutionalization of the local social movements, stimulated by the public policy proposed by the rubber tappers movement itself, led to an increasing dependence o n the structure of the state and a gradual change in the strategies adopted by the movement. However, it is important to highlight that the change did not me ant the demobilization of the social movement since they were still able to channel their demands during the years that succeed ed the incorporation of the extractive reserves as a formal institution. The incorporation of the extractive reserves to the set of policies of the state, nevertheless, did not necessarily mean the resolution of the challenges faced by the r ubber tapers movement since the demands of the movements remain ed the same and the extractive reserves were poorly implemented. The clienteli stic relationship established by the state with the rubber tappers movement served to maintain the same balance of power among the two actors.
126 CHAPTER 4 CONCLUSION In his book about transnational activism, Tarrow (2007) analyzes a set of processes relat ed to the dynamics of social movements at a broader level of action. However, these processes can be applied to an analysis of social movements at a lower scale of action, as in the case of the rubber tappers movement. Even though the international arena w as important to the success and growth of this particular social movement, the scale shifts promoted at national, state, and local scales were determinant for the success of the movement. The process of upward scale shift is clearly identified in the first moment of the rubber tappers movement. The initially non systematic reactions of rubber tappers to the evictions promoted by cattle ranchers and land grabbers soon gave place to more organized actions. In this process, the Catholic Church had an important role in the political formation of leaders and in the process of formation of Rural Workers Unions in different regions of the Amazon. The Rural Workers Union of Xapuri, in particular, played an important role in the initial coordination of the movement a nd through the participation of brokers, who connected previously unconnected groups such as the Catholic Church, Rural Unions and researchers working in different regions of the Amazon. The National Meeting of Rubber Tappers organized by the Rural Workers Union of Xapuri, with support from other organizations, emerged as an unequivocal moment in which the process of theorization happened. Even though each group had specific particularities, the perception that they were looking for a set of very similar an d common solutions led to the formation of a general frame that could be applied to
127 different realities. Thus, eviction by the advance of the agricultural frontier, the labor relationship analogous to slavery in the central Amazon, and the non recognition of specific rights related to their patriotic service as rubber soldiers during World War II led a group of squatters, enslaved workers and war veterans to the formation of a common identity as rubber tappers. Another outcome of the National Meeting of R ubber Tappers seems to have had an important role in the achievement of their demands. The creation of the National Council of Rubber Tappers as an instance of cross spatial collaboration allowed the spread of the movement to different areas of the Amazon through the same process of theorization previously performed at a smaller scale. At this time, the leaders of the movement identified rubbers tappers from different regions who were facing the same situation. With support from organizations like Oxfam, th e rubber tappers from Acre and Amazonas started to travel to different parts of the Amazon to spread the word about the injustices they identified and the solution they were proposing. In the same period, the link created by brokers with the North American environmental movement guided the group to the incorporation of an additional frame as natural environmentalists and forest guardians. With the incorporation of this frame, the rubber tappers movement was able to build other alliances, access different re sources, and seize opportunities to make demands in the sphere of international and national environmental politics, completing the process of scale shift. All of these factors combined with a specific political opportunity the killing of Chico Mendes, f ollowed by a strong reaction from the international press led the state to incorporate the proposal for extractive reserve as a public policy, by launching Decree Law 98.897.
128 try ing to establish a close relationship with the state and also keep their political autonomy. Being close to the state was important to guarantee wide participation in the design of public policies, to have access to economic resources, and, consequently, t o strengthen the rubber tapper movement. Furthermore, the decision to go close to the state was part of a strategy to guarantee the implementation of their proposals. The institutionalization of the extractive reserves and the recognition of the rubber tap pers movement as a legitimate political actor, in 1990, opened other opportunities for the movement. To keep the growing social movement running required access to considerable resources. The funding driven by the PPG 7 to support the experience of sustain able development of extractive reserves, and the creation of CNPT, represented important resources to support the growth of the movement and to guarantee a safe place within the state structure to push their demands. The support of the state structure was the main difference between the processes of diffusion performed before and after the institutionalization of the extractive reserves policy. In the second period, the access to resources provided by the state allowed the movement to increase their capaci ty to go further in sharing their experiences and proposals with other groups in different regions. Actually, the orientation of the diffusions performed by the rubber tappers movement seems to have produced different roles in the strengthening of the mov ement. As in the case of the alliance with environmentalists from United States, vertical diffusion allowed the movement to establish connections with social actors at higher levels of power, and was useful to access resources, identify promising frames, and
129 pressure the state from different levels. Horizontal diffusion was important in reaching other goals. The adoption of the proposal for extractive reserves as a central claim by other groups babassu nut breakers, former escaped slaves, fishermen, and crab collectors -enlarged the base of the rubber tappers movement, conferring legitimacy to the main organization, the National Council of Rubber Tappers, to speak in the name of a more diverse and larger number of constituents. The need for resources t o maintain the rubber tappers movement, and the close relationship established with the state to push their demands, inaugurated a phase of clientelism between the state and the movement. Stokes (1995) defines clientelism as a qual actors in which the trade occurring between the two tappers movement was looking for a way to achieve their demands, the state was seeking to decrease the pressu re from the social movement and to secure acquiescence with state actions. Economic power as the main resource provider for the movement was the best way for the state to gain the acceptance of its actions. As we will see later, it also had a profound impa ct on movement dynamics. At the same time, the rubber tappers movement developed strategies to keep itself alive. The opportunity of staying close to the state agencies, and dealing with social actors at different scales, conferred to the main leaders of the rubber tappers movement a capacity to develop strategies to keep the movement running and push their demands or at least part of them, without promoting frontal confrontations with the government. With the election of Luis Incio Lula da Silva as Br rubber tappers movement envisioned an opportunity to increase their influence in the
130 decision making arena. Furthermore, the movement had a long list of frustrated goals that had accumulated during the right wing governments t Party rule. The expectation was high, but the facts that followed the election showed that a left wing government still had some challenges to face. The decision of the rubber tapper movement to take part in electoral politics was taken early. During the eighties, and supported by the Catholic Church, leaders of the movement were motivated by a perception that the elected politicians did not represent their interests, and a general aspiration of increase their influence in the buil ding of institutions aligned with their interests. The identification with other social movements those leaders. The election of Luis Incio Lula da Silva brought the same dilemma faced in other cases in which leaders of the rubber tappers movement won local elections. Yashar (2005) identified similar processes among indigenous movements of Latin America. One of them is brain drain. This happens when the main and more e xperienced leaders of a specific movement are selected to occupy posts in mainstream politics, leaving the leadership of the movement in the hands of less experienced leaders (Yashar, 2005). Furthermore, in the composition of their governments and in the f illing of posts in the state agencies, leaders usually invite other leaders and supporters. If in the second period of the history of the rubber tappers movement (1990 2007) they were able to cope with th e election of leaders to political post s and the i ndication of leaders to oc c upy posts in state agencies the leftist government gave them the impression that the social movement had taken office, and that they no longer needed to be as
131 concerned about keep ing the movement active to push their demands further Thus, the limits between social movement and state became blurred, creating an imbalance between the leaders incorporated in the state structure insiders, and those that remain outside the state pressuri ng the government to attend their demands The second point raised by Yashar (2205), which was also true in the case of the rubber tappers movement, is about the power balance established inside the government among groups with distinct interests. Consider brought together a myriad of social movements and interest groups in a large coalition to win the election, the period after the election involved an accommodation of interests and proposals of each one of those groups in a uniq ue government. In this context, antagonistic groups such as cattle ranchers, loggers and soy bean growers, with greater experience and resources achieved more influence in the government than the rubber tappers movement Since the rubber tappers movement was small in numbers, they had to form coalitions within coalitions with other groups, to guarantee some space in the government to push their demands in the complex realm of electoral politics. However, sometimes the coalitions established among elected leaders and interest groups with distinct goals created a distance between the interests defended by the leaders, and the real interests of their constituents. A situation that seems to have happened within the rubber tappers movement is leadership freezin g. I identified this process in the relationship between elected leaders and their base. The part of civil society that mobilizes themselves and others to vote for the election of a politician is known as his/her base. The close relationship with the base
132 guarantees that he/she will be reelected in the next term. Reelection is supposed to maintain the influence by the base to push for their demands and interests within the government. In the case of a social movement with a small number of representatives, the base should play a stronger role. They should support the elected leader, conferring him legitimacy and strength to present and push their demands, and to pressure the government at all times to sustain the opposition against antagonistic interests. However, in a complex governmental environment in which all the members are part of a leftist group (political parties, social movements, NGOs), and it is became acquiescent with t he activities of the government. On the other hand, the elected leaders of the rubber tappers movement started to perform a dubious mediation role. At the same time that they tried to push the demands of the social movements within the government, they had to act as pacifiers of those leaders who remained outside the government and still raised their voice against actions of the leftist government contrary to the social movement interests. This intricate process of mediation disenfranchised a considerable p art of the leaders. The same happened between some of the leaders who were outside the government, who tried to mediate the relationship between the base and the elected leaders. With the definition of the government, and all the conflicts it entailed as d escribed above, the rubber tappers movement was gradually disempowered of their capacity to influence public policies. Even though the Workers Party rule was the period in the history of the movement in which the highest number of extractive was created, a nd the residents of extractive reserves had increasing access to conditional cash transfer
133 policies (bolsa familia), the power of the movement to influence in the design of public policies decreased considerably. The occupation of strategic posts in the st ate agencies by antagonistic groups, or those with different understanding about the same questions, decreased their power within the government. It is important to highlight that the election of Luis Incio Lula da Silva happened thanks to the moderation of the discourse of the party, and new alliances with previously antagonistic groups, but also due to a change in the political culture about leftist political parties. The frustration with previously right wing or centre right governments led civil societ y to envision an opportunity to promote real changes in the society. On the other hand, the election of Lula had a cascade effect: a large number of candidates from the Workers Party started to be elected, and the same relationships of clientelism and acqu iescence started to be reproduced at different levels of the state. The perception of the weakening of the rubber tappers movement in influencing the design of public policies, and criticisms of the developmental policies to be implemented in the Amazon re gion, led the main leaders to a new attempt to mobilize the constituents of the movement. However, is important to consider that, contrary to the first period of the movement, the context in the later period was totally different. By this time the movemen t was already recognized as a political actor, and had been exerting great influence in previous periods; part of their demands were already recognized by the state, the movement had reached a new and broader dimension; leaders had achieved posts in mainst ream politics; and instead of a military government, the movement was facing a leftist government that opened significant space for participation by specific sectors of civil society. The II Meeting of the Forest
134 perceive these changes. The number of people that took part in the meeting, the sponsors (who included state agencies), the location, the speakers and the discourse of the main leaders were signals that something had changed. During the meeting the leaders of the movement, working more closely and more compromised with the federal government, employed a moderate discourse and a frame centered on discourse about climate change and global warming, a promising political opportunity to regain their space in the making of public policies. The lower level leaders strongly reacted against the approach used by the national leaders to discuss the issues related to the extractive reserves. The non implementation and non creation of extractive reserves, the lack of support given by the new government, and the new and unconnected frame about global warming created high tensions between the two levels of the rubber tappers movement. With the sprouting of these new conflicts, the main leaders of the rubber tapper mo vement became concerned with the directions it was taking. The tensions between the different levels of the movement only contributed to the weakening of the movement. Thus, following their goal of strengthening the movement, the leaders started an attempt to bring the new frame and claims they had identified (climate change and global warming) to lower levels of the movement, through a process identified by Tarrow (2007) as a downward scale shift. Tarrow (2007) defines the ctive action from a higher to a lower level, independent of the agencies at the higher
135 In the case of the rubber tappers movement the downward scale shift was driven by the higher level leaders of the rubber tappers movement in an att empt to strengthen the connection with the lower levels of the social movement. Instead of starting the scale shift from a local level, in this case the process started with the perception by national leaders who had connections established with other soci al movements, non governmental organizations, and state bureaucrats, about promising frames and political opportunities that could be used by the social movement to expand their influence in distinct arenas. The difference from the scale shift performed du ring the first phase of the rubber tappers social movement was closely related to the positions assumed by the leaders in the two periods. During the first period, the leaders had very limited knowledge about potential frames and promising political oppor tunity. Their social network and access to resources were limited. Brokers played a very important role in the projection of the movement, identification of potential frames and political opportunities. During the later phase of the movement, however, the main leaders had reached a considerable projection to higher levels of governance. Participation in international and national forums, contact with a multitude of actors, and access to information from different sources conferred additional experience and resources to the leaders and led them to assume changing roles. To use a term coined by Steinberg (2001), the leaders of the rubber tappers movement became bilateral activists, simultaneously accumulating the roles of both leaders and brokers. Steinberg (2 001) used the term to define activists who transit between the international and national sphere, accessing resources to exert influence
136 over specific targets to reach their goals. Using his owns words, bilateral activists are urial role and the unique combination of resources they In the case of the rubber tappers, the spheres of transit were larger than in the case of environmental activists in Bolivia and Cos ta Rica described by Steinberg (2001), since they included local, national and international levels of action. Besides the resources identified by Steinberg in the national (political resources, policy culture) and international (science, finance and polic y ideas) spheres, the local level provided leaders of the rubber tappers movement with political resources to act with legitimacy as representatives of local movements. In the case of the rubber tappers, the coordination in the downward scale shift was pe rformed by the National Council of Rubber Tappers, which had brought together actors from different environments, such as national NGOs, other social movements, and state agencies representatives, to promote the dissemination of information about global wa rming to the lowest levels of the movement. As the main protagonists of the scale shift were bilateral activists, both coordination and brokerage functions were performed by the leaders of the National Council of Rubber Tappers. The process of theorization involved the participation of researchers, staff from national non governmental organizations, and other social movements. However, the leaders of the rubber tappers movements played a very important role in making the concepts and ideas about global warm ing and climate change resonate with the experiences of the local movements. A remarkable strategy used by leaders of CNS to make aspects of the new frame and ideas intelligible to local leaders and constituents
137 was to show the established causal relations hips between global phenomena and local facts, such as the decrease and unpredictability in the production of fruits by some commercial species, due to climate change. At the end of the process it was expected that the efforts driven by the National Counci l of Rubber Tappers would lead to a change in the claims and targets chosen by local leaders. The identity shift from extractivists to forest guardians -should be performed by the local movements, too, which seems to be an easier task since the CNS ha s been using the same frames used in the previous scale shift performed by the movement. The adoption of these last steps changes in local claims and targets, and in identity shift -would drive the movement to a successful scale shift. Since this is a p rocess still in construction, the results are surrounded by uncertainty. The main challenge faced by the rubber tappers social movement nowadays is to find a source of economic resource to support the performance of this downward scale shift. A promising s ource could be the Fundo Amazonia, a fund created by the Brazilian government with a donation from the government of Norway, which, however, ironically makes the government once again the main provider of economic resources to support the actions of the so cial movement. At first glance the scale shifts performed by the rubber tappers movement at the two moments from local to international in the 1990s, and from international to local in the 2000s -seem to be very similar. In both cases they performed a scale shift process, having the dynamic of each one of the steps influenced by the direction of the action ( downward and upward). However, the fact that in the second shift, the mobilization was initiated at a higher level and with active involvement of na tional
138 leaders; the bilateral activism they carried out, with the accumulation of roles as both coordinators and brokers; and the process of theorization with adaptation of global frames to local scales, suggests a need for deeper investigation of the proc ess of downward scale shift. Some points related to changes in the strategies, and perceptions about achievements and strategies adopted by the rubber tappers, were discussed in the paragraphs above. However is important to highlight some other points tha t seem to have been determinant in the changes that happened and in the process of formation of a tension between leaders at different scales. Amenta et al. (1992) developed a typology in which they define three different types of outcomes of a social move ment: recognition by the state or other antagonists; gains in policies that aid the group; and the transformation of the social movement leaders themselves into members of the polity. It is possible to identify all these three kinds of outcomes in the hist ory of the rubber tappers movement. However it is important to go more deeply into the question to understand how these outcomes impacted the social movement. The relationship between the state and the rubber tappers movement seems to have had a prominent role in the changes that happened in their strategies, demands and perception about achievements. The formation and development of the social movement was deeply marked by the relationship between both actors, and within the social movement, between the d ifferent levels of action. The institutionalization of the extractive reserves represented an opportunity without precedent for the rubber tappers movement. The recognition of their demands
139 as a public policy and the role of the movement as a political ac tor opened the opportunity to have access to the state structure and to a set of economic resources. At the same time it brought a dilemma about the autonomy of the social movement. If at the beginning, the social movement envisioned an opportunity to infl uence in the design of public policies, and have access to resources to expand and maintain the rubber tappers movement, in the following years the access to this kind of resources compromised the social movement, creating a relationship with the state tha t generated benefits for both, but affected the tactics of the movement. While the rubber tappers movement continually tried to maintain its capacity to influence decision making about social and environmental policies, its dependency on economic resources provided by the state grew and grew. Since members' contributions and support by foundations and other NGOs were not enough, resources provided by the state became important to maintain movement cohesion through the realization of meetings, assemblies, su pport for travel by constituents and leaders to take part in protests and meetings, among other expenses. The creation and establishment of the CNPT as an important space within the state structure allowed the movement to reach important goals, but created greater dependency in relation to the state structure. Through the years, it became common for rubber tappers movement leaders to be elected or named to political posts or to be heads of state agencies. This strategy has been used by different social mov ement all over the world and in distinct periods, but it still poses some problems. The occupation of a post in a state agency or an elected political post by a leader of a social movement creates a high expectation among the constituents about possible
140 ac hievements. However, the bureaucracy of state agencies, the opposition of antagonistic groups with more experience and resources, and about herself/himself and their relationship with the social movement make it very difficult to reach these expectations. Even though some segments of the social movement were able to cope with this situation, making the most of the positive outcomes and minimizing the bad effects, the general picture shows an enduring clientelistic relationship, along wi th a change in the main demands, leading to the adoption of less disruptive strategies. The data that show the high rate of creation compared to the low rate of implementation of extractives reserves brings into perspective that the creation of extractive reserves, a response with low economic and social costs, arose as a way to guarantee the acquiescence of the social movement without solving the real problems faced by the local constituents, such as land regularization, support for economic activities, ac cess to credit, and health services. With the implementation of the National System of Protected Areas (SNUC), other important changes affected the role of local communities and social movements in the management of extractive reserves. The main factors af ter SNUC that affected the relationship between social movement and state were related to the growing incorporation of scientific knowledge, the increased role in management decisions by parts of civil society with interests that diverged from the rubber t appers, and the increasing participation of state representatives with decisive power over the associations the main representative of the interests of the local communities through the management council These changes shrunk the autonomy of the commun ities within the extractive reserves, and increased the role of
141 the state in the territorial and social control of the local constituents of the social movement. The change in the political culture of the state in the last years of the history of the soci al movement led to an election of a large number of candidates from leftist parties, mainly from the Workers Party, with whom most of the leaders of the movement were aligned. With the election of these leaders at different levels of governance, the relati onships among them became closer and were reproduced in all the spheres of state representation. leaders at different levels revealed a possible divergence in strategies and goals. However, a deep analysis of the rubber tappers movement at different scales has shown that the same relationship established between national leaders and the national government is replicated at the lower level of the movement. Since national leader s assumed the role of bilateral activists, they developed the capacity to anticipate potential frames, such as in the case of the global warming and climate change. The adoption of the frame was part of a strategy to regain the space to influence in the de sign of public policies, which was lost in the leftist government of the Workers Party. The data collected after the meeting showed that even at different levels, national and local leaders still have the same goals, but have adopted different strategies. In a certain way, tensions are to be expected among leaders at different levels in social movements, due to the fact that they deal with different spheres of influence. In the case of the rubber tappers movement, the tension between levels was attenuated through the
142 promotion of a downward scale shift from the highest to the lowest level of the movement. The case of the rubber tappers movement in Brazil and the changes in the movement related to the achievement of their demands as well as the relationshi p established with the state in the different phases analyzed, contribute to our understanding about the dynamics of the social movements in Latin America. In their attempt to maintain their autonomy and capacity to influence in the design of public polici es and, at the same time, get resources to maintain the movement running, they have to cope with a great dilemma. The acceptance of a policy demand by the state does not seem to be the main determinant of effective change. However, the economic power of the state as the main provider of economic resource s seems to be a strong factor in the change in social movement dynamics. The consequence of economic dependency on the state is not necessarily demobilization, but ce rtainly in changes in the strategies displayed by the group to push their demands. The relationship with the leftist governments of the pink tide in Latin America presents a very interesting theme to future explorations of these issues since many of the p residents had their origin in the social movements that seize d Latin America in the 1980s
143 APPENDIX LIST OF EXTRACTIVE RESERVES, ASSOCIATIONS AN D POS I T ION OF INTERVIEWEES Extractive Reserve UF Organization Post of interviewees RESEX Alto Tarauac AC Associao de Seringueiros e Agricultores da Reserva Extrativista de Tarauac, ASAREAT. President RESEX Chico Mendes AC Associao dos Moradores e Produtores da Reserva Extrativista Chico Mendes de Xapuri AMOPREX President Associao dos Moradores e Produtores da Reserva Extrativista Chico Mendes de Brasilia AMOPREB President Associao dos Moradores e Produtores da Reserva Extrativista Chico Mendes de Assis Brasil AMOPREAB President RESEX do Cazumb Iracema AC Associao Zirmao Iracema President RESEX Riozinho da Liberdade AC Associao Agroextrativista da Reserva Liberdade ASAREAL Treasurer RESEX Auati Paran AM Associao Agro extrativista de Auati Paran AAPA Secretary RESEX Medio Juru AM Associacao dos Produtores Rurais de Carauari ASPROC President RESEX Rio Jutai AM Associacao dos Produtores Rurais de Jutai ASPROJU Secretary RESEX Arapixi AM Associao de Moradores da Comunidade So Jos President RESEX Capana Grande AM Associao Agroextrativista de Nossa Senhora de Ftima President RESEX do Mdio Purus AM Associacao dos Trabalhadores Agroextrativistas do Medio Purus ATAMP President RESEX Ituxi AM Associacao dos Produtores Agro Extrativistas da Assembleia de Deus do Rio Ituxi President RESEX Cirico MA Associao dos Trabalhadores Agroextrativista da Resex Ciriaco (ATARECO) President RESEX Mata Grande MA Associao dos Trabalhadores Agroextrativista da Resex Mata Grande(ATRAMAG) President
144 RESEX Quilombo do Frexal MA Associao de Moradores Quilombo Frechal President Associao de Moradores Remanescentes Quilombo do Deserto President Associao de Moradores de Nossa Senhora da Vitria do Povoado Rumo President RESEX Cururupu MA Associao de Moradores da Reserva Extrativista marinha de Cururupu (AMREMC) Vice President RESEX de So Joo da Ponta PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha de So Joo da Ponta MOCAJUIM Ex President RESEX Me Grande de Curu PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha de Me Grande de Curu AUREMAG Treasurer / Ex President RESEX Mapu PA Associao dos Moradores da Reserva Extrativista do Mapu AMOREMA President RESEX Maracan PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha de Maracan AUREMAR President RESEX Marinha de Caet Taperau PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha Caet Tapera ASSUREMACATA Ex President RESEX Verde para Sempre PA Associao dos Moradores da Reserva Verde Para Sempre Treasurer RESEX Ara Peroba PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha Ara Peroba AUREMAP Ex President RESEX Chocoar Mato Grosso PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha Chocoar Mato Grosso de Grosso AUREM MG President RESEX Gurupi Piri PA ASSUREMAV Associao dos Usurios da Resex Marinha de Viseu (apesar do nome da unidade ser Gurupi Piri) Ex President RESEX Ipa Anilzinho PA Associao dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais Extrativistas, Pescadores e Pescadoras Artesanais da Reserva Extrativista de Ipau aniuzinho ATREPREA Ex President RESEX Marinha de Tracuateua PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha de Tracuateua AUREMAT President RESEX Soure PA Associao dos Usurios da Reserva Extrativista Marinha de Soure ASSUREMAS President RESEX Barreiro das RO Associao Primavera (RESEX Barreiro das Antas e President
145 Antas RESEX Estadual Pacaas Novos) RESEX Rio Cautrio RO Associao dos Seringueiros do Vale do Guapor AGUAP President RESEX Rio Ouro Preto RO Associao da RESEX do Rio Ouro Preto ASROP President Associao dos Seringueiros e Agro Extrativistas do o Baixo Rio Ouro Preto ASAEX President RESEX Extremo Norte do Estado do Tocantins TO Associao da Reserva Extrativista do Extremo Norte do Tocantins ARENT Ex President
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155 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Leonardo Marques Pacheco was born in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil. He received his undergraduate degree in Biology from the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) in 2000. During his undergraduate studies, Leonardo took part in a broad and long term research project about use and classification of natural resources by Candombl followers (an Afro Brazilian religion). He also coordinated projects in the University with academic service (extens o uni versit ria) in rural communities and did volunteer work focused on the use of natural resources and cultural maintenance of Candombl followers in a non governmental organization (Koinonia). From 2000 to 2002, Leonardo worked as a consultant in indigenous education for the State Secretary of Education of Bahia; as a consultant in a non governmental organization (National Association of Indigenist Action ANAI) in which he worked with participatory management of natural resources in the Kiriri Indigenous T erritory, Bahia; and on a project with the Federal University of Bahia giving technical support to fishermen in the design and discussion of a proposal for the creation of an extractive reserve on the North Coast of Bahia. In 2002 he was approved by his pe rformance on a public exam to work in the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources in the Amazon Region. He worked in the Middle Juru Extractive Reserve in the municipality of Carauari until 2003, when he was promoted to state co ordinator of CNPT. In 2007 he was awarded a Gordon and Betty Moore Visiting Fellowship for Tropical Forest Conservation Professionals from the Andes Amazon Region and spent six months at the University of Florida analyzing data, giving lectures, and taking classes. In 2008, he was awarded a Gordon and Betty Moore Graduate Scholarship for Tropical Forest Conservation in the Andes Amazon Region and started his M aster s degree in Latin American Studies with a concentration in
156 Tropical Conservation and Developm ent at the University of Florida. In 2010 he was awarded a Graduate Assistantship from the Tropical Conservation and Development Program of the University of Florida and was accepted into the PhD program in Political Science at the same university.