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Italiani Nuovi or Nuova Italia? Attitudes toward Granting Citizenship to Second-Generation Immigrants in Contemporary Italy

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0042530/00001

Material Information

Title: Italiani Nuovi or Nuova Italia? Attitudes toward Granting Citizenship to Second-Generation Immigrants in Contemporary Italy
Physical Description: 1 online resource (178 p.)
Language: english
Creator: BIANCHI,GEORGIA E
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2011

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: CITIZENSHIP -- GENERATION -- IMMIGRATION -- ITALY
Sociology and Criminology & Law -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Sociology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Italy is home to an ever-growing population of children of immigrants born and raised in the country, but who do not have Italian citizenship due to the restrictive citizenship regime in place. Although many children of immigrants have the opportunity to apply for citizenship upon their 18th birthday, a series of conditions and provisions render the process difficult and preclude many of them from applying at all. This has led to the creation of a marginalized community of individuals socialized in Italy, yet lacking full membership into the Italian society. Efforts aimed at reforming citizenship policies have surfaced from time to time, but none has been put into effect for nearly two decades. Intrigued by the timid legislative responses addressing inclusion into the national and political community for an ever-growing segment of the population, this dissertation explores Italians? views about granting citizenship to second-generation immigrants in Italy. In doing so, the present work builds on the existing bodies of literature on immigrant generations, citizenship, and public views towards immigrants, and employs a mixed-method approach. First, survey data from 2007, obtained from Istituto per gli Studi sulla Pubblica Opinione, and a set of corresponding contextual indicators are used to investigate individual- and aggregate-level determinants of support for extending citizenship to the second-generation immigrants. The results from the multilevel binary logistic regressions indicate that, in general, Italians are in favor of relaxing citizenship policies. Additionally, it is found that personal contact and perceptions of group threat are important predictors of such attitudes and that extension of citizenship to the second-generation immigrants is lessened in the Italian regions with higher economic outputs, greater immigrant concentrations, and more electoral support for right-wing parties. Second, survey data analysis is complemented by an analysis of group interviews, which I conducted in the city of Genoa in 2008. In line with the findings from survey data analysis, it appears that Italians do support extending citizenship rights for the children of immigrants, though this is conditional primarily upon having a steady employment and a clean criminal record. Overall, this dissertation makes a contribution by addressing an under-investigated (yet highly timely) topic in a country of recent immigration, as part of a broader scholarly effort aimed at understanding the causes and manifestations of attitudes towards expanding minority rights.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by GEORGIA E BIANCHI.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local: Adviser: Ceobanu, Alin.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2013-04-30

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2011
System ID: UFE0042530:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0042530/00001

Material Information

Title: Italiani Nuovi or Nuova Italia? Attitudes toward Granting Citizenship to Second-Generation Immigrants in Contemporary Italy
Physical Description: 1 online resource (178 p.)
Language: english
Creator: BIANCHI,GEORGIA E
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2011

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: CITIZENSHIP -- GENERATION -- IMMIGRATION -- ITALY
Sociology and Criminology & Law -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Sociology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Italy is home to an ever-growing population of children of immigrants born and raised in the country, but who do not have Italian citizenship due to the restrictive citizenship regime in place. Although many children of immigrants have the opportunity to apply for citizenship upon their 18th birthday, a series of conditions and provisions render the process difficult and preclude many of them from applying at all. This has led to the creation of a marginalized community of individuals socialized in Italy, yet lacking full membership into the Italian society. Efforts aimed at reforming citizenship policies have surfaced from time to time, but none has been put into effect for nearly two decades. Intrigued by the timid legislative responses addressing inclusion into the national and political community for an ever-growing segment of the population, this dissertation explores Italians? views about granting citizenship to second-generation immigrants in Italy. In doing so, the present work builds on the existing bodies of literature on immigrant generations, citizenship, and public views towards immigrants, and employs a mixed-method approach. First, survey data from 2007, obtained from Istituto per gli Studi sulla Pubblica Opinione, and a set of corresponding contextual indicators are used to investigate individual- and aggregate-level determinants of support for extending citizenship to the second-generation immigrants. The results from the multilevel binary logistic regressions indicate that, in general, Italians are in favor of relaxing citizenship policies. Additionally, it is found that personal contact and perceptions of group threat are important predictors of such attitudes and that extension of citizenship to the second-generation immigrants is lessened in the Italian regions with higher economic outputs, greater immigrant concentrations, and more electoral support for right-wing parties. Second, survey data analysis is complemented by an analysis of group interviews, which I conducted in the city of Genoa in 2008. In line with the findings from survey data analysis, it appears that Italians do support extending citizenship rights for the children of immigrants, though this is conditional primarily upon having a steady employment and a clean criminal record. Overall, this dissertation makes a contribution by addressing an under-investigated (yet highly timely) topic in a country of recent immigration, as part of a broader scholarly effort aimed at understanding the causes and manifestations of attitudes towards expanding minority rights.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by GEORGIA E BIANCHI.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local: Adviser: Ceobanu, Alin.
Electronic Access: RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2013-04-30

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2011
System ID: UFE0042530:00001


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1 ITALIANI NUOVI OR NUOVA ITALIA ? ATTITUDES TOWARD GRANTING CITIZENSHIP TO SECOND GENERATION IMMIGRANTS IN CONTEMPORARY ITALY By GEORGIA ELLEN BIANCHI A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLO RIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 201 1

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2 201 1 Georgia Ellen Bianchi

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3 To my family and friends, and especially to my husband Dwight

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank everyone who has helped me on this journey through graduate school and into academia I thank my chair, Dr. Alin Ceobanu, for never giving up on me and for pushing me to write a dissertation I can be proud of. I thank my committee members Drs. R egina Bures, Milagros Pea, and Barbara Zsembik for fostering a love of learning and forcing careful consideration of my research and writing. I thank my external member Dr. Amie Kreppel for keeping me grounded and for trusting in me as a C enter for Eur opean S tudies graduate fellow I am grateful to the many organizations that offered dissertation and travel support. I was blessed to receive the O. Ruth McQuown award which allowed me to conduct interviews in Italy. I was also selected to receive a Center for European Studies travel grant, which allowed me to afford travel to Italy in order to conduct the interviews. And finally, I received a retention award from the Office of Minority Programs, which allowed me to continue attending the University of Flor ida and finish the dissertation. The support of these organizations facilitated my progress, and was truly a blessing. I thank my department, my colleagues especially my cohort a group of vital, intelligent, and encouraging friends who have helped me throughout this journey and consistently offered support and critiques. There are too many people to list and surely I would forget some key individuals who have helped me stay motivated, so I will thank all graduate students whom I have had the fortune to know. I also acknowledge the professors in our d epartment who have fostered my learning in so many fields as my secondary specialization especially Drs. Constance Shehan, Hernan Vera, William Marsiglio, and Kendal Broad

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5 I wish to thank Dr. Glenn Isra el in the D epartment of Agricultural Education and Communication for giving me my first research assistantship and for helping me grasp the fundamentals of quantitative analysis. I also am indebted to the Center for European Studies and the staff for allow ing me to work on so many different projects throughout the years from food festivals to grant renewals. I thank Paola Arrigoni and the researchers at the ISPO for providing me with the dataset and for conducting timely and relevant research to issues of immigration and citizenship in Italy I am grateful to my friend William Byrd who ha s been a great support er and a wealth of knowledge on how to navigate graduate school. I thank Keith and Barbara Panton for their continued interest in and support of my s tudies, and for their help when the deadlines were right upon me. I thank my mother and father in law Jacyntha and Charles Panton, for t he i r never wavering belief in me and for t he i r prayers. I thank my parents Umberto Bianchi and Sue Woodward, who ins tilled in me a love of learning and set an example as outstanding educators. I thank my sister Giulia for keeping me in check and reminding me that I can do it, and for her invaluable help in my graduate school application. Ringrazio tutta la mia famiglia italiana: i miei fratelli Francesco Bianchi, Matteo Bianchi ed Eugenio Bianchi e la sua famiglia, le mie zie Laura ed Estella Bianchi, e la mia step mamma Rita Tanzi I am most t hank ful to my daughter Eva, for taking a lot of naps and for being a cheerful distraction from work. And finally and most importantly, I thank my husband Dwight Bailey who encouraged me to consider graduate school supported me in the years it took to finish, and who inspires me to do better, always.

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6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 10 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 11 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 14 1.1 Preamble ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 15 1.2 Research Questions and Methods ................................ ................................ 18 1.3 Contribution of the Dissertation ................................ ................................ ...... 20 1.4 Structure of the Dissertation ................................ ................................ ........... 21 2 IMMIGRATION TO ITALY ................................ ................................ ....................... 23 2.1 Immigration to Italy Historical Trends ................................ ............................ 23 2.2 Three Phases of Migration in Italy ................................ ................................ .. 24 2.2.1 Pre 1970s and Italian Migration ................................ ........................... 25 2.2.2 1970s 1980s: The Beginning of I nternational Immigration ................. 26 2.2.3 Immigration from the 1980s to Now ................................ ..................... 29 2.3 Immigration and Immigrant Policies ................................ ............................... 29 2.3.1 Statute no. 943 /1986 ................................ ................................ .......... 30 2.3.2 The Martelli Law, no.39/1990 ................................ .............................. 30 2.3.3 Stat ute no.91/1992 ................................ ................................ .............. 31 2.3.4 The Dini Decree, no.489/1995 ................................ ............................. 32 2.3.5 The Turco Napolitano Law, no.40/1998 ................................ ............... 32 2.3.6 The Bossi Fini Law, no.189/2002 ................................ ........................ 33 2.3.7 The Security Measure, no.94/2009 ................................ ...................... 34 2.3.8 C ommon Trends among Italian Immigration Laws .............................. 35 2.4 Immigrants in Italy T oday: Demographic Details ................................ ............ 36 2.4.1 Regional Distribution ................................ ................................ ........... 39 2.4.2 Immigrants and Work ................................ ................................ .......... 40 2.5 Immigration as a Permanent Fixture of Italian Society ................................ ... 42 3 CHILDREN OF IMMIGRANTS IN ITALY: THE GROWING SECOND GENERATION ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 47 3.1 Second Generation: Defining the Term ................................ .......................... 47 3.1.1 The Decimal Approach ................................ ................................ ........ 48

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7 3.1.2 Critiques as it Concerns the Italian Context ................................ ......... 49 3.2 Theories of Second Generat ion Adaptation ................................ ................... 52 3.2.1 The Classic Assimilation Model ................................ ........................... 52 3.2.2 The Assimilation Model in the Italian Context ................................ ...... 53 3.2.3 The Segmented Assimilation Model ................................ .................... 54 3.2.4 Segmented Assimilation in the Italian Context ................................ ..... 57 3.2.5 Wanted but not Welcome, Insiders vs. Outsiders ................................ 58 3.3 The Second Generation in Italy ................................ ................................ ...... 59 3.3.1 Demographi c Details ................................ ................................ ........... 60 3.3.2 Political Participation: Second Generation Associations ...................... 61 3.3.2.1 Rete G2 Seconde Generazioni ................................ .............. 62 3.3.2.2 Associna ................................ ................................ ................. 62 3.3.2.3 ................................ ...................... 63 3.4 Research on the Italian Second Generation ................................ ................... 63 3.4.1 The Second Generation and Education ................................ ............... 64 3.4.2 Second Generation and Work ................................ ............................. 66 3.5 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 68 4 PERSPECTIVES ON CITIZENSHIP ................................ ................................ ....... 71 4.1 Citizenship ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 71 4.1.1 Dimensions of Citizenship ................................ ................................ ... 71 4.1.2 Citizenship Models ................................ ................................ .............. 73 4.1.3 Lib eralizing or Restrictive Citizenship Trends? ................................ .... 75 4.2 Citizenship in Italy ................................ ................................ .......................... 77 4.2.1 Foundation of the Italian State, 1860s 1920s ................................ ... 78 4.2.2 The Rise of Fascism and Colonialism, 1920s 1940s .......................... 79 4.2.3 The Italian Republic, 1940s 1980s ................................ ................... 80 4.2.4 Modern Citizenship Policies, 1990s to Now ................................ ......... 81 4.2.5 Current Citizenship Law and the Second Generation .......................... 81 4.2.6 Attempts at Reform Since 1992 ................................ ........................... 82 4.3 Perspectives on Formation of Attitudes ................................ .......................... 85 4.3.1 Individual level Determinants ................................ ............................... 85 4.3.1.1 Contact ................................ ................................ .................... 85 4.3.1.2 Political leaning ................................ ................................ ........ 87 4.3.2 Structural level Determinants ................................ .............................. 87 4.4 Attitudes Towards Immigrant and Immigration Policies in Italy ...................... 88 4.5 Attitudes Towards Immigration and Citizenship in Italy ................................ .. 91 4.6 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 92 5 DATA AND METHODS ................................ ................................ ........................... 94 5.1 Survey Data ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 94 5.1.1 The Dataset ................................ ................................ ......................... 94 5.1.2 Hypotheses ................................ ................................ .......................... 96 5.1.3 Variables ................................ ................................ ............................. 97 5.1.3.1 Dependent Variable ................................ ................................ 97

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8 5.1.3.2 Independent Variables: Micro and Macro ............................... 98 5.1.3.3 Collinearity among Indipendent Variables ................................ ........ 102 5.1.4 Limitations ................................ ................................ ......................... 102 5.2 Group Interviews ................................ ................................ .......................... 104 5.2.1 Sampling ................................ ................................ ........................... 104 5.2.2 Coding and Analysis ................................ ................................ .......... 107 5.2.3 Reflexivity ................................ ................................ .......................... 108 5.2.4 Limitations ................................ ................................ ......................... 109 5.3 Mixed Methods ................................ ................................ ............................. 110 6 SURVEY DATA FINDINGS ................................ ................................ .................. 113 6.1 Analytical Models ................................ ................................ ......................... 113 6.2 Findings ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 114 6.2.1 Model Comparing Those Who Favor Liberal vs. Restrictive Citizenship ................................ ................................ ......................... 1 14 6.2.2 Know ................................ ................................ .............................. 118 6.2.3 Model Comparing Those Who Favor Restrictive Citizenship vs. ................................ ................................ ........................ 120 6.3 Discussion and Conclusion ................................ ................................ .......... 121 6.3.1 Model Comparing Those Who Favor Liberal vs. Restrictive Citizenship ................................ ................................ ......................... 121 6.3.2 Know ................................ ................................ .............................. 124 6.3.3 ................. 125 6.3.4 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ......................... 125 7 GROUP INTERVIEW FINDINGS ................................ ................................ .......... 137 7.1 Comparison to the Survey Data ................................ ................................ ... 137 7.1.1. Control V ariables ................................ ................................ ............... 137 7.1.2 Labor Force Participation ................................ ................................ .. 138 7.1.3 Perception of Immigrant Group Size ................................ .................. 139 7.1.4 Contact ................................ ................................ .............................. 140 7.2 Emerging Themes ................................ ................................ ........................ 145 7.2.1 Definitions of Citizenship ................................ ................................ ... 146 7.2.2 Conditional Citizenship ................................ ................................ ...... 149 7.2.3 Race and Citizenship ................................ ................................ ......... 151 7.3 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 152 8 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ .... 153 8.1 Theoretical Implications ................................ ................................ ................ 155 8.1.1 Determina nts of Anti Immigrant S entiment ................................ .......... 155 8.1.2 Citizenship Policy R eform ................................ ................................ ... 158 8.2 Policy Implications ................................ ................................ ........................ 159

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9 8.3 Future Research ................................ ................................ .......................... 161 APPENDIX: INSTRUMENT FOR SEMI STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS .................... 164 LIST OF REF ERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 165 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 178

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10 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Top ten nationalit ies with a residency permit. ................................ ..................... 44 2 2 2009 Regional distribution of foreign residents ................................ ................... 45 2 3 Reasons for immigrating as stated on residency permits ................................ ... 46 3 1 Children born to immigrant parents (both) and nativity rate ................................ 70 5 1 Mean values and standard deviation f or variables ................................ ............ 112 6 1 Statistics predicting citizenship Yes No comparison ................................ ...... 129 6 2 Statistics predicting citizenship Yes DK co mparison ................................ ..... 131 6 3 Statistics predicting citizenship No DK comparison ................................ ....... 133 6 4 Distribution of citizenship attitudes and macro le vel indicators by region ......... 135 6 5 Variable significance across paired comparisons ................................ ............. 136

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11 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 7 1 ........................ 146

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12 Abstrac t of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of t he University of Florida In Partial Fu lfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor o f Philosophy ITALIANI NUOVI OR NUOVA ITALIA ? ATTITUDES TOWARD GRANTING CITIZENSHIP TO SECOND GENERATION IMMIGRANTS IN CONTEMPORARY ITALY By Georgia Ellen Bianchi May 2011 Chair: Alin Ceobanu Major : Sociology Italy is home to an ever growing population of children of immigrants born and raised in the country, but who do not have Italian citizenship due to the restrictive citizenship regime in place. Although many children of immigrants have the opp ortunity to apply for citizenship upon their 18th birthday, a series of conditions and provisions render the process difficult and preclude many of them from applying at all. This has led to the creation of a marginalized community of individuals socialize d in Italy, yet lacking full membership into the Italian society. Efforts aimed at reforming citizenship policies have surfaced from time to time, but none has been put into effect for nearly two decades. Intrigued by the timid legislative responses addres sing inclusion into the national and political community for an ever growing segment of the population, this generation immigrants in Italy. In doing so, the present work builds on the existing bodies of literature on immigrant generations, citizenship, and public views towards immigrants, and employs a mixed method approach. First, survey data from 2007, obtained from Istituto per gli Studi sulla Pubblica Opinione, and a set of corr esponding contextual

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13 indicators are used to investigate individual and aggregate level determinants of support for extending citizenship to the second generation immigrants. The results from the multilevel binary logistic regressions indicate that, in ge neral, Italians are in favor of relaxing citizenship policies. Additionally, it is found that personal contact and perceptions of group threat are important predictors of such attitudes and that extension of citizenship to the second generation immigrants is lessened in the Italian regions with higher economic outputs, greater immigrant concentrations, and more electoral support for right wing parties. Second, survey data analysis is complemented by an analysis of group interviews, which I conducted in the city of Genoa in 2008. In line with the findings from survey data analysis, it appears that Italians do support extending citizenship rights for the children of immigrants, though this is conditional primarily upon having a steady employment and a clean cr iminal record. Overall, this dissertation makes a contribution by addressing an under investigated (yet highly timely) topic in a country of recent immigration, as part of a broader scholarly effort aimed at understanding the causes and manifestations of a ttitudes towards expanding minority rights.

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14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Born and raised in Rome, Italy, Alessandra Samira Mangoud Saleh received her degree in social work and began searching for employment as mandated by her visa status of resident alien. In 2004, she received a temporary work contract with the municipality of Rome, had declared her citizenship status as a part of the hiring process, and expected it to be renewed when it expired in 2006 along with those of her 12 Italian coworkers. However due to her lack of Italian citizenship. Although there are policies meant to protect her employment status, they were disregarded and she was fired nonetheless. She filed a lawsuit against t he municipality of Rome for discrimination, and her case wa s widely discussed on blogs by and for second generation children of immigrants (G2, Associna). citizenship policy, having been born and raised in Italy is not sufficient grounds to receive citizenship. Alessandra had not known that she only had a year to apply for a facilitated path to citizenship once she turned eighteen, and was forced to begin the naturalization process from the beginning, the first step being to establish 10 year s of uninterrupted legal residency in Italy. In January of 2009, continuing a long effort to push citizenship reform, a group of second generation immigrants met with Gianfranco Fini the then President of the Camera dei Deputati ( lower chamber of the It alian Parliament ) in order to lobby for the reform of citizenship laws. The G2 group, an organization of second generation youth born and/or raised in Italy, ha s lobbied the Italian governments since 2007 aiming to make citizenship more accessible to min ors who are born and who grow up in Italy. C urrently there are several proposals in discussion to amend the 1992 law governing

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15 citizenship (Bigot and Fella 2008 ; Marchetti 2010 ), some of which propose an easier path to citizenship for those born on Italia n soil. 1.1 Preamble Immigration issues have long been featured in the headlines of Italian newspaper s and national news segments (Triandafyllidou 1999). Sensationalist headlines report of immigrant youth by the local police (Queirolo Palmas and Torre 2005). Occasionally there are articles in the cultural section, highlighting festivals that celebrate immigration, although these are far rarer than those highlighting immigrant criminality Recently, a new theme has begun to find its way on the news: the presence of second generation immigrants in Italy (Zincone 2010) Speaking Italian without foreign acc in their appearances, these youths talk about issues of belong ing and exclusion, particularly of daily difficulties they face due to the lack of citizenship (Andall 2002; Colombo 2007; Crul and Vermeulen 2003). The presence of the second generation signals that Italy is reaching a new phase in its demographic makeup due to immigration (Mantovani and Martini 2008; Queirolo Palmas and Torre 2005). As of the 2001 census, legally resid ing immigrants in Italy numbered 1.3 million, of which almost 300,000 were minors. In 20 10 the Italian Office of Statistics reported a t otal of 4,235,059 foreign residents, representing 7 % of the total population (ISTAT 20 10 ), with more than 860,000 minors (Caritas 2009). These figures exclude undocumented migrants, as it is notoriously difficult to gather statistics estimating undocumente d migrant presence (Massey and Capoferro 2007). In 2006, more than 500,000 minor children of immigrants resided in Italy (Eduati 2006). These numbers exclude children of immigrants who have already reached 18

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16 years of age and have not applied for citizen ship, as their classification reverts to that of a regular immigrant. In a country of 58 million people, the combined first and second generation immigrant s account for over 6% of the population; the size of the second generation will continue to expand, leading to an even more sizeable percentage of Because en masse immigration to Italy dates to the 1970s (Mantovani and Martini 2008), it is only recently that the second generation has become visible. Previously, the numbers of childre n of immigrants in Italy were negligible and did not impact Italian society in any large measure. The Italian state grants a special status to minor children of legally established immigrants, guaranteeing them access to schooling, health and access to pu blic services further obscuring any issues of exclusion or marginalization Access to these services provides a minimum of safety and stability for children, and prevents the formation of a second generation without schooling or in poor health This spe cial status is effective until children of immigrants reach the age of 18. Every year, increasing numbers of second generation youth turn 18 and gain the legal status of adults In order to continue to reside in Italy, they must apply for citizenship, if they are able to satisfy the requirements, or apply for a residency permit separate from that of their parents. A lthough they have been raised and quite often born in Italy these youths continue to be treated as immigrants, and thus not full member s of Italian society The dichotomy of being raised in a country, and yet being legally excluded from it presents many challenges for the second generation (Rumba ut 2004). Being d enied political inclusion (through voting, representation etc.), economic secur ity ( e.g., it is

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17 more difficult to find legal employment without citizenship), and social recognition as has prompted the children of immigrants to push for citizenship po licy reform and for greater inclusion in the Italian society. Although recent reform efforts have been made in immigrant and immigration policies specifically in gaining legal entry and work permits for immigrants (see the 1998 Turco Napolitano law or th e 2002 Bossi Fini law), one area that is particularly ill governing citizenship dates to 1992, which was a restrictive modification of the previous law, passed in 1912 Neither laws envisioned the presence of a large population of second generation immigrants in Italy, and thus have left their legal status in limbo. This makes sense in the case of the 1912 law, as Italy was still an out migration country and had no rea son to believe that it would become a destination country. H owever, by 1992 significant immigration was already underway in Italy thus the passing of a citizenship law emphasizing co ethnic ties in a broader Italian diaspora while restricting access to a n existing immigrant resident population is short sighted (Zincone 2010). The current situation in Italy resembles one that has been seen in other Western European countries: the presence of a marginalized second generation and few legal reforms aimed at aiding integration. However, a line of research suggests a growing trend towards the liberalization of citizenship policy in European countries (Joppke 1999, 2005, 2008b) Germany in 2010 are paramount example s of laws which extend the legal recognition of second generation immigrants as citizens in countries where previously this had not been the case. As a

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18 new country of migration, will Italy continue its restrictive policies and maintain a citizenship model based on descent? Or, alternatively, will the pressure to reform its laws and grant citizenship status to the second generation result in a new more inclusive citizenship regime ? 1.2 Research Questions and Methods owards granting citize nship to the second generation immigrants T he following research question guides this study: Do Italians support granting citizenship to second generation children of immigrants? In order to answer this question, there are several a spects that will be examined: What individual and macro level factors influence attitudes towards immig rants and citizenship in Italy? Are there regional differences in these attitudes? Also, h ow do Italians understand citizenship, and under what conditio ns are they willing to grant it to second generation youths? The above questions will be answered through a mixed method approach. First, I conduct a multivariate analysis of public opinion using data from a 2007 survey conducted by the ISPO ( I stituto per gli S tudi sulla P ubblica O pinione ) strong regional history (Levy 1996), I attempt to discern sub national differences in public opinion patterns as well as the impact of contact and group threat In addition, I analyze 1 4 interviews of Ital ian nationals conducted over the summer of 2008, exploring the ir willingness to extend citizenship to the second generation in detail The combination of quantitative and qualitative methods allows for both breadth and depth in exploring the research quest ion While much research has been conducted on anti immigrant sentiment and on the interplay between immigration and citizenship policies ( Ceobanu and Escandell 2010;

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19 Dal Lago 1999; Faist, Gerdes, and Rieple 2007; Fonseca, Caldeira, and Esteves 2002; Joppk e 1999, 2005, 2008a; Kymlicka 2003; Mielants 2006; Ribas Mateos 2004; Silverstein 2005), little is available centered specifically on Italy. Additionally, most public opinion surveys conducted in Italy have yet to incorporate questions regarding children of immigrants, instead of focusing on attitudes towards first generation immigrants (Diamanti and Bordignon 2005). Of those that have integrated such questions (ISSP 2003 1 or the European Social Survey 2 for example), Italy has been, regrettably, excluded The group interviews aim to complement the survey data analysis, by allowing for an exploration of the reasons supporting a particular position. In this case, the interviews explore the reasons why Italians support or not extending citizenship towards th e second generation immigrants If feelings of prejudice against immigrants are tied to feel prejudiced toward the second generation people who have been raised on Italian soil by attending Italian schools, speaking the Italian language, and adopting I talian cultural practices? Would Italians feel differently about granting citizenship to youth who, although children of immigrant parents, are born and/or raised i n Italy? Group interviews will allow me to ask questions that are not present in the dataset, but that have a direct bearing on the subject of citizenship policy reform. 1 http://www.issp.org/ 2 http: //www.europeansocialsurvey.org/index.php

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20 1.3 Contribution of the Dissertation The implications of citizenship reform are far re aching. Immigrant integration is a constant theme in Italian public discourse, and facilitating naturalization would be one step towards meaningful integration in society (Faist et al 2007; Jabbar 2000; Joppke 1999). Further, reforms would carry added weig ht considering that Italian citizenship grants not only benefits and rights within the national borders but also within the European Union. Having Italian citizenship means not only being able to live and work in Italy, but also in any other EU country. This dissertation also contributes to the study of issues relevant to second generation immigrant s in Italy, a nascent area of research (Caponio 2008) Citizenship is a key factor in the exclusion or inclusion of the emerging second generation in Italy, an d influences their p resumed integration. Recent reforms in Greece, discussed in C hapter 4, hint that Southern European countries may expand access to citizenship to at least part of the second generation. By examining the issues among Italians and second g eneration youth in Italy, this research adds to the context shaping reform efforts. This research then, is broadly located at the intersection of attitudes towards immigra nts and citizenship policies. Using Italy as a case study ( because of its unique pos ition as a country of new migration with difficult access to citizenship for its growing population of immigrants ) I examine what factors shape public opinion towards g ranting citizenship to the second generation.

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21 1.4 Structure of the Dissertation Chapter 2 examines the history of immigration to Italy, the phenomenon which laid the foundation for the emergence of a second generation. The chapter talks about sition from a country of emigration in the early 20 th century to one of immigration in the late 20 th century, and gives some demographic insight into immigrant presence in contemporary Italy. At the same time, i t also presents the legal context that influe nced immigration policy from the 1980s onwards. Chapter 3 focuses on the emerging second generation in Italy, tracing its origins and then highlighting some distinctive features The available research on second generation youths in Italy is presented. Th e chapter covers demographic data, as well as information on educational and labor attainment, associationism, and the research available in Italy on second generation immigrants Chapter 4 focuses on scholarship on citizenship. It presents theoretical pe rspectives on citizenship, outlining the dimensions of citizenship and the types of citizenship regimes. It also details the laws that have shaped citizenship policy in Italy from the formation of the Italian state u ntil the present day. Finally, the chap ter examines research on the link between attitude formation and citizenship policy. Chapter 5 presents the data, delineates the methods and specifies the analyses conducted of both the survey and the interview data I t explains the origins of the datase t used and the subsequent multivariate analysis conducted. I t also describe s the process of arranging and analyzing group interviews. Chapters 6 and 7 report the findings of the survey data and group interview analyses respectively. Chapter 6 explores t he results of the survey data analysis,

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22 citizenship to second generation children of immigrants. Chapter 7 focuses on the findings from the group interview analysis and exploring the motivations behind liberalizing or restricting access for second generation immigrants Chapter 8 summarizes the findings and presents the implications of this research. Theoretical and policy implications are considered. Several issues influencing support or opposition to liberalizing access to second generation are discussed. Areas for further research are presented.

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23 CHAPTER 2 IMMIGRATION TO ITALY Although in migration is still a fairly r ecent development, it is necessary to understand the historical and legal context of immigration to Italy because it frames the issue of citizenship reform for second generation youth. This chapter will chronicle the history of immigration in to Italy and t he legal responses that the Italian state has enacted Such an excursus is the sine qua non for explor ing the conditions that led to the formation of a second generation in Italy and for understand ing the legal and soci al context that has led to their mar ginalization. 2.1 Immigration to Italy H istorical T rends Italy has a long history of migration, being considered one of the most prolific sending countries (King and Andall 1999) at the beginning of the twentieth century. However, immigration to Italy ca n be traced back earlier, during the Middle Ages, given that several Ital ian cities w ere located on major trade routes. Historically, many Italian regions have been targets of immigration flows. For example, Sicilian immigrants were quite diverse, being re presented by African slaves in the 1500s, whole Greco Albanian communities opting for re settlement, and by Spaniards (Bonifazi 2007). The Italian city states also attracted significant migration, Venice being the prime example in this respect F ounded on maritime trade, the city state of Venice implemented a veritable guest worker policy from the 1300s to the 1500s in order to fill the need for workers ( Bonifazi 2007 ) Rome, on the other hand, attracted and continues to attract immigrants from all over the world because of its unmistakable association with the Catholic faith (Bonifazi 2007).

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24 In addition to historical record s the presence of linguistic minorities is a testament and Greek speaking commun ities in Southern Italy, Serbo Croatian speakers in the region of Molise, and Occitan speakers in Calabria, all reminding of the considerable diversity and the rich history of immigration to Italy. Often though, communities are almost completely absorbed over recognition of linguistic differences is rare although possible as in the case of the region of Trentino Alto Adige/ SdTirol. There, a considerable percentage of residents (about 69 %) are primarily German speakers; German is the veritable home language and is used in schools and official business ( ASTAT 200 7 ) However, throughout most of the 19 th and 20 th centuries, Italy was a net exporter of migrants, becoming an importer only in the 1970s (Caritas 2003, Mantovani and Martini 2008). Because of its relatively recent conversion to a receiving country Italy is categorized as a new country of immigration 3 It behooves anyone interested in immigration to Italy, then to understand the history of Italian migration writ large, as well as the context of how and when Italy became a destination country as opposed to a sending one. 2.2 Three P hases of M igration in Italy Scholarship on Italian migration has focused on eith er the period of Italian emigration in the early 20 th century or on the most recent years of international migration to Italy. V ery few resources covering the period of time when immigration to Italy was a fledgling phenomenon exist. Therefore, there is li ttle consensus as to how to 3 There are countries in Europe in which in migration is, still, a newer phenomenon (e.g., the Czech Republic, Slovenia, or Hungary).

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25 best describe and understand that period of time. To do that, s ome scholars have chose n a parsimonious model, based on the three phases of migration in Italy in the post WWII period (Bonifazi 2007) Others (Caritas Pavia 2009) have embrace d a more detailed model, delineating 5 phases over the years, from insignificant immigration and to the normalization of the immigration phenomenon. I choose to present Bonifazi (2007 ) which separates the phases of contemporary migrat ion to Italy a ccording to migration inflows a n approach which permits understanding the broader context The first phase, defined as prior to 1970 denotes a period of low levels of immigration and substantial emigration of Italians in search of labor to other European countries. The second phase encompasses the period from 1970 to 1980, during which time the out migration of Italian s drew to a close and foreign immigration started to became numerically significant. The final phase from 1980 onwards, is c haracterized by significant and substantial inflows of foreigners, thereby making immigration one of the most prominent political and social issue s in Italy. 2.2.1 Pre 1970s and Italian M igration The first phase from the post war years to the beginning o f the 1970s, is one where rebuilding efforts accounted for significant labor migration within Europe Italians included (Caritas 2003). At the same time, many Western European countries began temporary guest worker programs (e.g. Germany France, Belgium, Switzerland the Netherlands, or Sweden ). Italy, on the other hand, had access to cheap labor internally and did not need to institute a formal guest worker program to meet the industrial and rebuilding needs of an expanding economy (Pastore 2002). During this period, significant internal migration of Italians from the poorer Southern regions to the

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26 wealthier, industrialized Northern regions occurred (King and Andall 1999, Pugliese 2002). Because of this, Italy started experienc ing the particular North/So uth racism that still exists today (Petraccone 2000) On the international stage, however, Italy was a net exporter of migrants during this period of time, and did not experience any significant influx of immigra nts 2.2.2 1970s 1980s: T he Beginning of I n ternational I mmigration International immigration to Italy began in earnest during the early 1970s to the early 1980s, a period characterized by economic stagnation (Bonifazi 2007). Although counterintuitive due to the economic hardships present in Italy i n the 1970s, people from non EU countries increasingly sought to immigrate to Europe, and Italy found itself to be both a destination for immigrants and a gateway to the rest of Europe (Caritas 2003). Immigration to Italy during this time can be explained by both national and international factors. Nationally the lack of a political and legal framework regulating immigration is a pull factor. Researchers note that it many immigrants risk being undocumented, calculating that eventually there will be a wave of regularization (Zincone and Caponio 2008). The only laws regulating foreigners in Italy dated back to the Fascist regime, reflecting the strong statist control and expulsion of immigrants, but without any consideration of long term issues, such as lab or market needs (Bonifazi relaxed border controls and miles of easy access shorelines, when compared to other European countries, a dd to the expl anation of why it had bec ome a destination country (Anthias and Lazaridis 2000). Internationally during this time, migration flows shifted from being demand oriented to supply oriented phenomen a (Bonifazi 2007), where by immigrants were no longer only guest workers, but also agents deciding to migrate without formal

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27 recruitment. Because Italy never i nstituted a guest worker policy, the shift to supply oriented migration merely continued the trend that had begun in the 1970s. Several European countries that were traditional destinations for migrants instituted restrictive immigration laws, thus making Italy easier to immigrate to by comparison (Pastore 2002). Bilateral agreements between Italy and home countries influenced migration patterns from Somalia and Cape Verde, while a shared Judeo Christian culture also facilitated immigration from the Phili ppines and El Salvador (Anthias and Lazaridis 2000). During this period immigration overwhelmingly consisted of domestic laborers and asylum seekers (Caritas 2005) and the numbers were very low the phenomenon was so new that in fact, statistics on immi grants started to be gathered only with the year 1970 via the tracking of the permessi di soggiorno (residency permits). According to the Dossier Statistico Immigrazione (Caritas 2005), from 1970 to 1979, immigrants in Italy went from a little under 144,0 00 to 200,000 a very slight increase in numerical presence. Several countries of origin were represented in the initial migration wave to Italy. The primary sending countries were neighbors along the Mediterranean S ea, especially the Maghreb. Economic crises in many African countries spurred the migration of many individuals (Anthias and Lazaridis 2000). Moroccans, Tunisians and Egyptians predominantly young and middle aged males opted to relocate to Ital y and specialized in filling certain economic niches; Tunisians were prevalent in the fishing industry in Sicily, Egyptians in small industries in the northern regions, and Moroccans specializ ed in ambulatory vending over the entire country. Young female migrants also came to Italy

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28 in order to fill t he need for domestic work and elder care as urban Italian women entered the paid labor market in increasing numbers. Filipina, Eritrean, Somali, and Cape Verdean women immigrated for that purpose (Andall 1999, Anthias and Lazaridis 2000, Macioti and Pugli ese 2003). During this time, immigration was seen by politicians and portrayed in the mass media as indicative of labor problems, the question being H ow, in a country plagued by chronic unemployment, can there be labor immigration highlights the fact that there were two categories of immigrants present in the public imagination : the power elite and often me a low wage, exploited non western worker doing the menial work in Italian society. This division persists in the classification of immigrants as intra or extra comunitari ( immigrants originating from coun tries within the European Union or from beyond the EU borders ). 4 The extracomunitari immigrant workers were seen both as exploited by unscrupulous Italian businessmen and as the cause of xenophobic reactions on the part of the Italian public (because of the labor force competition and the backwards or provincial Italian mindset). Overall, though, immigration to Italy had not reached the scope or the numerical presence to generate the kind of interest that would peak in the 1980s and continue to the curr ent day. 4 There are several legal differences governing the two types of immigrants, in tracomunitari enjoying several benefits when compared to extracomunitari such as reduced visa requirements and shortened waiting times for naturalization, in addition to very different media portrayals.

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29 2.2.3 Immigration from the 1980s to N ow The third phase beg an in the 1980s and continues to this day This is a phase where immigration to Italy is really thought to have commence d in a sustained and numerically significant way, characterized by i ncreasing complexity and diversity in immigrant makeup, as well as the development of legal measures aimed at controlling migration flows (Pastore 2002, Caritas 2003). I mmigrants to Italy rose dramatically from 1979 to 1980 from 205,000 to 298,000, a 45% increase in just one year. This substantial surge was due in part to a change in the way immigration statistics were gathered whereas prior to 1970 only visas in excess of 3 months were counted, in 1980 visas in excess of one month were included in the count (Caritas 2005). During this time, three types of immigrants became particularly visible in the Italian society: (1) men from the North and Sub Saharan Africa working illegally in Southern Italy as fishermen, carpenters, street vendors or on the toma to harvest; (2) women from Eritrea, Somalia and the Philippines as domestic workers ; and (3) Chinese entrepreneurs running restaurants or cottage industries and employing fellow nationals of both sexes (Zincone & Caponio 200 6; 2 ). It is notable that, altho ugh immigration to Italy had been slowly increasing throughout the 1970s it is during the 1980s that we see greater racial diversity of immigrant flows from all over the world, and the racial otherness of the immigrant is more conspicuous in Italian socie ty (Andall 2002). 2.3 Immigration and Immigrant P olicies D uring the first years of sustained in migration there were no direct policies governing immigration to Italy. This has resulted in Italian policies being passed largely as reactive measures to exi sting conditions (Zincone 2006). Most laws which have been

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30 passed introduce measures to curb immigration, but also to grant amnesties to immigrants who already reside and work in Italy irregularly. 2.3.1 Statute no. 943 /1986 Statute no. 943 of December 1 986 was the first legislative act attempting to regulate immigration to Italy. By this point, immigrants were seen as competi ng with Italians on the labor market (Sciortino & Colombo 2004) and this legislation aimed at protect ing immigrants on the condition that the position could not be filled by an Italian citizen, and movement between jobs was severely restricted for permit holders (Zincone & Caponio 2008). At the same time, this act introduced the first amnesty program, regularizing the immigration status of illegal immigrants by granting them access to health care, public housing and education for children (Zincone & Caponio 2008). 2.3.2 The Martelli L aw, no.39/1990 The rapid incre ase in immigrants and the unpreparedness of the Italian state to accommodate them yielded the passing of new legislation. In 1990, t he Martelli administration passed the Martelli Law (no.39/1990). It included further measures to legalize and integrate imm igrants already present on Italian soil, while attempting to restrict further immigration into Italy. It also established temporary accommodations for immigrants legally entering Italy. A number of left wing organizations, unions, and the Catholic C hurch Howard 2009). The amnesty allowed almost 235,000 immigrants to regularize their status. Although, on the one hand, some measures liberalized immigration laws, the Martelli law also ti ghtened state control over immigration: it increased the number of

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31 countries needing a visa, it allowed greater control over expulsions, and made maintaining a regular status difficult for immigrants (Bonifazi 2007). While this law seemed to be the first step to a liberalization of immigration laws in Italy, the resulting backlash and xenophobic reaction to increasing numbers of asylum seekers propelled the rise of anti immigrant platforms (Morje Howard 2009, Parati 2005). 2.3.3 Statute no.91/1992 In th e 1990s, Italy reached the quota of more than 1 million immigrant residents, with a notable influx of eastern European immigrants, especially from Albania, due to the collapse of the Albanian economy in the early 1990s, and ex Yugoslavia, due to the civil war (Caritas 2005). Additionally, migration flows from Peru, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan began to form (Zincone & Caponio 2008). During this time, the public discourse on immigration shifted from a focus on labor force competition to a fierce politiciz ation of the issue and the characterization of immigration as an are n a of social conflict (Sciortino & Colombo 2004). Specifically, immigration became an issue widely covered in newspapers, which have shift ed the main focus from the exploitation of the imm igrant by unscrupulous companies and employers to concerns about tides of immigrants overflowing into Italy and the security risks they pose to Italian society. Immigration became an issue in many political platforms, especially in the right wing and regi onal parties (Alleanza Nazionale and Lega Nord ). The results of the shift in public opinion and political platforms can be seen not only in the laws regulating immigration flows, but also in the 1992 law reforming citizenship. The law, n o 91 of 1992, st rengthened the link between Italian citizenship and Italian descent, while also making it more difficult to gain citizenship through residency. Non EU immigrants now have to reside in Italy for 10 years instead of only 5

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32 before in order to qualify for Ita lian citizenship. Second generation immigrants are required to have uninterruptedly and legally lived in Italy for their first 18 years in order to be eligible for citizenship. In effect, the law privileges the descendants of Italian emigrants at the turn of the century, facilitating the process for them to claim citizenship, while at the same time restricting access to citizenship through residency for immigrants without any ancestral Italian link. 2.3.4 The Dini D ecree no.489/1995 The Dini administrat ion passed a decree in 1995 (no.489/1995), which was considered an emergency measure to accommodate the influx of refugees from the neighboring countries of Albania and the former Yugoslavia, along with the once colony of Somalia. More than 248,000 immigra nts took advantage of the granting of permits for reunification (Al Azar 2010). Of importance is the fact that the Dini decree shifted the responsibility of verifying legal re sidency to the police. Immigrants were now required to provide proper identification to the police or face up to six months incarceration. The tougher measures introduced by the Dini decree often translated into deportation proceedings for immigrants who h ad committed only misdemeanors, often without the possibility of judicial appeal (Dal Lago 1999, Parati 2005). 2.3.5 The Turco Napolitano Law no.40/1998 The next piece of legislation regulating immigration flows into Italy was the Turco Napolitano law (no .40/1998), again instituting quotas and discouraging irregular immigration to Italy, while attempting to integrate immigrants legally present on Italian

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33 soil. The law is the first to introduce the centri di permanenza temporanea (CPTs) 5 also known as dete foreigners legally living in the country, regional or local authorities, trade unions or temporary pe rmit in order for him or her to seek employment (Zincone & Caponio 200 6 : 4 ). The act also instituted an amnesty, whereby more than 220,000 immigrants were granted regular permits. 2.3.6 The Bossi Fini Law no.189/2002 In 2001, the administration changed a wing coalition came into power. Th is coalition instituted immigration law reforms, known as the Bossi Fini law of 2002 (no.189/2002). This act restrictively reforms the Turco Napolitano law and introduces stricter measures controlling regular migration and making irregular immigration a criminal act. Obtaining a residency or work permit, and later citizenship, is conditional on proof that the immigrant has either a job or the means for self support. The law also abolishes the sponsor ship option introduced under the previous act. In order to combat illegal immigration, the act attempted to introduce severe measures, been necessary). Several measures 6 we re found unconstitutional, however, and had to be softened by the government (Zincone and Caponio 2008). The act succeeded in tying the quota for nations to consider their cooperation in stemming illegal entry to Italy; thus if a country cooperated heavil y to prevent illegal immigration of its citizens to Italy 5 These centers are holding places for all immigrant s who have been ordered to be deported or who have been turned away at the border while expulsion orders are finalized 6 The Bossi Fini Act attempted to enact some strict measures that were struck down, such as immediate deportation without a trial and ma ndatory imprisonment due to failure to comply with an expulsion order.

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34 it was allowed a higher quota (Al Azar 2010). In addition to the increasingly restrictive measures, however, the Bossi Fini law instituted an amnesty program, granting regular status to more than 6 34,000 immigrants. 2.3.7 The S ecurity M easure no.94/2009 The latest law to reform immigration statutes, passed in July 2009 (no.94/2009) by similar to the many laws passed before, is to curb illegal immigration. This law criminalizes illegal entry into Italy, allowing for fines of up to 10 000 Euros and deportation, while extending legal detention up to 6 months. Most importantly, marriage to Italian citizens the p rincipal way by which immigrants have traditionally gained Italian citizenship has been made more difficult. Now, in order for an immigrant to marry an Italian citizen, he or she must show a valid residency permit when applying for the marriage license and must wait longer (2 years as opposed to 6 months) to gain citizenship. This law also regulates the responsibility of other Italian residents to report illegal immigrants ( for example by penalizing anyone who rents apartments or homes to illegal immi grants ) Immigrants must now show valid residency permits when making money transfers, and the operators of the businesses must report to the authorities any immigrant who cannot produce a permit within 12 hours, under penalty of law. Continuing the tren d, the administration instituted another amnesty wave in September of 2009, which allowed for the regularization of domestic workers, and received over 295,000 applications.

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35 2.3.8 Common T rends among Italian Immigration L aws Overall, the legal context sign als divergent tendenc ies in the attempts a imed a t controlling immigration flows in Italy. Laws are passed fairly regularly every four or five years, in response to changing administrations and new attempts at controlling immigrant flows. Whether passed by center left or center right administrations, immigration laws have taken a consistent two pronged approach. The first consistent feature is a progressive restriction of immigration to Italy, both through restrictive quotas for legal immigration and throug h increasingly strict measures combating illegal immigration. The second is the expansion of rights to immigrants already present in Italy: immigrants have gained increasing access to public services provided by the state (health care, education, etc ) and the amnesty programs have allowed a number of illegal immigrants to regularize their status. Although the way these legislations came about have differed some administrations passing largely unilateral edicts while others bargained with the opposition and consulted civil societies the laws themselves follow a fairly predictable path : restriction of entry and amnesty waves (Zincone 2006). The regularity of the passing of immigration laws speaks to the importance of immigration into Italy, as well as to the permanence of the flows. Regardless of restrictive immigration reforms, people still immigrate. In light of this and other factors, immigration can be considered a structural phenomenon in Italy. The flows that began in the 1970s have expanded, and no w Italy has a diverse and well established immigrant population, with new and changing flows from all parts of the world. The section below describes in some detail the demographic characteristics of present day immigrant population in Italy.

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36 2.4 Immigran ts in Italy T oday: Demographic D etails reported population of 4,235,059 foreign residents in January of 2010 representing 7 % of the total population (ISTAT 2010 ). Immigrants in Italy come from a diverse group of sending nations, with Romania (796,477 residents), Albania (441,396 residents) and Morocco (403,592 residents) representing the most numerous nationalities. China, Ukraine, the Philippines, Tunisia, Poland, India, and Moldova join them to make up the 10 most populous nationalities in Italy as of 2008 (ISTAT 2009). The national origin of the m igration flows has changed over the years Although data are often difficult to find for the period between 1970 and 1990, they reveal that, initially the most significant flows originated from the Maghreb and West Africa. This trend continued in the first few years of the 1990s, until Southern and Eastern European migration became more prominent. The gender composition of a mig ration flow also reveals some interesting aspects, as immigrants are often able to access different occupations and legal statuses depending on their gender. For example, some female migrants may become caretakers and domestic workers, positions which are often eligible for regularization in the amnesty programs. Politicians recognize the effective need for domestic workers, and so the path to legalization and citizenship is often easier for these women as compared to the male immigrant who may work as an a mbulatory vendor or as a construction worker. A look at the table 2 1 helps understand the shifts in migration flows over the last 20 years. In the early 1990s, Morocco and Tunisia topped the list of residency permit holders, and both flows were overwhelmi ngly male (90%). The US and the Philippines accounted for the 3 rd and 4 th most prolific sending nations The data from 1 997 show

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37 some shifts in migration patterns to Italy. O verall migration increased, as can be seen by the growth in total residency permit s issued, even just by looking at the top ten sending countries There was an increase of more than 135,000 residency permits issued to the top ten countries from 1992 to 1997. In 1997 we also see the beginnings of migration from Southern and Eastern Euro pe. R esidency permit holders originating in Albania increased almost threefold from 1992 to 1997 (ISTAT 2009) Ro mania enters the top ten list, although at the bottom spot. The shift is clearly marked in the figures for 2002 when Albania and Romania join Morocco as the top three sending countries of residency permit holders in Italy. Remarkable also is the numerical increase overall: whereas in 1992 the sum of the top three nationalities holding residencies totaled a little over 166,000, in 1997 it leapt to almost 238,000 and in 2002 it amounted to 407,500. There are shifts in migration flows from certain countries discernible in the data, such as absent in 1992 among the top ten sending countries, it is barely present in 1997, in the top three in 2002, and then goes on to be second most populous nationality in 2007. As of 2009, Romanian is the most populous nationality in Italy (ISTAT 2009) It also bears noting that it has been a fairly egalitarian mi gration flow in terms of gender distribution with a slight majority of women over men migrating to Italy since the very beginning (Caritas 2009) Although neighboring countries predominate in its current migration flows, it is also important to note that there are several countries which are very distant geographically from Italy and yet are represented in the top ten residency holding nationalities. This denotes that Italy is a destination country not only in the immediate region, but globally as well and contributes to the growing racial and ethnic diversity in Italy. China, the

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38 Philippines, India, Sri Lanka, and the US have all been important sources of flows over the years, bringing cultural, ethnic and linguistic diversity to Italy. Currently, there is a strong migration of Southern and Eastern Europeans to Italy, both from EU member countries (Romania, Poland) and non EU member states (Moldova, Ukraine, Albania) The gender composition of migration flows tells a story about immigrant groups (Pessar 19 99). A largely male migration flow, such as that of Morocco and Tunisia in 1992 or that of Senegal in 2002 affects the perception of the groups and the future of the migration flow. Single, immigrant males are generally perceived to be more threatening tha n families or immigrant women. The potential for intermarriage to Italian women is also higher among this group than if migration flows have a more equal gender distribution. On the other hand, the decision to migrate is often a household decision as oppos males have a great potential for future family reunification by fiancs, wives and children (Kofman 2004). On the other hand, migration flows that are more equally distributed, or even female dominant, such as the Philippines in 2002 or the Ukraine in 2007, indicate that women are generally finding jobs on their own, and consequently these immigrant groups tend to be viewed in less negative terms. Women tend to fill positions that deal with the care of Italians, whether as nurses or as domestic workers (Andall 1999), making them less of a threatening group to Italians. On the other hand, this also affects the migration flow by limiting the potential for family reunification. It is preci sely the fact that women tend to take low paying jobs, which sometimes require them to live in as

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39 domestic workers, that lowers the chances of their being able to show enough income and a proper residence to begin family reunification procedures. 2.4.1 Re gional D istribution Italy has a long history of regional differences in social, political and economic aspects. Regions vary greatly along any of these lines. Generally speaking, the Northern regions are more industrialized and economically better off th an the more agricultural Southern regions. The unemployment rate can be used to show the dramatic economic distinction between regions A lthough the national unemployment rate is 6%, the Northeast and Northwestern regions average 3.4% while the Southern r egions average 10.5% in 2007 (ISTAT 2009). The great diversity in regions translates into great diversity in the regional distribution of immigrants. Overall, the Northeastern (Trentino Alto Adige, Veneto, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Emilia Romagna 36%) and 29%) regions have a combined 65% of all immigrants present in Italy, while the Center regions (Toscana, Umbria, Marche, Lazio) have 23%, the Southern regions (Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, B asilicata, Calabria) have 9% and the Islands (Sicilia, Sardegna) have 3%. While the distribution of immigrants points to differences between the Northern and Southern regions, it also varies within the northern regions themselves. With the exception of Laz capital and has the highest number of foreign residents, most immigrants are 904,000 foreign residents, almost double the num ber of the next most populated region Veneto (with over 454,000 foreign residents) (ISTAT 2009) Table 2 2 at the end of the chapter presents the data for the regions.

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40 While regions differ in size, and also in the sheer numbers of resident immigrants, lo oking at the percentages gives a clearer picture of the density of immigrant presence in each region. T he northern regions show higher percentages averaging between 7 and 9 percent while the southern regions have much lower percentage s of immigrants rel ative to the autochthonous population between 1.8 and 3 percent. Umbria, a region located in the center of Italy, is the exception to the rule, as it has 9.61% immigrant residents. 2.4.2 Immigrants and W ork B eyond the raw numbers, it seems important to look at the reasons immigrants cite for com ing to Italy, as reflected in the residency permit applications. Data for 2008 reveal that m ost immigrants in Italy are present in order to work (60% of all immigrant residency permits), with the next largest gro up present due to family reunification (33%) (I STAT 2009; OECD 2009). Of those who are in Italy to work, most (85%) are employees of a private or public sector business, while 13% are self employed and a much smaller fraction (2%) are looking for work. T his latest statistic is consistent with the most recent immigration law, the Bossi Fini act, which closely tied residency permits to employment. immigrants over the Italian t erritory, with the distribution differing according to nationality and gender (King and Andall 1999). The northeast of Italy specializes in industrial work, specifically in small to medium size companies producing clothing, optical and luxury goods, while the northwest specializes in manufacturing, with stakes in the automotive, naval and steel industries. Immigrants often work as manual laborers in factories or in the lower service sector as cleaners or movers, and tend to be male (Ambrosini 2001).

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41 Centr al Italy also specializes in industrial labor, while the Southern regions are more invested in the agricultural and fishery sectors with some incidence of hospitality industry (Ambrosini 2001 ; Bonifazi 2007). The tourism and hospitality industry also acco unts for significant labor sectors in the Center and Northern regions (Ambrosini 2001). The regional division also draws different groups on immigrants. For example, research has confirmed that the majority of Filipino and Cape Verdean immigrants are wome n employed in the domestic work and elder care sectors, generally prevalent in the northern and central regions and especially in big cities (Ambrosini 2001 ; Andall 2000 ; Parrenas 2001). Similarly, West African men tended to settle in the northeast in ord er to work in the factories there (Morrone, Mazzali and Pistolese 1999) or migrated to Emilia Romagna in order to take part in the seasonal ambulatory vending on the tourist coasts (Riccio 2001). Like immigrants in other economically advanced countries, in coming migrants to Italy often perform jobs that adhere to the three Ds 7 : d irty, d angerous and d emeaning (Connell 1993). Italy has virtually no recruitment of professional migrants, the only exception being in the nursing field (Ambrosini and Molina 2004). On the other hand, there is a relatively high incidence of immigrant entrepreneurship, whereby many immigrants are self employed in niche economies. The prevalence of low skill workers and of unskilled jobs for immigrant workers speaks to what has been c alled integrazione subalterna or a subordinate integration model (Ambrosini 2001). This denotes the fact that Italians tend to accept immigrant 7 In Italian, the jobs are categorized as the five Ps: pesanti, precari, pericolosi, poco pagati, penalizzati socialmente tough, unstable, dangerous, poorly paid, and socially stigmat ized (Ambrosini 2001).

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42 work that Italians no longe r desire to do factory workers, caretakers, etc and who occupy a position at the bottom of the social ladder (Ambrosini 2004). As can be seen from the immigration policy reforms detailed in the previous section, there is a distinct trend toward making im migration to Italy less easy to accomplish, in most cases being tied to a job. 2.5 Immigration as a Permanent Fixture of Italian S ociety The data reported above serve to establish the context of immigration in Italy. Research confirms that immigration to I taly is now a structural phenomenon, part of societal reality and shows no signs of abating. In fact, if anything, the data indicate that immigration to Italy is becoming more permanent and entrenched (Colombo, Leonini and Rebughini 2009). One way to und erstand the permanence of immigration to Italy is to look at demographic changes in the immigrant population. Many regions in Italy have established observatories on immigration which collect and disseminate data on immigrant residents. The Observatory in Emilia Romagna a prolific observatory publishes regular reports online regarding the regional immigration context, and has found significant shifts in the period from 2001 to 2009. I mmigrants in Emilia Romagna average a longer stay over time, up from 4 ye ars in 2001 to more than 7 in 2009. There is also a marked increase in home ownership (22% in 2009) as opposed to renting with other immigrant families, another indicator that immigration tends to be permanent (Blangiardo and Mirabelli 2010). As the demog raphic statistics and historical context show, immigration to Italy is an ongoing phenomenon. While the migration flows from different sending countries will

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43 create diversity in the Italian society, the trends do not indicate that immigration to Italy will cease in the foreseeable future. This also signal s that as immigrant populations settle and make Italy their new home, their children will be born and be raised in Italy. Italia ns, thus contributing to elevating the national fertility rate (Rapporto 2008). The presence of the second generation signals that, demographically, Italy is reaching a unique phase in its makeup due to immigration featuring a stabilizing first generation and an ever increasing second generation (Mantovani and Martini 2008; Queirolo Palmas and Torre 2005). T he presence of the children of immigrants and the challenges they face in contemporary Italy is becoming an increasingly important area of study (Capon io 2008) The next chapter will discuss the historical context and demographic presence of the second generation in Italy.

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44 Table 2 1. Top ten nation alities with a residency permit Country Total % Female 1/1/1992 1 Morocco 83,292 9.8 2 Tunisia 41,547 9.0 3 USA 41,523 65.3 4 Philippines 36,316 67.2 5 Germany 26,377 58.2 6 Yugoslavia 25,848 37.0 7 Albania 24,886 14.1 8 Senegal 24,194 2.9 9 Egypt 18,473 14.2 10 UK 17,351 57.9 1/1/1997 1 Morocco 115,026 20.6 2 Albania 66,608 27.1 3 Philippines 56,209 67.2 4 USA 44,873 66.9 5 Tunisia 40,002 17.2 6 Yugoslavia 33,005 37.5 7 China 31,615 43.7 8 Senegal 31,543 5.2 9 Germany 30,772 58.9 10 Romania 26,894 51.7 1/1/2002 1 Morocco 167,334 32.0 2 Albania 157,646 3 8.6 3 Romania 82,555 51.8 4 Philippines 67,258 65.3 5 China 61,452 46.9 6 Tunisia 53,034 24.1 7 USA 44,653 65.2 8 Yugoslavia 39,278 41.9 9 Sri Lanka 38,413 43.9 10 Senegal 37,806 8.8

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45 Table 2 1. Continued Country Total % Female 1/1/20 07 1 Albania 282,650 43.5 2 Romania 278,582 54.1 3 Morocco 258,571 37.0 4 China 122,364 47.1 5 Ukraine 118,524 83.2 6 Poland 78,930 71.6 7 Philippines 76,413 61.8 8 Tunisia 64,870 28.8 9 India 57,122 38.2 10 Serbia and Montenegro 55,701 42.5 Source: Istat 2009. Table 2 2. 2009 Regional distribution of foreign residents 8 Region Number of foreign residents % of total population Piemonte 351,112 7.92% Valle D'Aosta 7,509 5.91% Lombardia 904,816 9.29% Trentino Alto Adige 78, 861 7.74% Veneto 454,453 9.30% Friuli Venezia Giulia 94,976 7.72% Liguria 104,701 6.48% Emilia Romagna 421,482 9.72% Toscana 309,651 8.35% Umbria 85,947 9.61% Marche 131,033 8.35% Lazio 450,151 8.00% Abruzzo 69,641 5.22% Molise 7,309 2.28% Campania 131,335 2.26% Puglia 73,848 1.81% Basilicata 11,526 1.95% Calabria 58,775 2.93% Sicilia 114,632 2.28% Sardegna 29,537 1.77% Source: Istat 2009. Denotes higher percentages.

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46 Table 2 3. Reasons for immigrating as stated on resi dency permits Reason for immigrating Percentage of permits issued Work 60% Family reunification 33% Student 2% Humanitarian 1% Religious duties 1% Source: Caritas 2009.

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47 CHAPTER 3 CHILDREN OF IMMIGRANTS IN ITALY: THE GROWING SECOND G ENERATION As seen from the previous chapter, immigration is both diverse (in terms of composition) and a permanent facet of contemporary Italian society. The appearance of the second generation is a natural extension o f increasing numbers of permanent first generati on of immigrant s in Italy As they settle members of the first generation form families and have children (or bring over their already existing famil y members ) As the previous chapter delineated immigration to Italy became a significant phenomenon only since 1980. The second generation has thus only recently gained visibility, both in literal terms and in academic research. This chapter will introduce the reader to issues pertaining to the growing second generation, beginning by defining the terms and g iving an overvi ew of theories of integration, and finally presenting data on the existing second generation in Italy. 3.1 Second Generation: D efining the T erm it means the children of the f irst generation of immigrants in a particular host country (Rumbaut 2004). These children are born in the host country to immigrant parents and are raised and educated in their country of adoption But lived experience provides for nuances along all these country but brought over as a n infant therefore largely raised and educated in the host country? Or what of the child born in the host country, but sent in his teens to live with his gr one immigrant parent and one native parent should they be considered second

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48 generation or native Italians? Researchers (Rumbaut 2004, Portes and Zhou 1993) argue that the different life histories affect the adaptation of the child in the host society. All of these situations add nuance to the term second generation, and fall under different legal categories in the Italian system. There are several categories of children o f immigrants that are legally differentiated and carry differing rights: children born in Italy of two immigrant parents, children immigrating due to family reunification, minors who immigrated alone (and thus are placed in the care of the State), refugee children, international adoptees, and finally children with one immigrant and one Italian parent (Favaro 2000). For example, children with one Italian and one immigrant parent are considered Italian citizens, and thus have all of the accompanying rights, but may still be included in tallies of foreign residents. Similarly research on second generation immigrants span s the breadth of all these different experiences The legal confounding of different categories of children of immigrants into one term has the potential for confusion: s ome studies may includ e only children of two immigrant parents born in Italy in their sample while others may include both children not born in Italy and children with one Italian parent This leads to a great muddying of the term, and an unclear opera tiona lization can mean confusing results. 3.1.1 The D ecimal A pproach One approach attempting to reconcile these nuances is that of Rumbaut (2004). operationalization of the term through categorizing children of immigrants by the amount of time t hey spent in the host country and the life stage at which they entered the host country. Thus, t he second generation is defined as those born and raised

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49 enti rely in the host country, while the first generation is defined as adults aged 18 or older, foreign born and socialized in the home country, who chose to migrate. Rumbaut categorizes these children of immigrants by using the decimal system, in order to ap proximate the relative distance of each group from the second generation; along a continuum spanning from 1 to 2 Thus, t he 1.75 generation is the group closest to the second generation in terms of outcomes : it consists of children who arrive in early childhood, from age zero to 5, who generally have no memory of their home country and are almost entirely socialized in the host country. T oo young to read or write in their home language, the adaptive experience o f these children closely resembles that of the group of children born and raised in the host country (second generation) Generation 1.5 is composed of foreign born youths who arrive between the ages of 6 and 12, and so they have had some schooling in the home country (they have learned to read and write in another language ) Finally, generation 1.25 is made up of foreign born youth between the ages of 13 and 17, who may or may not have come with their families of origin, who may or may not attend secondary school or may go directly to work. Their adaptive experience aims to avoid semantic confusion by distinguishing among distinctive generational cohorts, and to add complex ity when research talk of the second generation. 3.1.2 Critiques as it Concerns the Italian C ontext This system highlights important categories affecting outcomes within the population of children of immigrants that the term second generation does not alw ays encompass because the general term second generation obscures differences in adaptation and legal status However, this system is only partially relevant to the second

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50 generation in Italy, because it is based not only on similarity of adaptive experie nces but also on distinctions between foreign born and native born that make sense in the US context and not in the Italian context The citizenship regime in the U.S. allows for jus soli where those born on US soil are automatically granted citizens hip while those who are foreign born can acquire citizenship, either through naturalization or marriage. In the Italian context, this distinction between foreign and native born be comes irrelevant as no children of immigrants, whether true second generation or the in between generations, are given citizenship at birth. This shared status as non citizens brings children of immigrants together, because all of them foreign born or native born will have to obtain residency permits and deal with the limitation s of being a non citizen in their youth (Colombo, Leonini and Rebughini 2009). However, the distinction between the in between generations and the true second generation becomes clearer in two instances : (1) when the children reach the age of 18 and (2) when speaking of proposed legislation to amend citizenship law in Italy. Once children of immigrants turn 18, those who were born to legally residing parents and whose birth was immediately recorded may ask for Italian citizenship. If they meet certain cr iteria, they are typically granted citizenship, although not without delay and considerable bureaucratic twists and turns. Some of the conditions include the following: documented continuous residence in Italy, financial independence, and a lack of crimina l record. they were not born in Italy: their only opportunity to attain citizenship is through residency or marriage.

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51 Secondly, the distinction becomes obvious when analyzing proposed legislat ion to amend Italian citizenship laws. In almost all cases, the proposed legislation to facilitate the acquisition of citizenship for children of immigrants has focused only on the native born and not on the foreign born. Thus, even the generation 1.75 chi ldren who may have immigrated as young as a few months of age would not be eligible for citizenship no matter which, if any, of the proposed legislations passes. Further, public opinion surveys about on granting citizenship to children o f immigrants have so far focused on children born on Italian soil and have largely excluded the in between generations. As we will see below, associations of second generation youth tend to lobby for change for both native and foreign born children of immi grants, highlighting the importance of socialization in the Italian society as the key factor in determining belonging. The se associations support the reforms to allow jus soli in order to allow access to citizenship for children of immigrants born in Ital y. E ven though attaining such reform would not be considered a full victory, as it leaves out children born elsewhere but raised in Italy, any citizenship reform that increases access for children of immigrants would be heartily welcomed The rest of the i nformation presented on second generation immigrants will take into account both those born in Italy and those born in other countries but who moved to Italy as children. This is partially due to data sources (such as the ISTAT) not differentiating betwee minors reach 18 years of age, the experiences of children of immigrants are similar. However, where the data allow, distinctions between true second generation youth (children born in Italy of two immigrant parents) and the in between generations will be made.

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52 3.2 Theories of Second Generation A daptation There are several approaches within the sociolog ical literature o n migration from milation that explain and predict the process of adaptation of immigrants within a host society; most with an emphasis on the second and subsequent generations. Many of the approaches have been developed in relation to the US context, and thus will be pre sented and then evaluated for their suitability to explain the Italian second generation experience. 3.2.1 The Classic Assimilation Model The assimilation model emerged from the Chicago S chool sociologists, namely Robert Park (1950), Milton Gordon (1964) and Nathan Glazer and Daniel P. Moynihan (1963). The model was based on analyses of turn of the century European migration to the U S and theorized that assimilation was a natural, desirable process of incorporation into American society. Among these sc social category, and ethnicity was understood as the result of a group formation process transcending of race or ethnicity as it was conceived, making assimilation to the dominant group possible. Gordon (1964) presented 3 main ways in which immigrant groups can assimilate: the melting pot, cultural pluralism, and Anglo conformity. Of the three, he viewed Anglo explained the incorporation of immigrants into American society. Gordon set out seven dimensions of assimilation, separate stages which may take place at different times or which may not take place at al l. These dimensions are: cultural (the adoption of the host

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53 primary group relationships with the majority group), marital, identification, attitude receptional (absen ce of prejudice), behavior receptional (absence of discrimination), and civic assimilation (Gordon 1964) Gordon predicted that all immigrant groups will undergo cultural assimilation, but that cultural assimilation does not necessarily lead to other forms of assimilation. Gordon emphasized the importance of generational assimilation, stressing that it would most often span three generations, eventually leading group members to intermarriage with the majority population and entering the main institutions of society ( Gordon 1964 ). Thus, the classical assimilation model has 3 main characteristics: it assumes a natural, linear process by which immigrant and ethnic groups come to adapt to a host society, it assumes that such assimilation is desirable and the b est path to social mobility, and that it can apply to any ethnic group, regardless of historical context or racial classification (Gordon 1964) Consequently, this model has been criticized for its emphasis of ethnicity over race implying that ethnic dif ferences will not hinder assimilation while ignoring that racial differences would impact the same assimilation process ignoring power differences between groups, the limitations of the immigrant analogy (which focuses on European immigrant groups and ign ores existing minorities such as African Americans and Native Americans), and its tendency to blame the victim for failure of assimilation (Feagin and Feagin 2006; Omi and Winant 1994; Portes and Zhou 1993; Rumbaut 1997; Zhou 1997a). 3.2.2 The Assimilatio n M odel in the Italian C ontext The assimilation model holds promise when applied to the Italian context. looking for adaptation. His focus on the second and third generat ions as vehicles of

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54 integration is anecdotally confirmed in the statements of many second generation youth in Italy, who affirm their belonging in the Italian society even as they maintain cultural differences. However, the model is largely based on the concept of Anglo conformity within the US, and the alternatives of the melting pot and cultural pluralism do not accurately describe the current Italian context. candidate at present for a melting pot mode l, nor has it instituted any sort of directives towards the cultural pluralist model. While Anglo conformity, then, would be appropriate, the model does not adequately theorize the possibility of assimilation in any direction other than that of the majorit y, an issue which is addressed below. 3.2 .3 The Segmented Assimilation Model Some theorists challenged aspects of the classic assimilation model, revising it to suit the needs of post 1965 migration flows to the US. The most prominent of these challenges i s provided by (1993) segmented assimilation model. In their original article, Portes and Zhou (1993) distinguish post 1965 migration to the US as being qualitatively different from migration at the turn of the century (in terms of immigra nt group characteristics as well as the receiving context), and contend that their factors necessary to understand contemporary immigrant incorporation (Portes and Zhou 1993:76) Based on la rge ethnographic studies of 1.5 and second generation youths in California and Florida, Portes and Zhou (1993) set out three patterns of assimilation based on the vulnerability and resources available to each immigrant group. The first pattern of assimilat ion is similar to the classic assimilation model: growing acculturation and parallel integration to white, middle class America. The second pattern is the

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55 underclass, adopting an adversarial attitude and experiencing permanent poverty. Finally, a third pattern involves rapid economic advancement while preserving the values of the tight knit immigrant group (Portes and Zhou 1993). Their innovation lies in acknowledging that there can be many ways in which immigrant groups assimilate, and that the dominant group in society is not necessarily the target group. Further, Portes and Zhou (1993) immigrant group assimilating downward. The first determinant is the official orientation to the immigrant group, which can be either benevolent or hostile (i.e. governmental policies aiding the first wave of Cuban migration to Florida versus hostile govern ment policy toward Haitian immigrants or Marielitos) T he s econd determinant is whether an immigrant group is subject to prejudice and discrimination or whether they enjoy public sympathy (or are simply ignored ). This can be based on many factors, and the authors give the examples of sympathy based on political conditions (Hungarians fleeing communism) and cultural affinity (illegal Irish immigrants in 1980s Boston enjoyed sympathy from the established Irish community there) Finally, the social and cultura l capital of the co ethnic community including material resources such as job placement services, can determine the risk of upward or downward assimilation. An immigrant group that encounters official hostility, prejudice and discrimination, and does not have a strong receiving community is more likely to experience downward assimilation than a group which does not experience these conditions.

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56 criticisms leveled at the classical assi milation model. Their approach is more sensitive to the historical context and the social structural factors that condition an immigrant classical assimilation model. They al so conceive of assimilation as diverse, as beneficial to the immigrant group in terms of social mobility and wealth or as detrimental, leading that involves economic advancement and cultural maintaining of immigrant/home country values, recognizing that racism and discrimination may hinder the upward assimilation of non white immigrant groups (Portes and Zhou 1993; Zhou 1997a). Particularly helpful is their attentive ness to the governmental response to migration flows and the resources available to a particular group upon arrival, measured by societal reception and co ethnic group strength. Portes and Zhou (1993) distinguish between receptive, indifferent and hostile governmental policies aimed at each immigrant group. For example, the Cubans immigrating to South Florida in the 1960s had a receptive governmental reaction 9 while the Marielitos of the 1980s faced hostile governmental policies 10 Similarly, societal recep tion also played a key role in the American society was generally sympathetic to Cubans in the 1960s, while they viewed the later wave of Marielitos largely as criminals. Finally, the diversity, size and organization of the co ethnic community also influence how a group proceeds to assimilate. For example, the 9 For example, loan programs enabling college education and resettlement aid. 10 Internment in camps as officers determined their criminal history, and none of the helpful governmental programs aimed at resettlement of their earlier counterparts.

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57 Cuban community was large in terms of number and divers e (in levels of educational achievement, social capital, etc) thereby providing a s trong base for reception in both the 1960s and the 1980s, while the Haitian community was not as strong, which affected the integration of Haitian immigrants in South Florida. However, the segmented assimilation model has also been criticized on the groun ds that upward assimilation is linked to Anglo conformity, conceptualized as the most desirable form of incorporation (Alba and Nee 1997). Critics contend that it confound s the process of assimilation with the consequences of assimilation, making it diffic ult to assess its validity empirically (Xie and Greenman 2005). Finally, segmented assimilation assumes an adversarial or oppositional culture among native ethnic groups, primarily inner city African Americans, with little exploration of the possible cause s of such an oppositional stance or of its occurrence in White American communities (Foner 2002; Perlmann and Waldinger 1997). 3 .2.4 Segmented A ssimilation in the Italian C ontext The segmented assimilation model offers important refinements to the Italia n context. Immigration to Italy consists of several migration flows originating from all over the world, bringing racially and ethnically diverse people to settle in Italy. The (1993) a dds complexity and an opportunity to better understand differential outcomes in immigrant groups. For example, the establishment of successful, ethno national communities in certain Italian cities ( e.g. the Chinese community in Prato) contributes to the v alidity of A particularly intriguing concept within the segmented assimilation model is the idea of second

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58 (1993) where oppositi onal stances impeded integration and spelled largely negative consequences for the research participants, research in the Italian context hints to a less detrimental function. (2002) of Afro Italians showed that many of the participants in her study experienced instances of everyday racism and were constantly reminded of their exclusion from the larger Italian society. While many were identified as Italians when they were children, they began to identify more and more with ethno national ide ntities (Eritrean in her case study ) as a response to the discrimination they faced. This identity shift is an oppositional response to a society which deemed them as outsiders symbolically completing a mutual rejection in a discriminatory society At the same time, these yo uths also identified as Western which led many to look outward to other European nations for a future life. The participants stated that while they did not foresee many opportunities for their future in Italy, they did look to Germ any or England as possible societies in which they could integrate and build a future. While this may seem as negative, because the youth do not envisage a satisfactory future for themselves in their home society, it does present them wider opportunities i n an international context 3.2.5 Wanted but not Welcome, Insiders vs. O utsiders Several researchers have developed the notion that immigration into wealthy Ambrosini 2004; Hirschman, Kasinitz, and DeWind 1999 ; Zolberg 1987), highlighting the inconsistent reaction of the host population; accepting of low skilled immigrant workers into the labor market (often the while also den ying them social integration. Ambrosini (2004) highligh ts that this dichotomy is often present in the North Eastern regions of Italy, where industrial labor participation by immigrants is high.

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59 The insular outlook of Italians regarding immigrants and their children was investigated by Paul Sniderman and coll eagues (2000) using a nationally representative survey o f prejudic ial attitudes Aimed at better understanding immigrants, this study found that many Italians were prejudiced against outsiders. ace or ethnicity did not particularly weigh upon attitudes as they felt equally wary of North Africans, Eastern Europeans or Sub Saharan Africans. This presents an interesting line of inquiry, as there are temporal shifts in immigrant groups targeted for discrimin ation: in the 1990s it was Africans, later it was Albanians, now it is Romanians (who also happen to be EU members, complicating the picture even further.) The racial and ethnic makeup of these immigrant groups differ Africans are perceived to differ from Italians along racial lines, while Albanians differ along ethnic lines, but are racially similar (Romania 2004). These results indicate that prejudice plays a large role in the possible adaptive experiences of the second generation. The wanted but not wel come scenario implies that occupations, because th is mode of economic integration is expected by Italians (Ambrosini 2001). The insider/outsider distinction poses a problem to the assimilation of the second generation, because their perceived lack of shared cultural and historical values with Italians marks them as perm anent outsiders (Ambrosini 2004 ) 3.3 The S e cond G eneration in Italy In order to frame the debate about grant ing citizenship to children of immigrants, a picture of the socio demographic presence of children of immigrants in Italy is needed. Official statistics collect data on minori immigrati (immigrant minors) a category which includes children of immigrants born in Italy, as well as those who immigrated due to

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60 family reunification, those who have migrated alone, the child ren of refugees, adopted minors and the children of mixed Italian immigrant marriages. This lends itself to a particularly muddy picture: w hen the focus of any legislation is the children born in Italy, it would serve the purpose to give a detailed account of this group. However, official data do not make this distinction when tracking children of immigrants for things like integration. I pre sent the available data to differentiate the children of immigrants born in Italy from the others included in official data, but it is nonetheless helpful to understand the general context in which these children are living their lives. 3.3.1 Demographic D etails The latest data on children of immigrants in Italy places them at 862,453 in 2008, with more than 70,000 annual births in Italy and more than 40,000 children immigrating under family reunification (Caritas 2009) This number represents a great inc rease in births on Italian soil in just under 15 years: in 1993, there were 7000 children of immigrants born ; in 2000 that number had crept up to almost 26,000, and in 2008 it had nearly tripled to more than 72,000 (Caritas 2009) During the same time peri od, the number of births attributable to immigrants in Italy also grew significantly: while in 1993 there were 12.2 birt hs per 1000 immigrant residents, that p roportion grew to nearly 20 per 1000 in 2008. Table 3 1 presents these data at the end of this ch apter. Percentage wise, these children represent more than 22% of regularly resident immigrants in Italy, with the bulk of them residing in Lombardia (25% of children of immigrants), Veneto (13%) and Emilia Romagna (11%). This partially mirrors the region al distribution of first generation immigrants shown in the previous section. The top three regions, all in the North of Italy, represent 49% of all children of immigrants (Caritas 2009).

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61 Determining the national origin of these children of immigrants i s not directly possible, as the ISTAT does no t gather this information. However, the Immigrazione Dossier Statistico (2009) has reconstructed the national origin of those aged 14 and under, on the basis of Using data from 2006, when EU citizens were also counted, the Dossier found that the top national origins of children of immigrants are Morocco, Albania, Romania, China, and Tunisia reflecting the largest nationalities present in Italy. As expected, th ese closely mirror the distribution of first generation migrants, both in regional residence and national origin they are, after all, a very real extension of their parents. 3.3.2 Political Participation: Second Generation A ssociations Because many sec ond generation youth often do not have citizenship, and thus do not have the right to vote, they participate in Italian political life using different avenues. There are several non profit associations of second generation youth which have gained national prominence and joined the national debate on citizenship reform. Often, these associations have taken part in both the petitioning of citizenship reform, through meetings with parliamentary representatives all the way to the president of the Republic himse lf. They are often consulted for comment in news coverage of second generation issues, and organize and co sponsor lectures, exhibits and events in major cities all across Italy. Their web presence also allows anyone interested in these issues to join and become a party to the internal debates as well as remain informed of current issues. Their opinion is sought after in panels organized by city councils and research centers. Although it cannot be said that all second generation youths in Italy have heard of these organizations, much less that they belong to one or more of them, the

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62 3.3.2.1 Rete G2 Seconde Generazioni The Rete G2 (http://www.secondegenerazioni.it/) is an apolitical org anization of self generation of immigration in Italy (different from the second generation of immigrants). The members generally range in ages from 18 to 35, and are of all nationa lities and ethnicities. Founded in Rome in 2005, but with a network now reaching major cities (like Naples, Milan, Genova, or Bologna) the G2 network has two main aims: to address the rights unavailable to second generation youths because of a lack of Ita lian citizenship, and to promote an understanding of identity on the basis of more than one culture. Between 2006 and 2007, representatives of the network were invited by the M inistry of the I nterior to give their opinion on the reform of the current immig ration and citizenship laws. The network has produced many venues of participation for the reform of citizenship laws in Italy. Participants organized many local events contesting the current citizenship law, produced a wealth of multi media products (a radio series broadcast in Milan and online) and encourage both Italians and children of immigrants to participate. Their online discussion forum has hundreds of entries, and sections dedicated to tracking incidents of racism and discr imination, daily life difficulties for those who do n o t have citizenship, as well as a dedicated section for journalists and researchers to solicit interviews and study participants. 3.3.2.2 Associna Associna was founded in 2005 by a group of children of Chinese immigrants, lending a national platform to Sino Italians and the particular experiences of these youth. The website for the group (http://www.associna.com/) states that their aim is to

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63 help people better understand Chinese culture, as well as the lived experience of these new Italians of Chinese origins. The group addresses many issues, from the perceived isolation of Chinese communities to the discrimination and difficulties imposed by the current citizenship regime. The aims of this group are le ss specifically political than the G2, which focuses on citizenship regime reform. However, Associna is often a partner in many of the same exhibits and lectures as the G2, sometimes co sponsoring events. Representatives of Associna are also oft en quoted i n newspaper articles and popular magazines when covering second generation issues. 3.3.2.3 Founded in 2001 by a group of Muslim youth, the GMI seeks to help young Muslims in the sense that being Muslim or of foreign origins and feeling Italian are n o t mutually exclusive. This group is heavily geared towards young people, ages 14 30, and seeks to give them tools to better negotiate their identity and integration into Italia n society. Although not as prominent as the G2 and Associna, this group is becoming more sought after by the media, especially in discussions of religion and society. 3.4 Research on the Italian Second G eneration The presence of the second generation in Italy as a large and important issue is still emerging, thus academic research on this population is only recently becoming well established (Colombo et al 2009). There are several thematic clusters representing the bulk of the research conducted on the se cond generation: education (Mantovani and Martini 2008 ; Queirolo Palmas and Torre 2005 ; Queirolo Palmas 2006 ; Ricucci 2008 ; Rossitti 2006 ; Strozza 2008), intercultural communication (Martinez 2006), integration

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64 and identity (Ambrosini and Caneva 2009), wor k (Ambrosini 2004 ; Fondazione Andolfi 2005). Further, comparative work on second generation within Europe is emerging (Ambrosini and Molina 2004). Key dimensions of this research are the presence and outcomes of the second generation in the education and work sectors. 3.4.1 The Second G eneratio n and E ducation The educational attainment of children of immigrants in Italy is a very important area to understand, both because it is a primary agent of socialization in the lives of youth and because of the imp act it has on their outcomes in society. Its significance has spurred the academic interest ( e.g., Ambrosini and Molina 2004; Queirolo Palmas 2006; Ricucci 2008; Rossitti 2006) shown in this thematic area. Although the newest law regulating immigration (n o 94/2009, discussed above) may have detrimental effects on the ability of children of immigrants to attain a high level of education, especially for those who are irregular, education is a right afforded to all children Statistics show a strong increase in the numerical presence of the second generation in Italian schools. There are almost 630,000 students with nationalities other than Italian currently attending school about 7% of all students ) Of these, the largest increase has been among students bor n in Italy the true second generation. Their numbers swell in the pre schools and elementary schools, respectively 73.3% and 45% of all non Italian students (Caritas 2009). There are indications that speak to the difficulties facing second generation youth in Italian schools. When tracking students without Italian citizenship, there is a clear trend towards fewer and fewer students graduating to the next educational level. Italian uate into the next level of education these are taken at the end of the 5th grade, at the end of the 8th

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65 grade, and finally at the end of high school. Data show that the percentages of non Italian citizens taking each exam decreases with educational le vel: from 7.4% of all students at the elementary school level to 6.7% at the middle school level, and to 3% at the high school level (Caritas 2009). This decline can be attributed to several factors. The first is demographic there are fewer children of i mmigrants at the higher educational levels because there are numerically fewer children of immigrants of that age group relative to the autochthonous population. Secondly, although demographics may play a role, the decline is also a symptom of lower educat ional outcomes for children of immigrants in Italy (Ravecca 2009, 2010). The disparate outcomes of children of immigrants versus native Italians have been researched, and there are several explanations: that different levels of social and cultural capital account for differences (Ravecca 2009) and that the requirement of an individual residency visa market (Caritas 2009). Finally, there is also a strong trend for non Italian citizens to enroll in professional or vocational high schools (78% of second generation students vs. 59% of Italians), as opposed to the high schools which are geared towards college preparation (Caritas 2009 ; Fondazione Andolfi 2005 ; Ravecca 2009 ). T he governmental reaction to high geographic concentration s of second generation and children of immigrants in schools, spurring the flight of their Italian classmates led to the passing of a new measure. In certain regions (Lazio, Piemonte, Toscana, Friuli) where concentration s of immigrants are very high, and especially in some cities (Roma, Milano, Prato), there were incidences of classrooms with extremely high concentrations of non Italian citizen students and of classes without any Italian

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66 stude nts at all. This led to fears of low achieving students and inadequate socialization into Italian society, due to the lack of Italian classmates (MIUR 2010). The M inistry of E ducation has introduced a cap of 30% non Italian citizen students per class, set to take effect in the 2010 and as a way to avoid the ghettoization of non citizen students. Only a few schools will be exempt from the cap, and will be granted exemptions either due to the p resence of additional instruction in the Italian language and culture for foreign students or because the majority of the students without Italian citizenship are actually born in Italy, and thus can already speak Italian (MIUR 2010). This represents one of the first governmental responses to the growing presence of second generation children in schools, even as they are generally exempted from counting towards the 30% cap. The stated motivations are to better facilitate integration at the earliest ages an d to avoid the marginalization of the children of immigrants by putting them into separate classes. This measure does not, however, address the disparate educational outcomes of the second generation youth, nor how it affects their position once they ente r the job market. 3.4.2 Second Generation and W ork Educational outcomes affect second work, which is also an important measure of integration in the Italian society and of personal satisfaction. Upon reaching the age of 18, children of immigrants are required to apply for their own residency permit separate from that of their parents. As laws regulating immigration have become more and more restrictive, the attainment of a regular job that will permit second gener ation youth to maintain a residency permit becomes crucial to their ability to remain on Italian soil. Although the residency permit

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67 can be granted due to a job or to continuing studies, the high incidence of second generation youth in vocational schools a s opposed to high schools hint to the importance of labor force participation. Surprisingly, there has been little research to date examining the economic and workforce integration of second generation youth in Italy. While educational integration and ou tcomes have been documented (Ricucci 2008 ; Rossitti 2006) the transition of second generation from school to the workforce has not. Research also shows that there is little institutional support given to students, as even their schoolteachers do not know how to or even favor the conversion of a residency permit in to a work permit for their second generation students (Fondazione Andolfi 2005). What little research has been done on the occupational hopes of second generation indicates that the y do not aspir dirty, demeaning, and dangerous (Connell 1993) as their parents often have, but rather to more prestigious and better paid positions (Ambrosini 2001 ; Demarie and Molina 2004 ; Fabiani 2005 ; Fondazione Andolfi 200 5). The Fondazione Andolfi conducted a national pilot study on second interviewing fifteen to eighteen year olds in both vocational and high schools. The study found that 48% of the respondents intended to continue the ir studies in order to obtain a college degree, while 32% intended to look for a job immediately after finishing their education. The youth expected to become professionals (a general category of specialists that include jobs such as architect, lawyer, etc ), doctors, tour operators, and technical operators. While these you ng individuals had no illusions about the difficulties

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68 of finding work in Italy, and the time that it usually takes (an average of 5 months of heless felt very positive about their chances. Anecdotal reports, however, speak to the difficulties faced by the second generation youth in the labor force. Without Italian citizenship, some of these youth are ineligible to hold positions in governmental offices. When some exceptions are made and the youth are hired, citizenship notwithstanding, their status may put their positions in jeopardy at renewal time. The opening sketch in the introductory chapter detailing S amira Ma ngoud hiring and subsequent firing due to citizenship status is but an example of how citizenship status can weight upon the occupational careers of the second generation. Other factors may hinder the successful integration of second generation youth to the labor market. Italy has a relatively high unemployment rate, and it is even higher for second generation immigrants (Demarie and Molina 2004). This can be explained by a number of reasons: higher proportions of second generation youth in vocational schools, less social capital to ease the way into the job market, and discrimination (Ambrosini 2001 ; Andall 2002 ; Demarie and Molina 2004). 3.5 Conclusion This chapter has paint ed a picture o n the presence of second generation children Their demographic i mpact is evidenced by the staggering generation youth (children of immigrants born in Italy) in the lower school grades as opposed to the higher grades, reflecting contemporary higher birth rates and higher percentage of childr en of immigrants per births in Italy (see Table 3. 1).

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69 As the presence of second generation youth became a reality that cannot be ignore d the social consequences of complicated access to citizenship also come to light. T he integration of the second genera tion sets a precedent for the mutual adaptation of immigrants and the host society (Demarie and Molina 2004). The difficulties faced by the second generation youths because of the lack of Italian citizenship can lead to greater marginalization. The reform of citizenship law to sanction the principle of jus soli on the other hand, would aid in quicker and better integration. The next chapter explores the theoretical foundations of citizenship and the relevancy to the Italian second generation, along with po willingness to reform citizenship policy.

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70 Table 3 1. Children born to immigrant parents (both) and nativity rate Year Number of children born Birth Rate/1000 Year Number of children born Birth Rate/1000 1993 7,000 12.2 2001 29,054 22.9 1994 8,028 12.2 2002 33,593 23.1 1995 9,061 12.7 2003 33,691 19.0 1996 10,820 13.3 2004 48,925 22.3 1997 13,509 14.5 2005 51,971 20.5 1998 16,901 16.0 2006 57,765 19.7 1999 21,186 17.8 2007 64,049 20.1 2000 25,916 19.0 2008 72 ,472 19.8

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71 CHAPTER 4 PERSPECTIVES ON CITIZENSHIP T his chapter examine s the research on citizenship, detailing several theoretical models of citizenship I then provide an overview of the history of citizenship policy in Italy. I also address rese arch on attitudes towards citizenship policy and reform 4.1 Citizenship Traditionally, citizenship has been thought to encompass a legal status, rights and obligations, and to denote a sense of belonging to the geographically bounded space of a nation st ate (Bloemraad, Korteweg and Yurdakul 2008; Brubaker 1992; Faist 2000). Notions of national identity, state sovereignty and social belonging that are tied up as parts of citizenship are now challenged by the ethnically, culturally and linguistically divers e groups entering and settling as a result of immigration flows. It is important, then, to define what constitutes citizenship and what challenges immigration brings to it. 4.1.1 Dimensions of C itizenship Citizenship can be conceived as having four dimensi ons: legal status, rights, political ( and other forms of ) participation in society, and a sense of belonging (Bloemraad et al 2008). The very basic understanding of citizenship pertains to the legal status of a person within a nation state. Citizenship reg imes serve to define who is entitled to hold the nationality of a particular country, and are based o n the principles of jus sanguinis jus soli or a combination of both. Jus sanguinis or citizenship by descent, defines citizenship based on family relati onships, as a status that can be passed on to offspring and emphasizing a biological and ethnic link between citizens of a nation. This definition usually excludes migrants. Jus soli on the other hand, emphasizes territory, granting citizenship to those b orn on the soil of the nation state

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72 and favoring a civic understanding of membership. This definition offers immigrants a greater chance of social inclusion. C itizenship regimes can also be a combination of both for example in the United States where cit izenship is granted via descent from American citizens or by virtue of being born on US soil. Another important dimension of citizenship is that of rights: holding citizenship means that there is a relationship between the individual and the state, with e ach part y having rights and obligations to the other. The state guarantees basic rights for the individual, such as a right to residency on the national territory, and often includes some social entitlements as well: access to healthcare, pensions, etc. Co nversely, the individual agrees to his or her obligations to the state: to pay taxes, to complete mandatory education, to obey the laws, to participate in the defense of the nation in instances of military conflict The focus on rights emphasizes the contr act between the citizen and the state, and promises a measure of equality between all citizens (Bloemraad et al. 2008 ; Tilly 1996). The next dimension of citizenship focuses on the political aspect, highlighting the participation in local and national go vernance afforded to citizens. Political participation in nation state governance is a way for individuals to interact in society and strengthen the relationship between individual and state, and, via the state structures, with other members of the society It must be noted, however, that political participation has not always been granted to all citizens. Historical examples show that gender, race, religion and class provide lines of exclusion from political participation, regardless of citizenship status (Kymlicka 1994, 2003).

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73 Finally, citizenship encompasses a sense of national belonging, tied closely to national identity and social and cultural cohesion, an institutionalized form of solidarity (Faist 2000). This dimension of citizenship is inherently e xclusionary : the in group out group dichotomy serves to define who is entitled to citizenship and who is not. Immigration poses a particular challenge to this dimension of citizenship, as the presence of diverse groups contests the often mono cultural unde rstanding of society based on a single imagined community (Anderson 1991). Immigrants also represent an out group present within national borders, which serves to strengthen nationalistic tendencies of the native population (Lubbers, Gijsberts and Sheepers 2002). 4. 1.2 Citizenship M odels Employing the four dimensions of citizenship, then, several models of citizenship regimes have been advanced. The most widely used model of citizenship is the national model, which is based on citizenship tied to a bounded territory and a bounded population within a nation state, with little influence from minority groups (Marshall 1950). This model emphasizes the role of the state in granting and controlling citizenship, and may take the shape of a regime based on jus soli or jus sanguinis and also focuses on assimilation into a unitary political culture of a nation state (Faist 2000). The next model is that of multicultural citizenship. This model emphasizes the recognition of ethnic pluralism and group based, collective rights within a citizenship regime (Faist 2000; Kymlicka 2003, 2007). Proponents of this model argue that previous understandings of citizenship regimes are grounded on rigid assumptions about membership and participation based on individual rights. Furthe rmore, this line of theorizing argues that the concept of citizenship providing a common identity ignores the distinctive needs of certain groups (such as women or racial and ethnic minorities).

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74 This incongruence, according to Kymlicka (1994), necessitates group differentiated citizenship: instead of focusing on equal rights for all individuals, this model emphasizes the group based rights that minorities may need in order to integrate in a way that is not exploitative of and destructive to distinct social groups. Critics of this perspective charge that, in fact, such rights have been eroding (Joppke 1999, 2001) and that the multicultural model is not practical to implement. The increased focus on the nexus between immigration and citizenship has given rise to the model of transnational citizenship. In this conceptualization, the border crossing expansion of social spaces is contributing to enriching individual and collective identities, leading to an increase in dual citizenship and dual nationality (Faist 2000; Vertovec 2004). The increased tolerance of dual citizenship, both on the part of sending the increased influence of immigration on nation states (Faist et al 2007 ). Critics of this model highlight the potential conflict between multiple loyalties due to holding dual citizenship, although research has shown that this is often a way to acknowledge the symbolic ties of the first generation to the country of origin (Fa ist 2000). Finally, scholars have proposed a postnational model of citizenship, where rights derive from individual personhood instead of belonging to a nation state. Proponents point to the expansion of global human rights, of international bodies govern ing rights (such as the European Court of Justice or the United Nations Organization), and the granting of political and social rights regardless of citizenship status as proof that a postnational model is emerging (Soysal 1994). However, critics of this view point to a lack of empirical support for this model, as well as to the potentially exclusionary effect it

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75 may have on second and third generations who may wish to be fully integrated in the host country via citizenship (Joppke 1999). The four models represent what can be considered ideal types of citizenship regimes, and research on immigration has attempted to theorize how these types would adjust to the presence of immigrants within a nation. Beginning with the national model, which emphasized a st atic and rather bounded notion of citizenry and nation state, scholars have attempted to understand how historical changes, such as increased immigration, have affected political and social inclusion within a nation state, and whether such belonging can t ranscend national boundaries. In the practical application of national models, especially those based on jus sanguinis the trend has been to exclude immigrants from citizenship. On the other end of the scale, the transnational and postnational models theo rize a more liberal inclusion of immigrants, granting either dual citizenship or transcending citizenship as a requirement for inclusion altogether. Each model has differing implications for the status and outcomes of first and second generation immigrants In order to evaluate the relevance of these theoretical models, we turn to empirically based analyses of citizenship regimes and immigration. 4.1.3 Liberalizing or Restrictive Citizenship T rends? The foremost analysis of immigration and citizenship regi mes has been undertaken by Christian Joppke (1999, 2003, 2005, 2008b). Examining trends across Europe, Joppke addresses the widespread notion that citizenship regimes have become more liberal over time. He underscores three directions in which liberalizati on has occurred: first, access to citizenship for second and subsequent generations has been made easier across Western Europe, except for a few outliers ( Portugal and Ireland as well as Italy). Second, naturalization requirements have been softened, redu cing

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76 residency requirements and providing a right to naturalization if the requirements have been filled, such as in Germany and the Netherlands (Joppke 2008b). Third, dual citizenship is tolerated by increasing numbers of nations (Faist et al 2007). For instance, t he Greek bill reforming citizenship policy, approved by parliament in March of 2010, indicates a liberalizing trend. Greek citizenship, up until this reform, was based primarily on descent, and acquiring citizenship through naturalization was d ifficult. The reform clearly eases access to citizenship, especially to children of immigrants. It instituted double jus soli granting automatic acquisition of Greek citizenship if one of the parents is born and permanently resides in the country, a measu re which guarantees that third generation children of immigrants will be Greek citizens regardless of the parental nationality. The bill also introduced citizenship by declaration, available to children of immigrants born to parents legally residing in Gre ece for more than five years, to a child of immigrants who has completed at least six years of Greek education, upon a common declaration by the parents to their municipality. If the parents did not present a declaration, the child may do so between the ag es of 18 and 21 (Christopoulos 2010). On the other hand, while access to citizenship is now easier for the second generation children of immigrants, those who seek to naturalize based on residency face new requirements: knowledge of the Greek language, fam iliarity with Greek culture, history and civilization, as well as a possible test of integration into the Greek society. Other researcher s argue that there have been restrictive turns in Europe, where the requirements for naturalization have been raised i n countries with sizeable immigrant populations (Baubck et. al. 2006). These authors point to the restrictions

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77 made on regimes that were based primarily on jus soli (Ireland, for example), which have often added a residency requirement for the immigrant p arent in order to grant citizenship to the second generation. The reform of family reunification policies and the addition of language and cultural elements to citizenship requirements, such as in Denmark and the Netherlands, are all examples of restrictiv e turns in citizenship regimes (Joppke 2008b). T here are often contradictory measures within any citizenship regime reform, wherein one dimension may be restrictive while another may be more liberal. A classic which modif ies its citizenship policies. This act doubled the residency requirement for foreign nationals, from 5 to 10 years (EU nationals excluded), a restrictive turn when compared to the previous law. However, the act also allowed dual citizenship and facilitated citize nship acquisition by descendants of Italians. Certainly, then, it is difficult to measure whether citizenship regimes are becoming generally more or less accepting of immigrant populations. The example of Italy reveals that different immigrant groups recei ve different treatment, as a description of the Italian citizenship regime will show. 4.2 Citizenship in Italy The Italian model of citizenship is based primarily on jus sanguinis where descent is privileged and family ties are the keys to obtaining citiz enship. It is most easily claimed by p roof of Italian ancestry or by marriage (Koenig Archibugi 2003). Acquiring citizenship by any other means is quite difficult, both in letter and in practice. In order to obtain citizenship in Italy through naturalizati on, an immigrant must prove that he or she has maintained 10 years of continuous and legal residence in Italy (5 years in the case of EU nationals). Documenting such a long and uninterrupted period of residency is

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78 often difficult due to inability of obtain ing proper documentation. The principle of j us soli is not formally sanctioned and although dual citizenship is allowed, it is primarily a tactic to maintain ties to the emigrant Italian communities rather than to facilitate immigrant naturalization in It aly. The numbers speak out about the cumbersomeness of this process, as, for instance, in 2007 there were only 38,466 immigrants who attained Italian citizenship: 31,609 obtained it through marriage and only 6,857 obtained it via naturalization (Ministero This section traces the evolutions of citizenship in Italy, beginning with the foundation of the Italian state in 1861 though the present day. 4.2.1 Foundation of the Italian State, 1860s 1920s The Italian territory prior to the forma tion of the State in 1861 was long dominated by a system of city states and k ingdoms leading to distinct regional identities and a fractious population. came relatively late, as compared to neighboring countries (Zincone 2010). The conce pt of citizenship only pertained to the regulation of civil and political rights within the new nation, and any notion of belonging to the state was irrelevant (Zincone 2010 ). In 1865, the Civil Code regulated nationality on the basis of jus sanguinis bec ause there were still many people of Italian descent who resided outside of the borders. It also did not permit dual nationality but in practice Italian citizenship was often extended to children of Italians born abroad. As mass emigration became a promi nent phenomenon at the turn of the century, retaining citizenship for emigrants was seen by the Italian governments as a measure to promote ties to their ethnic motherland and thus encourage remittances ( Prato 1910 quoted in Zincone 2010 ).

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79 The first ref orm to citizenship, Act no. 155/1912, was thus geared to facilitate the repatriation of Italian emigrants. Reacquisition of Italian nationality was made easier for those who lost it upon naturalization in another country, and dual citizenship was allowed f or the children of Italian emigrants born abroad. These measures were intended to maintain strong ties to emigrant communities and encourage the repatriation of now successful emigrants (Zincone 2010) 4.2.2 The R ise of F ascism and C olonialism, 1920s 194 0s This period in Italian history saw the rising importance of race and ethnicity as determining access to citizenship. Italy colonized parts of modern day Libya, and combined areas of Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia into Italian East Africa (Betts 1975 ; Lo we 2002). From the outset, children of Italian fathers and African mothers were granted Italian citizenship as long as their Italian fathers acknowledged them (Zincone 2010). sign aled the beginning of racism in the regulation of Italian citizenship. This was heightened in the period leading up to World War II, laws (Bonifazi 2007 ; Zincone 2010). In 1938, measures depriving people of Jewish et hnicity the right to reside in Italian territories if not already a citizen and retracti ng the citizenship for Jews who had acquired it after January of 1919 were implemented Later a decree was emanated (Zincon e 2010) This decree further prohibited Jews from owning property and severely restricted their The decree prohibited Italians from marrying colonial subjects and voi ded already existing marriages, preventing the children of such unions from accessing citizenship,

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80 and supposedly maintain ed racial purity among Italian citizens. Racist citizenship policies were in effect in Italian East Africa, where children of unknown parents could only be granted Italian citizenship if their physical traits denoted two white parents (Zincone 2010). 4.2.3 The Italian Republic, 1940s 1980s Fascist ext remes. It included measures to protect the right to citizenship of all races by including a clause that prevented discrimination based on race, gender, religion, or politics (Zincone 2010). The greatest push for reform in these years was based on gender di scrimination in citizenship : in its origi n al formulation only fathers could pass on their nationality if married to a foreigner. Italian women married to foreigners could not pass on Italian citizenship to their spouses or children, but often also lost th eir Italian citizenship. This was reformed in 1975, by an Act (no.151/1975) allowing women to retain Italian citizenship, and in 1983, by an Act (no.123/1983) allowing the transfer of nationality by Italian married women to their families. These reforms br ought the issue of dual nationality to the forefront of citizenship debate s (Zincone 2010). While some bilateral agreements allowing dual citizenship had been made between Italy and countries with high concentrations of emigrant nationals such as Argentin a, acceptance of dual citizenship was far from being widespread There were concerns of dual loyalties, as well as duties such as obligatory military service for males that would be hard to enforce for holders of dual nationalities (Zincone 2010) These te nsions existed from the times of mass emigration in the early 1900s, but they began to gain importance again in t he 1980s, as immigration to Italy became an important phenomenon.

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81 4.2.4 Modern Citizenship P olicies, 199 0s to N ow Although Italy started to pro mulgate immigrant and immigration policies in the 1980s, none of the early measures directly affected citizenship acquisition. Current Italian policy regarding citizenship dates to the 1992 Act (no.91.1992) which formally sanctioned dual nationality but m ade the acquisition of citizenship via jus soli more difficult (Arena, Nascimbene and Zincone 2006; Joppke 2008b ; Zanfrini 2007). Continuing trends from the turn of the century citizenship was liberalized for descendants of Italians, aimed at facilitatin g the return of co ethnics (Joppke 2003, 2008b ; Zincone 2010 ). Foreigners who could claim Italian ancestry and had access to Italian birth certificate, would be able to begi n the process of reacquisition. In June of 2009, the Security act passed (no.94/2009) adding several restriction s to the acquisition of citizenship (Zincone 2010) In an effort to prevent fraudulent marriages with the sole purpose of acquisition of citize nship on the part of the foreign spouse, the act lengthened the waiting period from 6 months to 2 years before the application for citizenship can be made. A fee of 200 Euros was introduced for the acquisition of citizenship. Additionally, the foreign spou se must present a valid residency permit when applying for the marriage license, further discouraging the marriage between Italians and irregularly resident immigrants. 4.2.5 Current Citizenship Law and the Second G eneration Applied to the second generati on immigrants of foreign descent, th e current policy results in children born on Italian soil to immigrant parents not being granted Italian citizenship; rather, they can inherit the citizenship (and immigrant status) of their parents. The provision from t he 1992 Act allow them to request Italian citizenship o nly

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82 after reaching 18 years of age and after satisfying numerous conditions (such as no criminal record, continuous legal residence on Italian soil, financial indep endence and social integration). Mere ly satisfying the se requirements is by no means a guarantee that the ir citizenship request will be approved. In addition, they only have a one year window, from the age of 18 to 19, to apply for citizenship based on residency since birth. Should they fail to do so, they would have to go through the naturalization process applicable to all foreigners. This situation presents significant challenges to the second generation who are raised in Italy and generally identify themselves as Italian, and yet are not citizens of Italy (Ambrosini 2005). These second generation immigrants face issues of deportation, and difficulty in finding and keeping jobs, as exemplified in several stud ies (Angel Ajani 2003; Colombo 2007; DeGenova 2002; Mantovani and Martini 2008; Ricucci 2008; Rossitti 2006; Strozza 2008). Further, they are subject to several restrictions that clearly demarcate them from their Italian peers. For example, many Italian schools take trips into neighboring countries, which the second generation youth often must forgo because of visa and permit issues. These differences serve as day to day experiences of marginalization (Ambrosini 2005). T he current citizenship regime allo ws young people from abroad born and raised in other countries to adopt Italian citizenship on the basis of having an Italian ancestor, while denying access to citizenship to youth born and raised in Italy. 4.2.6 Attempts at R eform Since 1992 The issu e of citizenship reform for immigrants and children of immigrants has only recently gained wide political interest Reform attempts that address access for children

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83 of immigrants in Italy are of recent times and have largely stalled in the political proces s. The political costs of pushing forward a controversial reform are clearly part of the reason why reforms have not been successful (Zincone 2010). The first attempt to relax nationality law in favor of children of immigrants came in 1999, when Livia Tur co (co author of the 1998 reform to immigrant and immigration laws) proposed that children born and residing in Italy ought to receive Italian citizenship at the age of 5. Included in the draft was a requirement that the parents also need be legally reside nt for 5 years, and double jus soli for the second generation was introduced. These proposals were in line with current European trends, but the proposal administration did not w ant to take the political risk of backing it (Zincone 2010). Interestingly, the requirement that parents be legally resident mirrors reforms recently enacted in Greece (Christopoulos 2010). The next notable attempt at reform came with t he Prodi administrat ion in 2006. The Minister of the Interior Amato drafted a proposal liberalizing citizenship access to the second generation ( Bigot and Fella 2008 ; Zincone 2010 ). This was the first time that associations of second generation youth (G2, specifically) were c onsulted in the drafting of the reform (Marchetti 2010) The Prodi administration was ousted in 2008, precluding any advancement of the reform bill. The current Berlusconi administration is also considering citizenship reforms, but it is very uncertain in which direction these will go (Polchi 2008). An ideological difference in the ruling Popolo delle Libert (PdL) party coalitions sets the stage for difficult negotiations of citizenship reforms.

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84 Favoring liberal citizenship reform is Gianfranco Fini, a le ader of the right wing Alleanza Nazionale (AN) unti l 2009 and now a heading the (FLI) party. A conservative party with historical ties to the fascist movement (although it denounced Fascism in 2003), AN supported family values the centrality of the family in social life, and a sense of patriotism and national pride. Fini was co author of the 2002 immigration reform, which took a hard stance against illegal immigration. On the other hand, he supported granting local voting righ ts to legally resid ing immigrants, a position that backs social and political rights even for non citizens (Corriere della Sera 2003) e bill received some support in the center right governing coalition, but found great opposition from coalition partner Lega Nord (LN) 11 Because supporting the bipartisan reform proposal could mean losing the support of Lega Nord a restrictive counter pr oposal was submitted. d a cleaving matter between faction s in the PdL party. Traditionally the concept of nationality has been geared to wards maintaining ties with the emigrant I talian community worldwide. Recently, Italian politics have recognized the pressing need of citizenship reform for the immigrants present on the national territory. The Italian public has become more aware of the issue of citizenship as well, making the po litical costs of passing reforms much less expensive in terms of voter support than they have ever been. P ublic opinion play s a role in policy formation and the next section will address both the formation of attitudes and the role of public opinion. 11 The Lega Nord is regional party that is heavily anti immigrant, anti Islam, and an important partner in maintaining the current Berlusconi administration.

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85 4. 3 Perspectives on F ormation of A ttitudes Much research has focused on the analysis of public attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policies, and specifically on anti immigrant prejudice, using cross national, large scale survey data analysis. When res earching attitudes towards policies that affect minority groups in society, it is imperative to also include analyses of racism and prejudice expressed by the dominant group (Jackson, Brown, Brown and Marks 2001; Krysan 2000; Sears, Sidanius and Bobo 2000; Sniderman, Peri, D e Figueiredo and Piazza 2000). Analyses of anti immigrant sentiment have focused on a number of n immigrant and immigration policies. In attempting to understand the determinants of anti immigrant sentiment both individual and structural level factors have been examined. Below are some of the main areas in which research has been conducted. 4.3.1 Individual level D eterminants within the social structure affects their attitudes. Beyond the effects of basic demographic factors such as age, marital status, or gender, analyses of individual level variables on attitudes have focused on education (Coenders and Scheepers 2003), econom ic self interest (Burns and Gimpel 2000; Citrin, Green, Muste and Wong 1997; Fetzer 2000 a ), symbolic threats and identities (Ceobanu and Escandell 2008 ; Sides and Citrin 2007), and self reported racism (Jackson, Brown, Brown, and Marks 2001). 4.3.1.1 Cont act At the individual level of analysis, one of the most tested lines of inquiry refers to the contact hypothesis, which was originally developed by Gordon Allport (1954). Allport posited that the quality and quantity of contact between majority and mino rity groups,

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86 helps to lessen prejudice and negative attitudes. Prejudice is lessen ing if such contact is based on the two groups having equal status, if there is cooperation between the groups, approval of the contact by authorities and the presence of com mon goals (Pettigrew 1997, 1998; McLaren 2003). W hen this contact evolved into friendships with immigrants, it had a significant impact on reducing anti immigrant attitudes (Mantovani and Martini 2008; McLaren 2003; Volpato and Manganelli Rat t azzi 2000). Studies have also found that, if contextual economic circumstances are favorable, close contact lessens anti immigrant sentiment and that its effect also changes over time (Escandell and Ceobanu 2009). When using the contact hypothesis to resea rch anti immigrant sentiment, it is imperative to recognize that not all forms of contact are equal. Research has shown that there are several categories of contact between immigrants and nationals, distinguished by frequency and intensity. Hamberger and H ewstone (1997) provide three categories of possible contact: family, work, and occasional. In the Italian context, the contact hypothesis should be an interesting variable, because of the heterogeneity of the first and second generation and the wide region al disparity in density. For example, a case study conducted among high school students in Vicenza, an industrial Italian city in the northern Friuli Venezia Giulia region, shows that certain types of contact reduce prejudice (Volpato Rattazzi 2000). The r esearchers found that a large percentage (44%) of their sample indicated having friends among immigrants, which reduced their prejudice towards immigrants. Moreover, they found that neighborhood, or occasional, contact resulted in lower prejudice if the re spondents were voluntarily seeking out contact with immigrants residing and working in their

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87 neighborhoods. However, if such occasional contact were simply a result of circumstance, rather than agency, then prejudice was unaffected. This case study also fo und that increased racial diversity did not correlate into greater contact for immigrants across racial groups while one community had significantly more African immigrants than the other, the contact between Italian and immigrants of African origins did not increase, and consequently did not reduce prejudice. 4.3.1.2 Political leaning In addition, a series of studies focusing on the rise of the right wing vote in Europe have shown that political leaning (Left or Right) is an important individual level tr igger of anti immigrant sentiment (Arcuri and Boca 1996; Fetzer 2000 a ; Krysan 2000). As far right wing parties experienced a revival in the 1990s and early 2000s, researchers immigra nt sentiments (Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers 2002; Semyonov, Raijman, and Gorodzeisky 2006). 4.3.2 Structural level D eterminants At the macro level of analysis, numerous studies have drawn inspiration from the group threat perspective. Early research h ypothesized that realistic group conflict (for example, the presence of a large immigrant population competing for the same economic resources as dominant group members) would lead to the development of elevated levels of anti immigrant sentiment. Research has found that perceived group threat (Escandell and Ceobanu 2009; Quillian 1995, 2006; Scheepers, Gijsberts and Coenders 2002) rather than realistic conflict may be a better predictor of anti immigrant attitudes. This means that individual and group perc eptions of threat coming from

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88 immigrants, regardless of their putative nature (objective or subjective), will impact expressed anti immigrant sentiment. When analyzing data that deals with dominant group attitudes toward immigration and immigrant policies research has also taken into account the gendered and racial boundaries that are influenced by the process of migration (Dal Lago 1999; Ong 1996; Silverstein 2005). Theorists examining prejudice and xenophobia in Europe acknowledge that, while the histor ical context may differ from the US, where most of the Ajani 2003; Collins 2000; Essed 1991 1996; Goldberg 2006; Waters 2006), and require racialization as well as [an insistence] on its word 2004, p.189). This is to say that, although prejudice may take on different forms in different national contexts, it is imp ortant to understand the specifics of each national context and the role played by racialization and especially in Europe, ethnicization The next section will highlight the relevant bodies of work on immigration, attitudes and citizenship focusing on the Italian context. 4.4 Attitudes t oward I mmigrant and I mmigration P olicies in Italy Research on immigration and anti immigrant sentiment in Italy mirrors the developments in broader research at the European level. Some studies have investigated the role p Bonifazi 1992), whereas others have focused on the larger political context influencing individual attitudes (Andall 2007; Sniderman et al 2000). Perhaps the most influential study on at titudes towards immigrants in Italy, with a substantive focus on prejudice, is that of Sniderman et al. (2000). Based on computer

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89 immigrants, including views on racial ethnic relations (some questions specifically referred to immigrants of Northern African and Eastern European origin). The authors hypothesized that Italians would have different levels of anti immigrant sentiment when the immigrant groups were of different raci al origins. However, they found that Italians had comparable levels of anti immigrant sentiment regardless of immigrants' racial background, because both groups were considered outsiders to the Italian society and thus equally subject to anti immigrant sen timent. Interestingly, the authors also found that prejudice was not only the bastion of those who identified as right wing supporters, but that some on the political left also exhibited some anti immigrant sentiment. This challenges the impact that politi presents an interesting variable to consider in the analysis of the survey data. The role of race and e thnicity The study by Sniderman and his colleagues brings the importance of race and ethnicity into question in the Italian context. Af ter all, their conclusions suggest that all foreigners are unwelcome in the Italian society regardless of racial or ethnic status However, racial and ethnic difference does play a role in attitude formation, as exemplif the everyday experiences of Afro Italians shows that darker skin is a marker that singles people out for discrimination Italians have also been shown to relate racial and ethnic r skills and abilities, reasoning that Filipinas and Cape Verdean women are better at caring for the elderly because their culture and ingrained attitudes suit them for that type of job (Ambrosini 2001) This serves as a rationalization for maintaining wom en of color in poorly paid, high intensity occupations.

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90 On the other hand, several foreigners blur the line because they are racially similar but ethnically different. Albanians in the 1990s, and later Romanians we re particularly demonized in the press ( K i n g and Mai 2009 Romania 2004 ) Albanian immigration to Italy began en masse in the early 1990s, as Albania suffered an economic crisis that elements (Italian TV br oadcasts, for example, reached some parts of Albania) made it an ideal destination country. However, in the media, Albanians were branded as criminals and illegal immigrants, dirty and untrustworthy ( Bonifazi and Sabatino 2003; King and Mai 2009). Albanian Importantly, many Albanians are (Romania 2004). Romanian immigrants now suffer similar demonization with frequent media re ports of criminal activity. The studies suggest that not only are attitudes towards immigrants and im migration policies important to consider when researching citizenship reform, but that attitudes regarding race and ethnicity are important as well. This comparison across racial and ethnic groups raises that question that perhaps attitudes will vary accor ding to whether the immigrants are from EU member states are considered third country nationals. Certainly, the citizenship regime makes a distinction between EU and non EU immigrants in terms of access to citizenship, facilitating access for EU nationals while restricting access for non EU nationals. Does this distinction also bear out as an important factor in attitude formation? Cross national comparisons have shown that, in fact, non EU foreigners may be more salient, and thus

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91 better indicators of group threat (Lahav 2004; Semyonov et.al. 2006) In these studies, the use of non EU foreigners as targets of anti immigrant sentiment led to statistically significant results. In the case of Italy, ethnographic studies such as the one conducted by Sniderman and colleagues (2000) suggests that while non EU foreigners who are racially different are certainly targets of anti immigrant sentiment, so are citizens of now member states. Italy presents a murkier picture in the examination of the significance of racial a nd ethnic difference on anti immigrant sentiment. To further complicate matters, religious difference, especially being Muslim, promotes anti immigrant sentiment as well (Strabac and Listhaug 2008). 4.5 Attitudes t owards I mmigration and C itizenship in Ita ly Italian research has theorized citizenship in various ways, concentrating on citizenship as identity (Gattino, Miglietta, Ceccarini, and Rollero 2008) and as intercultural communication (Jabbar 2000, 2001; Martinez 2006). The majority of Italian researc h is based on the study of active citizenship, with researchers studying rather than investigating the effects of attaining citizenship as a legal status. There are v (2005) cross national longitudinal study on attitudes towards immigration and citizenship, which debuted in 2000 and was followed by subsequent waves in 2001, 2002 and 2005 (Diamanti and Bordignon 2005). The studies encompass different countries in each s of Poland, Czech Republic, and Hungary).

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92 (2005) investigation of attitudes about citizenship, however, is limited to asking about specific political and social rights, as opposed to the legal status of obtaining citizenship. Thus respondents were asked whether legally established immigrants who also pay taxes should have the right to a) vote in local elections, b) vote in national elections, and c) access the national healthcare system. While these are important aspects in order for immigrants to better integrate and participate in the local and national contexts, they do not presuppose the granting of citizenship in order to access these rights. In Italy, it is already possible for legally established migrants to vote in local an d European elections, and emergency access to the national healthcare system is supplemented by free clinics available in some cities. These questions did not ask respondents whether they favored granting citizenship status to immigrants, which would not only encompass the voting and healthcare rights included in the survey, but also grant a more equal and protected legal status to the immigrants (Jabbar 2000). The implications of granting citizenship differ from those of g iving them only a set of limited rights, as asked in this survey. Thus, while meritorious, this research project fails to explore the willingness of Italians to have citizenship granted to immigrants, as opposed to favoring their access to certain rights without necessarily g iving them th e equal legal footing that citizenship would afford them. 4.6 Conclusion This chapter has reviewed several fields of research that contribute to the understanding of the r elationship between public opinion, policy reform, and citizenship issues. The chapte r explored the dimensions and forms of citizenship, as well as the

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93 historical development of citizenship policy in Italy. Then the role of public opinion and the factors that influence it were discussed. This work aims to bring together the sociological knowledge on citizenship with the work on attitudes towards immigrants and immigration policies in order to fill a gap in the literature. Specifically, focusing on attitudes towards granting citizenship status to immigrants, as opposed to continuing the f ocus on active citizenship practices, this work will address an understudied subject, pushing beyond social or identity based studies that dominate the Italian body of knowledge on citizenship.

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94 CHAPTER 5 DATA AND METHODS The main research question to b e answered is : Do Italians support granting citizenship to second generation children of immigrants? Related, w hat individual and macro level factors influence attitudes towards citizenship in Italy? Are there regional differences in attitudes? The best approach to answer the above research questions is a mixed method one. Thus, I first use public opinion survey data ( conducted by the Istituto per gli Studi sulla Pubblica Opinione ) to analyze factors influencing contemporary attitudes toward immigration and citizenship policies I examine both individual and macro level factors presumed to impact these attitudes The second approach is to gauge Italia ns citizenship policy by means of group interviews This enables an in depth examination of th and/or raised in Italy. This chapter is divided into two sections: the presentation of the survey data and the presentation of the group interviews. The section on survey data delineates the characteristics of the dataset, lists the hypotheses, pre s ents the dependent and independent variables, and provides the variables to be used in the hierarchical analysis The section on the group interviews presents the methods used t o gather and interpret the data. 5.1 Survey D ata 5.1.1 The Dataset F inding a suitable dataset that addresses the question of citizenship extension to the second generation was a difficult process, as many of the public opinion datasets

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95 conducted in Italy do not specifically do that. The more commonly available nationally representative dataset s such as the Eurobarometer 12 series or the European Social Survey 13 ha ve yet to include questions on citizenship for the second generation. The International Social Survey Programme 14 contains a module (2004) where such a question was asked, but Italy did not participate. The dataset utilized in this dissertation was provided by the ISPO 15 ( I stituto per gli S tudi sulla P ubblica O pinione ) a leading polling institute f ounded in Milan by several academics in the 1980s and headed by Prof. Renato Mannheimer, a professor of sociology at Milano Bicocca. The ISPO, which specializes in political and social behavior and attitudes, conducts research on behalf of various clients, both in the public and private sector. The survey used in this dissertation was conducted in February of 2007 for the intended use of the Ministry of Interior The sample (N= 2 000) was nationally representative of Italians over the age of 17 in terms of gender, age, education al attainment occupational status, and geograph ical location The survey consisted of face to face structured interviews, with the answers recorded via computer. The sur vey data asked about respondent s opinions on a number of issue s surrounding immigration, including residency permits, the right to vote in local elections, detention centers as well as extending citizenship to ch ildren of immigrants. S everal waves of the survey have been conducted but only one asked the question re garding citizenship. 12 For more information see http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm 13 For more information see http://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/ 14 For more information see http://www.issp.org/ 15 For more information see http://www.ispo.it/

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96 This dataset was compl e mented with regional level data collected via available Italian statistical records (ISTAT). Regional level measures were gathered for GDP per capita, percentage of foreign residents and percentage of right wing votes 5.1.2 Hypotheses There are several hypotheses tested in the analysis of the survey data, each pertaining to factors identified by the literature review concert with available measures in the original data, the f irst model of the analysis tests the effects of socio demographic variables. Age, gender, income, educational level, and labor force participation are introduced as factors presumed to influenc e willingness to grant citizenship. It is believed tha t a lower age, income, being female, having reached a high level of education and currently being a student would all generation youth as has been found in other countries (Ceobanu an d Escandell 2010) group size, drawing on research that implicates perceived group threat (Quillian 1995 Ceobanu and Escandell 2008; Semyonov, Raijman, and Gorodzeisky 2006; Sides and Citrin 2007 ). It is hypothesized that people who perceive that a large number of immigrants reside in Italy would be less likely to extend citizenship to second generation youth The third model introduces variables tappi ng the effect of persona l contact between Italians and immigrants on the dependent variable in terms of having family members or friends among immigrants It is hypothesized that Italians who experience meaningful personal contact w ould be more willing to extend citizenship to s econd generation youth.

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97 The subse quent models introduce regional level variables into the analysis. The fourth model tests the effect of regional GDP per capita on the dependent variable the assumption being that in more affluent regions (those with hig her GDP ) people will express more support for extending citizenship to the second generation (Burns and Gimpel 2000; Citrin, Green, Muste and Wong 1997; Fetzer 2000a) The fifth model tests the effect of actual immigrant presence in the region on the depen dent variable. It is assumed that a greater percentage of immigrant residents would lead to lower support for extending citizenship to the second generation The sixth model tests whether or not greater percentage of votes won by far right wing parties tra nslates into lower support for extending citizenship to second generation youths 5.1. 3 Variables 5.1. 3 .1 Dependent V ariable The dependent variable in the model is derived from a question asking respondents to opt for the statement with which they most agr eed : To allow children of immigrants who are born in Italy to have citizenship, or to only allow children whose ancestors are Italian to have citizenship. The question is originally worded Which position do you align yourself most with: we should grant citizenship to children of immigrants born in Italy, like many other nations do OR we should only allow children A third response choice of was also included After the exclusion of missing cases, t he original categories were recoded to denote willingness to extend citizenship to second generation children of immigrants, with those answering that they would grant citizenship as Yes, those favoring Italian ancestry as N now remaining the same. Of the 2000

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98 respondents, 54% answered Yes, 21% answer ed No, and the remaining 25% answered on the assumption that they represent a distinct group wit hout a clear cut opinion on the matter. Thus the analysis consists of a series of paired comparisons aimed to capture the inherent differences between each pair : first co ntrast ing those who answered Yes (coded as 1) to those who answered No (coded as 0), then those who answered Yes 5.1. 3 .2 Ind ependent V ariables : Micro and Macro In order to test the hypoth eses previously outlined, several individual and regional level variables were selected. The next section will describe the variables, how they are defined and how they were asked. The mean value for each variable is reported in table 5.1. Socio demograph ic variables: Several independent variables are thought to affect attitudes toward citizenship, at the individual level. Standard socio demographic variables such as age, gender, income, and level of education are included in all models. Age is rescaled to have 18 years of age be equivalent to 0, with each one unit increase in age corresponding to one year above the age of 18. Being male is coded as 1, female as 0. Income is measur ed in increments of Euro 2 500 the lowest category being 0 2 500 Euros. On ce the income bracket surpass es 45 ,000 5 0 ,000 Euros it is measured in three larger categories (50,000 to 75 ,000 Euros 75,000 to 100,000 Euros, and more than 100,000 Euros ). Educational level is measured as having reached education at the elementary le vel middle school level high school level or to some college and above. As these

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99 categories are ordinal, th at one and the other categories were coded dichotomously. What may strike the reader as interesting is t hat college graduation rates in Italy are rather low when compared to the total number of enrolled students In the 2001 02 academic year, the graduation rate for those enrolled in u niversities was a meager 9.97% ; in the period the survey was taken, the ac ademic year 2006 07, the rate had increased but only to 16.62% (MIUR 2007) This is a feature of the Italian education system, where students follow tracks upon entering high schools, which are divided among vocational, technical and college preparatory schools, limiting the eligibility of some students to choose university degrees. Labor force participation is measured in 5 categories: active, housewife, student, r etired and u nemployed. Participants were asked in which category they would place themselv es. These categories are meant to indicate an labor market. Active indicates ful l participation in paid labor, h ousewi fe indicates no participation, s tudent indicates participation in an educational sphere that will eve ntually feed into the labor market. Retired indicates past participation, while u nemployed means that the respondent was recently employed and is looking for work, which indicates past participation and intent to participate again. As with educational leve l, this measure was recoded into dichotomous m easures for each category; a ctive in the labor force was made the reference category and omitted from the analysis Those who responde d were excluded from the analysis. Attitudinal variables : The s urvey asked two attitudinal questions of interest for this analysis erception of immigrant group size and

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100 one asking whether the respondent has had contact with immigrants. Both variables allow me to test the contact hypot hesis outlined by Allport (1954) and Pettigrew (199 8 ), as well as the importance of perceived group threat (Quillian 1995). Would you say you are regularly in contact with immigrants that, with respect to you, are: a member of your family, for example a son or adopted nephew a friend of yours or your family's (for example, a classmate of your child) The responses to these questions have been dichotomized, with yes coded as 1 and no coded as 0. The fact that th e questions emphasized the type of contact people had with immigrants made them very valuable for inclusion in the model, as they had the potential to measure the effect of positive, non competitive contact on attitudes. The questions regarding immigrant group size If you had to indicate, approximately, how many non EU immigrants regular and irregular are living in Italy, ranged from 0 to more than five million measured in increments of 500,000 people. The aim was to discover whether people under or over estimated the number of immigrants present in perceptions of group size (linked to group threat) is an important factor in a nti immigrant attitude formation, hence the introduction of this variable in the analysis Regional level variables: At the macro level of analysis, numerous studies have drawn inspiration from the group threat perspectiv e. Early research hypothesized that realistic group conflict (for example, the presence of a large immigrant population

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101 competing for the same economic resources as dominant group members) would yield to elevated levels of anti immigrant sentiment. I n ord er to account for some of the structural influences on attitudes, I comp lemented the individual level data with a set of corresponding regional level variables ( GDP per capita, percentage of i mmigrant residen ts and right wing vote ) All variables were g ra nd mean centered for ease of interpretatio n in the paired analyses. The variables for GDP per capita and p ercentage of i mmigrant residen ts w ere aggregated using economic data available online through the Italian Statistical Institute (ISTAT) from its data bases of economic and demographic data, Sitis and GeoDemo 16 Regional GDP per capita was me asured in thousand Euro increments. The variable measuring percentage of immigrant residents was calculated by dividing the number of immigrants holding a valid resi dency permit by the total population of the region again using data available through the ISTAT The se data present just a g limpse of the actual immigrant population, as it only accounts for legal residency permit holders and not immigrants who have overs tayed such permits, or never obtained one at all. The variable measuring the percentage of right wing vote by regions was constructed using national election results available online through the Ministry of the Interior 17 R esults from the election in imme diately preceding the survey, the parliamentary elections of September 2006, were analyzed and compiled. I calculated t he percentage of votes gained by three far right wing parties in the lower chamber of congress : the Lega Nord, Alternativa Sociale Mussol ini, and Fiamma Tricolore (Golder 16 For more information, go to Sitis http://sitis.istat.it/ and GeoDemo http://demo.istat.it/ 17 Data available at http://elezionistorico.interno.it

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102 2003) These three parties were chosen because they are nationally recognized and received a large enoug h percentage of the vote to warrant their consideration 5.1.3.3 Collinearity a mong Inde pendent Variables Several in dependent variables have the potential for multi collinearity. For example, gender may capture some of the same information as the labor status neutral category of homemaker or stay at home spouse, there is certain to be some of the same data captured by both variables, and one would expect a multiplicative effect Of the 278 respondents who declared their status as housewife, only 2 were men. Important to note though, that wh ile the vast majority of housewives are women, the majority of women are not housewives. Therefore, there is some difference in the data that is captured by data on gender and data on occupation. However, the interaction term produces no statistical ly sign ificant effect on the dependent variable. More importantly, neither gender nor housewife have statistically significant effects as individual variables, thus there is no basis for the evaluation of interaction terms. Along the same lines, the variable meas size may also co vary with the macro level variable noting right wing political vote. Studies have found that anti immigrant sentiment increases alongside support for right wing political parties (Semyonov et. al. 2006). However there is an unclear causal is as likely to affect voting behavior as voting behavior is to affect perception of group size. In this dat aset, there is no way to determine which variable moderates the other, and therefore only an acknowledgment of covariance can be made, rather than an exploration of causation.

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103 5.1. 4 Limitations As with a ny data set, there are certain constraint s when doin g secondary analysis. The first and most significant problem with the dataset is that there are too few cases for forcing them to be left out of the analysis. While there are comparable situations in nearby regions, it is an unwanted situation to have to omit some regions because of lack of sufficient cases. Secondly, while it is fortunate to have found a dataset that asks directly about attitudes about granting or denying citizenship to the second generation, the a nswers are only measured dichotomously ( as agree ing or disagree ing ). Th is limitation is addressed through the use of group interviews of Italians and second generation children of immigrants There, I investigate specific attitudes towards citizenship and the second generation as well as gauge the intensity of favorability toward reform. As for the macro data available, there are two main limitations: the absence of irregular migrants, and the data constraints on models incorporating these data. It is unfor tunate that the statistic for immigrant residents is u nable to account for irregular migrants The fact that they are irregular makes them inherently impossible to track through official measures like residency permits. While there are many estimates regar ding the size of the immigrants irregularly residing in Italy ( Caritas 2009 ), they are highly inconsistent The dataset also placed limitations on running a fully specified model, as each macro level indicator had to be run separately because a full model was running out of degrees of freedom. Running a full model would have not been able to yield robust statistics.

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104 5.2 Group I nterviews The second section focuses on contemporary views towards citizenship reform, aimed to supplement results from the dataset analysis. I conducted 1 4 semi structured group interviews of Italians touching on topics elicited by the survey questions and the relevant literature, as well as allowing participants to guide the conversation and name issues they deem important (Holstei n and Gubrium 1995). Through the use of interviews, I attend to the deeper meanings behind attitudes towards citizenship reform although generalization to the larger Italian population is not possible (Charmaz 2006). While the dataset only measures willin gness to reform citizenship regimes, interviews allow for an exploration of the nuances Specifically, the interviews can better address the reasons why someone might support or reject citizenship policy ref orm, and the reasons justifying that position. 5.2.1 Sampling The interviews were conducted in Italy over the summer of 2008. The participants ranged from age eighte en to sixty, 8 women and 6 men I interviewed participants who were over the legal voting age 18 years because they would be able to affect citizenship reform through the political process by influencing election results. The group interviews ranged from 2 to 5 participants, and took place primarily in coffee shops The city of Genova was picked because it is both average and exceptional. Genova represents an average city in Italy in terms of demography : it is the capital of the region of Liguria, and thus a main city nationwide (equivalent to a state capital in the Unite s States) but it does not boast an immigration presence as high as Rome or Milan, which would be considered outliers in the Italian landscape. Genova is a city that has

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105 experienced relatively intermediate levels of immigration as evidenced by the percent age of immigrant residents (ISTAT 2009) and hosts a similar proportion of children of immigrants Genova is also exceptional, in that the region of Liguria boasts the highest support for extending citizenship across all the regions (74% of those polled, IS PO 2007) ith 82% of those polled support ing extending citizenship to children of immigrants born in Italy (ISPO 2007) This presents a perfect setting in which to explore the nuances of support f or liberalizing citizenship policy, as the majority of the population espouses that position The participants were recruited primarily through snowball sampling, by posting flyers and internet messages over the summer of 2008 in Genova, Italy. I also appr oached people in public spaces, such as piazzas and train stations, where they would be waiting for someone and had a few minutes free to hear about my research and decide whether they wanted to participate. Once they agreed to participate, a date and loca tion for the in terview was scheduled. In two cases, the participants were willing to conduct the interview right away, and they were done in nearby coffee shops. My experience in recruiting participants by talking to them in public spaces also led to an un anticipated difficulty how do I determine who is Italian and who is not? Who do I approach to participate in the study? For example, should I exclude people of color because they are not likely to be citizens? That would mean that I automatically make th e assumption that people of color are not Italians, and thus I would have excluded potential participants (Andall 2002) I chose to approach all people who looked to be

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106 over the age of 18 and simply ask whether they were Italian citizens or not, leading to the inclusion of one person of color in the sample. Further, there are several definitions of who is considered an Italian citizen and who is considered a child of immigrants, and these categories are not always mutually exclusive. This denotes some of t he complications that arise out of not recognizing all children born in Italy as citizens. One participant, Simon, is a perfect example: He was born in Italy to an Italian mother and a Jamaican father, h as resided in several countries, and defies easy cate gorization. He could have been included in the study because he was a native born Italian with Italian citizenship, but he could also have been excluded because he was a child of an immigrant parent and thus also a second generation youth I chose to be in clusive of different experiences, and he participated in the group interview The interviews aim ed to elicit further discussion on citizenship, while also bringing the focus squarely on granting citizenship to the second generation. The participants were a sked to complete a short survey to collect socio demographic data Then the participants were asked questions regarding their own attitudes towards reforming citizenship policy and on granting citizenship to second generation children of immigrants The q uestions asked were guided by the research questions and by the factors that the review of the literature suggested would be important. Thus I chose to immigrants or children of immigrants. A copy of the instrument is included in the appendix

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107 Following an active interview ing approach (Holstein and Gubrium 1995), I conducted and recorded 5 semi structured group interviews, ranging in size from 2 to 5 participants per interview. The interviews touch ed on topics elicited by the survey data such as whether participants had personal contact with immigrants, and whether they perceived there to be a large number of immigrants in Italy or not. The active interviewing approach also allo wed participants to guide the conversation and name issues they deemed important (Holstein and Gubrium 1995). A flexible interview guide provided internal consistency as to the topics covered between each interview guaranteeing that the same questions wer e asked of each participant. The semi structured guide also allowed the participants to elicit and explore new topics by freeing main topic if the discussion straye d too far. 5.2. 2 Coding and A nalysis The interviews were transcribed and coded line by line, in order to elicit themes and concepts from the transcripts. While there was a thematic focus on issues concerning citizenship and the second generation close att ention was placed on coding close to the data in order to mainta in a rich grounded analysis By drawing out codes and key themes from the transcription and maintaining the codes close to the data, I av oid imposing themes or abstract meanings. The transcri bed interview data was coded using Atlas.ti software. This is a software program that allows for coding of several different documents at once, as the transcriptions are loaded into one thematic unit. The codes generated in one document can be used in anot her, thus creating links between the documents.

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108 I adopted a coding method that merged a priori and inductive coding (Miles and Huberman 1994) This allowed me to cod e for themes similar to what was found in the extant literature (for example, codes mentio ning contact or group threats) while allowing other themes to emerge from the interview data. These codes were then grouped into larger families of codes F or example, when participants mentioned the conditions they felt should be placed on citizenship for second generation youth, I coded each instance with a ver as a code) and then merged the codes from all the data facilitated retain i ng the richness of the interviews G rouping them into families allowed for easier analysis and the formation of larger themes across interviews. Throughout the coding process, I maintained memos analytical thoughts while mired in the coding process. This permitted not ing linkages between families of codes and between interviews, helping to build the larger analysis (Bernard 2000) 5.2. 3 Reflexivity Throughout the research process, I developed and maintained awareness of the frames of reference that would influence my research and my conduct in guiding the group interviews. I was specifically reflexive of my status as both a native Italian and a child of an immigrant in Italian society. Several researchers note that a shar ed background and familiarity of the context can be an asset to researchers (Holstein and Gubrium 1995). For example, a shared background can ease the rapport that develops between an interviewer and the participants, freeing them to speak more easily. My position as a researcher within this context was a complicated one. I was born in Italy to an Italian father and an American mother, and lived in Italy for the first decade

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109 of my life I moved to the United States at the age of 10 with my mother, all the w hile maintaining close contact to my father and my Italian family, through phone calls, letters and frequent trips during school breaks. This all contributed to a strong Italian identity on my part, something that is challenged by the sheer amount of time spent in the U S in comparison to that spent in Italy. Although I identify as an Italian, I also recognize that many of my values and beliefs are shaped by American culture blurring my status as an insider/outsider (Collins 1986 ). This hybrid identity an d experience was clearly shown th r ough the interview process: the fact that I could speak and understand Italian was a great asset to my ability to create rapport with the participants, but some terms (especially slang) were unfamiliar and marked me as an outsider when I asked the participants to clarify what they meant. In some cases, though, this was also an advantage For example, w hile there was a shared context and frame of reference for the majority of the issues my unfamiliarity with some of the con cepts forced the participants to explain them to me in depth, as opposed to assuming that I knew what they meant. 5.2. 4 Limitations The findings from the interview data are not generalizable to the greater Italian population, as they are based on a small group of participants from one Italian city. In addition, the majority of the participants range between the ages of 18 and 33, certainly not representative of the Italian population as a whole. However, these interviews are meant to complement the findin gs of the nationally representative survey in exploring By exploring in detail a section of the population that should be most likely to support citizenship reform, one can bette r understand the nuances of support. That is, interviewing those

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110 most likely to support liberal citizenship reform will facilitate a better understand ing of what conditions, if any, are placed on extending citizenship to the second generation. There is al so an issue of timing the issue of citizenship reform waxes and wanes in its prominence on the national stage. Citizenship was not as prominent in national debate in 2008 as it was i n 2009, when several bills seem ed to have a chance at reforming citizens hip policy. On the other hand, reform has taken a backseat to Italian political scandals in 2010 and 2011, even with the emergence of a stron g political backer in Gianfranco Fini P changed since I co nducted the interviews and there is no way to account for that change in the present research 5.3 Mixed M ethods The usage of mixed method s in sociology has several advantages (Bourdieu 1988; DeVault 1996; Mahoney 2000; Mahoney 2004; Ragin 1987). I draw o n the strengths of each approach, integrating the specific analys e s in order to present as thorough an understanding of the issue of citizenship reform as possible. One of the challenges in conducting mixed methods research is implementing an integrative s ynthesis of the two research methods rather than a pluralism of methods (Groeben and Rustmeyer 1994). That is, rather than simply using several methods to enhance the rest. Th e analyses I present in this research are meant to comp lement each other. Thus, I conduct an analysis of survey data to provide a glimpse of the factors (micro and macro) influencing contemporary attitude s citizenship, allowing a breadth of scope impossibl e through interviews alone. I com plement this analysis via group interviews in order This enables

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111 exploring questions of meaning and daily experiences that are unavailable in the public opinion survey By using b oth methods, I present a more complete analysis than would be possible through only one method.

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11 2 Table 5 1 Mean values and standard deviation for variables Variable Mean (St. Deviation) Age 29.06 (16.70) Gender 0.48 (0.50) Income 8.27 (3.93) Education: Elementary 0.27 (0.44) Middle 0.37 (0.48) High 0.29 (0.45) Labor force: Housewife 0.16 (0.37) Student 0.09 (0.29) Retired 0.21 (0.41) Unemployed 0.06 (0.24) Percepti on of group size 3.41 (1.91) Contact ( Family ) 0.18 (0.39) Contact ( Friend ) 0.38 (0.49) GDP per capita 20.71 (5.01) Immigrant residents 5.06 (2.66) Right wing vote 4.59 (3.58) Values reported include recoded variables

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113 CHAP TER 6 SURVEY DATA FINDINGS This chapter outlines the findings of the survey data analysis. I will begin by explaining the multi level models used in the analysis, report the findings, and then discuss the implications of the findings. 6.1 Analytical M odels I test the effects of several micro and macro level factors on Italians attitudes about granting citizenship for second generation youth. As explained in the methods chapter, t he micro level factors include fairly standard socio demographic measures: ag e, gender, level of education, income, and occupation. In addition, perception of immigrant group size and family or friendly contact with immigrants a re considered when test ing Ital ian second generation (Quillian 1995 Pettigrew 1998). The subsequent models incorporate three macro level factors, namely GDP, actual immigrant group size, and percentage of right wing votes in the lower house of parliament in the previous election. The f irst model includes only the socio demographic variables, in order to establish their effect on Italians attitudes alone. The second model adds the whether the respondents have had either family or friend contact with immigrants within their families or circle of friends Models four, five and six add the regional level variables individually T he equation corresponding to the individual level of analysis is specified usin g the logit link function : ( 6 1 )

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114 ( 6 2 ) where Y ij is the response of an individual i ( i n j ) in the j th ( j 18) region of Italy on the outcome variable X qij ( q ) is an individual level variable q for case i in unit j betas are level 1 coefficients ( 0 j the intercept and qj is a vector of slopes), and r ij is a level 1 residual. The level 2 equation can be formally written as: ( 6 3 ) where 0 j is the intercept estimated in equati on ( 2 ), W 0 s j ( s = 1, 2, 3) is a regional level predicting variable, 00 is a level 2 intercept, 0 s is the vector of slopes for the level 2 predicting variables and u 0 j is a level 2 random effect 6.2 Findings Tables showing the results f or each paired model are reported at the end of this chapter. Each paired comparison consisted of six models of increasing complexity. As delineated above, t he first model includes only the socio demographic variables, in tude s alone. The second model adds the whether the respondents have had either family or friend ly contact with immigrants. Models four, five and six add the macro level var iables one by one, the effects of which are estimated net of the variab les at the individual level. 6.2.1 Model Comparing Those Who Favor Liberal vs. Restrictive Citizenship The first mode from table 6.1 indicates that, of the socio demographic variables, age, income, and being a student positively impact the willingness to grant citizenship to

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115 second generation youth, while having an education only to middle school decreases Holding all variables constant at zero r espondents were 1.79 times more likely to favor granting citizenship to children of immigrants than retaining the current citizenship regime. The respective conditional expected log odds correspond to a probabili ty of 64 % of favoring citizenship for the s econd generation. A ge exerted a statistically significant effect ( p 0 .05) on the dependent variable. With every year over the age of 18, the log odds increase by b = 0.02. Similarly, h aving a higher income significantly ( p .05) increase d the log odds ( b = 0.05) translating into higher odds (1.88 ) of favoring citizenshi p for the second generation. Being male reduced the l og odds of favoring citizenship, but was not significant. in reference to the excluded category of achieving a universi ty degree, lower levels of education lessen e d the likelihood of granting citizenship to secon d generations. The log od ds were reduced by reaching a n elementary school education or less ( b = 0.31) or a high school education or less ( b = 0.20), although the effects were not significant. Reaching a middle school education significantly ( p affected the log odds ( b = 0.45), reducing the chance that a respondent would favor granting citizenship to the second generation to 1.14 times. ionship to the labor market affects the likelihood that they would favor granting citizenship to children of immigrants. Within the context of the refe re the other categories exerted a positive effect on the like lihood of granting citizenship. Being a ho usewife increased the log

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116 odds of favoring citizenship reform as did being retired or unemployed. H owever these results were not statistically significant. B eing a stude n t significantly increas ed the log odds ( b = 0.88), yielding a probability of 8 1% of students being more likely to favor granting citizenship to the second generation than not The second model adds perception about the immigrant group size as a predicting factor of attitudes towards citizenship p olicy. This factor is statistically significant ( p 0 .001), and has an inverse e ffect on the dependent variable. Thus, the larger the immigrant group is perceived to be, the less likely the respondent is willing to grant citizenship to children of immigrants Specifically, the introduction of the variable significantly lessens the log odds of favoring citizenship ( b = 0.17) net of other variables in the model Put d ifferently, this results in a 53 % probab i lity that those who perceive a lar ge number of immigrants will be less likely to favor granting citiz enship to the second generation as compared to 79% of those who do not The introduction of perception of immigrant group size leads to a loss of significance for some of the variables introduced in model 1 They remain similar in their effects, although the level of education one reaches is no longer significant and neither is age. Being a student (as compared to being active in the labor force) remains significant, although its impact is lessened ( b =0.73). The third model introduces the variables denoti ng family or friendly contact. F amily contact exerts a small increase in the log odds ( b = 0.14), b ut the effect is not statistically significant 18 F riendly contact has a significant effect ( p 0 .01) on the dependent variable This variable increases the log odds ( b = 0.45), which correspond s to a 18 Family contact, when introduced separately from friendly contact, is significant at p 0.05. Its effect vanishes once friendly contact is added to the model.

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117 probability of 83% of favor ing granting citizenship For respondents who do not have any type of friendly contact the corresponding probability is o nly 76%, h olding all othe r variables constant The three subsequent models individually introduce regio nal variables (GDP per capita, p ercentage of immigrant residents, and p ercentage of right wing vote) each of which lend s significant predictive power to the models. Results for the fourth model show that as GDP lessens support for extending citizenship rises Although this relationship is statistically significant ( p 0.001 ) it is small in magnitude ( b = 0. 05 for each increase in thousand E uro s ). The individual l evel variables remain virtually unchanged from the previous model in their effects. H owever holding all other variables constant, being retired attains st atistical significan ce ( p 0.05) increasing the likelihood that one would favor granting citizenship by 1.7 9 times. The fifth model introduces the regional level variable measuring the pe rcentage of immigrant residents. This variable exerts a statistica lly significant effect on the dependent variable ( p 0.001). A s the percentage of immigrants decreases the respondents are more likely to favor granting access to citizenship ( b = 0.11). The individual level variable s remain virtually unchanged from the previous model Finally, the sixth model introduces a variable measuring the percentage of right wing vote This variable has an inverse ( b = 0.04) statistically significant ( p 0.01) effect on favoring granting citizenship to immigrants As the percenta ge of right wing vote decreases the respondent s in a particular region are more likely to favor granting citizenship. This means that where there is a greater percentage of votes going to right wing parties in congressional elections, respondents are .95 times less likely to favor

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118 granting second generation youth access to citizenship than not As in the previous model, bei ng a student or retired indicates a greater likelihood of favoring granting citizenship to second generation than not and perception of greater immigrant group size increases the likelihood of wanting to restrict access to citizenship. 6.2.2 Table 6 2 reports the results of the paired multilevel model comparing responde nts who favor granting citizenship to children or immigrants to respondents who answered that they did not know whether they felt citizenship should be liberalized or maintained restrictive The first model introduces socio demographic variables of which age, education and being unemployed had statistically citizenship. Holding all other variables constant, b eing older raises likelihood to favor liberalizing citizenship (an increase of b = 0.02 for e ach year older than 18 p 0.05 ) with the conditional expected log odds corresponding to a probability of 78 % of favoring citizenship reform than not. B eing unemployed also significantly ( p 0.05) increase s the likelihood that respondents would favor reform as opposed to not kno wing, increasing the probability to 88% for the unemployed over those who a re not Having attained at least an elementary school education has a statistically significant effect ( p 0.001) on the dependent variable H aving attained an elementary school e ducation b = 1.55) as opposed to no having attained at least an elementary school education H aving attained at least a middle school education also significantly impacts the dependent variab le ( p 0.05), de creasing support for liberal citizenship reform ( b = 0.67). The second model adds the perception of immigrant group size to the model which has a significant effect of favor ing liberalizing

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119 citizenship. Hold ing all other variables constant, respondents who perceived immigrant groups to be larger were only 0.86 times as likely to favor reform as those who did not perceive immigrant groups to be large. Once this measure is introduced, the significance of being unemployed is lost in the model, but the educational variables retain statistical significance as in the previous model The third model introduces measure s for c ontact with immigrants either family or friend based, which did not have any significant effe favor one view over the other. This is in contrast to the first paired comparison, where contact of a friendly nature significantly impacted the likelihood of favor ing reform. In keeping with the previous model, age and level of education continue to significantly impact likelihood for favoring reform. Of the macro level variables tested, only percentage of immigrant residents and percentage of right wing votes had a statistically significant effect on the dependent vari able. GDP per capita introduced in model 4, does not hold any explanatory power Model 5 introduces a variable measuring the percentage of immigrant residents which significantly decreases the likelihood of respondents to favor reform in regions with gre ater percentages of immigrant residents than not, holding all other variables constant. Although relatively small, this effect translates into respondents living in regions with high immigrant residents being 0.93 times as likely for favor reform as to ans M odel 6 introduces a measure for percentage of votes given to right wing parties in the previous national election, which slightly decreases the likelihood (0.95 times as likely) that respondents would favor liberalizing reform holding

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120 all other variables constant In all three models, age, perception of immigrant group size and level of education remained statistically significant variables 6.2.3 Table 6 3 reports the results from the third paired comparison, that between those who favor restricting citizenship and those who do n o t have an opinion. Model 1 introduces the socio demographic variables, of which reaching an elementary education level has a statistically sig nificant effect ( p 0.001 ) on the dependent variable R espondents who attain only an elementary school level education are only 0.22 times as likely to favor r estrictive citizenship as those who do not. Similarly, being a student has a statistically significant effect ( p 0.05 ) where those who are students are only 0.36 times as likely to favor restrictive citizenship when compared to those who are not, holding all other variables constant. Models 2 and 3 introduce the other individual level variables, perception of immig rant group size and measures of contact with immigrant groups. T hese variables do not attain statistical significance within either model. I n fact with their introduction, being a student loses its statistically significant impact on the dependent variabl e Attai ning an elementary level education remains significant in both models, although it decreases in magnitude Models 4 through 6 introduce the regional le vel variables None of these regional level variables reach statistical significance, suggesting that the difference between respondents who favor restrictive citizenship and those who do not know what position to choose is unaffected by happenings at the regional level. For the first time relative to the other paired comparisons perce ption of immi grant group size does not exert a statistically significant effect on the dependent variable and neither do the contact or

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121 macro level variables. This suggests that there is little difference in the respondents intain a restrictive citizenship policy. 6.3 Discussion and Conclusion The paired comparisons between the three groups of respondents (those who favored reform, those who favored the current restrictive regime, and those who answered they did n they preferred) reveal int rigu ing results. I will first discuss the variables with significant explanatory power in each comparison Subsequently, I will discuss what the paired comparisons tell us about the similarities and differences between the three respondent groups. L ooking at all th re e comparisons several predictors are statistically significant ; however none maintained significance across all three tables This hints that the groups of respondents are indeed different and that variables impact ing one group may not affect another in determining their attitudes towards citizenship policy. It seems worthy then to identify and discuss the measure s which reached statistical significance according to each paired comparison. 6.3.1 Model Comparing Th ose Who Favor Liberal vs. Restrictive Citizenship Table 6 1 yielded the greatest number of statistically significant predictors. Of the s ocio demographic predictors, having reached a middle school level education and the status of currently being a student (in reference to being active in the labor force ) w ere the most influential. Achieving a middle school education decreases the chances of favoring reform as opposed to not having achieved a t least a middle school education, while currently being a student increases the chances that respondents would favor liberalizing reform.

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122 Individuals p erception of immigrant group size remained a significant predictor of attitudes for this paired comparison The analysis found that for each unit de crease in perceived group size ( b = 0.17) the likelihood of favoring liberalizing reform in creased This finding is consistent with other research on the effects of perceived group size (Quillian 1995), where those who overestimate the size of immigrant groups are more likel y to perceive threat from the same. In line with other studies (McLaren 2003), those respondents who overestimated immigrant group si ze also felt threatened by them and would be less likely to favor legitimizing the second generation by extending citizens hip to them The subsequent models found that the added measures of contact yielded surprising results. What was stunning was that contact of a friendly nature, such as being friends with an immigrant or having immigrant classmates, was significant, while contact within a familial context, such as having an immigrant related by marriage, contrary to expectations was not. This can be due to several factors. The rates of intermarriage and international adoptions remain low in Italy, leading to lower levels of family contact. In essence, the phenomenon may not yet be widespread enough to yield significant results. On the other hand, the increasing presence of immigrants in the larger Italian society, and especially of the second generation children in Italian schools, provides ample opport unity for friendly contact among most Italians. However, the factors above do not explain the lack of statistical significance in the case of those with actual family contact, even if the se cases are few in number. This is an area that merits further inquiry.

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123 The macro level variables, although statistically significant in their effects did not have as large an impact the individual level variables. The direction of the measure for GDP per cap ita was also surprising. The model shows th at per each 1,000 Euro unit de crease in GDP per capita at the regional level, respondents were more likely to favor citizenship reform. Intuitively, one would hypothesize that in settings with more auspicious econ omic conditions the willingness to accept others would increase, and that immigrants would be viewed as less of a n economic threat during boom times ( Burns and Gimpel 2000; Citrin, Green, Muste and Wong 1997 ) In this case, however, the results show that i n better economic settings Italians are less likely to want to extend citizen ship to the second generation While the effect is relativ ely small ( b = 0.0 5 ) it has a statistically significant and cumulative effect due to the per unit increases or decrease s in GDP This points to the possibility that economic competition between Italians and immigrants or their children may not necessarily play as important a role as has been theorized (Schneider 2008). The measure for immigrant resident percentage confirms that as immigrant residents increase in a region, Italians are less likely to favor reform. This is in line with the work done on objective group threat ( Hopkins 2008 ). The effect is moderate ( b = 0.11) and co rroborates the results found with the measur e of perception of group size. The percentage of right wing votes reduces the likelihood that Italians will favor citizenship reform. Thus, the lower the percentage of votes given to right wing parties, the higher the support for inclusive citizenship ref orm. This confirms much of the research linking support of far right wing political parties to prejudice against immigrant groups ( Fetzer 2000b ).

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124 6.3.2 In this paired comparison, age remai ned a significant predictor throughout the six models. The analysis showed that the older the respondent, the more likely he or she is to favor extending citizenship indicating perhaps that respondents are more likely to have time to form an opinion or to become educated on the issue as time goes by T attitudes towards citizenship reform. In this analysis, those who reached either an elementary level or middle school level educa tion were significantly less likely to favor reform, especially those who only reached an elementary level education. The magnitude of having reached an elemen tary education is particularly large an d consistent ly statistically significant acros s the 6 mode ls This is in line with the studies showing that more educated individuals tend to be less prejudiced ( e.g., Coenders and Sheepers 2003) and thus would favor a more liberal citizenship policy. size decreases the likelihood of favoring citizenship reform, as do es the actual percent of immigrant residents. Conversely, those respondents in regions with a higher percentage of immigrant residents were more likely to not know which side to pick In t his model, then, the impact of individual perceptions of group threat paralleled the impact of realistic group threat, as measured by the actual percentage of immigrant residents. This suggests that being closer to immigration either makes one more likely to see the nuances, and thus not choose a side; or perhaps that there are simply more people who are uneducated about the subject or unaffected by the debate, and thus hold no opinion In contrast to the previous comparison, however, contact loses all ex planatory

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125 power, indicating that a significant difference between respondents who favor policy reform and respondents who do not know which position to choose does not exist 6.3. 3 As noted in the fin dings section, this paired analysis provided very little in the way of significant effects distinguishing these two groups. H aving reached an elementary school level education significantly decreased the likelihood that respondents would favor retaining th e current citizenship regime. This suggests that those respondents who reached an elementary school education truly are a distinct and separate group favoring neither reforming nor retaining citizenship policy. Overall, s ave for being a student (significan t only in the first model) and having reached elementary education, no other significant measures were found in the analysis : n either perception of immigrant group size, nor contact, nor any of the three regional level variables reached significance. 6.3. 4 Conclusion As the discussion of the findings above imply no one particular variable remained statistically significant across all paired comparisons. In order to better visualize their significance, I present the results of the three paired comparisons in table 6 5 at the end of this chapter. groups suggests that there are indeed differences between those who support choose. The findings show that the hypotheses set forth in the previous chapter were, for the most part, supported. Some of the variables introduced in the first model as controls are statistically significant. Certain s ocio demographic factors exert stat istically significant effects: people who are younger, have a higher income, are female, have

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126 high educational attainment and are currently students are more willing to extend citizenship to the second generation than those who do not fit those characteris tics. affected their attitudes was also supported in two of the three paired comparisons This show s that those who perceived there to be larger groups were less likely to fav or extending citizenship to children of immigrants. The final individual level variables measuring contact also supported the hypothesis, but only in part. The variable measuring friendly contact had a statistically significant effect on the dependent vari able in two of the three paired comparisons. In these cases, friendly contact increased Italians willingness to extend citizenship to the second generation. On the other hand, family based contact did not significantly affect the dependent variable, not s upporting the hypothesis. Of the macro level variables percentage of immigrant residents offers a glimpse comparisons, this variable attained statistical significan ce and in the third it maintained its direction even though it did not attain statistical significance. The effect is clearly shown in the distribution table (6.4) available at the end of the chapter. Clearly, respondents from regions with higher percenta ges of immigrant residents are less likely Similarly, the percentage of right wing vote also remained significant in two of the three paired comparisons. In contrast to percentag e of immigrant residents, the picture this measure paints is a varied one. In two regions, Lombardia and Veneto, the percentage of right wing vote is far higher (12%) than any other regions. However, this

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127 second generation citizenship. Even with such high support for right wing parties, the Lombardy and Venetian residents were still rather middle of the road in their support for citizenship when compared to other regions some who only had 1.5 or 2% suppo rt for right wing vote. This suggests that perhaps support for right wing parties is predicated on other social and political issues, or that perhaps the supporters in these regions distinguish between the anti immigrant rhetoric aimed at illegal immigrant s and the legally residing second generations. The measure of GDP per capita also presents some interesting findings When comparing regions there is a clear and recognizable trend regions in northern Italy are richer than those in southern Italy, in som e cases by more than 10,000 per capita. However, when comparing GDP and support for citizenship, a murkier picture arises. The paired comparisons showed that when GDP was a significant predictor of support for second generation citizenship, it did so in an inverse way. Basil icata is a perfect example a region with relatively low GDP per capita ( for second generation citizenship (72.2%). On the other end of the spectrum, Lombardia ercentages of support for second generation citizenship (53.4%). Both examples follow the relationship discovered in the paired comparisons. However, there is at least one region Liguria that ha s a modera te GDP ( support for second generation citizenship (73.6%). This presents a divergent case from the trend, and speaks to the importance of regional level analyses. Several factors may account for region, most prominently tha t of distinct

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128 historical legacy. Liguria has been a seafaring region since the Middle Ages, is now host its The most in trigu ing result may in fact come from the comparison of the know and that few of the factors included in the model have any explanatory power. Re search suggests especially if there is mobilization of the right wing parties around immigrant issues simply unaware of the nuances of the issue, or that citizenship is a contested issue at all (as some of the interview data confirms), the opportunity to try to win over those individuals to a political side is there. If the respondents who answered (25%) were to become supporters of restrictive citizenship policy (joining the 21% of the sample who responded in this manner), there would be a much more contested public opinion on this issue, making it harder for liberalizing reform to occu r (Morje Howard 2009). The next chapter examines the themes that emerged from the group interviews, which seek to supplement the findings of the survey data analysis.

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129 Table 6 1 Statistics from the multilevel logistic models predicting citizenship to se cond generation immigrants in 18 Italian regions Yes No comparison Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Constant 0.58 1.79 1.31 *** 3.74 1.13 ** 3.10 1. 20 ** 3.33 1.17 ** 3.24 1.23 ** 3.42 (0.24 ) (0.33) (0.36 ) (0.4 4 ) (0.44) (0.40) Individual level Age 0. 02 1.02 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 (0.01) (0.01) (0.01 ) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Male 0.07 0.93 0.06 0.94 0.05 0.95 0.0 9 0.9 1 0.10 0.91 0.07 0.93 (0.19 ) (0.20) (0.2 0 ) (0.20) (0.20) (0.20) Income 0.05 1.05 0. 0 3 1.03 0.03 1.03 0.0 2 1.0 2 0.03 1.03 0.03 1.03 (0.02 )) (0.02) (0.0 2 ) (0.0 3 ) (0.03) (0.02) Education a To elementary 0.31 0.74 0.16 0.85 0.11 0.89 0.1 4 0.8 7 0.18 0.84 0.18 0.83 (0.32 ) (0.49) (0. 5 2 ) (0.20 ) (0.52) (0.53) To middle school 0.45 0.64 0.17 0.84 0.17 0.84 0.1 4 0.8 7 0.15 0.86 0.19 0.82 (0.20 ) (0.19) (0.2 0 ) (0.20) (0.20) (0.21) To high school 0.20 0.82 0.17 1.19 0.15 1.16 0.16 1.1 7 0.17 1.18 0.14 1.15 (0.17 ) (0.15) (0.14 ) (0.13) (0.13) (0.14) Labor force participation b Housewife 0.02 1.03 0.35 1.42 0.35 1.41 0. 29 1.34 0.27 1.32 0.37 1.44 (0.2 6 ) (0.28) (0.3 0 ) (0.31) (0.32) (0.31) Student 0.88 ** 2.41 0.73 2.08 0.78 2.18 0.77 2.17 0.77 2.16 0.76 2.13 (0.3 4 ) (0.39) ( 0.38 ) (0.3 6 ) (0.36) (0.38) Retired 0.05 1.05 0.49 1.63 0.55 1.73 0.5 8 1.79 0.55 1.74 0.54 1.71 (0.25 ) (0.30) (0.30 ) (0.30 ) (0.29) (0.29)

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130 p 0 .05, ** p 0 .01, *** p 0 .001 (one tailed test). Standard errors are reported in parentheses. The regional mean centered. The regional level random effect for the intercept only (unrestric ted) model is 0.0483. a b Table 6 1. Continued Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Unemployed 0.34 1.40 0.06 0.94 0.02 0.98 0.04 0.96 0.06 0.94 0.04 0.96 (0.28 ) (0.26) (0.28 ) (0.3 5 ) (0.31) (0. 28) Perception of immigrant group size 0.17 *** 0.84 0.17 *** 0.84 0.18 *** 0.83 0.18 *** 0.84 0.18 *** 0.84 (0.04) (0.0 4 ) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04) Contact (family) 0.14 1.15 0.07 1.07 0.09 1.09 0.11 1.12 (0.2 2 ) ( 0.2 5 ) (0.22) (0.22) Contact (friend) 0.45 ** 1.56 0.55 ** 1.73 0.48 ** 1.61 0.44 ** 1.56 (0.16 ) (0.1 9 ) (0.17) (0.16) Regional level GDP per capita 0.0 5 *** 0.95 __ __ (0.0 1 ) Immigrant residents 0.11 *** 0.89 (0.03) Right wing vote 0.04 ** 0.95 (0.01) Regional level random effect, u 0 j 0.5226 0.8335 0.9624 1.1568 1.2673 1.1038

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131 Table 6 2 Statistics from the multilevel logistic models predicting citizenship to second generation immigrants in 18 Italian regions Ye s DK comparison Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Constant 1.26 *** 3.52 1.84 *** 6.29 1.89 *** 6.63 1.91. ** 6.75 1. 90 *** 6.73 1.96 *** 7.11 (0.31) (0.39) (0.47) (0.49) (0.51) (0.52) Individual level Age 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Male 0.16 1.1 7 0.05 0.95 0.06 0.94 0.07 0.93 0.07 0.93 0.06 0.94 (0.14) (0.14) (0.14) (0.14) (0.14) (0.14) Income 0.01 1.01 0.03 1.03 0.02 1.03 0.03 1.03 0.03 1.03 0.03 1.03 (0. 0 2) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) Education a To elementary 1.55 *** 0.21 1.23 0.29 1.25 0.29 1.24 0.29 1.26 0.29 1.27 0.28 (0.40) (0.61) (0.62) (0.62) (0.62) (0.63) To middle school 0.67 0.51 0.48 0.62 0.48 0.6 2 0.48 0.62 0.48 0.62 0.46 0 .63 (0.31) (0.24) (0.24) (0.24) (0.24) (0.25) To high school 0.31 0.73 0.00 1.00 0.05 0.95 0.06 0.94 0.07 0.93 0.07 0.93 (0.28) (0.24) (0.2 6 ) (0.27) (0.28) (0.2 8 ) Labor force participation b Housewi fe 0.08 0.92 0.23 1.25 0.21 1.24 0.20 1.23 0.21 1.23 0.21 1.24 (0.15) (0.20) (0.20) (0.21) (0.21) (0.21) Student 0.15 0.86 0.03 0.97 0.04 1.04 0.02 1.02 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.02 (0.26) (0.26) (0.24) (0.25) (0.25) (0.26) Retired 0.25 1.29 0.21 1.24 0.13 1.14 0.14 1.15 0.15 1.16 0.1 4 1.1 5 (0.33) (0.23) (0.23) (0.24) (0.24) (0.24)

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132 p 0 .05, ** p 0 .01, *** p 0 .001 (one tailed test). Standard errors are reported in parentheses. The regional mean centered. The regional level random effect for the intercept only (unrestricted) model is 0.0483. a b Table 6 .2. C ontinued Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Unemployed 0.71 2.03 0.41 1.51 0.55 1.73 0.55 1.73 0.56 1.75 0.60 1.81 (0.35) (0.36) (0.37) (0.37) (0.37) (0.39) Perception of immi grant group size. 0.15 ** 0.86 0.15 ** 0.86 0.15 ** 0.86 0.15 ** 0.86 0.15 ** 0.86 (0.04) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) Contact (family) 0.05 0.95 0.05 0.95 0.06 0.95 0.07. 0.93 (0.30) (0.30) (0.30) (0.3 1 ) Contact (friend) 0.00 1.00 0.02 1.02 0.03 1.03 0.01 1.01 (0.19) (0.20) (0.20) (0.20 ) Regional level GDP per capita 0.0 2 0.97 ___ (0.02 ) Immigrant residents 0.07 0.93 (0.04) Right wing vote 0.05 ** 0.95 (0.02) Regional level random effect, u 0 j 0.7202 0.9080 1.3951 1.4130 1.4894 1.4993

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133 Table 6 3. Statistics from the multilevel logistic models predicting citizenship to second generation immigrants in 18 Itali an regions No DK comparison Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Constant 0.58* 1.78 0.14 1.15 0.56 1.76 0.58 1.79 0.60 1.82 0.53 1.69 (0.31) (0.40) (0.44) (0.44) (0.44) (0.44) Individual level Age 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 0.01 1.01 (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) Male 0.20 1.23 0.16 1.17 0.16 1.17 0.16 1.17 0.16 1.17 0.15 1 .16 (0.13) (0.12) (0.14) (0.14) (0.14) (0.14) Income 0.05 0.95 0.01 0.99 0.01 0.99 0.02 0.98 0.02 0.98 0.01 0.99 (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) Education a To elementary 1.53*** 0.22 1.11** 0.33 1.19** 0. 30 1.17** 0.31 1.16** 0.31 1.16** 0.31 (0.35) (0.42) (0.39) (0.38) (0.38) (0.39) To middle school 0.20 0.82 0.16 0.85 0.15 0.86 0.15 0.86 0.15 0.86 0.17 0.84 (0.23) (0.25) (0.25) (0.25) (0.25) (0.25) To high school 0.04 0.9 6 0.04 0.96 0.05 0.95 0.05 0.95 0.05 0.95 0.05 0.95 (0.24) (0.24) (0.23) (0.23) (0.23) (0.23) Labor force participation b Housewife 0.32 0.73 0.23 0.79 0.21 0.81 0.18 0.84 0.17 0.84 0.17 0.84 (0.24) (0.42) (0.41) (0. 42) (0.43) (0.41) Student 1.02* 0.36 0.56 0.57 0.68 0.51 0.65 0.52 0.66 0.51 0.63 0.53 (0.47) (0.42) (0.42) (0.42) (0.42) (0.42) Retired 0.07 1.08 0.42 0.65 0.45 0.63 0.43 0.65 0.43 0.65 0.44 0.64 (0.34) (0.25) (0.27) (0.27 ) (0.27) (0.27) Unemployed 0.67 1.96 0.80 2.22 0.72 2.06 0.77 2.15 0.78 2.19 0.77 2.16 (0.43) (0.60) (0.69) (0.68) (0.67) (0.69) Perception of immigrant group size 0.03 1.04 0.03 1.03 0.03 .03 0.03 1.03 0.03 1.03 (0.05) (0.05) (0. 05) (0.05) (0.05) Contact (family) 0.11 0.90 0.11 0.89 0.11 0.89 0.10. 0.90 (0.34) (0.34) (0.34) (0.34) Contact (friend) 0.27 0.76 0.30 0.73 0.31 0.73 0.29 0.75 (0.29) (0.29) (0.29) (0.28)

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134 Table 6 3. Cont inued Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4 Model 5 Model 6 Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Log odds Exp (B) Regional level GDP per capita 0.02 1.02 (0.01) I mmigrant residents 0.05 1.05 (0.03) Right wing vote 0.02 1.02 (0.02) Regional level random effect, u 0 j 0.5291 0.7162 1.0496 0.9656 0.9505 1.0084 p 0 .05, ** p 0 .01, *** p 0 .001 (on e tailed test). Standard errors are reported in parentheses. The regional mean centered. The regional level random effect for the intercept only (unrestricted) model is 0.0483. a b

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135 Table 6 4 Distri bution of citizenship attitudes and macro level indicators by region Region Citizenship for second generation immigrants Percentage of immigra nt residents GDP/Capita 2006 2007 Right Wing Vote Y es N o DK Piemonte 55.8 % 23.8 % 20.4% 6.4 % 7.54% Lombardia 53.4 % 29.6 % 17.1% 8.0 % 12.90% Trentino 60.9 % 17.4 % 21.7% 6.6 % 5.43% Veneto 57.8 % 20.8 % 21.4% 7.8 % 1 2.20% Friuli 56.5 % 17.4 % 26.1% 6.4 % 8.59% Liguria 73.6 % 18.9 % 7.5% 5.3% 4.88% Emilia Romagna 61.3 % 22.6 % 16.1% 8.0 % 4.88% Toscana 65.5 % 15.0 % 19.5% 6.9 % 2.17% Umbria 47.6 % 19.0 % 33.3% 7.9 % 2.10% Mar che 51.9 % 22.2 % 25.9% 6.9 % 2.41% Lazio 62.6 % 20.9 % 26.6% 6.5 % 2.30% Abruzzo 59.5 % 18.9 % 21.6% 4.1 % 2.24% Campania 56.3 % 16.7 % 27.1% 1.8 % 1.50% Puglia 67.4 % 14.5 % 18.1% 1.4 % 1.87% Basilicata 72.2 % 13.9 % 13.9% 1.4 % 2.03% Calabria 67.2 % 16.4 % 16.4% 2.1 % 2.45% Sicilia 52.9 % 22.5 % 24.6% 1.8 % 5.50% Sardegna 58.1 % 17.7 % 24.2% 1.3 % 1.62%

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136 Table 6 5 Variable significance across paired comparisons Variable Yes No Yes DK No DK Age SS SS NSS Gender NSS NSS NSS Income SS NSS NSS Education: Elementary NSS SS SS Middle SS SS NSS High NSS NSS NSS Labor force: Housewife NSS NSS NSS Student SS NSS SS Retired N SS NSS NSS Unem ployed NSS S S NSS Perception of group size SS SS NSS Contact ( Family ) NSS NSS NSS Contact ( Friend ) SS NSS NSS GDP per capita SS NSS NSS Immigrant residents SS SS NSS Right wing vote SS SS NSS SS indicates statistical significance, NSS indicates that the variable was not statistically significant.

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137 CHAPTER 7 GROUP INTERVIEW FINDINGS The findings reported in this chapter are a selection of themes that emerged from the data. The quotes are all from native Italians with Italian parents, unless otherwi se noted, and pseudonyms were used. I present findings which first relate to the individual level factors that were examined in the survey data, such as perception of immigrant size and contact; I then go on to present themes that have emerged from the int erviews. 7.1 Comparison to the S urvey D ata Analysis of the interviews offers some interesting demographic results. I first present the findings that link the interview data to the analysis conducted in the previous chapter. By examining the roles that fac tors like perception of immigrant group size play survey and the interviews. 7.1.1. Control V ariables Younger respondents were more likely to be favorable of granting c itizenship to second generation immigrants, and were more aware of the hardships that this group faces than older respondents. This has been found in other studies of Italians attitudes as well (Diamanti Bordignon 2005). In fact, older respondents in my s ample those age d 30 and older tended to not even be aware that second generation did not have easy access to citizenship, and were often incredulous when the requirements were explained to them. On the other hand, a number of younger (29 and below) respo ndents cited the fact having classmates and friends who were second generation as a factor in their awareness and opinions towards citizenship reform. While this distinction in age is somewhat arbitrary after all, the difference between a person aged 29 a nd one aged 30

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138 may be negligible in and of itself the categories hint to a generational difference. Specifically, the ages of the respondents hint that there is a difference between cohorts of Italians who have had immigrant classmates versus those who ha ve not. This suggests that interpersonal contact has a strong impact ( friendship specifically ) as an important factor moderating attitudes towards citizenship (Allport 1954; McLaren 2003; Pettigrew 1998). I did not find that any of these remaining contro l variables (gender, income, or education) generation youths. Men as well as women expressed support for extending citizenship. Neither income nor level of education reached resulted i n different opinions expressed by the participants. 7.1. 2 Labor Force Participation Given the small sample, I did not have participants representing each of the various labor force categories available in the survey da t a (unemployed, housewife, etc.). Thu s there cannot be a true comparison between the two along these lines However, t he findings from the interview data suggest that those who are currently students express fewer reservations about extending citizenship to children of immigrants as opposed t o those who are no longer students. The participants in my study who were students at the time of the interview were either university students or in their last two years of high school. They tended to present stronger, less qualified support for extending citizenship to the second generation as Michela ( a student at the local university ) does when she says the second generation should have citizenship because t

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139 Those who we re not students at the time of the interview also supported extending citizenship, but quickly qualified their support by claiming that there should be controls placed on who is given citizenship. For example, Roberta, who works, finds that while in princ iple without finding this added burden [of immigrants competing for resources] on our backs. Clearly, Roberta offe rs a more complex, if not contradicting, position. While she supports extending citizenship, she also worries that the scarce resources available to Italians jobs, pensions, etc will be compromised by the addition of new citizens Others, as is discussed in section 7.2.2, offer conditions of a moral nature to be placed on the potential citizens, ensuring that no lazy, delinquent immigrants should be able to access citizenship. 7.1. 3 Perception of Immigrant G roup S ize During the interviews, several participants talked about the prevalence and concentration of immigrant groups in certain towns, making a comparison possible to survey data analysi s found that as people perceive immigrant groups to be larger, support for extending citizenship lessens. This relationship is also found in the interview data. provides an intr iguing example. The two both agreed that the current citizenship regime immigrants to receive citizenship. Immediately following this statement, however, Adriana started t o hesitate and qualify her answer, saying that although she has a

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140 favorable opinion she knows that not everyone shares it. She goes on to describe conversations that she had with friends who live in smaller towns and who are faced with large groups of immi grants posing a security threat to the town: [There is a town near Genova ] where people up to 5 years ago left their front doors unlocked, now they find these young guys, all Albanian, from re always drunk [a small town on the outskirts of Genova] we were there one night, and there we re some absurd people, without any shoes, drunk, with beers in hand. I mean, Mondov was always a real quiet town with little shops and the church in the square. Now, if you had a 13 year old daughter, would you let her go out? Adriana (28 years old) Th immigrant men who are publicly drunk and boisterous and who are taking over small characterization of th e small towns surrounding Genova clearly shows that some immigrant groups are seen as homogenous, delinquent threats to the tranquility of society. Further, mirroring the discourse found in the larger media (King and Mai 2009), Adriana focuses on immigrant groups from Eastern Europe, the latest group to be singled out for discrimination in Italian society. T he participants in the interviews were favorable to extending citizenship to the second generation A ll except one spoke of conditions that should be p laced on extending citizenship in order to avoid the scenario presented by Adriana. The conditions are discussed in detail in section 7. 2.2 7.1. 4 Contact Of the variables that were tested in the survey data analysis, the one measuring contact was the mo st discussed in the interviews. A majority of participants reported

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141 having contact with immigrants The circumstances surrounding the nature of this contact varied among participants; seven out of the fourteen reported having immigrant classmates, t wo repo rted working with immigrants, and three participant s had family members who are immigrants. M ost participants reported having immigrants among their friends rather than as famil y members. Seven participants reported friendships that developed with classma tes, ranging from contact at the elementary school level through university level. The younger participants, those aged 18 through 20, reported having immigrants as classmates at the elementary school level, while the older participants (those aged closer to 30) reported having classmates at either the high school or university level. This can be interpreted as a demographic function : children of immigrants are becoming an increasingly larger percentage of the population. This leads to an increased number o f children of immigrants in schools as time goes by, facilitating contact at younger and younger ages. Margherita comments that: t have mixed classes, like you have today. Italian child, you play with a Moroccan child, with an Australian child, a Chinese child! Margherita (33 years old) Here, Margherita talks about the changes in Italian schools, highlighting that she did n o t have any immigrant classmates as she progressed through the educational system. She also draws a link between having friends of different origins and the potential for inc reasing tolerance and equality. Ot her participants specifically talked about how having immigrant classmates made them more aware of the issues surrounding citizenship. Several participants cited having immigrant friends as the reason they were aware of the conditions needed to

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142 acquire Ita lian citizenship. Enrico was very well versed in this matter, recounting that his immigrant friend was not born in Italy, and thus had to apply for citizenship based on residency requiring a waiting period of 10 years ; n Italy and thus was able to request citizenship at the age of 18. Similarly, Esther citizenship presents for children of immigrants: [I have a friend] who has Per uvian citizenship, she has an Italian ID but not only travel between Italy and Peru, and nowhere else. She asked for a visa school trips, where she was turned away at the border because let her in, she really resents these differences. Esther (20 years old) In both cases, Enrico and Esther became more aware of the intricacies of Italian citizenship policies the travel restrictions, the differences in eligibility between children of immigrants born in Italy versus not through their friendship with children of immigrants. In two cases, participants reported working with immigrants. On e participant, Adriana, worked in a clothing shop owned by a Spanish company, and found that the workforce there was much more varied than anywhere else she had worked. She hypothesized that, perhaps, the fact that this was a large company led to more acce ptance of immigrants as employees: Adriana: ..At work we are more multi ethnic... Me: M eaning? Adriana: [Company] is a Spanish chain so we have some Spaniards, a Adriana (28 years old) and Roberta (28 years old)

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143 Roberta offers another explanation; that perhaps it is because the company is Spani sh that one can find so many immigrant employees. As she explains later in the interview, she views Italian society as very closed and marginalizing, whereas she perceives Spain to be more open and accepting of immigrants. Finally, o f my sample, three peo ple reported having an immigrant as a family member. Two participants have one immigrant parent Both Simon and Viola were born to Italian citizens, their respective mothers, and thus they are automatically Italian citizens. is parents immigration status affect his views towards citizenship, Viola admits that it does. A third participant indicated having as children, rather than infants, and t position on citizenship. who lived in a t o tally different country than ours, with my brothers, I am surely more favorable [towards extending citi Viola presents a combination of types of family contact as she has both an immigrant parent and is related to another immigrant by marriage. Her father is British and her mother Italian, so she ha d dual citizenship until she turned 18 Upon tu rning 18, she lost her British citizenship and retained her Italian citizenship. She relates that it n o t attached to her British citizenship. On the other hand, this loss of citizenship did not affect her feeling of belonging: Absolutely, having an English father and most of all, being born there, gave me different experiences. ve lived in Italy almost my whole life, I absolutely feel hal f [Italian] and half [British]. Viola, (30 years old, one immigrant parent)

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144 Viola clearly elaborates that her British identity is unhampered by the loss of citizenship, and that having an Engl ish father has strengthened her belonging. This is clearly an example of positive family contact, in the sense that she has a healthy relationship with her immigrant father and that it fostered ties between her Italian and British identities. On the othe r hand, Viola recounts her contact with an immigrant by marriage in different terms: he married that [South American] bitch who then brought her son over, who was a juvenile delinquent, well even with the huge amount of delinquency th at 70% of immigrants bring with them (I hate examples, I guess I can say that those who are born here but only from honest, hard working parents and without a police record s h ould have the right to have citizenship, but for every one else, they can all go home! Viola, (30 years old, one immigrant parent) more interesting is that part of the blame goes to the son she brought to Italy from her home country. Viola seems to use them as an example that a majority of immigrants are delinquents, a position that is often reiterated by news accounts and media images of immigrants in Italy (Triandafyllidou 1999). An intriguing contrast emerges when one takes into account the different national origins of the immigrant family members a British immigrant, from and EU member country, versus a South American aunt by marriage, more completely outside of European borders. This evokes a distinction between intra and extra comunitari. However, she still supports extending citizenship to the second generation, if only with increased conditions to supposedly ensure their good moral fiber. Several other participants i ndicate that while they may not have immigrants among family or within their circle of friends, there are occasions of regular contact.

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145 Lorena gives a perfect example: every time she visits her mother, she interacts with a Chinese family that works in the nearby piazza. The family works at a stand in the permanent market, selling trinkets. Lorena has come to count them as acquaintances, although not yet friends partially due to the language barrier the parents do not speak fluent Italian She also inter acts with their 6 year old son, who speaks Italian fluently and thus is better able to converse than his parents, and has come to regard him with the Chinese family is an example of something that is not quite friendship, but is still a meaningful interaction that leads to greater awareness of citizenship issues. Lorena is aware that the little boy does n o t have citizenship and thinks it is un just since he wa s born and raised in Italy: to an Italian school, he was born here, so he should have citizenship. Lorena (26 years old) As seen in the examples above, a relationship emerged from the interview data linking contact to knowledge about and attitudes toward citizenship issues. Those participants who had positive friendly contact with immigrants and children of immigrants were generally aware of the difficulties their friends fa ced without Italian citizenship. They also supported extending citizenship rights to the second generation. example shows that even negative contact does n o t necessarily turn support away from extending citizenship to children of i mmigrants. 7.2 Emerging Themes The previous section examined the factors tested in the survey data analysis. However, additional factors and themes emerged from the interview data. There a re 3

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146 major areas in which the interviews shed light on the citizen ship debate: how Italians define citizenship, the idea of conditional citizenship for the second generation, and the significance of race in imagining the future of Italian society. 7. 2 .1 Definitions of C itizenship As elaborated in section 4.1 there are four common dimensions of citizenship: legal status, rights, political and other forms of participation in society, and a sense of belonging (Bloemraad et al. 2008). Responses from the participants closely mirrored these dimensions, with elements of each p resent in their definitions as discussed below Figure 7 1 Most respondents first defined citizenship as a practical necessity. This definition of citizenship highlights the bureaucratic need to get an accurate count of who is present in Italy, of conducting a census, of preventing voter fraud by defining societal membership, or of regulating travel. When giving their definitions, the respondents often

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147 preceded the statement by no ting tha t in an ideal world, citizenship and thus division of people would not be necessary: various societies, b ecause otherwise there would be chaos. Margherita (33 years old) There is an apparent contradiction Margherita demonstrated a reluctant acceptance of the necessity of citizenship, even as she felt that ev eryone should be free to move about as they please. Throughout the interviews, participants needed to clarify that while they believed that citizenship divided people into groups (those who have it and those who do n o t) and was therefore wrong, it was als o a necessary evil. Respondents also defined citizenship along the dimension of belonging: they evoked images of a group of people bound together by territorial boundaries and shared ideologies and cultures. This is almost a textbook definition of citizen ship Enrico add ed an element of obedience to belonging when he stated: Well, citizenship means belonging to a country, belonging as a nation but also as really respecting the country, the rules that there are in the country, the tradition that exists in t he nation, and the freedoms or lack of freedoms that there may eventually be in the country. Enrico (29 years old) Enrico presents a static vision of citizenship and society, where belonging to a society means accepting the rules, without the hope of cha llenging them if they were found to be wrong. While 10 out the 14 participants stated that, in principle, they felt that people should be citizens of the world, only one respondent was ready to do away with the notion of citizenship altogether:

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148 [Citizen ship is] a sort of roof, together with other people, where we share aspects of normal life, ideological concepts, limited to the territory or Andrea (20 years old) Andrea continued to forcefully argue for the abandonment of citizenship and traditions throughout the interview, reasoning that if they caused conflict between people then it would be better to leave such traditions behind. He was the only participant to adopt an unequivocal stance in regards to citizenship: he felt it was antiquated and led to conflict, and thus should be abolished. While many of the respondents also felt that citizenship could be divisive and therefore negatively impact ed society, none called for a rethinking of the whole system. Finally, there was one participant who defined citizenship as something that is But it also depends o n the learning that they receive in the parental home. For example, the gypsies are nomads. And they are without a home, even though they now have public housing. And babies are born to parents who foster homes or institutions they would have been broug ht up with Italian citizenship. Simon (Italian with one foreign parent, 19 years old ). Simon implies that citizenship is something one learns from his or her parents. He is in favor of granting citi zenship to children of immigrants, but only if they receive the right kind of civic education, which he states can definitely be provided by Italian families and institutions such as orphanages. He equates G ypsies with an example of bad civic education and worse, teaching delinquency to their children, thus giving a poor example of citizenship. Italians, on the other hand, are capable of teaching good citizenship. Here, citizenship is a learned moral stance, and only some are capable of teaching it. Notice that Simon does n either mention nor address the fact that there are

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149 Italian families that steal, or who may not be giving their children the right kind of civic education ; rather he engages the stereotype of G ypsies being criminally inclined. 7. 2.2 Cond itional C itizenship As seen in the quote from Simon, there is considerable complexity in the attitudes toward granting citizenship to the second generation. The respondents, while favorable to granting citizenship, set forth varying types of conditions that need to be fulfilled before second generation children of immigrants would be able to acquire citizenship. Simon cites the need to withhold citizenship from those who commit crimes, who come to sell drugs or simply do not have the intentio n to work. He says: If people were to come here an d work, and work hard to live here, then I think it is good to give them the right to have citizenship. But if a person d ruins the Italians people, no. Simo n (Italian with one foreign parent, 19 years old ). Other respondents similarly linked the granting of citizenship to what might be termed their legality whether or not they have followed the laws and expressed that society [citizenship] to dangerous and potentially corrupting foreigners. Respondents also indicated that citizenship for the second generation should be tied status as important in determining whether their children should have access to citizenship. Luca states It is right that the parents should have a job. Because if they want to be a L uca (20 years old ). Margherita explicitly draws a connection between parental work status and the

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150 But there should be some guidelines, whereby someone who is born here, their parents work here, so they should have Italian citizenship. If two people come here, and one Margherita (Italian, 33 years old) The link between work and citizenship is made even clearer by Enrico (29 years old), who states that denying citizenship to sec ond generation children of immigrants ( it is n o t right, because they work just like we do ) Participants recognized that while they were calling for parents to be legally employed in order for the children to qualify for citizenship, finding legal empl oyment in Italy is difficult, and even more so if one is an immigrant. Luca, who expects that the first generation be legally employed in order to grant citizenship to the second generation, ally employed, because here in Italy an immigrant who works legally is practically impossible to find. He goes on to discuss the presence of the informal labor market in the Italian economy and to rail against the exploitation of immigrants on behalf of b ig companies. Luca, like the other participants, does not try to reconcile the two opposing situations, accepting the fact that immigrants should have legal employment to gain citizenship but also thinking that it is very difficult to near impossible for a n immigrant to find legal employment. This is an example of multivocality, and should not be viewed as conflicting viewpoints. R ather the active interviewing method encourages multivocality because it represent s the myriad ways in which people assign meaning to their worlds (Holstein and Gubrium 1995). For example, people may draw on the information they glean from the news to conclude that immigrants are more prone to delinquency (as crimes by immigrants are more heavily reported and emp hasized), while at the same time drawing on friendships with the second generation to say that the immigrants they

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151 change the perspective from which they construct meaning of a certain situation, accessing different stocks of knowledge. 7. 2.3 Race and C itizenship The citizenship status of the second generation in Italy also implies changes in a presumed national identity (Joppke 2008). Participants first seemed unwilling to re cognize that there is such a thing as an Italian national identity. Pietro: Italy, from a racial point of view, is a contradictory country. Andrea: I think there are already too many differences in Italy. Luca: There are already internal differences among been a country made up of regions, and each region feels Italian for their own reasons. ? Or to belong to the Italian people ody says that. I mean, you only feel Italian when you are at the stad ium watching the national team! Pietro (18), Andrea (20), Luca (20) P articipants emphasize d the importance of regional identity over a national one. Even allowing for great regional dif ferences within Italians, the participants do allude to a vague sense of national identity in certain situations. The imagined Italian identity is predicated on a White, Christian identity (Andall 2002, Goldberg 2006), automatically excluding the darker sk inned Muslim or Hindu, for example. Participants in the study confirmed that this is still the case. I think the average Italian person will never look at a black person and say even if that person is born here! Even if it is not an ac Medite rranean features, not of color. Giancarlo (19 years old) Several s tudies ( Ambrosini 2004; Andall 2002) have outlined the marginalization second generation experience s along the color line, and this position does n o t

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152 acknowledge the racial diversity that has always been a part of Italy (Snowden 1971). Even though some hope that racial discrimination will lessen and disappear as time passes and generations of Italians and immig rants grow up together the fact that a 19 year old believes that race still plays a major role in identifying who is an Italian citizen speaks to the importance that race will play as a factor in attitudes towards citizenship and belonging. 7. 3 Conclusion There are severa l factors affecting attitudes towards citizenship that emerge from the interview data. The interviews offer an intriguing perspective on the degrees of support and the nuances that participants offer in their assessment of citizenship poli cies. Where the survey data merely asks whether there is support or not, the interviews show that support is usually qualified. Thus, the participants talk about measures guarding against immigrant illegality and assuring that only hard working, honest imm igrants are allowed to have access to citizenship for their children. identity is put into question, and as children of immigrants reach maturity in greater and greater numbers the challenges presented to contemporary citizenship policies increase (Polchi 2008). Italian participants in this study generally favor granting citizenship to second generation youth. However, there are several conditions, especially a concern with imm igrant legality and the work status of the first generation, that need to be fulfilled in order for the children to access citizenship. Further, the significance of race in citizenship presents the possibility that even if granted citizenship, second gene ration youth may continue to be excluded from the imagined Italian community.

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153 CHAPTER 8 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Italy represents an intriguing case study when examining issues of second generation children of immigrants and societal integration. As a relatively new country of migration, Italy mirrors some of its Southern European neighbors. Demographically, Italy has the second lowest birth rate in Europe, at 8 births per thousand and a net immigration rate of 2 migrants per thousand people (ISTAT 2010 rate is an alarming 1.32 children per woman, well below the replacement rate of 2.1. All of these practical considerations indicate that there is a very basic need for Italy to grow its population in order to fund the services it provides to its citizens. Pensions, health care, and other services must be sustained by a stable workforce, and the numbers show that there will not be enough native born Italians to do so. The increasing second generation in Italy, of children of immigr ants socialized within Italian society and attending Italian schools, represents a population ready to be integrated in the Italian legal system. However, currently, the majority of children of immigrants are not Italian citizens. Given the exponential inc rease of children of immigrants in Italian society, researching their citizenship status is a timely and important question to ask. As the reality of a growing second generation affect s the Italian society in its earnest their current legal marginalizati on will become a key political and social debate. This dissertation addresses one aspect of citizenship policy in contemporary Italy: the lack of access for native born children of immigrants and the willingness of Italians to liberalize (or restrict) this policy. The issue of citizenship for children of immigrants in Italy is a relatively new area of research, and the impact of public opinion on citizenship policy

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154 newer still. A fter presenting an overview of immigration in Italy, a history of immigrant and immigration policies as well as an overview of the research on citizenship and citizenship policy in Italy, this dissertation addresses the question of whether Italians are willing to extend citizenship to the second generation. Specifically, the followin g research question was asked : Do Italians support granting citizenship to second generation children of immigrants? Subsequently, w hat individual and macro level factors influence attitudes towards immig rants and citizenship in Italy? Are there regional d ifferences in attitudes? And lastly, h ow do Italians understand citizenship, and under what conditions are they willing to grant it to second generation youths? I utilize a mixed method approach to answer the research questions. I conducted a multivariate analysis of a nationally representative dataset that asked respondents about their willingness to grant citizenship to children of immigrants or the lack thereof. I comp lemented the survey data analysis with group interviews of Italians, asking about their understanding of citizenship policy and whether they would be willing to grant more liberal access to children of immigrants. The main finding from both the survey data and the group interviews was that most Italians favor liberalizing access to citizens hip for children of immigr ants born and raised in Italy. Support for citizenship changes if the children are born elsewhere, or are raised elsewhere, even if a majority of their time is spent in Italy This implies that the political costs of extending ci tizenship to children of immigrants born in Italy are potentially low as a majority of society favors liberalization Looking to the future, it becomes increasingly clear that the Italian government will need to address the issue of a growing second gener ation marginalized by the current policy.

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155 8.1 Theoretical Implications restrictive tendencies in immigrant and immigration policy (Morje Howard 2009). The integration o f the second generation is similarly viewed as an important step to assimilation (Gordon 1964) Factors affecting attitudes towards citizenship policy also draw from the work done on anti immigrant sentiment. Thus this inquiry into the factors that affect in Italy contribute s to several bodies of literature. 8.1.1 Determinants of Anti Immigrant S entiment The first area to which this dissertation offers a contribution is in the area of anti immigrant sentiment in Italy. The quantitative and qualitative findings confirm the t group size as a proxy for perceived group threat, which remained a statistically significant factor. As hypothesized, the larger the immigrant group in Italy is perceived to be, the less likely the respondent is to favor supporting citizenship. Similarl y, participants in the interviews confirmed the importance of perceived group threat as it relates to attitudes about citizenship. Participants stated their support for extending citizenship, but almost in the next breath began noting that some should not as they described provincial towns overrun by teeming masses of drunk and threatenin g immigrants, recalling the images of a nation overflowing with boatloads of immigrants flooding Italian towns. This language is indicative of both the homogenization of

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156 immigrant groups a nd the exaggeration of the actual threat posed by the same (Santa An a 2002). The research also provides a test of the contact hypothesis in the Italian context The results from both the survey and interview data offer a glimpse into a distinction between family versus friend contact. In the first paired comparison of the survey data analysis friendly contact was a statistically opinion on citizenship policy. Family contact never attained statistical significance in the analyses. This suggests that contact theory (Allport 1954; Pett igrew 1998) may be even more context specific than previously thought. For example, one can hypothesize that if Italians have immigrant family members, the issue of citizenship may not be relevant in their daily lives, because it is granted to the immigran t through marriage to an Italian citizen. In this case, the issue of citizenship may not ever be a contested one. Friendly contact other hand, was a significant predictor across th e main model. This suggests that perhaps there is something in the level of acquaintance that allows Italians to better understand the complications of citizenship policy. The interview data findings confirm the survey data results, suggesting that per haps citizenship. Where one participant had positive family contact and another had a negative experience, both gave similar evaluations of citizenship policy reform. Both partici pants felt that citizenship should be made more accessible to children of immigrants but with limitations addressing legality and occupational status in place. Further although family contact never reached statistical significance, even friendly

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157 contact f ails to reach significance in the remaining paired comparisons What does this mean? Theoretically, friendly contact should be significant in swaying people to the more inclusive and liberal position on citizenship reform ( Mantovani and Martini 2008; McLar en 2003; Pettigrew 1998; Volpato and Manganelli Rattazzi 2000 ). However, it does not bear out in all of the paired comparisons. This suggests that perhaps those as opposed to either supporting or denying extending citizenship to the second generation, experience friendly contact in a different way or under different circumstances that those who favor reform or from those who favor restrictive citizenship. The macro level variables were measured at a regional level to account for s ub differential impact of immigration in each region. The regional level variables behaved in the expected manner, although GDP per capita was an exception. Based on prev ious research I hypothesized that a higher GDP would result in increased support for citizenship for children of immigrants. This would indicate that as resources were less scarce, the native born population would be more likely to extend access to the s ame resources. However, the measure showed an inverse relationship, where an increase in GDP corresponded to a lower likelihood that Italians would favor extending citizenship to children of immigrants. This perhaps indicates an egoistic effect : as the w ealth increases, Italians are more likely to want to restrict access to it. On the other hand, the survey showed that as support for far right parties increased regionally, support for extending citizenship to the second generation decreased. This is con sistent with the literature examining the impact of far right wing

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158 ( Fetzer 2000b Semyonov et. al. 2006 ), which finds that far right wing parties tend to also be anti immigrant. It is also worthwhile to distinguish between the anti immigrant rhetoric of di fferent far right parties studies have found that articulations of cultural prejudice are more supported by the public than outright racism (Wilkes et. al. 2007 ). By including a variable for actual regional percentage of immigrant residents, I measur e the impact of realistic group threat ( Ceobanu and Escandell 2010 ). This measure differs from the individual level variable, which asked about perceived, rather than actual, group sizes, and thus measured perceived group threat. By taking into account the empi rical reality through the measure of immigrant residents, I address the impact of realistic group threat on Italians attitudes. In accordance with other studies on the matter ( Ceobanu and Escandell 2010, Quillian 1995 ), the present analysis found that as the percentage of immigrant residents increases, support for extending citizenship to the second generation decreases. 8.1.2 Citizenship P olicy R eform Another are a this disser tation contributes to is citizenship policy and the integration of second gene ration youth A clear consequence of an exclusionary citizenship regime is downward assimilation or ethnic niches (Portes and Zhou 1993). If second generation youths, born in Italy and raised in Italian society and schools, are not given the opportunity to participate as full members of society, they begin to fulfill some of the typology of vulnerable groups according to Portes and Zhou (1993). The lack of citizenship can be enough to preclude assimilation, or integration, into society on an equal level. Th e resources available to a citizen versus a noncitizen, such as freedom of movement and travel, or freedom from dealing with permit renewals, preclude an equal starting point and thus equal integration, for members of each group.

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159 The finding s from group interviews hint to the myriad definitions of c itizenship and the emergence of conditional citizenship. This concept describes the attitudes of most individuals participating in the interviews an outlook that would favor liberalizing citizenship rules, but that at the same time places restrictions on who m should be granted access For example, although most of the sample favored liberalizing citizenship for children of immigrants, several also claimed that the children should be born to parents who are le gally resident, or that the opportunity to obtain citizenship should be linked to a steady work history. This attitude mirrors the political reforms that have taken place in Western Europe over the last decade discussed in detail in the next section. This research has contributed to addressing a gap in current research at the nexus of citizenship policy, public opinion and second generation immigrants 8.2 Policy Implications The finding that m any Italians favor liberalizing reform has several policy impl ications. First, p reduces the political costs of pushing for reform by any of the political parties in power. Although some parties, especially led by the Lega Nord might co opt the prop osals and institute restrictive turns, public opinion support for citizenship reform could provide enough momentum for a concrete bill. Mark Morje Howard conducted an important comparative study of citizenship regimes across nations (2009) and found the interplay between immigration rhetoric and political parties to be very important in predicting whether citizenship policy will be reformed in a liberal direction or not Morje Howard places Italy among the more restrictive regimes, citing the most recent citizenship law in 1992 which diminished access to Italian citizenship save by jus sanguinis He writes that the presence of a

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160 strong far Lega Nord and Alleanza Nazionale are good examp shift to championing the right to citizenship of the second generation has the potential to change the dynamics essentially stalled any attempt a t reform (Polchi 2008) However, at the writing of this research, there is indication that the current Berlusconi administration is under stress, despite having withstood a no confidence vote. Should the administration fall and a new coalition take its p l ace, there is potential for citizenship reform to be politicized once again as a hot button issue. A mobilization of the Lega Nord on this issue for example, may polarize the respondents who r restrictive reforms. The passing of the security bill in 2009 which restricts access to citizenship by marriage, indicates that there is increasing preoccupation with who is acquiring citizenship and through what means, indicating that political mobili zation is possible in the not so distant future. The concern with legality and residency status of imm igrant parents emerging from the group interviews is represented in several of the proposals introduced in the Italian parliament. It is likely that any r eform in Italy will include a residency requirement on the part of the immigrant parents, mirroring reforms in other European countries. Reforms in Germany in 2000, Ireland in 2004, and Greece in 2010 have all introduced measures that grant citizenship to the second generation provisional on the sustained, legal residency status of the immigrant parents, among other things (Vink and deGroot 2010).

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161 even be considered for citizenship. This would be a combination of jus domicili and jus soli, where birth on the territory ( as well as a number of years of legal residency ) are required At the same time, if such a reform were to pass, it is likely that there will also be some s ort of amnesty or regularization of the children of immigrants who already reside in Italy, given the trend of fairly regular amn esty waves in Italian politics (see discussion in section 2.3.8) 8.3 Future Research The findings of this research point to s everal avenues for future research. As mentioned above, a pressing issue will be how to address the fates of children who migrate with their parents to Italy, as opposed to being born there. There seems to be a conceptual leap for respondents, because alt hough they can be very supportive of citizenship reform for children born in Italy, this goodwill often fades if the child was not born in Italy And further, the institution of even an exclusive jus soli policy would not resolve the citizenship status of the 1.5 generation (Rumbaut 2004). This is sue exists in all immigrant destination countries, something that even the United States is dealing with currently One possible approach is exemplified by citizenship policy reform in other European countries ( e. g., Greece, see Christopolous 2010) where a minimum residency period before parents can apply for citizenship for children not born on the was introduced Another area meriting more inquiry is the wishes of children of immigrants themselve s As some groups organize for increasing access to citizenship, anecdotal evidence reveals that there is not a single, unified voice on the subject. Some children of immigrants d o not aspire to become Italian citizens. Whether out of rebellion or out of c areful consideration, belonging to the Italian state is not always important to all children

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162 of immigrants. 2002) seem to be potential factors impacting their positions and thus their reaction to citizenship policy reform And finally, it would be intriguing to discern the difference of effects between family and friendly contact. Why did not having an immigrant family member s ignificant ly hip? Perhaps there is something peculiar to the family relationship that precludes any effect on attitudes towards immigrant policies. Or perhaps it is the topic of citizenship which is not affected by having an immigrant family member, as citizenship wo uld almost always be gained easily once an immigrant marries an Italian citizen or is adopted by one. Still, there is a story to be uncovered there. This dissertation is a first step in addressing the gap of research on the issue of citizenship for childr en of immigrants born in Italy. The presence of the second generation is newly visible, as are the issues surrounding their integration in to Italian society. By examining the willingness of Italians to extend citizenship to children of immigrants born in I taly, I aim to better understand the potential for citizenship policy reform and the direction which this reform might take. This research has shown that a majority of Italians support extending citizenship to children of immigrants born in Italy, even as they advocate for some restrictions to be placed in any reform attempt, instead of allowing unfettered access. The trends across Europe show a convergence of citizenship policy reform s centering on allowing children of immigrants born within the borders of a particular nation access to citizenship conditional on parental residency requirements (Vink and deGroot 2010). This convergence hints that perhaps Italian

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163 citizenship reform is not too far off in the future, and that any reform is likely to liberal ize access from its currently restrictive character (Morje Howard 2009). Further, w hile obtaining citizenship may not be a sufficient condition of integration for the second generation it is a necessary one. An equal legal status, with all of the freedoms and population and their children.

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164 APPENDIX INSTRUMENT FOR SEMI STRUCTURED INTERVIEW S Interview guide for semi structured interviews and focus groups Italy, immigrati on, and citizenship The questions below are guiding questions that will influence the interviews. As the interviews/focus groups are semi structured, I will touch on all of the topics but let the conversations flow as much as possible. Topic : Background C an you give me a brief personal history? Specifically, please talk about where you born and where you grew up. Did you have any classmates that were immigrants? Topic: Citizenship What do you think of when I say citizenship? How much does the issue of citi zenship play a part in your life? Would you say it affects your life daily? Not at all? Are you aware of the conditions that one needs to fulfill to attain Italian citizenship? If so, how did you come to know about them? If not, does it concern you? Explai n. Do you feel that the laws should be changed? If so, what would the new criteria be? Who should be eligible and why? If not, why not? Do you think children of immigrants born in Italy should have the right to citizenship? Why or why not? Do you feel that the issue of racism and discrimination p l ays a part in the debate about citizenship policy? Please explain your answer.

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178 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Georgia Bianchi earned her PhD in s ociology fro m the University of Florida. She received her Master s in s ociology from the University of Florid a in 2007, and her olitical s cience from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 2003. She specializes in migration and citizenship in the US and Europe, and serves on the editorial board of Mondo Migranti an Italian journal dedicated to issues of immigration