The Role of Social Networks in the Linguistic and Cultural Integration and Reintegration of Japanese Return Migrant

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Title:
The Role of Social Networks in the Linguistic and Cultural Integration and Reintegration of Japanese Return Migrant
Physical Description:
1 online resource (423 p.)
Language:
english
Creator:
Kozuma,Jo A
Publisher:
University of Florida
Place of Publication:
Gainesville, Fla.
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Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Curriculum and Instruction (ISC), Teaching and Learning
Committee Chair:
De Jong, Ester J
Committee Members:
Renner, Richard R
Harper, Candace
Wehmeyer, Ann K

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
inquiry -- japanese -- language -- migrant -- narrative -- network -- proficiency -- return -- second -- social
Teaching and Learning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre:
Curriculum and Instruction (ISC) thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract:
Return migration is a population movement where people return to their country of origin after a period of time living in another country. This study explores the linguistic and cultural roles that social networks play in return migration. Six Japanese women who stayed in the United States for less than five years and who have since returned to Japan within the last 12-18 months filled out questionnaires and participated in ethnographic interviews. An analysis of their stories suggests that due to their cyclical migration pattern, the structures and functions of the social networks for return migrants were different from those studied previously for immigrant groups. The return migrants established temporary interactive networks that were short-term, highly valued with strong ties and were accessed only for the duration of the return migrants? stay in the host culture. The study also indicated that due to the limited time spent in the host culture, the findings from the Japanese return migrants revealed that a) linguistic and cultural maintenance is not always the motivating factor for adults to establish an L1 social network; b) membership into an L1 social network is not always automatic; c) the need to have an L1 social network in the host culture is related to the values and norms of the home culture because it helps to enforce the return migrants? self-identity as Japanese; and d) L2 social networks in the host culture that are comprised of international members do not facilitate the development of a bilingual/bicultural identity. In terms of language proficiency, this study discovered that for the Japanese return migrants, self-perception of low L2 proficiency led the return migrants to establish alternative L2 temporary social networks of international speakers of English. The international bilingual social network was not strengthened by cultural, racial, or ethnical factors but by the common trait that English was their second language. The findings confirm the importance of distinguishing social networks of return migrants and offer a challenge to reevaluate and redefine social networks in order to broaden the social network framework to include the linguistic and cultural complexity of return migrants.
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Jo A Kozuma.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2011.
Local:
Adviser: De Jong, Ester J.

Record Information

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UFRGP
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Applicable rights reserved.
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lcc - LD1780 2011
System ID:
UFE0042454:00001


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1 THE ROLE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS IN THE LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL INTEGRATION AND REINTEGRATION OF JAPANESE RETURN MIGRANTS By JO A. KOZUMA A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011

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2 2011 Jo A. Kozuma

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3 To Yoichi and Meg

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS to accomplish this task alone. I would have not been able to fulfill the writing of this dissertation without the generous support and assistance from others. I am pleased to have this opportunity to recognize several individuals who deserve special rec ognition on their contribution to this dissertation. A special thank you goes to the late Dr. Clem Hallman at the University of Florida, who was my first chair. His encouragement and teachings were indispensable during the early part of my doctoral prog ram. His departure from us was too soon, but he left behind to his grad students a fond memory of a generous man who taught us the importance of bilingual education. I owe my deepest gratitude to my mentor and chair, Dr. Ester de Jong, who took me under h er wings after Dr. Hallman. She was the driving force that guided me through every stage of the dissertation process, reading and rereading numerous drafts, and always offering insightful criticism. Her encouragement of telling me that my work was promis ing and interesting kept me going when the prospect of finishing did not seem possible. The completion of my work would not have been possible without her guidance and patience. Thank you. I would like to thank Dr. Candace Harper for her insightful comme nts and constructive criticism at different stages of my research. I have greatly benefited from learning from her and have appreciated her for holding me to a high research standard. I am grateful for her good advice and steadfast support throughout the years. I am pleased to thank Dr. Richard Renner. I have appreciated the many numerous discussions we had on Japan and his input and accessibility has been influential on my research. His suggestions and commenting views on my dissertation have been in valuable to me.

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5 A very big thank you goes to Dr. Ann Wehmeyer for her thoughtful comments and for having a keen editorial eye as she read my dissertation. She boosted my confidence by allowing me to teach Japanese language and culture. These courses co ntributed greatly to further my understanding of Japan, which became an integral part of my dissertation. Being from the field of teaching English as a second language, her faith in my Japanese ability is greatly appreciated. I would like to give a very d eep, dee sharing their stories with me. I respect them for being honest and open about their return migration jour ney and for allowing me to share their experience with others. I have the highest regards towards them and I wish them all the very best. Domo arigato gozaimashita. Many, many thanks to the professors, colleagues, and classmates I have had the privileg e to meet at the University of Florida. I am indebted to their kindness, wisdom, and the camaraderie that we shared. Without them, I would not have had the tremendous graduate education journey that I experienced. A very special heartfelt thanks goes to Ms. Lisa De LaCure, who has been a faithful friend since I started my doctoral program. She has always told me to believe that I know more than I actually do and would encourage me to continue my studies when I thought it was not possible. She is my desi gnated cheerleader who provided me with moral support when my family was away in Japan. Her motivation efforts have been greatly appreciated and I am beholden to her love and friendship that she has extended to me through the years. Words alone cannot e xpress my deepest gratitude to my precious family. My family has been a constant source of love, co ncern, and strength through the years and without them, none of this would have been possible. My appreciation goes to my husband, Yoichi, who has always

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6 i nspired me to achieve a higher and to strive for excellence. I am indeed very grateful that during my studies, his love, support, patience, and kind indulgence has shown no limits as I completed my work. I am also deeply indebted to him for his sacrifice and willingness to commute from Japan all these years so that I could stay in Florida and pursue my goal. I also want to thank my daughter Meg, who understood the importance of my work and did not complain when I could not do everything with her due to my studies and teaching. She has been an inspiration to me and without her love; I would not have had the strength and motivation to finish. Little did we know when she was born that we would name her well: for Megumi is truly a blessing from heaven. I would also like to give a special mention to our dogs Taisho and Mikan, who would remind me daily that the best thing in life is to go outside and take a walk. I realize that it is impossible to properly acknowledge everyone who has been a source of supp ort, encouragement, and love during my time at UF, but I wanted to let all of you know that each and every one of you are very close to my heart and all of you have helped in a very special way to bring this dissertation to a completion.

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7 TABLE OF CONTEN TS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 13 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 16 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 17 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 19 Return Migration ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 19 Migration and Social Networks ................................ ................................ .............................. 20 Japan and Return Migration ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 22 Japanese Return Migrants ................................ ................................ ................................ 23 Government Demographics ................................ ................................ ............................. 23 Studies on Japanese Return Migration ................................ ................................ ............ 25 Statement of the P roblem ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 26 Purpose of the Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 27 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 27 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................................ ................................ ................................ 28 Social Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 28 Relationship Structures ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 29 Intera ctional and Structures Criteria ................................ ................................ ................ 30 Social Networks and Return Migrants ................................ ................................ ............ 31 Role of Social Network and Language ................................ ................................ ................... 31 Language Choice ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 33 Language Maintenance ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 33 Language Learning ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 35 Social Network and Language for Return Migrants ................................ ........................ 36 Roles of Social Networks and Culture ................................ ................................ .................... 38 Definitions of Acculturation and Integration ................................ ................................ .. 38 Acculturation Models ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 39 Integration ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 41 Re integration of Return Migrants ................................ ................................ .................. 42 Social Network and Culture for Return Migrants ................................ ........................... 43 Role of Social Netw ork and Identity ................................ ................................ ...................... 44 Definition of Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 44 Identity Construction ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 45 Japanese Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 45 Japanese Return Migrant Identity ................................ ................................ .................... 46

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8 Negotiating Japanese Returnee Identity ................................ ................................ .......... 47 Bicultural Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 49 Japanese Bicultural Identity ................................ ................................ ............................ 49 Identity Models for Return Migrants ................................ ................................ ............... 51 Social Networks and Identity for Return Migrants ................................ ......................... 54 3 METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 56 Me thodological Approach ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 56 Participant Selection Process ................................ ................................ ........................... 56 Recruiting Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 57 Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 58 Research Method ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 60 Narrative Inquiry ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 60 Data Collection Procedure ................................ ................................ ............................... 61 Scheduling Personal Interviews ................................ ................................ ...................... 61 Research Tools ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 62 Questionnaire ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 62 Questionnaire Design ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 63 Organization of questionnaire ................................ ................................ .................. 65 Language information ................................ ................................ .............................. 65 Social network information ................................ ................................ ...................... 66 Identity information ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 67 Cultural information ................................ ................................ ................................ 68 Organization of Japanese questionnaire ................................ ................................ ... 69 Personal Interviews ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 69 Appropriateness of Methodology ................................ ................................ ........................... 70 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 71 Data Analysis Meth odology ................................ ................................ ............................ 72 Organization for Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ....................... 73 Organization of content ................................ ................................ ............................ 73 Organization of participants ................................ ................................ ..................... 73 Organization of data ................................ ................................ ................................ 74 Organization of patterns and themes ................................ ................................ ........ 74 Organization for final analysis ................................ ................................ ................. 75 Organization of the narratives ................................ ................................ .................. 76 4 NARRATIVES ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 77 Ajisai ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 77 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 77 Pre Departure ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 79 Arrival ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 8 6 Social Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 88 English Language ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 93 Family Life ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 94 Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 98

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9 Back in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 100 Id entity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 104 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 106 Ayame ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 107 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 107 Pre Departure ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 109 Arrival ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 110 Social Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 112 Children ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 113 English Language ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 115 Family Life ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 118 Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 122 Back in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 123 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 124 Kiku ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 125 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 125 Pre Departure ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 127 Arrival ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 129 Social Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 129 Children ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 132 English Language ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 133 Family Life ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 135 Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 139 Back in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 140 Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 142 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 142 Mokuren ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 144 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 144 Pre Departure ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 145 Arrival ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 146 Social Netw orks ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 149 Children ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 151 Family Life ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 154 Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 157 Back in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 158 Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 159 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 160 Sakura ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 162 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 162 Pre Departure ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 163 Arrival ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 165 Social Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 167 Children ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 170 Englis h Language ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 173 Family Life ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 174 Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 179

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10 Back in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 181 Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 185 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 186 Ume ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 190 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 190 Pre Departure ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 193 Arrival ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 198 Social Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 199 Children ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 201 English Language ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 207 Family ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 209 Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 213 Back in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 216 Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 220 Reflections ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 223 5 FINDINGS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 225 Language Information ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 225 Japanese Language Maintenance in the United States ................................ .................. 225 Japanese Language Maintenance for the Children ................................ ........................ 229 English for Adults in the United States ................................ ................................ ......... 230 English for the Children ................................ ................................ ................................ 231 Languages u pon Returning t o Japan ................................ ................................ ..................... 235 English in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 235 Summary on Languages ................................ ................................ ................................ 238 Social Ne twork Information ................................ ................................ ................................ 239 Identifying Social Networks ................................ ................................ .......................... 239 Pre Departure Social Networks ................................ ................................ ..................... 241 Japanese Social Networks in the United States ................................ ............................. 244 American Social Networks in the United States ................................ ........................... 251 Internati onal Social Networks in the United States ................................ ....................... 252 Social Networks u pon Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ .... 253 Summary of Social Networks Information ................................ ................................ .... 258 Identity Information ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 260 Self Identification ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 260 Returnee Identi ty ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 260 Cultural Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 261 Summary of Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 2 63 Culture Inform ation While in the United States ................................ ................................ ... 265 Japanese Culture Maintenance for Children ................................ ................................ .. 265 Japanese Culture for Adults ................................ ................................ ........................... 266 American Culture in the United States ................................ ................................ .......... 267 Culture Information after Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ....... 268 Adjustment to Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 268 American Culture in Japan ................................ ................................ ............................ 269 Summary of Culture Information ................................ ................................ .................. 271

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11 6 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 274 Social Networks that Were Established and Maintained ................................ ...................... 274 Exchange Network ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 275 Interactive Networks ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 276 Social Networks after Returning to Japan ................................ ................................ ..... 276 S hopping and C2 maintenance ................................ ................................ ............... 277 Shopping as a social network replacement ................................ ............................ 278 Structures of the Social Networks ................................ ................................ ........................ 280 Structure of JSN1 ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 282 Redefining passive networks ................................ ................................ .................. 282 Social networks and technolog y ................................ ................................ ............. 283 Social networks and advancement in communication technology ......................... 284 Structure of SNSP ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 285 Interactive networks ................................ ................................ ............................... 286 Redefining interactive networks ................................ ................................ ............. 286 Temporary interactive networks ................................ ................................ ............. 287 Structure of JSN2 ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 288 Sustainability of ethnic social networks ................................ ................................ 288 Sustainab ility of JSN2 ................................ ................................ ............................ 289 Redefining sustainability for temporary social networks ................................ ....... 290 Structure of IBSN ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 290 Redefining the ties of a social network ................................ ................................ .. 291 Functions of the Social Networks ................................ ................................ ......................... 292 Linguistic and C ultural Roles ................................ ................................ ........................ 293 L1 social networks and L1 maintenance for children ................................ ............ 294 JSN2 and L1 maintenance ................................ ................................ ...................... 294 L1 social networks and cultural maintenance for children ................................ ..... 295 JSN1 and JSN2 indirect L1/C1 support for adults ................................ ................. 296 Social networks and language maintenance ................................ ........................... 297 Information and Resource Roles ................................ ................................ ................... 298 Temporary L1 interactive networks as an information resource ............................ 298 The need for social networks for specific purposes ................................ ............... 299 Relationship between Identity, Role, and So cial Networks ................................ .......... 300 Cultural identity and social networks ................................ ................................ ..... 301 Collective identity ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 302 Maternal identity ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 303 Family responsibilities and social networks ................................ ........................... 304 Bilingual/bicultural identity ................................ ................................ ................... 305 Bilingual/bicultural identity and alternative L2 social networks ........................... 306 Other Social Network Developments ................................ ................................ ................... 306 Limited Access to L1 Social Network in the Host Culture ................................ ........... 307 Launching a Parallel L1 Social Network in the Host Culture ................................ ....... 307 Construction of a Parallel L1 Social Network in the Host Culture ............................... 308 Functions of a Parallel L1 Social Network in the Host Culture ................................ .... 309 Self perceived low L2 proficiency ................................ ................................ ......... 310 Lack of investment with mainstream L2 social networks ................................ ...... 310

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12 Langu age Proficiency and Self Selected Separation from the Host Culture ......... 312 Home culture explanation ................................ ................................ ...................... 312 New approach to establishing s ocial networks ................................ ...................... 313 New Models of Social Networks ................................ ................................ .......................... 314 Social Network Typology for Return Migrants ................................ ............................. 315 Alternative L2 Social Networks ................................ ................................ .................... 316 7 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 317 Summation of the Findings ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 317 Implications for Future Research ................................ ................................ .......................... 320 Language Learning ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 320 Different Type of Soci al Networks ................................ ................................ ............... 321 Emergence of Different L2 Social Networks ................................ ................................ 321 Limitations of the Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 322 Researcher Bias ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 322 Number of Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 323 Selection of Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ 323 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 324 APPENDIX A INFORMED CONSENT FORMS ................................ ................................ ....................... 325 English ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 325 Japanese Translation of Consent Form ................................ ................................ ................. 327 B INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ 329 C ENGLISH QUESTIONNAIRE ................................ ................................ ............................ 330 D JAPANESE QUESTIONNAIRE ................................ ................................ .......................... 345 E RESULTS FROM THE QUESTIONNAIRE ................................ ................................ ....... 360 L IST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 413 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 423

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13 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Criteria f or structures of social networks based relationship value ................................ ... 29 2 2 Interactional criteria of social networks ................................ ................................ ............. 32 3 1 Demographics of the participants ................................ ................................ ...................... 59 3 2 Format of the questionnaire ................................ ................................ ............................... 68 3 3 ................................ ................................ .................. 74 3 4 Organizational groupings for data analysis ................................ ................................ ........ 75 3 5 Table of content for the chapters in the narratives ................................ ............................. 76 5 1 Japanese language information ................................ ................................ ........................ 226 5 2 Japanese social network language information ................................ ................................ 227 5 3 Japanese language activi ties ................................ ................................ ............................ 228 5 4 Children enrolled in ESOL programs ................................ ................................ .............. 233 5 5 English language maintenance activities ................................ ................................ ......... 236 5 6 English social network language information ................................ ................................ .. 237 5 7 Social network information of Japanese return migrants with interviews ....................... 239 5 8 Social network information of Japanese return migrants with no interviews .................. 240 5 9 Social networks consulted for information about living in the USA ............................... 242 5 10 Pre departure social networks ................................ ................................ .......................... 242 5 11 Social networks for pre departure preparation ................................ ................................ 243 5 12 Social networks consulted for information about living in the USA ............................... 245 5 13 Social network information in the USA ................................ ................................ ........... 247 5 14 Japanese social network information when in the United States ................................ ..... 249 5 15 American social network information in the United States ................................ ............. 251 5 16 Social network information upon returning to Japan ................................ ....................... 255

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14 5 17 Social networks in Japan ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 257 5 18 Japanese and American cultural information ................................ ................................ ... 265 6 1 Social networks of Japanese return migrants ................................ ................................ ... 279 6 2 Structures of the Japanese return m ................................ ............. 281 6 3 ................................ ........... 293 6 4 Social network typology for ret urn migrants ................................ ................................ ... 315 E 1 Background information 2A, pg. 2 ................................ ................................ .................. 360 E 2 Background cultural information 2B, pg. 2 ................................ ................................ ..... 362 E 3 Language information 1A, Pg. 3 ................................ ................................ ...................... 363 E 4 Language information 1B, Pg. 3 ................................ ................................ ...................... 364 E 5 Languag e information 1C, Pg. 3 ................................ ................................ ...................... 365 E 6 Language information 2A, pg. 4 ................................ ................................ ...................... 366 E 7 Language information 2B, pg. 4 ................................ ................................ ...................... 369 E 8 Language information 2C, pg. 4 ................................ ................................ ...................... 369 E 9 Language information 3A, pg. 5 ................................ ................................ ...................... 370 E 10 Language information 3B, pg. 5 ................................ ................................ ...................... 371 E 11 Language information 4A, pg. 6 ................................ ................................ ...................... 374 E 12 Language information 4B, pg. 6 ................................ ................................ ...................... 376 E 13 Social network information 1A, pg. 7 ................................ ................................ .............. 379 E 14 Social network information 1B, pg. 7 ................................ ................................ .............. 381 E 15 Social network information 2A, pg. 8 ................................ ................................ .............. 383 E 16 Social network information 2B, pg. 8 ................................ ................................ .............. 386 E 17 Social network information 3A, pg. 9 ................................ ................................ .............. 387 E 18 Social network information 3B, pg. 9 ................................ ................................ .............. 390 E 19 Social network information 4, pg. 10 ................................ ................................ ............... 393

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15 E 20 Identity information 1A, pg. 11 ................................ ................................ ....................... 395 E 21 Identity information 1B, pg. 11. ................................ ................................ ....................... 395 E 22 Identit y information 1C, pg. 11 ................................ ................................ ........................ 396 E 23 Identity information 1D, pg. 11 ................................ ................................ ....................... 398 E 24 Identity information 2A, pg. 12 ................................ ................................ ....................... 400 E 25 Identity information 2B, pg. 12 ................................ ................................ ........................ 402 E 26 Culture information 1, pg. 13 ................................ ................................ ........................... 403 E 27 C ulture information 2A, pg. 14 ................................ ................................ ........................ 405 E 28 Culture information 2B, pg. 14 ................................ ................................ ........................ 407 E 29 Culture information 3A, pg. 15 ................................ ................................ ........................ 409 E 30 Culture information 3B, pg. 15 ................................ ................................ ........................ 411

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16 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Japanese living abroad: Exte nded stay and permanent residence 1986 2004 .................. 24 5 1 Duration of time spent in American schools ................................ ................................ .... 232 6 1 Social networks pattern fo r immigrants in a host culture ................................ ................ 316 6 2 Social network pattern for return migrants in a host culture ................................ ........... 316 E 1 Language information 3, pg. 4 ................................ ................................ ......................... 370

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17 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE ROLE OF SOCIAL NE TWORKS IN THE LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL INTEGRATION AND REINTEGRATION OF JAPANESE RETURN MIGRANTS By Jo A. Kozuma August 2011 Chair: Ester J. de Jong Major: Curriculum and Instruction Return migration is a population movement where people return to their c ountry of origin after a period of time living in another country. This study explores the linguistic and cultural roles that social networks play in return migration. Six Japanese women who stayed in the United States for less than five years and who ha ve since returned to Japan within the last 12 18 months filled out questionnaires and participate d in ethnographic interviews. An analysis of their stories suggests that due to the ir cyclical migration pattern, the structures and functions of the social n etworks for return migrants were different from those studied previously for immigrant groups The return migrants established temporary intera ctive networks that were short term, highly valued with strong ties and were accessed only for the duration of t he return The study also indicated that due to the limited time spent in the host culture, the findings from the Japanese return migrants revealed that a) linguistic and cultural maintenance is not always the motivating factor for adults to establish an L1 social network; b) membership into an L1 social network is not always automatic; c) the need to have an L1 social network in the host culture is related to the values and norms of the home culture because it helps to e identity as Japanese; and d) L2 social networks in the host culture that are comprised of international members do not facilitate the

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18 development of a bilingual/bicultural identity. In terms of language profici ency, this s tudy discovered that for the Japanese return migrants, self perception of low L2 proficiency led the return migrants to establish alternative L2 temporary social network s of international speakers of English The international bilingual social network was not strengthened by cultural, raci al, or ethnical factors but by the common trait that English was their second language. The findings confirm the importance of distinguishing social networks of return migrants and offer a challenge to reevaluate and red efine social networks in order to broaden the social network framework to include the linguistic and cultural complexity of return migrants.

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19 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Return Migration Rapid transportation and communication systems have accelerated the spee d and volume of movement of people across international boundaries and current migration patterns are now more diverse than ever. According to the 2010 International Organization for Migration (IOM) report, the total number of international migrants is e stimated to be 214 million people or 3.1% describes a worldwide social phenomenon of people moving from one location to another, it is no longer considered to be a one way population movement with the outcome that those who leave their home country will never return, as with immigration (Gmelch, 198 0). There is a regular counter flow of migrants who seek to return and reestablish themselves in their home countr ies. This migration pattern is called return migration and it is traditionally defined as (a) the movement of migrs back to their homelands to resettle, or (b) a process whereby people return to their country or place of origin after a significant perio d in another country or region (Gmelch, 1980; King, 2000). Return migrants do not include people who are returning from a vacation, holiday, or any extended visit abroad where the person is considered to be a visitor to the foreign country. Whether it is to enhance t heir education or to be transferred by their employer, the return migrant has a purpose for the temporary stay abroad and the return is predetermined prior to leaving their home country. This sets them apart from immigrants who move to a coun try with the intent to take up permanent residence or refugees who are forcibly displaced and relocated, generally through violence or civil unrest. It also separates them from transnationals, who have permanently settled in a host culture while still act ively maintaining multiple economic, social, and political ties with the ir homeland (Schiller, 1995).

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20 Even though global migration is increasing, return migration is one of the most neglected areas of migration research (Corcoran, 2002; Ghosh, 2000; King 2000; Mische, 2000; Walsh, 2001). Historically, migration research usually focuses on the departure, journey, settlement, and integration of the individual in a host culture (Mukai & Brunette, 1999) or the processes and strategies involved in becoming p art of the host society (Flannery, Reise & Yu, 2001; King, 2000). The dual adaptation process of return migrants in the host culture and once again in their home culture, however, has received very little attention. For return migrants, the process of a dapting to a new socio cultural system in a host culture is a transformation process that involves the interaction of many cultural and linguistic factors. Returning home requires yet another adaptation process because the re entry subjects the individual to a transitional experience of facing previously familiar surroundings after living in a different environment over a significant period of time (Adler 1981). Trying to readjust and reintegrate into the home culture and language again can make this tran sition process to the home culture just as complicated and disorienting as the initial adjustment and integration process to a new culture. Although the initial adaptation experiences in the host culture for immigrants and return migrants may be similar a t first, it is important to understand that the experience and the process involved in that initial adaptation is not simply repeated during the re adjustment upon re entry to the home culture (Branaman, 1999). Returning to the home culture is a separate adaptation process for return migrants. Migration and Social Networks Moving to a new country can be conceptualized as a development of multiple pathways extending from new and established social networks. Social networks refer to established relationsh ips of interconnected people such as family, friends, and associates who are engaged regularly on a personal or professional level. The role of social networks in immigrant studies

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21 includes direct or indirect influence on social behavior (Mitchell, 1969), as well as influence on language choice, language maintenance, or language shift (Marshall, 200 4; Milroy, 1980; Milroy & Li 1995; Stoessel, 1998). As a migrant tries to integrate into the host society, his/her social networks may expand and contract as social networks disappear, new ones appear, and others are retained during their cross cultural movement. This need to develop multiple pathways can stem from a feeling of personal loss an individual may feel when surrounded by a foreign cultural and ling uistic environment: a loss of culture, internal sense of harmony, familiarity, significant people may seek specific social networks that can provide a feeling of safet y and connectedness to others. For some, having home culture and language social networks in a host culture can sometimes help offset the anxiety and emotional stress that is often associated with immigration and acculturation process es (Berry, 1999) by a cting as a cultural and linguistic conduit to help a foreign environment affords an individual the potential for self improvement or self empowerment (Boesch, 1 991; Lijtmaer, 2001). For these migrants, exploring in an unknown setting, reinventing oneself, and engaging linguistically and cultural ly with members of the host culture is viewed as a rewarding adventure, and as a result, their social network expansion in the host culture further strengthens their sense of identity and bolster s their development towards bilingualism and biculturalism. There is a growing consensus in social network analysis literature that both linguistic and cultural factors in social networks matter to social movement dynamics, yet little is known about the cross cultural adjustment and re adjustment issues return migrants experience as they cross borders. Armed with the knowledge that they will return home, it is likely that the ret urn

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22 migrant will have a different perspective of their cross cultural experience. Furthermore, in a world of globalization where the movements of people can be multiple and circular, the linguistic and cultural support return migrants receive and maintain from their first language (L1) and second language (L2) social networks cannot be overlooked. T here are a myriad of linguistic and cultural variables that need to be considered for the establishment and maintenance of social networks, and it is importan t to investigate a group of a return migrant based on their migration pattern. With a steadily increasing return migration population for the past several de cades, Japan is an ideal candidate to be taken into consideration to further explore this migration phenomenon. What makes the migration pattern of the Japanese returnees different from others is that the plan s to live overseas for an extended period of t ime are preset and their return to Japan is predetermined before they leave. Understanding the experiences and challenges Japanese return migrants may face during their intercultural journey will enhance the effectiveness of the poli cies and practices tha t are applied towards this large population of people and will also give us insights into the role social networks play in the integration and the reintegration experiences of return migrants. Japan and Return Migration Japan is both a sending and a rece iving country for international migrants. Since the politically into the international arena. Japanese companies have established businesses overseas and in order to keep a Japanese connection with the overseas market s, there has been an increase in branch offices around the world for manufacturers, financial institutions and trading companies that are staffed by an extensive number of temporary Japanese personnel (I nternational Student Center of Kawaijuku [ISEK], 1995). This trend of sending personnel

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23 overseas with the majority expected to return is found in academia, science, technology, as well as research and development sectors. As a result, there is a substant ial Japanese return migrant population. Japanese Return Migrants The Japanese government divides their overseas citizens into four major categories. The first category is for Japanese descendant immigrants ( nikkeijin ) and their dependents, i.e. the member s of the large expatriate communities found in North and South America. The second category consists of Japanese traveling as tourists. The third category is for Japanese living overseas as permanent residents, but who have retained their Japanese nation ality. Most people in this third category live overseas for an extended time and may or may not return to Japan. Most often, when they do return to Japan, it is at their retirement age (Goodman, 1990). The last category refers to Japanese living oversea s for 90 days or longer. They are considered to be overseas for a prolonged duration but as temporary emigrants with the intention to return. It is this category of Japanese citizen s residing abroad who are considered as a return migrant Government Demo graphics According to the last available Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Nationals Overseas released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2004, the number of Japanese citizens residing overseas has steadily increased since 1986, with the largest i ncrease seen in the number of citizens who are living abroad for an extended stay but who are planning to eventually return to Japan ( Figure 1 1 ). The number of those who have requested permanent residency in the host country has remained somewhat stable, whereas the number of those who are living abroad for an extended stay has closely mirrored the overall increase of Japanese citizens living abroad (Adachi, 2006).

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24 Figure 1 1 Japanese living abroad: E xtended stay and permanent residence 1986 2004 (Note: From Japa 2004 Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Nationals Overseas http://web japan.org/stat/stats/21MIG31.html ). Since 2005, demographics on the number of Japanese who leave to go overseas with the intention to return have been difficult to obtain due to the restructuring of government agencies and the reassignment of collecting, processing, and disseminating demographic information to the Ministr y of Internal Affairs and Communications Statistic Bureau in 2004 (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, 2010). There are, however, other sources that show evidence of the rise in the Japanese population who live overseas. Before the restructu ring of governmental agencies in 2004, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2004) reported that based on the total population of Japanese living abroad (961,307), the number of Japanese citizens who return to Japan after being abroad for three months or longer is more than twice (69%) the number of those who were categorized to have permanently immigrated to another country. By 2006, the Japanese media reported the overall population of Japanese living abroad had surpassed the one million mark (Japan Times; Ma y 16, 2006). This rise in the population of Japanese living abroad continued and according to the Minister of Foreign Affairs (Diplomatic Bluebook, 2010), the

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25 total number of Japanese nationals currently living overseas throughout the world is now approxi mately 1.11 million people. Although exact numbers are not available for the group of Japanese who return to Japan after an extended period of time, the returnees are still an influential sector in the overall Japanese population. Since 2005, the Japane se census has reported a net population loss due to falling birth rates and strictly limited immigration growth (Statistical Handbook of Japan, 2010). In 2009, however, a spike in the population growth was seen for a second year in a row due to an influx of more Japanese citizens returning to Japan than those who departed the country (Daily Yomiuri, August 11, 2009). This substantial number of return migrants enforces the notion that the Japanese returnees are a significant group. Studies on Japanese Ret urn Migration Research on Japanese return migrants has predominantly focused on the category of children and adolescents called kikokushijo The term k ikokushijo was created by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology ( MEXT ) to describe students who have lived overseas with their parents for an extended period of time and who have enrolled in the Japanese school system upon their return. The literature on kikokushijo emphasizes the difficulties and the struggles that children fa ce upon returning to the Japanese school system and draws attention to the social and educational concerns to make the children Japanese again (Yamamoto, 1995). The primary goal of these educational and anthropological studies was to find efficient resolu tions to what was perceived to be a prominent social and academic dilemma caused by the children who have returned to Japan (Yashiro, 1995). The principal focus of kikokushijo research has been on the reintegration process of the children rather than the parents. Whether it is the assumption that adults go through a similar process as children, or that the

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26 return migration will not affect adults, the cultural and linguistic issues relating to the parents of the kikokushijo have been neglected. Statemen t of the Problem Current longer the only migration experience that exists. Return migration is of increasing significance in the growing global economy, yet scholars have mai ntained that it is one of the most neglected and hardly mentioned areas of migration studies (Ghosh, 2000; King, 2000). Research on the transition processes for immigrants may be insufficient for this group because the focus is only on one segment of thei r journey. In general, studies on the acculturation process of uni directional immigrants concentrates primarily on patterns of adaptation, cultural adjustment outcomes, and culture shock of immigrants in their new host societie s (Arthur, 2001; Berry, 199 7 ; LaFromboise, Hardin, Coleman & Gerton, 1993; Ward, Bocher & Furnham, 200 1). Studies on return migrants, however, have been limited because difficulties encountered by these individuals are often perceived as transitory setbacks that will easily be reso lved or overcome in time. Studies that have considered the acculturation process for return migrants have mainly concentrated on identifying coping strategies used during the process of re adjustment to the home culture or classifying the extent of integr ation achieved by the individual only in the host culture (Adler, 1987; Berry, 1997; Clifford, 1992; Kim, 2001; Sussman, 2000). Since the return tity, culture, and language has la rgely been considered irrelevant in migration studies. Numerous studies have found that the strength of the ir social networks influences the linguistic and socio cult ural behaviors of an individual; however the problem is that these studies on social netw orks have overlooked the linguistic and cultural experiences of return

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27 host and home cultures are disassembled, sustained, and reassembled in a similar enci rcling fashion. It is this unique bilingual and bicultural process experienced by return migrants that makes their phenomenon worthy of attention. Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study is to explore how social networks influence the integration an d the reintegration of Japanese return migrants. The study will examine how the Japanese return migrants employ their linguistic and cultural resources within their social networks to support their integration into the host country as well as their re int egration into Japanese society upon return from an extended stay in the United States. In addition, the study will examine the functions of their social networks in Japan and in the United State s to see what role they played in their overall return migrat ion experience. Research Questions The study will specifically address the following questions: 1. What social networks are established and maintained by the Japanese return migrants both in Japan and in the United States? 2. What roles do social networks pl ay for Japanese return migrants in their return migration experience?

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28 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE The purpose of this chapter is to provide interdisciplinary scholarship from a variety of academic fields in social and behavioral sciences which have contributed directly or indirectly to the theoretical approaches social network analysis. In order to answer the research questions about the establishment, maintenance, and functions of social network for return migrants, it is necessary to explore the theoretical background contributed by previous studies on social networks. The organization of this chapter starts by covering the definition of social networks and continues by reporting the findings from major studies through the lens of social network analysis. Social Networks 1980, p. 78). They represent links between people affiliated with an individual from a wide spectrum of relationships that are associated wit These groups or clusters of people include family and non family members and are comprised of specifically designated ties or connection s with that particular individual. Links between the people in the soci al networks can be strengthened or weakened by different factors such as the amount of contact time invested i.e., frequency and duration of contact to the social network or mbers of one social network know the same people in different social networks (Marshall, 2004; Stokowski, 1994; Wierzbicki, 2004). Personal social networks can be characterized through different types and strengths of connections that determine the struct ure of a network.

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29 Relationship Structures Milroy (1992) explains how the type of relationship a person has with other people will reflect the strength and influence of that particular social network on an individual. She distinguishes three types of netwo rk structures: exchange, intera ctive, and passive ( Table 2 1). Exchange networks are the relationship links an individual has with family and close friends. The exchange network is interacted routinely and provides direct aid, advice, criticism, and sup port. The bond between the members of the exchange network is close knit and highly valued. Acquaintances are classified as an interactive network. The interaction with the interactive network can be frequent and prolonged over a period of time, but is not relied upon for personal favors or other emotional support. Even though a person may have more frequent face to face contact with the interactive networks than the exchange networks, the individual is not necessarily dependent on these bonds nor is th ere a pressing need to expand the network. The passive networks are physically distant ties such as relatives or friends, who are no long er in regular contact due to geographical distances Passive networks are often typical for immigrants whose close f riends and family are back in the homeland. They are considered a primary network and are still valued as a connecting link to the home culture and language, even though face to face interaction is absent. Table 2 1. Criteria for structures of social n etworks based relationship value Networks Members Strength Exchange Network Close family and friends with frequent interactions. Strong bonds. The relationship is highly valued. Interactive Network Acquaintances with routine interactions. Weak ties. Time is not invested into the relationship. Passive Network Close family and friends that remain in the home culture or environment after an individual has moved to a new area. Interaction is often suspended or inactivated due geographical distances. Emotiona l bond is strong but network has weakened due to geographical distances.

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30 Interactional and Structures Criteria Studies in social network analysis have used a network framework to examine the relationship of the members within a social network by using cr iteria model as a tool to answer specific questions about the nature of said relationships. The criteria model offers two categories that help define the relationship: interactional and str uctural ( Table 2 2 ). Scholars who have used this mod el assert th at social networks of interconnected people have a definite structure with pa tterns of regularity and base the strength and weakness of a social network on the interaction and structure of that particular network. Boissevain (1987) believed that social ne twork should be used as a research tool and developed interactional and structural criteria to behavior. Stokowski (1994) suggests that networks exert influ ence directly or indirectly on social behavior and offers different social network criteria for interactional and structural networks to answer questions about the patterns of social relationships within social structures ( Table 2 2 ). Her study was on soc ial network and recreation and she increased the scope of one of the s no common that are recognized by members of that network. She states that it is the strength and weaknesses of the interconnectedness of the members that mak es a social network a form of social organization. Due to her findings, she redefined some of the criteria that were established by Boissevain so that the criterion focused more on the type of relations an individual maintained based on the shared interes ts of the members. She further added an additional criterion of the strength of ties based on relative measure of time, affect, intensity, and mutuality for the

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31 interactional definition and distance between the members based on the number of links between any two members and the roles of a network based on the function of an individual within a network as additional criteria that define the structure of a social network. Social Networks and Return Migrants Alt hough there are immigrant studies on social ne tworks, it is not known if the interaction and structures of the social networks for return migrants have the same linguistic and cultural supporting factors to maintain the integrity of the social network due to the cross cultural journey that they experi ence. In addition, due to their limited time in the host culture, it is also not certain if the return migrant is willing to engage in the practices of either the home or host social networks unknown. The lack of research on social network s in return migration studies may be due to the research quagmire of investigating the multiple memberships of social networks that span multiple countries, cultures, and languages of a retur n migrant. Role of Social Network and Language In addition to the components that establish the strength and weakness of the structure of a social network as suggested by Milroy, there are also social, cultural, and linguistic features of social networks t hat often affect language choice of an individual. According to Milroy, linguistic and social norms tend to be enforced by the exchange network of close family and friends rather than the interactive network of acquaintances. The cohesive emotional and c ultural bonds shared among the members of the exchange network have a stronger influence on linguistic and socio cultural behaviors of an individual than the contact frequency of the interactive networks.

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32 Table 2 2. Interactional criteria of social ne tworks Boissevain (1987) Stokowski (1994) Interactional Structural Interactional Structural Multiplexity: Overlapping connection of the members. Size: The number of people in the network. Multiplexity: Redundancy of relationships. Size: Number of relatio nships in a network. Transactional: Goods, services, messages, emotional involvement & information, which move between the members. Density: Number of members who interact with each other. Content of Ties: Purpose & function of relations, type of relation al ties, e.g. exchange, powers, sentiment, and obligation. Density: Connectedness of network, actual links of the members. Directional Flow: The 1 way or 2 way directional flow of the transactional content. Centrality: How central the member is in the ne twork. Reciprocity: Degree of symmetry in the relations. Centrality: Adjacency and influence between any two members of a network. Frequency & Duration: How often and for how long people meet. Clusters: Numbers of sub units formed within the network. Freq uency: Number & continuity of interactions over time. Clustering: Partition of ties into network subgroups and cliques. Strength of ties: Strong & weak based on relative measure of time, affect, intensity, & mutuality. Distance: Number of links between any two members in a network. Network Roles: Isolate (peripheral of network), bridge (provide link to other networks), liaison (link groups without having membership), or star (multiple communication links).

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33 Language Choice In her landmark study in Belfast, Milroy (1980) found that the strengths and weaknesses of networks. The view is that understanding the structure and interaction of a social network c an help us understand more about the maintenance of a language. She proposes that a strong social network structure defined as the importance of the relationships, accounts for the language behavior of a person and provide s a mechanism to promote language maintenance. The stronger the structure of the social network, the stronger the influence the social network will have on the individual for language choice. Li (1994) reported similar findings in his study of Chinese speakers i n the United Kingdom. I n Li interpersonal relat ions suggested that strong relationship t ies in a social network have a greater capacity to account for more general patter n s of language choice and code s witching between English and Chinese than other social variables such as generation, gender, duration of stay and o ccupation. Therefore, in Li a Chinese social network adopted Chinese d ominant language choice pattern and had a restrictive command of English, whereas a speaker who had weak ties with the Chinese social network use d the bilingual or English dominant pattern of language choice. L knit L1 social networks consisting ma inly of strong ties appear to be able to enforce cultural and linguistic norms of an individual. Language Maintenance Using the pioneering model suggested by Boissevain (1987) on interactional and structural criteria for social networks, Marshall (2004) ex social networks is a reliable predictor of language maintenance. The purpose of Marsha

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34 was to establish which social factors are involved in the acceptance or resistance of a language change for s peakers of a Scottish dialect within a standardized English population in the United Kingdom. His findings show that the relative density (number of members) and multiplexity (number of overlapping members) of the social networks have significant implicat ions for the social and linguistic behavior of a person. Marshall suggests that people with high multiplexity mainstream culture, adopt the mainstream language more readily, and suppress dialectal maintenance based on the strength of the social network. On the other hand, a social network with low multiplexity and density factors would be weak and may not have a significant influence on cultural or linguistic choice or shift of the individual in either the dialectal or mainstream languages. In her investigation on the relationship between social networks and language maintenance and shift, Stoessel (1998) found that monolingual social networks played a role in the de gree of language maintenance and shift observed in female immigrants married to Americans living in the United States. She found that those who were active in language maintenance had more first language (L1) and second language (L2) speakers in separate social networks. She further found that those with children had a higher ratio of L1 social networks and those who had not yet started a family had a higher ratio of L2 social networks. The monolingual structure of the social networks helped ascertain th e importance of the social network to an individual at a particular time in her life, e.g. whether she had children or not. In addition, the monolingual structure of shift. Those who were actively maintaining their L1 and L2 were prone to associate more with speakers of those languages than those who were only interested in maintaining L1.

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35 Matsumoto (2010) used social networks as an explanatory framework for the lan guage maintenance and shift of a multilingual community who spoke Japanese, English and the indigenous language, Palauan, in the Republic of Palau, an island nation in the Pacific. Her participants were from a community of ethnic Japanese Palaun, who wer e trilingual speakers due to post colonial languages of Japanese and English that were introduce d during the occupation of the island nation before and after World War II. The purpose of her study was to demonstrate the concept that social network is a us eful analytical tool to examine the process of language maintenance of Japanese in contrast with the language shift of English and to examine whether the strength of the social networks could predict the function of the social network in a multilingual com muni ty. Following Milroy and Li she adopted the three different types of social network models of exchange, interactive, and passive networks and found that the stronger the ties with the former colonial Japanese exchange network, the more Japanese is ma intained. Conversely, the weaker the ties, the more the la nguage shifts from Japanese to the more recent colonial language of English. Language Learning Kurata (2007) examined the social dimension that is related to second language learning by focusing on the patterns of language choice and language learning opportunities of a foreign that a close relationship and collaborative interaction between the language learner and his social networks along with the mutual motivation to sustain the relationship were important factors in from his Japanese class th r ough an on line chat conversation and a female native speaker of Japanese. Analysis of the chat script revealed that one of the most influential social factor s w as o f

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36 mor e proficient in Japanese than he was; therefore, language choice was determined by their self perception as an adequate L2 user, as well as their perception of each other L2 proficiency. Initially the classmates started the chat in English and negotiate d language choice in a natural course of conversation until both felt comfortable in using Japanese. The classmates would adjust their L2 usage to enable the comprehension of the topic of conversation or would ask questions for corrective feedback on cert ain lexicon or syntax items. Because both classmates were L2 learners, feedback corrections were reciprocated and accepted as part of a collaborative learning process. Kurata compared the interaction with a social network through on line chatting with a n interaction with a female native speaker of Japanese. In the situation with the native speaker of perception that the native speaker was constantly cor recting his Ja panese. The over use of corrections made the native speaker appear to be insensitive to the language learner and made the participant feel that his Japanese proficiency was inadequate or inferior; therefore, he had no motivation to use Japanese during thei process of constructing opportunities for L2 use within social networks because it gave language teachers an awareness that network interaction, L2 proficiency, and sensitivity towards L2 use seemed to be the most important socio linguistic factors that affected the maintenance of a social network. Social Network and Language for Return Migrants Originally developed in the field of social anthropology, social network theory tries to explain the varia ble social behavior of individuals in a given group situation. The theory was also used to explain linguistic behavioral changes within a speech community, patterns of language maintenance, language shift of immigrants and language choice of L2 learners.

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37 However, there is little knowledge on the language issues that a return migrant may face as he or she enters different speech communities, in different social networks, and in different locations. In terms of return migration, the literature on bilingu al research of Japanese return migrants has overwhelmingly focused on the process of second language acquisition or attrition of the kikokushijo (Hansen, 1999; Hayashi, 2000; Noguchi & Fotos, 2001; Reetz Kurashige, 1999; Tomiyama, 1999, 2000; Yamamoto, 199 5; Yoshitomi; 1999;) without factoring in the involvement of social networks. There are only a limited number of studies on Japanese return migrants that investigate specific issues involving social network s and languages for adults. Takeuchi, Imahori & Matsumoto (2001) examined the communication styles within the relationship of Japanese college age returnees Returnees are an extremely varied group of people ranging from children who return before the age of six to those who return post secondary educ ation, and extend as well to adult returnees who have lived and worked overseas. The misconceived notion that kikokushijo are only school age children is due to the literature produced by educational experts and anthropologists, who exclusively wrote on t he social and education problems that the children encountered once they had returned to Japan (Yashiro, 1995). The linguistic and cultural adjustments of the parents of the kikokushijo are neglected. This could be due to the fact that adults do not fall under the supervision of the educational system, and also because as adults, they have already reached a commanding proficiency of the Japanese language; therefore, any language attrition or maintenance issues may be considered minor or irrelevant. There is a need to conduct studies of specific language issues in the Japanese return migration context. Walker, W asserman & Wellman (1994) state that a personal social network includes those with whom a person interacts on an informal basis, in other words, pe ople mutually recognized enough to have

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38 a conversation. This type of study is central to the linguistic account of social networks and networks. Roles of Social Networks and Culture The body of literature that exists on the cultural roles that social networks play in immigrant studies has primarily investigated issues involved with the acculturation and integration of migrants. Several acculturation models have b een suggested to try to predict the elaborate on the rol es that have been defined by those studies and how they have influenced o n individuals in a different cultural context. Definitions of Acculturation and Integration Adapting to a new culture with the goal of being recognized as a full fledge d member of the mainstream society is assimilation (Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology, 1996). Assim ilation implies identification with the mainstream culture generally at the expense of the original home culture. Acculturation is a long term adaptation process in which linguistic, social, and cultural transitions occur for immigrants in a new culture with the goal of assimilation. Some have describe d acculturation as a re socialization process as the immigrants undergo changes in identification, social skills, attitudes, values, and behavioral norms as the contact with the host culture increases ( La F romboise, Coleman & Gerton, 1993 ; Yeh, Arora, Inose, Okubo, Li & Green, 2003 ). Others have described acculturation as an emotional adjustmen t the immigrant will experience as they are absorbed into the dominant culture (Clayton, 1996; Isogai, Hayashi & Un o, 1999; Ward, Bochner & Furnham, 2001). If the desirable outcome is not necessarily full assimilation into t he host culture, then the individual will experience integration. Integration means the sustained mutual interaction

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39 between newcomers and the so cieties that receive them (Migration Information Source [MIS], 2004). Integration involves retaining unique aspects of cultural identity as a minority while maintaining firsthand contact with the larger majority society. It is measured in terms of a se of belonging to the receiving society, the occasions and qualities of cultural contact between groups, convergence of child rearing practices, and inter group marriages, as well as by the degree to which groups remain apart (MIS, 2004, p. 2). In migrat ion studies, integration is viewed as a parallel component of acculturation. Sometimes they are used interchangeably because both share several aspects of the process the individual will experience, such as cultural identities, values, traditions, norms, and languages. Acculturation Models In the acculturation literature, two general groups of models of acculturation theory for immigrants have been suggested. The first group is the unidirectional (UDM) and the bidirectional models (BDM). In the UDM, acc ulturation is a step by step acculturation process where in an immigrant adopts the linguistic, social, economic, and civic duties of the dominant culture at the cost of the home culture. The movement is viewed in a linear manner and total assimilation is the designated desired final outcome (Flannery, Reise & Yu, 2001). On the other hand, t he bidirectional model of acculturation (BDM) takes into consideration the relationships an individual has with the home and host culture as a factor that influences th e final outcome of the acculturation process. BDM posits the idea that total assimilation is not the only result of acculturation. It suggests other possible outcomes that may transpire, i.e. separation, integration, and marginalization. In del, inter group relations were used as predictors of the cultural adaptation an immigrant may experience. The value placed on social networks determined the approach of acculturation strategies used by the immigrant, which in turn directed the possible o utcome of

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40 the acculturation process. According to Berry (1990), the approach the individual adopts for his/her acculturation process is based on the attitudes the individual has towards cultural maintenance and the inter group relations, e.g. social netwo rks with the home and host cultures. Individuals who value both cultural maintenance and inter group relations may be classified as those who support the integration (bicultural) approach. Those who treasure cultural maintenance but do not value inter gr oup relations are individuals who have adopted the separation approach. By contrast, individuals who attach importance to inter group relations but are indifferent to cultural maintenance embrace the assimilation approach. Finally, those who do not value cultural maintenance or inter group relations are said to have a marginalization approach to acculturation. Thus, assimilated and separatist individuals identify with the mainstream or ethnic culture respectively as opposed to the marginalized individual who identifies with neither culture. The BDM model identifies a multidimensional pattern of possible outcomes by and cognitive dimensions of the acculturati on process. Both models use social networks in the home culture and the host culture as the foundation of the cultural behavior patterns of an individual as he/she positions their social membership among different cultures and languages (Kanno, 2000; La P age & Tabouret Keller, 1985). two maintaining and developing their own cultural distinctiveness and offers four strategies for dealing with the potential stress and tension of intera cting with L1 and L2 social networks in the host culture that is often associated with acculturation. BDM emphasizes the maintenance and establishment of social networks in both the home and host cultures as vital for the accultu ration experience of migra nts in a permanent

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41 host culture. applicable for the cont ext of return migrants because t hey take into consideration that assimilation is not the only final outc ome that all immig rants seek, they still only explain the possible outcomes of one segment of their acculturation process. Integration Wierzbicki (2004) examined the circumstances under which ethnic communities become stronger or denser (e.g. how many people interact toget her) as they gather more solidarity from their members. She contends that membership in social networks and other social structures along with the strength of the b ond among the networks, provide an instrument that can guide the individuals towards diffe rent degrees of integration. The bond between the social networks can range from weak acquaintanceships to strong emotional commitments with each type serving a different function for the immigrant. According to Wierzbicki, weak ties to social networks m ay offer information, emotional support, and social boundaries whereas strong emotional commitment could provide a lifetime network and association that may minimize any necessity for any primary relations outside of the ethnic group. This in turn may cre ate a paradigm where the stronger the influence of the L1 social network, the less likely the immigrant will integrate. networks in the receiving culture could be ham pered due to the barriers that immigrants usually face. With the exception of family social networks, developing social networks from acquaintances in a receiving culture is not often an easy task. She posits that generally, there are three obstacles tha t may hinder the process of expanding social networks. These linguistic and cultural barriers include (a) social distance and shifting identities where the immigrants arriving at their destination may have to re negotiate their identities and roles; (b) l anguage barriers where the immigrant may not be able to speak L2 or may have rudimentary command of L2; and

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42 (c) work settings when long working hours may prevent any leisure time or energy for socializing (Wierzbicki, 2004; p. 15 16). If the immigrant is faced with any one of these barriers, expanding their social networks in the L2 will be difficult to accomplish and may lead the immigrant to rely solely on his or her L1 social networks for support. Wierzbicki argues that these barriers may reinforce the ethnic community enclave within the mainstream culture and caus e the immigrant to abandon any need to expand the L2 social networks. Re integration of Return Migrants The core of cultural adaptation research for Japanese return migrants has been on the re assimilation and re education of the kikokushijo (Japanese returnees) when they are children. In the past, the children have had to conceal their overseas experience and hide any social or linguistic markers that could identify them as being different from the mainstream culture or else they were perceived by the mainstream Japanese society as a minority group drastically in need of re lived in multiple cultures due to the occupation of their families (i.e. military, missionary, international business), and who do not identify or consider any culture as home (Branaman, 1999). Kikokushijo are Japanese children who are discriminated against in Japan for not being Japanese enough (Yashiro, 1995). Although there are reports that the negative connotations associated with kikokushijo as children are fading (Singer, 1999), there are still reports of unresolved issues and dilemma faced by the kikokushijo as adults in the workforce (French 2000). As seen in the demographics of the Japanese migration pattern, adult returnees are by far the largest group of Japanese return migrants, yet research on their cultural adaptation experiences is seldom investigated. The New Yo rk Times ran an article on how Japanese adult returnees yearn to live overseas again (French, 2000). The article states that as adults, the

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43 returnees encounter problems that extend beyond the lack of language and social skills to include a whole range of human 2000). Just as the kikokushijo in the past were socially viewed with suspicion, adul t returnees have also had to confront social barriers in the workforce upon return when they were faced with many companies who were reluctant to hire workers who co me with a foreign high school or college education. French cites a recent opinion pool tha t has shown that by a substantial margin, the Japanese returnees are happier overseas than when they are back home and those who have to struggle to integrate often yearn to return to a life overseas. Social Network and Culture for Return Migrants Scholars framework have found shortcomings or contradictory outcomes in the case of return migrants. re present the state and not the process of acculturation. The state of acculturation is the end the transition phase of using a variety of strategies in an effort to maneuver comfortably in a new environment (Clayton, 1996). The state of acculturation for a return migrant becomes difficult to determine because unlike the acculturation process of an immigrant, the consequence of this process for a return migr ant has yet to be concluded. Their acculturati on is a continuous process in which the cross cultural adjustment s and readjustments are connected. Therefore, the return entry must also be viewed as an important component of their entire accul turation process. In general most studies on the acculturation and integration processes are primarily focused on patterns of adaptation, cultural adjustment outcomes, and culture shock of immigrants

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44 in host societies (Arthur, 2001; Berry, 1998; LaFromb oise, Hardin, Coleman & Gerton, 1993; Ward, Bocher & Furnham, 2001) or by classifying the extent of integration by the individual in the host culture through the use of social networks (Wierzbicki, 2004). Immigration research has shown that acculturation and integration of migrants are multi dimensional and fluid, yet by investigating the integration and re integration of a same return migration population. Ro le of Social Network and Identity In this section, studies of identity construction and reconstruction during intercultural migration will be presented. In order to understand the identity processes during cultural transition, a definition of identity thr ough a social network approach will be given. In addition to the definition of identity, research on the identity construction for Japanese cultural identity, bilingual/bicultural identity, will also be provided. Definition of Identity Identity is a term that refers to our sense of who we are and the relationship we have to the entity is a constant dynamic process rather than a static state. Scholars have argued that the construction of identity within a cultural group is a product of socialization (Stoessel, 1998). Socialization is the learning process of acquiring the languag e, values, attitudes, beliefs, and roles in a society, which starts during infancy and continues into adulthood. Through the socialization process, individuals are taught what is expected of them in their families, communities, and culture as well as how to behave according to those expectations. Social networks are essential building blocks for the socialization process as well as identity development of an individual because the

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45 linguistic and cultural tenets of a society are enforced and molded by the social networks of that particular society and the primary byproduct of this learning process is identity development. Identity Construction Studies have revealed that cultural identity construction is a vital component of acculturation as well as for the formation and negotiation of identities for migrant groups in host culture settings (Bennet, 1993; Cummins, 1996; Isogai, Hayashi & Uno 1999 ; Kanno, 2003; Kim, 2001; Onwumechilli et al., 2003 ). Cultural identities of migrants are complex and multi facete d as new social and cultural domains inevitably challenge them. This is because moving to through the social networks of the host culture. Migrants find that t heir particular ways of being who they are or what defines their identities are no longer available, useful, or valued in their new social environment. As they are faced with new challenges, concerns and circumstances in the host culture, these situation s may require the individual s to re examine their identity and home culture in a new light. For some, the home cultural traditions may be strengthened or rejected as a way to fortify or weaken their cultural identity in a dominant culture (Roznek, 1980). For these migrants, the L1 social network becomes a refuge to shield them away from the host culture or they may prefer not to associate with the social network because it has become a linguistic and cultural liability for them. For others, new intercult ural identities may emerge to redefine an individual who has been living in two or more cultures (Arnett 2002). For these migrants, they are able to establish and maintain both L1 and L2 social networks and progress towards development of a bilingual/bic ultural identity. Japanese Identity Ueno (1998) reports that cultural identity is considered to be dominant in the identity formation of the Japanese people. Creating groups and adjusting to the group is a significant

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46 factor in Japanese tradition. Ueno s tates that the emphasis for the Japanese is a harmonious relationship within the group. The bond felt within these groups is very strong and obligation to the group is a main concern for its members. In return, the member feels stronger as an individual with the support of a group, and can depend on the group as long as their membership is in good standing. For many returnees, Japanese identity becomes an important issue both when they are abroad and when they return to Japan. This is due to the underl ying cultural belief that if a person leaves Japan, exposure to other cultures and languages will taint the cultural and social identity of the return migrant (Goodman, 1990; Pang, 2000; White, 1988). This conviction that the simple act of leaving leads t belief system of the Hopi tribe of Arizona. Traditional Hopi believe that any Hopi tribe member who leaves the Arizona high desert mesa homeland is no longer a Hopi. Labeled as a ka Hopi, completely according to Hopi conventions (Seelye & Wasilewski, 1996, p. 97). Even though the social attitudes seem to be changing in Japan, the Japanese return migrants are perceived to have lost their Japanese identity, the cultural markers that are considered to make them Japanese, and their reacceptance into Japanese society is often met with skepticism. Japanese Return Migrant Identity A number of studies in Japanese identity have delved specifically into how Japanese return migrants negotiated their cultural identities upon returning to Japan. One domain where identity differences emerged between the Japanese who have been abroad and the Japanese who hav e never been outside of the county is the Japanese school system. Studies on returnee children have shown that initially the children do experience difficulty adjusting to Japan because they standard s to the conventions of

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47 academic maladjustment in Japanese schoo l settings; and the maintenance, further development, or attrition of their acquired second languages after returning to Japan were viewed as deficiencies in their identity devel opment as well (White, 1988). has been to shou lder the burden of re educating the children into acceptable social norms and behaviors of being Japanese. Negotiating Japanese Returnee Identity White (1988) identified three coping strategies used by Japanese returnee families to negotiate their re en try into the Japanese society namely, re assimilation, adjustment, and internationalization. The re assimilator attempts to erase all signs of their overseas experience by avoiding anything foreign which may mark them to be different from their peers. T he adjustor has a relaxed and positive attitude about re assimilation. Finally, the international is proud of their experience abroad and accepts and exhibits their cultural differences with pride. According to White, Japanese society is a demanding envi ronment with a strong distinction between outsiders and insiders. She reports that due to the social pressure of having an untainted Japanese identity, most of the returnees fell under Category A, the re assimilator, where the overseas experience is not a cknowledged at all. There are some scholars, however, who posit that there is a change in how Japanese returnees identify themselves. Pang (2000) investigated how a returnee family in Brussels shifted their identities within the context of the host cult ure and the home culture. She gives particular attention to the level of interaction the participants of her study devoted to individuals in the host culture and to their Japanese peers once they returned to Japan. Her participants were three generations of women within the returnee family: the grandmother, the mother, and the

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48 daughters. This approach was adopted so that the participants represented three different periods in Japanese history, with each generation specifically marked with internal confl ict and public debate on Japanese national identity. Pang compares her findings from her interviews with the participants with the postwar development of the Japanese ethno national identity and how that identity still affects the personal lives of the in dividual Japanese even when they are overseas. She found that the grandmother, who was born during the Meiji Restoration Era (1868 1912), kept a strong national identity. This was true for people who lived through that period in time when a strong unifie d national identity was imperative in order to bring Japan successfully into the modern world. In her lifetime, the modernization of the Meiji Era was followed by the war period when the country demanded ultra nationalism during the early part of the Show a Era (1925 1989). On the other hand, the mother was born during the post war period when an occupied Japan was strongly influenced by between the traditional obligations of a Japanese woman and the western ideology of personal enrichment. When she lived overseas, she was more willing to pursue her life goals, whereas when she returned to Japan, she became the devoted Japanese wife and mother again. Finally, the daughters were born in Japan at a time when the Japanese economy was starting to escalate to new heigh ts, and they faced a fast paced advanced society where the Japanese products and people could be found beyond its shores. The daughters who lived in Brussels did not have a strong affinity with the Japanese identity. When they returned to Japan, they felt different from the other Japanese and insisted that they were a new type of Ja panese with an identity that could only be shared with other returnees. Once the returnee children were back in Japan they viewed themselves as being different from other Japanese, and at the same time found it difficult to understand a community that considers over seas education or experiences to be an obstacle or

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49 handicap. The returnees heir overseas experience as a hindrance, but considered their self Bicultural Identity When people come into contact with multiple cultural groups, the y have to negotiate and reconstruct their identities according to the cultural and linguistic norms of the L1 and L2 social network communities in an L2 environment. The negotiations of bicultural identities are transformational processes of appreciating the differences between first and second culture and language and incorporating these languages and cultures into a sense of who you are. The strong social n etworks in both cultures and languages that can help support and encourage the individual towards the development of a bicultural ident ity (LaFrombois, et al, 1993). Even though some scholars have suggested that it is possible for some individuals to fee l confident that they can live effectively and in a satisfying manner within two cultures without compromising their sense of identity, the ability to have a bicultural identity is sometimes a 2000, 2003) where her participants thought that they could have bilingual identities but could never develop bicultural identities. They were under the impression that they could either have an L1 identity or an L2 identity but not both. Japanese Bicult ural Identity Kanno (2003) is one of the few studies conducted specifically on Japanese return migrants and how they negotiated their bilingual and bicultural identities. The participants in the study were Japanese students who had lived outside Japan for different lengths of time. At the start of the study, they were adolescents attending a regular Canadian high school who had decided to

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50 return to Japan for college. While in Canada, the participants were also students of a supplementary school offered o n Saturdays through the Japanese Ministry of Education. All participants had multiple re entries between Japan and North America starting from childhood. Using narrative inquiry, Kanno identified into three phases as the students moved back and forth bet ween the two cultures: 1) the sojourn to North America; 2) the re entry to Japan; and 3) the reconciliation. During the first phase, the sojourn to North America, the returnees assumed that a person could only keep one linguistic or cultural allegiance. Phase two was the re entry phase and the students exhibited two models of behavior that were used as a coping mechanism when they matriculated into their respective universities. As the students tried to settle down and fit back into Japanese society, ha lf of the students emphasized their returnee identities, whereas the other half tried to de emphasize the fact that they were returnees. As both groups moved in opposite directions in negotiation of their identities as they navigated their way through the Japanese higher education system, they experienced advantages and disadvantages with their choices. Regardless of their approach to the initial choices they had made, by the time the students matured into the thi rd phase of reconciliation, they realized that it was possible to be a bicultural and bilingual person. Their confidence as bilingual and bicultural people enabled them to become more positive about their overseas experience and to expand their social networks in both countries. For example, the participants felt they no longer needed to have one particular cultural group to fulfill all their needs; they were willing to actively associate with diverse groups that reflected their different interests. They also no longer worried about trying to fi t in culturally with only their Japanese social networks at the expense of hiding any affiliation they had with Canada and vice versa.

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51 Kanno remarks that the development of bilingual and bicultural identities does not happen in a short time span. The assu mption that the non permanent status of return migrants help accelerate s the re integration process into the home country was proven not to be true. Kanno reports it took her participants 12 18 months after returning to Japan before they were able to esta blish their bicultural identities. Through her longitudinal study, Kanno was able to follow her participants from one socio cultural context to another, resulting in a comprehensive observation of the complexity involved in identity change. In addition, light on the possibility of having a bicultural identity, an idea that contradicts the traditions of Japan. Identity Models for Return Migrants Testing 2002) explored cultural identities and repatriation exper ience s s into the home culture was more related to their shifts in their cu ltural identities than to their overseas adaptation experiences She found that the degree to whic h an individual identifies with his or her home culture can be used as a predictor of the ir repatriation expe rience upon their return A s a result, Sussman developed a Cultural Identity Model (CIM) using a social psychological framework that specifically focuses on self concept and cultural identity of temporary sojourners. IM suggests four types of post adaptation identity shifts: affirmative, additive, subtractive, and intercultural. Return migrants with affirmative identity are those whos e home culture identity is maintained and strengthened throughout the transition cycle. Affirmative identity shift can be described as return migrants who evaluate themselves as having a strong common bond with compatriots, positive feelings toward their home country identity, and who perceive their compatriots as typical members of their culture. CIM predicts low

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52 adaptation to the host culture and the return journey home would be seen positively. Additive and subtractive identities are characterized wit h an initial sense of shifting cultural identities with the adaptation outcome emerging later d ue to the behavioral choices that the return migrant makes during the migration process. For both identities, the return to the home culture is viewed in a nega tive manner; however, the reason for the negativity is different. The behavioral choices between additive and subtractive identities shifts are trigge re d during the initial recognition of the linguistic and cultural discrepancies between the home and host cultures. An additive identity shift occurs in return migrants who seek opportunities to interact with members of the host culture, e.g. embracing cultural and linguistic activities that represent the host culture. CMI predicts that as a consequence of the host culture involvement, there is an identity gain. Cultural identities are enhanced, yet there is sufficient change in the return migrants that their repatriation experience is viewed as a negative outcome. On the other hand, subtractive identity s hift occurs when the return migrant only seeks to find members in his or her in group because members in the host culture are deemed to be too culturally and linguistically dissimilar. Due to the non interaction with social networks in the host culture, S ussman suggests that return migrants with subtractive identity shifts often feel isolated and alienated by the home and host cultures. The estrangement from the home culture enforces the suppression of a cultural identity because they feel that they have less in common with their compatriots, they are less positive about their home country, and they believe that compatriots perceive them to be less typical members of the home culture. This lack of support and contact with members of the home culture cause s high distress when returning home, thus CIM forecast an overall negative repatriation experience. The intercultural identity is for return migrants who have had multiple cross cultural experiences. The multiple international exposures expand their sens e of being a world citizen in a global

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53 community. An intercultural identity shifts allows the return migrant to interact effectively and appropriately in any culture. Return migrants with intercultural identity shifts develop relationships with individua ls from multiple countries and have a wide range of international cultural and linguistic interests. The CIM repatriation prediction for an intercultural identity is a moderate or positive experience. Using ural Identity Model, Tannenbaum (2007) study focused on the return migration experience of emigrants from Israel who initially intended to immigrate permanently to another country but returned back to Israel after a minimum of five years abroad. Unlike other return migration studies where the individual is the participants did not have specific intentions to return. Tannenbaum found that CIM was not a good pred ictor of the return experience due to the strong negative socio cultural labels that are applied to an Israeli who leaves the country. New arrivals to Israel are not known as immigrants diaspora Israelis tend to define their sta tus as temporary, even though they have permanently migrated to another country. Tannenbaum reports that CIM was less applicable to the study because the cultural collective mentality of guilt, shame, or embarrassment upon leaving Israel, in conjunction o f being viewed as defectors of their nation, outweighed any issues associated with cultural identity, thereby limiting the effect of cultural identity formation or shifts. In lly was more relevant because the participants revealed that their repatriation experience shared similar

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54 features of their initial immigration experience. This could be due to the initial mentality that the participants were immigrating permanently to a host culture and were not expecting to return to Israel; therefore, their repatriation may have been viewed as an added segment to their migration process instead of completion of their journey. Social Networks and Identity for Return Migrants The literatu re on bilingual and bicultural research of Japanese return migrants has overwhelmingly focused on the process of second language acquisition or attrition (Hansen, 1999; Hayashi, 2000; Noguchi & Fotos, 2001; Reetz Kurashige, 1999; Tomiyama, 1999, 2000; Yama moto, 1995; Yoshitomi; 1999;) and on the difficulties of cultural adjustment/re adjustment into Japanese society (Goodman, 1990; Isogai, et al, 1999; Kanno, 2000; White, 1988; and Yashiro, 1995). These studies revealed that the development of bicultural i dentities of the Japanese return migrants was often overlooked. Studies on the identities of Japanese return migrants by Kanno and Pang are considered to be a positive step forward because the focus of these studies was not on the cultural and linguistic d ownfalls of the returnees, which have been abundantly reported. Rather, the identity studies show that although Japanese society may try to be gatekeepers of Japanese culture and language, the global movement of the citizens of Japan is changing the way t hey self identify themselves. In the two landmark studies on changing identity iss ues by Pang and Kanno, Pang did not specifically state that she examine d the role of social networks nor did she include the inf luence of social networks on her participants Her investigations looked into the influences that family, relationships, school, language, and cultur e have on the Japanese returnees -all hallmarks that are established, supported, and created by social networks. Similarly, Kanno also investigated in to the realm of social networks, but looked at them from a different point of view.

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55 communities as the schools, workplaces and local communities where group membership a nd close relations between the groups are an indispensable part of what shapes our identity. According to Kanno, multi membership is inevitable for bilingual/bicultural individuals, therefore it is noteworthy to investigate the role of social networks and the multi membership negotiation that occurs between these social network communities. Baxter 3). Yet despite a gr owing body of interest on this topic, there is still a void in the knowledge and understanding of the relationship between social networks and cultural identity for return migrants. The generalizations offered by the existing research are simply not suita ble for the return migrant because what has been conceptualized for the immigrant is restrictive and inconclusive for the return migrant. For return migrants, their linguistic and identity negotiations do not cease just because they have returned home, no r do their social networks become static or dormant. These negotiations continue, constantly evolving in multiple communities, languages, and societies. Due to the cyclical nature of their migration journey, social ties with the host and home cultures ar e disassembled, sustained, and reassembled in a similar encircling fashion. It is this unique bilingual and bicultural process experienced by return migrants that makes their phenomenon worthy of attention.

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56 CHAPTER 3 METHODS Methodological Approach The research questions of this study involve issues on culture, language socialization, and identity of return migrants by investigating how social network s are established and maintained and what role social networks play in the integration and re integration of Japanese return migrants. Scholars have expounded that studies involving cultural and social factors are difficult to measure in a quantifiable manner, thereby suggesting a qualitative approach to research (Davis, 1995; Hancock, 1998). The same can b e said for identity research as well. In identity research, studies have strongly suggested that identity transformation is not a neatly organized or systematic ev are at time s partial, always challeng ed and rely on situational and cultural cues. Given that the research questions for this study focus on a social phenomenon, a mixed method design of qualitative and quantitative research method afford s a more holistic and functional manner of investigat ing these dynamic quantifiable data, this study also use d a qualitative method of personal interviews that was selected based on the perspective that a reflexiv e account may be the most powerful and persuasive means of portraying social life (Denzin, 1997). Participant Selection Process Several criteria were established in order to define the classification of what constitutes a Japanese returnee. For this stu dy, the participants were members of Japanese families who had returned to Japan for at least 12 18 months and who had a minimum stay of more than 90 consecutive days with a maximum stay of seven years in the United States for the purpose of either work or study before returning to Japan. The minimum 3 month time frame was selected

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57 to eliminate any participants who we re in the United States as tourists on a 90 In addition, the Japanese government classifies a Japanese national who is a broad for more than 90 days as temporary emigrants with the intention to return to Japan, thereby categorizing the participants as return migrants. The minimum time of 12 18 months in Japan was selected based took that much time for the returnees in her study to reach a stage of reconciliation to the possibility of becoming a bicultural and bilingual person. Recruiting Participants The first contact to gather volunteers for the study was initiated through the J apanese Association of Gainesville, Florida. The Japanese Association of Gainesville (JAG) is a social network for the Japanese community living in Gainesville, Florida and the surrounding areas. The association offers the Japanese community a bulletin/m essage board, local information, and other useful information about living in Florida through its website called the Gainesville Walker which can be found at http://gaines.hp.infoseek.co.jp Through JAG, I w as able to correspond with a participant who had previous ly lived in Gainesville but was currently living in Japan. She was actively involved with the JAG website and would post numerous suggestions and advice for families who were new to the area. I ask ed her if she could introduce other Japanese returnee families who would be willing to participate in my study. In addition, I also contacted my friends and colleagues in Japan, asking them to introduc e any Japanese families who had returned to Japan afte r an extended stay in the United States. Having an intermediary to introduce me to prospective participants is a common practice in Japanese society. In Japanese culture, there are social conventions, manners, and language that need to be observed in or der to establish and maintain social relations. The social structure unit of uchi ( in group) and soto ( out group) are observed in any social interactions that

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58 occur between members of the society. According to Harvard University anthropologist Theodo re Bestor ( http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/at_japan_soc/ ), the Japanese place a strong emphasis on the practice of uchi and soto for any group interactions because the in group and out group distinc tion creates cultural and linguistic boundaries that will dictate how a person will socially behave and what language form (e.g. plain, polite, humble or respectful) will be used among the members of the groups. The social relations with a group or indivi duals that are considered to be outsiders are more distant and formal, where as relations within the insider group are conducted in a more causal and intimate manner. The formation of uchi and soto groups is dynamic and constantly changing, yet membership into an in group must have the consensus of the original members of the group. Approval from the insiders is necessary in order to preserve the harmony, trust, and honor of the group; therefore any decisions or actions that may affect the group as a whol e must be circulated amongst the insiders first for acceptance. This is why often times it is necessary to have a third party intermediary introduce an outsider for approval and acceptance to the members of the in group. Although I was born in Japan, live d in Japan for many years, have a Japanese surname and speak the language, I am always considered to be an outsider simply because I am an American. For this reason it was imperative that I did not directly recruit participants for this study, but use d an intermediary in Japan who could vouch for my credibility, sincerity and Japanese language ability. Participants From a pool of possible participants of both genders, eight women volunteered to share their information on a survey. All eight of the partic ipants were married with children and came to the United States to accompany their husbands. Although all the participants were informed that the survey wa s available in Japanese and the interview could be conducted in Japanese, two

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59 of the participants de clined to engage in a personal interview because they told me they were not confident with their English ability. Therefore, six of the participants agreed to provide additional information about their return migrant experiences through personal interview s. The husbands of the six participants who participated in the personal interviews were in the United States for academic reasons. Four of the husbands wer e in the medical field and came to the United States as visiting researchers at large university h ospitals. The other two husbands were engineers at large international Japanese firms and were sent by their companies to pursue The sample of participants who volunteered to be interviewed lived in three different regions of the United States. They were in the United States for one to three years due to their questionnaire but declined to participate in a personal interview wer e in the United States for a minimum of six years. Their names are denoted with the post nominal initials of NI for no interview. In turn, the women who participated in the personal interviews are represented with the initials of WI (with interview). Al l of the women had school aged children while they were in the United States. In order to mask the true identity of the participants, the women in the study were randomly given Japanese pseudonyms that represent the names of flowers commonly associated wi th Japan. Detailed demographics of the particip ants can be seen in the Table 3 1 Table 3 1. Demographics of the participants Name No. of Chld Location Length Reason in US Returned to Japan Survey Interview Ajisai WI (Hydrangea) 2 Gainesville, Florida 2 years Work related study Sept 2003 Yes Yes Ayame WI (Iris) 3 Denver, Colorado 1 year 2 mos. Research August 2003 Yes Yes Kiku WI (Chrysanthe mum) 3 New Haven, CT 2 years Research Dec 2001 Yes Yes

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60 Table 3 1. Continued Name No. of Chld Location Length Reason in US Returned to Japan Survey Interview Mokuren WI (Magnolia) 2 Cincinnati, Ohio 3 years Research August 2004 Yes Yes Sakura WI (Cherry Blossom) 3 Gainesville, Florida 2 years Work related study May 2003 Yes Yes Ume WI (Plum Blossom) 2 Gainesville, Florida 2 years 6 mos. Research March 2003 Yes Yes Momiji NI (Maple) 2 El Paso, Texas 6 years 10 mos. Work related March 2003 Yes No Tsubaki NI (Camellia) 2 San Diego, California 6 years 2 mos. Work related July 2001 Yes No Research Me thod Narrative Inquiry In means to be a member of that particular group, qualitative data need to be collected through direct encounters with the participants of the study One method used in qualitative research to describe and classify various cultural, racial, and/or sociological factors within the context of a particular culture is narrative inquiry. Narrative inquiry is a research tool devoted to providing a forum fo r theoretical, empirical, and methodological research in identifying and explaining the complex social structures within the studied group (Davis, 1995; Ethnography, Observational Research, and Narrative Inquiry, 2003). The emphasis of narrative inquiry i s to comprehend how people view, understand, and make sense of their expe riences through storytelling. Everyone has a unique story to tell and a unique understanding of that experience. Various scholars have elaborated on the definition of the narrative s or life stories as an account of human they explain themsel ves to others (Connelly & Clandinin, 1990). It is only through personal interviews that one can gain access to this wealth of information. Narratives are collected in

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61 narrative inquiry through one on one interviews, group interviews, or group observation s that are highly structured, semi structured, or unstructured (Hancock, 1998). Data Collection Procedure In the summer of 2007, I traveled to Japan and stayed in Tokyo for 10 weeks in order to collect the data for this study. Through my intermediaries in Japan, I was introduced to a number of families who had lived overseas in the United States. Families who had lived in Europe or in parts of Asia were excluded from the study. Only the prospective families who met the return migrant criteria that were e stablished for this study were selected to participate. These potential participants received a packet, either directly given to them at an introductory meeting or sent by mail to their homes, which included an introductory cover letter, an informed conse nt form asking them for permission to use their information in the study and a questionnaire about their overseas experience. All documents were in Japanese and the participants were instructed to fill out the forms in either Japanese or English prior to the actual interviews. A sample of the cover letter in English and Japanese the English informed consent form, and the Japanese translation of the informed consent form can be found in Appendix A The English translation of the questionnaire is in Appen dix C with the Japanese translated version of the questionnaire in Appendix D. Scheduling Personal Interviews In order to conduct and schedule the personal interviews at the convenience and availability of the participants, I purchased a Japan Rail Pass, w hich allowed me to have unlimited train travel throughout Japan. Since my travel was not restricted to the Tokyo metropolitan area, all the participants were informed that I was willing to travel to any location of their choice to meet them in person. To conduct the personal interviews, I traveled up and down the main island of Honshu multiple times from the region northeast of Tokyo to the

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62 southern region where there is a fishing village on the Sea of Japan covering nearly 8000 kilometers. This flexibil ity with my mode of traveling was advantageous because it allowed me to travel to the participant s selected environment and did not burden the participant to take time out of their schedule to meet with me in Tokyo. Since all of the participants were mot hers of school aged children, it was important to schedule the interviews at a location where it did not hinder or deter any family responsibilities of the mothers, such as being available when their children came home from school. The participants determ ined the time and location of all the interviews. All but one of the initial interviews were conducted in public places. The selected locations for the interviews included private homes, restaurants, coffee shops, a Mr. Donut shop, a university hospital, and an historic shrine. Research Tools A mixed method research design of personal interviews in combination with a questionnaire was employed for this study (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998). The questionnaire was used to examine, identify, and describe the social networks of the Japanese return migrant families. Stoessel (1998) also used a mixed method design in her study on social network and language maintenance Stoessel reports that different factors that linked social network to language maintenance and ide ntity development can be found in different domains of analysis. In her study, she found that personal interviews revealed more of the psychological factors that were associated with social networks, whereas the questionnaire was able to reveal social net work related factors. Questionnaire For this investigation, the questionnaire was the standardized procedure used where each participant was asked the same open ended or closed ended questions in order to answer the research question regarding the nature of L1 (first language) and L2 (second language) resources,

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63 the extent of their social network in the United States and Japan, and how they identify themselves before and after their migration experience. Since the participants may or may not be bilingual the questionnaire was available in English and Japanese. The participants received the questionnaire prior to the interview. This allowed the participants to complete the questionnaire beforehand and also allowed the researcher to use the answers from the questionnaire to guide the discussion during the interview. If the questionnaire was not completed by the time of the initial interview, due to the need for additional information or explanation on certain items on the questionnaire that were difficul t for them to understand, then the participants were given the opportunity to finish the questionnaire during the first interview or to complete it by the second interview session scheduled within 14 days. Questionnaire Design The questionnaire developed for this study is influenced by existing studies from Chung, Kim and Abreu, (2004); Yoshida, Matsumoto, Akiyama, Moriyoshi, Furuiye, Ishii, and Franklin (2002) and Stoessel (1998). Each questionnaire administered in these studies had its own merits or pu rpose and involved a targeted population or culture. The questionnaires employed by these studies were modified and tailored to fit the needs of this research. The Yosh ida et al. (2002) study examined the factors that affect re entry for Japanese returnee s. Specifically, they were interested in finding social and psychological factors that items with 35 items as predictors and the remaining 39 items measuring social and psychological outcomes. The authors noted an important cultural difference when it concerns the use of a Likert scale. The authors purposely used a four point ordinal scale to counterbalance a possible Japanese tendency to gravitate towards t he mid point value of the scale. Likewise, the questionnaire for this study was construct ed around a four point scale.

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64 The development of the Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS) was guided by what the authors felt was a shortage of research tools to assess the complex bi dimensional phenomenon of the acculturation process of Asian Americans (Chung, Kim & Abreu, 2004). Most predominant models that have been proposed are uni dimensional where the goal of acculturation is total assi milation into American culture. Chung, et al. argues that these types of model s limit the ability to represent true bi culturation of an individual. Although the a ccommodations on the questionnaire by making it flexible so that the data about the country of origin is incorporated as the foundation of the acculturation process. The ethnic demographics of the participants included Chinese, Korean, Japanese, Filipino, Vietnamese, and other Southeast Asian Americans and were surveyed for the four Asian domains of language and culture associated with acculturation, namely cultural identity, language, cultural knowledge, and food consumption. The authors report that thes e four factors are reliable and valid to measure acculturation for Asians. Since the target population for this study is Japanese return migrants, questions for this research were also divided into three out of the four factors (cultural identity, languag e and cultural knowledge) with an additional factor included for social networks. The questionnaire for this study also focuses on the structural and relational characteristics asked them to list five social networks that they had prior to leaving Japan, the social networks they made in the United States and the social networks they have upon returning to Japan. For each of the five categories of social networks listed, the part icipants must also rank the importance of the social network as well as the frequency of contact of that particular social network. A listing of their social networks can be found in Appendix E.

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65 Organization of questionnaire The questionnaire is 15 pages long and is divided into five different sections of background information, language information, social network information, identity information, and cu ltural information ( Table 3 2). The first section asks for the demographic information about the par ticipants and is classified as Background Information 1. Information requested in this section included names of the participants, information about their children, reason why they were in the United States, where they lived in the United States, when did they go to the United States and the date of their return to Japan. Background Information 2 asked the participants what type of activities they engaged to prepare themselves for their life overseas. There was also a short answer segment in this section where the participants were asked what positive or negative comments they received when they announced they were going to live abroad for a while to their friends and families. Language information Language Information 1 concerned questions about their Japanese and English proficiency. The participants were asked to rate the Japanese and English proficiency of each member of the family. Language Information 2 asked the returnees to denote the language choice of the family and also if the children were enrolled in school when they were in the United States. If the children were enrolled, the returnees were asked to further explain if the children were placed in a special English program, if they were not placed into the English program, or if they were initially placed and then exited out of the program. There was also a checklist of language maintenance activities and practices, e.g. watched Japanese videotapes/DVD, read Japanese newspapers. The returnees were asked to go through the checklist on wha t their families did to help maintain their Japanese language ability while they were in the United States and respond ed with a four point scale of not a t all, seldom, occasionally, or often. Language Information 3

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66 asked the same questions about language maintenance activities and practices in the same format found in Language Information 2; however the checklist now asked the returnees about what their families engaged in to help maintain their English now that they have returned to Japan. Language Infor mation 4 consisted of statements where the returnees had to respond on a four point scale of not at all, seldom, occasionally or was added to igration experience. The statements in Language Information 4 asked the returnees about their language choice with family members and with friends, in addition to questions about activities they pursued to continue their L2 learning. The statements were divided into two segments to represent statements while they were in the United States and after returning to Japan. The returnees circled their answers using the four point scale to signify which statement best applied to their situation. Social networ k information Information about their social networks was requested in the Social Network 1 section of the questionnaire. The participants were asked to list five family members or friends with whom they associated the most. Furthermore, they were asked to give some information about their social network, such as the duration of the relationship, the nationality of the network, the of Social Network Infor mation 1, the participants were asked who m they turn ed to when they wanted information about living in the United States and had to select their answers from the responses provided of Japanese, American or other social networks. Responses were in the same four point scale of not at all, seldom, occasionally, or often. If the participants did not seek category of responses. In Social Network Information 2, the partic ipants were asked how much

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67 time they spent with Japanese, American, or other social networks. The four point scale was adjusted to reflect responses of no answer, not at all, seldom, or occasionally. The question was repeated for each segment of their re turn migration experiences of before leaving Japan, in the United States, and after returning to Japan. This section also i ncluded a short answer question asking the participants to explain how important it was for her and her family to keep a close conne ction with th e Japanese language and culture while they were in the United States. Social Information 3 was a checklist of social network establishments and maintenance situations that applied to the returnees social networks while they were in the Unite d States, upon returning to Japan, and about their time in Japan now. The four point scale was used again with an additional selection for those who felt that the statement did not apply to their situation. Identity information The first part of the Identity Information 1 section of the questionna ire asked yes or no questions whether the returnees considered themselves to be a bilingual or bicultural person. This section also included a checklist representing the time while they were in the Un ited States, upon returning to Japan, and about their time in Japan now. The checklist contained statements about their identity, e.g. I have a lot in common with other Japanese or I was proud to be Japanese who had lived overseas and once again the same 4 point scale was used. Identity Information 2 asked the participants to identify themselves with the choices of international person, foreigner, returnee, Japanese American, or others. If were selected, then the questionnaire asked them to specify their identity and to write it in. The identity labels spanned their entire return migration journey by asking them to identify themselves before leaving Japan, while they were in the United States, and upon returning to Japan.

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68 Cultural informatio n Yes or no answers in conjunction with short answers were the format used in Culture Information 1. The questions asked the returnees about culture shock or difficulties they encountered when they went to the United States or when they returned to Japan. Culture Information 2 asked the returnees if they observed or practiced any culturally related activities, e.g. holidays or teaching Japanese culture while they were in the United States. The same question was applied to their situations upon returning to Japan and their time in Japan now. The statements were presented in a checklist form with the same four point scale of not at all, seldom, occasionally, or often as options for their responses. If the returnee felt that the statement did not apply to their situati option. The final part of the Culture Information section was a short answer section where the returnees were asked to write any advantages or disadvantages of living abroad and returning to Japan. A copy of the English version of the questionnaire is available in Appendix C Table 3 2. Format of the questionnaire Section Page Number Background Information 1 Page 1 Background Information 2 Page 2 Language Information 1 Page 3 Language Informatio n 2 Page 4 Language Information 3 Page 5 Language Information 4 Page 6 Social Network Information 1 Page 7 Social Network Information 2 Page 8 Social Network Information 3 Page 9 Social Network Information 4 Page 10 Identity Information 1 Page 11 I dentity Information 2 Page 12 Culture Information 1 Page 13 Culture Information 2 Page 14 Culture Information 3 Page 15

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69 O rganization of Japanese questionnaire The English questionnaire was translated into Japanese with the same format, questions, and sections. All pages and sections of the Japanese version corresponded with the same pages found in the English questionnaire. No additional questions were added in the Japanese version of the questionnaire. The participants were given the choice of eit her completing the questionnaire in English or Japanese. All participants selected the Japanese version of the questionnaire. A copy of the Japanese version of the questionnaire is available in Appendix D. Personal Interviews The interviews for this stud y were semi structured where a set of broad questions was used to guide the discussion and to elicit responses concerning their return migration experience. A semi structured interview allowed the participants latitude to follow, expand, or detour from th e line of inquiry introduced by the researcher. The interviews were conducted in Japan from May to July 2007. A minimum of two interviews per participant was conducted within 14 days of each other at a location determined by the participants. Interviews were conducted in Tokyo; Utsunomiya City, Tochigi Prefecture; Hadano City, Kanagawa Prefecture ; Nara City, Nara Prefecture; Kyoto as w ell as Hagi City and Nagato City in Yamaguchi Prefecture. The interviews were recorded using two digital recording devic es: one as the primary recorder and the second one as a back up recorder. It has been suggested that in research investigating bilingual/bicultural participants, it is important that the interviewer and the participants share the same linguistic understand ing and allow communicative routines to occur naturally to ensure a successful interview (Goldstein, 1995). For this reason, the participants were allowed to determine the language of choice for the interview. All six participants decided they felt most comfortable in articulating their cross cultural experiences in Japanese. Each family was able to review a summary of the interview, as

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70 well as a Japanese transcript of the interview, in order for them to clarify any possible misrepresentations or to add any additional information to further illustrate their point. Through Appropriateness of Methodology Narrative inquiry can provide a systematic investi gation that will help identify and explain the complex social networks accessed by the Japanese return migrants. Unlike other qualitative methods available for ethnographic research, the focus of narrative inquiry is on the individuals and how they live t heir lives. According to Kanno (2003), humans experience their lives and identities in narrative form, therefore a narrative is a powerful medium through which other an efficient tool, which can reveal evidence to the nature of the mind of an individual and how the world is perceived by that particular individual (Richmond, 2002). It is o nly through narrative inquiry that descriptive personal information can be obtai ned th Some have argued that narratives not only provide a contextual understanding of society, but they can also provide a structure for identity research. Clandinin and Connelly (2000) advocate that individuals construc t their identities through stories of their daily experience, encounters, and interactions with other people. They contend that through narrative it is possible to capture and investigate experiences as human beings live them in time, in space, and in rel ationships. Similarly, Chaitin (2004) is a proponent of using interviews to elicit narratives as a method for personal and social identity research. In her study on identity issues of Jewish Israeli young adults, Chaitin writes that narrative is one type of phenomenological approach to research that is embedded in social and cultural contexts and which focuses on the understandings and significance that people give to their life experiences. She makes the case e story. It is only through narratives that a researcher

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71 can uncover the complexities of the dynamic nature of identity construction in relation to different individuals in different social settings at different times. She writes: Although people tend to identify with many social groups, based on factors such as race, ethnicity, class, gender, national origin, and so on, these factors become salient at different times and in different ways, thus contributing to the fluid nature of identity construct ion. (p. 5) In the studies specific of Japanese return migrants, narrative inquiry methods have been used to investigate the cultural identity of the returnees (Kanno, 2003; Pang, 2000; White, 1988). The focal point of the research in all of the studie s is to understand the experience of the informants/participants through their own point of view. The narratives from these studies were crucial in understanding the socio cultural experiences. Therefore, for this study, the employment of narrative inquiry through personal interviews in conjunction with questionnaires is an appropriate and pragmatic research method for Japanese return migrants. The questionnaire will be used as a supplement to further augment the information collected from the personal interviews through a series of open ended as well as closed ended questions in order to collect descriptive statistics. The narratives gleaned from the interviews will enable us to gain personal insights into th e social network structures of Japanese return migrants as well as to investigate the dynamics of cultural and social factors that may affect identity development issues of Japanese return migrants. Data Analysis Final analysis of the data was based on the narratives of the interviews and the data collected from the questionnaires. In narrative inquiry, the initial data collected from the personal interviews are called field texts (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000). For data analysis, the data collected from the interviews was initially transcribed from the audiotapes (field texts),

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72 translated into English by me, and documented into what is referred to as research texts or transcripts of the interviews. Once the English transcription was complete, a native J apanese speaker affiliated with the University of Florida was asked to translate the English transcription into Japanese in order to verify the accuracy of the Japanese translations. The Japanese speaker randomly selected pages from the six interviews and translated the English back to Japanese and determined that the translations were faithful and true. Data Analysis Methodology The subjected to a thematic content analysis for p atterns that emerged from their cross cultural categories of the social networks were defined to denote a chronological timeline of social network interactions before leavin g Japan, while in the United States and upon returning to Japan. The data was also marked to distinguish the returnees who participated in an interview with those who only filled out the questionnaire. The six participants who provided additional data th rough personal interviews will have post nominal initials of WI (with interview) after their pseudonyms. Conversely, the two participants who provided data only through the questionnaire will be represented with the initials NI (no interview) after theirs All the quotes throughout this paper are my translations, unless otherwise noted. The social networks identified by the returnees and their answers to the questionnaire can be found in the appendices. The tables to identify the social networks are des criptive, whereas the tables that show the results from the questionnaire will report the findings in three categories: a group of six with interviews, a group of two returnees with no interviews and the collective results.

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73 Organization for Data Analysis R esponses provided on the questionnaire were organized into categorical data and discrete data. Similarly to the research text from the personal interviews, data from the questionnaire was also examined for reoccurring themes and patterns. Data analysis i ncluded descriptive statistics such as the answers provided by the participants on the rating scale, frequency of the answers as well as the mean and averages of their answers. Personal information that may identify the participants was not included in th e data analysis. Organization of content In order to organize the transcribed data (research texts) into a database to observe for themes, patterns or categories for content analysis, special attention was given to various sections of the interviews duri ng the reading of the English transcriptions of the interviews. The data that were salient and relevant to their return migration experience and were marked and labeled. This allowed me to filter out any unnecessary transcribed data that were a result of casual conversation, e.g. small talk or third party interruptions during the interviews. As an example, if the participants were talking about a particular person, that section of the transcript was initially marked as SN for social network. In the sam e manner, if the participants were talking about anything related to languages, that conversation was initially marked LG for language. This was done for classification purposes only. Organization of participants Once the transcription data was examined f or content, I assigned each participant a color to help organize her data. Since the pseudonyms of the participants with interviews are floral representations of Japan, a color that is generally associated with that particular f lower was assigned ( Table 3 3). The corresponding colored paper was used to print the excerpted segments that were lifted from the transcription. The data from Momiji NI and Mokuren NI who did not

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74 participate in the interviews but who completed the questionnaire were both assigned the same color. Table 3 3. Name Color Ajisai: Hydrangea Blue Ayame: Iris Ivory Kiku: Chrysanthemum Yellow Mokuren: Japanese Magnolia Green Sakura: Cherry Blossom Pink Ume: Plum Blossom Lavend er Momiji: Japanese Maple Golden Rod Tsubaki: Camellia Golden Rod Organization of data Relevant information found throughout the entire transcriptions were extracted and grouped together into the various classification labels that were temporary assig ned. Since the interviews were conducted in a causal manner, the participants did not talk about their return migration experience in a rigid chronological order. Similar to a natural conversation, topics changed constantly in the course of the interview or were re visited again when the participant suddenly remembered another episode that she would like to share. Sorting the shared themes and patterns of their return migration experience from the informal interview allowed me to consolidate the particip groupings. Organization of patterns and themes The scope of the temporary grouping labels for the initial classification were further narrowed to allow selective answers pertaining to the research questions to represent the three different segments of their return migration experience. For example, for the category of languages (LG), it was first divided to represent L1 or L2. Then it was further divided based on the activity or p ractice that were performed or executed by the Japanese returnees and in which

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75 country these were undertaken, i.e., L1 maintenance, L2 acquisition, L2 learning, and L2 maintenance. Organization for final analysis The discourse from the participants on in formation that were deemed to be important were lifted verbatim from the transcription and were then rewritten in narrative form before it was questionnaire t hat correlated or corresponded with their narratives were also placed together on the same page, thus data from the interviews and the questionnaire were merged together for explicit and systematic exposition. The colored pages were collected, sorted, an d consolidated into a large binder. The binder seventeen groupings of pivotal and germane information that was inferred f rom the interviews ( Table 3 4). Each grou ping was composed of narratives and answers from each of the participants. Table 3 4. Organizational groupings for data analysis Prior to Departure In the USA Returning to Japan Social Networks before Leaving Japan. Cross Cultural Experiences Preparation to Return to Japan Preparation Before Leaving Japan. Social Networks in the USA. Returning Experience L1 Cultural Maintenance Social Networks After Returning to Japan. L1 Maintenance L2 Cultural Maintenance L2 English Learning L2 Maintenance Chi Experience Identity Experience Experience Reliving American Life Through Shopping

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76 Organization of the narratives Once the transcription was transformed into narrative forms and divided i nto seventeen ven story chapters ( Table 3 5) starting from an introd uction to the participants with some background information on how we met, and continuing from the beginning of their journey to their reflection of their return migration experience after their return to Japan. The chapters in their narratives reflect th e research questions of the functions of their social networks, in addition to other cultural and linguistic developments that were revealed during their interviews. The narratives can be found in Chapter Four. Table 3 5. Table of content for the chapter s in the narratives Chapter Titles Introduction Pre Departure Arrival Social Networks Children English Language Family Life Returning to Japan Back in Japan Identity Reflections

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77 CHAPTER 4 NARRATIVES The following six narratives are the stori es of the six Japanese return migrants. All of the participants were surprised at why anyone would be particularly interested in their stories for academic research. They felt that everyone shared the same experience of going overseas and returning to Ja pan, therefore, they did not view their stories to be exceptionally unique. To the contrary, the narratives are fascinating and allow us to peek inside the entire return migration experience from the start of their journey to their return. A set of inter view questions was used to guide their storytelling; however, no restrictions were placed on the topic they wanted to share. The women were willing to share with the author their personal travails as well as their triumphs. They talked about their embarr assing episodes and their unknown fear of living with their families in a foreign country that spoke a different language. The women were very candid and open about their return migration process and graciously shared their experiences for this study. Aji sai Introduction I had contacted Ajisai (h ydrangea) before I left for Japan to let her know that I would be visiting the country. I first met her when her husband was attending the University of Florida in Gainesville Florida. Ajisai wa s born and raise d in Osaka, which is located in the Kansai region (western plateau) of Japan and has the characteristics many Japanese people associate with the Kansai area: loud, down to earth, and humorous. She has a vivacious personality and is the type of woman who e asily makes friends. I thought she had moved back to Osaka, Japan when she left Florida and was surprised to hear that she had moved closer to Tok yo and now had a third son who wa s barely a year old. I traveled on the Tohoku Shinkansen Line or the high s peed

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78 Tokyo. Unlike its older sister, the Tokaido Shinkansen Line (Japan Rail West) that is the iconic image that most westerners associate with the bullet t rain -the streamlined white train with a blue stripe down the side streaking by Mt. Fuji in a blur -the Tohoko Shinkansen (Japan Rail East) is a flamboyant younger sister that has a more aerodynamic design with blue and white two toned bi level cars trimme d in either yellow, pink, or green pinstripes. It is colorful, sleek, and has a more futuristic appeal. It was the start of the rainy season where the days are usually cloudy, gray, and wet. It rained the entire train trip with raindrops splattering on the window and then quickly rolling off in a stream as the train made its way through the hills and mountains. Ajisai picked me up in her candied apple red family van at the Utsunomiya train station with her husband and three sons in tow. As part of the usual greeting custom in Japanese, she commented about the weather and apologized for not being a clear day. She suggested that we meet in Utsunomiya so that we could spend the day touring the famous sites of Tochigi. Her family had moved from Osaka to Tochigi about a year ago and the family had been so busy with the new baby and getting settled into their new home and schools that they had not been able to go sightseeing around their new area. Since it was a Sunday and according to Ajisai, it is a day when her husband has to perform the famous Buddhist temple and Shinto shrines of Nikko National Park. Designated as a World Heritage Site from UNESCO (United Nat ion Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), Nikko is the famous 17 th century shrine well known for the transom panel carvings of the three monkeys that represent hear no evil, speak no evil, and see no evil. Nikko is located about an hour driv e away from the train station on the Nikko Scenic Highway. I climbed into the van and

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79 sat next to Ajisai and the baby in one of the second row seats with her two older boys occupying drove through the winding roads and hairpin curves through the misty fog covered mountains to reach the entrance to the National Park. He initially told me that he would not participate in the interview; however, occasionally he did join in on the convers ation when we talked in the car. Pre Departure husband works for a global Japanese construction and mining equipment manufacturer that sells its products worldwide. Every year, 10 20 employees from Japan are sent overseas for one reason or anothe r. Some of the workers or administrators go overseas to study for an MBA (Master of Business Administration) or for an advanced degree in engineering. Others go as a job deployment because they have been transferred to one of the many international satel lite offices around the world. Some for short term, some for long term, either way there is a continuous flow of personnel from this company making their way to city or town somewhere in the world. After working for this company for almost a decade, Ajis husband applied to the rotation pool of employees who wanted to go overseas to study. He was curious to see what locations people generally chose to go study abroad, so he looked into the graduate programs where other employees had previously enrolle d. Although the company does was the United States, with China and England coming in second and third respectively. He read the required reports the other em ployees submitted upon their return to Japan and found that within the United States, Cincinnati, Ohio and Boston, Massachusetts were popular destinations. Those who went to Cincinnati and Boston, however, often wrote about the living conditions, especial ly during the winter months, and would report the frigid winters they had to endure instead of evaluating the schools or the programs they attended. Since his company gave him the

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80 freedom to choose any place in the world to study, he decided that if possi ble, he was going to avoid anywhere with a cold climate. He randomly searched for a university that offered an advanced degree in civil engineering and found information on the University of Florida (UF). He thought the program looked promising and more importantly, he knew Florida is known to have nice weather. He felt that Florida was calling his name and decided to submit his application. Although there was a general guideli ne in place that was accepted and understood by all the employees. The employees who were sent to study abroad would receive eighteen months of paid work leave. In addition, the company provides an overseas living expense stipend, moving expenses, full t the study abroad business protocol was that his company would give a large donation to a private university, and in return, the university would accept one of its e mployees into its graduate program. Since the University of Florida is a public school, the standard protocol method of sending an employee to study abroad was no longer applicable and for the first time the company had to change its policy. Ajisai belie was her reasoning on why the company had to deal with UF in a different manner. According to Ajisai, UF only requested that her husband donate the computer he would use while he was there when he leaves. This was unprecedented for the company. No large donation? No strings ossibilities. If in another request of extending his time abroad. He approached his company and made his

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81 argument. Since his study abroad program would cost th e company less money than those who attend schools that require a large donation, wa s it possible to extend his work leave for two full families who were studying year overseas assignment. After that, the maximum amount of time to study abroad was strictly limited to a year and a half. Ajisai knew that the important criterion for her husband was to find a graduate program that would suit his educational goal, but she still wanted to express her opinion on where they should go overseas. She had to think about living in a safe environment because for Ajisai, they were not going overseas just as a couple, but as a family with two young children. Her request was that they go somewhere that had fair weather and was a good environment for their children. When she found out that Florida was a warm place to live and that Gaine sville was a small college town, s place for them. No dy in Florida. For Ajisai and her husband, their image of Florida was a popular retirement location for senior citizens or a place where people go on vacation. Evidently, his company had the same fun filled image of Florida as well and when her husband w as awarded his overseas assignment, he was instructed by his company not to tell others that he was going to a place like Hawaii or to tell them that he was going somewhere known to be fun and entertaining. Furthermore, his company informed him that since he was going abroad as a student, it would not disburse the additional

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82 only receive his regular salary because this was not a company overseas transfer assignme nt for him; it was a requested leave of absence by an employee. At first, this bothered Ajisai. She worried about the financial strain it would place on them to be gone for two years, but since this d his desire to go overseas to study and started to prepare her family for their departure. Ajisai found out from the other wives in the company that there are family program workshops offered for those who are about to go and live overseas by Japan Airl ines (JAL) and All Nippon Airways (ANA). The workshops were held in the morning and the programs were designed to help women prepare for their life overseas. Sh e found the information on the i nternet and registered for both workshops. The first workshop she attended was offered by JAL. Prior to attending this program, she did not have a good impression of JAL because the airline was not very family friendly when she was told that children were not welcome to accompany Fortunately, her parents lived nearby and they were able to take care of her two boys while she attended the session. She knew that she was lucky to be able to leave her children with her parent s and wondered how many women could not attend because they did not have anyone to help them with childcare. ANA, on the other hand, had a much better impression for Ajisai. They offered free babysitting service and also served refreshments: something J AL did not do. The ANA and JAL programs consisted of Japanese women volunteers who had lived overseas for an extended period of time and had since returned to Japan. These women would register their names with the airlines in order to share their international experiences with other women through these workshops. The content of the workshop was very similar for both

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83 program s The program divided the volunteers into various groups representing diffe rent regions of the world. This was organized so that the attendees who were about to go to a particular location, e.g. United States or Australia, would be assigned to a group that could provide them with local information abo ut the area. The workshop o pened with a general assembly where the sempai (mentor) mothers would present miscellaneous topics, e.g. time differences, cultural differences, what type of clothing you should wear, or explanation of holidays, in a lecture format. Ajisai thought these p little things, but t hey were real things that exist for the regional group discussions, which allowed the attendees and the sempai mothers to ta lk with each other and to ask questions on a more personal level. Ajisai was looking forward to the small group discussion because she was eager to learn a lot from the sempai mothers and was ready to ask them detailed questions about living overseas. D uring the ANA general assembly session for, Ajisai perused the pages of the guidebook t Florida was about Walt Disney World and Universal Studios in Orlando. She was hoping to gather useful information about living in Florida, but all she could find was tourist information for those who are vacationing in Florida. This lack of information about Florida was the same problem she had at the previous JAL workshop. No one from the JAL family program or from the ANA workshop had ever been to Florida to live? Not to be too discouraged, Ajisai was hoping that when it was time for the regional gr oup discussions, this time she would be able to find someone who had lived in or visited Florida before and would be able to give her more information about the area.

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84 When it was time to break out in regional groups, Ajisai found her way over to her assi gned group table: the East Coast. Disappointed that Florida was not represented, she settled down into her seat as the sempai mother for the East Coast table introduced herself and started to tell the group her background story. As the sempai mother was giving her talk, the other attendee mothers at the table started to pepper her with questions on various random topics. The topics were rapidly shifting from describing the large size of the American vacuum cleaners, discussing kindergarten, to caring for bedding. When the topic of bedding in the United States Japanese futon mattresses used to sleep on the floor require a certain maintenance routine that is n ot normally associated with a mattress from a bed. Since the mothers at the table were going to the United States and most likely would be sleeping in a bed, one particular mother asked specific questions about the care and maintenance of the mattresses u sed for western beds. All the attendees at the table were stunned to learn that Americans do not air their bedding outside. In Japan, on a clear sunny day, you can see Japanese futon mattresses hanging from the balconies of tall buildings or the veranda s of private homes as if they were swatches of colorful fabric used to make a large qui l t to cover the whole nation. It is a daily ritual that everyone must do in order to maintain the hygienic integrity of the futon mattress, because if you do not air ou t your futon, it will quickly become a source of mildew and dust mites. There was a mother at was told that she could not air her bedding in America. This was totally absur d to her. She was very adamant that she needed to air her bedding: She needed to place it out in the sun in order to disinfect it. She became more irate when she found out that people in America do not air dry their laundry outside either. She started to ask the same questions over and over again. If she

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85 could not a ir out her bedding or if she could not dry her laundry in the sun, then how else would she be able to kill the bacteria? You need to kill the bacteria! For Ajisai, this other mother was be com ing annoyingly obsessed about the issue Bacteria! She talked so much that I thought her bacteria were going to New York and was looking for an excuse to find fault in anything that was said about America. This put a damper on Ajisai. Did everyone at her table have anxiety about going overseas too or were they actually looking forward to their trip? Ajisai had mixed feelings about leaving Japan and wanted to talk to the sempai mother more about this, but instead the bacteria phobic wo man who was going to New York did all the talking. She was talking loudly and hysterically, not really making any sense. Though the other mothers tried to reason with her, she e. Ajisai sat back and lost all interest in the workshop. It was not what she expected and as the New York bound mother dominated the conversation about bacteria, it was also becoming a waste of time and money. Disappointedly, Ajisai sat there and ate t he cake that was served. The focus of the workshops was more on the preparation to leave Japan than on returning home. Ajisai was under the impression that since it was a workshop offered by an airline company, that it would provide information about re turning to Japan too, but this was not the the seminar gave you information about topics such as what to do before leaving Japan, what to do when you first get the re, what to do with your house while you are gone, or what you need to do if you want to sell you r

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86 of the workshop, where it was briefly announced that if anyone needed help finding hous ing when they came home that they could contact the airlines. This service was provided by the airlines, but of course, it was available for a separate charge. Since the workshops were not exactly what she expected, Ajisai turned to a person she knew wh o had previously been overseas. A year before, a co worker of hers when she worked at Ito Yokado a Japanese department store that also sells groceries, went to live on the West Coast of the United States for about half a year. Her co worker happened to be married to her to know more about the different places this couple had visited or lived so she secretly contacted her co worker. Ajisai was very cautious about this. Even though she was asking mundane questions such as where is it cheaper to buy household items, Ajisai tried to ask questions quietly so that other people, who were not going overseas, would not hear her. She was cognizant that people may b not want to appear as if she were boasting about it to others. Arrival Although Ajisai felt that she needed more time to truly prepare her family to live in Florida, before she knew it she was on the plane with her family. When they first arrived, it became very obvious that they would need a car to get around town. Ajisai does not drive in Japan and relied on public transportation to get around the city. She had no intention of getting a license in Florida, but with no commuter trains available, her husband needed a car to go to school. They went to the dealership together so that they could mutually agree on a color. Ajisai noticed a tendency that the Japanese people living in the Unite d States would always buy a Japanese car. She did not want to do this. She felt that if they were going to live in America,

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87 Japanese car in America, then we will be t relation s betw ngry if we drove a Japanese car American car was that it would be a good opportunity for her family to ride in a car that they would not be able to own or drive in Japan. Ajisai took a mathemati cal approach to help her decide what kind of car her family needed. They have two children who need car seats so she needed a car with a lot of room. Also, if they should have guests from Japan, then they would need a larger car that could accommodate more than four people. After much consideration, they decided on a burgundy colored Chevrolet sized van. For Ajisai and her family, this was part of their Americ an dream: drive a large American car and go on road trips throughout the United States. She had visions of her family exploring the vast lands of America as they drove along the black ribbon highways in hat epitomized the American car culture -a car that only exists in the United States. After all the energy and time Ajisai spent to plan and dream about this America only car, much to her dismay, when they returned to Japan, they saw their everywhere. Now that they had a car, they needed to find an apartment. Since Ajisai did not have a Ajisai and her family arrived in Gainesville, Florida before the beginning of the fall

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88 semester and t he beginning of the big football season. Several times during their stay at the hotel, they were told that they would either have to check out and leave the hotel because the hotel was booked with college football fans or if there were any vacancies, they could stay and during home game weekends became such an annoying nuisance for Ajisai that she wanted to find an apartment as soon as possible. Since they were new to the town, Ajisai had no one who m she could consult for apartment advice so both Ajisai and her husband had to search all over four of them would cruise around town looking at apartment complexes. It was only by chance that they happened to drive by an apartment complex that was under construction. When they had first arrived six weeks prior, the building constructions had just start ed and all Ajisai could see was the construction crew working on cement skeletons of the buildings. Now, there were six completed apartment buildings with a makeshift leasing offi ce housed in a pre fabricated more apartment buildings still under construction and Ajisai would jokingly tell her relatives in Japan that the apartment has a won derful changing view whenever they stepped outside of their laugh at it now, but it turned out that a lot of people from Japan ended up living there. It was c Social Networks When Ajisai first arrived, she did not know anyone in town and admits that she was lonely. Since she did not drive, she strongly believes that it wa s her lack of transportation that hindered her ability to meet

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89 children and no car, Ajisai was beginning to feel isolated. Ajisai decided that this si tuation could not continue and decided to place her two boys into preschool. This was not an easy decision for Ajisai to make and even now she apologizes to her then youngest son for sending him to school when he was barely one year old. The problem was that the older brother refused to go to school unless his younger brother came with him. She originally was thinking of just sending her oldest son to preschool, but since he was insisting that he did not want to go to school alone, she reluctantly decide d that she would have to send both of her sons to school. She rationalized her decision by convincing herself that it will be a good way for both of her sons to learn English, at would remain Ajisai did not receive a stipend to pay for the yo younger and the company did not consider sending him to school as a necessity. When Ajisai was more expensive tha n her oldest son because he was still in diapers. Although she feels guilty for sending her children to preschool at a young age, she is still glad that her children were d to be able taken care of at preschool, Ajisai was able to attend Japanese gatherings during the day. She e bus or rely on others to give her a lift around town.

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90 In the beginning it was hard for Ajisai to fit in with the local Japanese community. She first assumed that is was just the transient nature of a college town. With people constantly arriving and then returning to Japan, Ajisai felt that this transitory characteristic discouraged short time, so if you are not friendly with anybody, it is not a big deal since they will leave thought that it was only the Japanese community in her town of Gainesville that had antisocial tendencies until she met another Japanese woman who had lived in Texas before she came to Florida. According to this woman, the Japanese community purposely ostracized her when she lived in Houston. This woman described Houston as an unwelcoming city because she received the cold shoulder treatment from the Japanese community. When she moved to Gainesville, it was such a diff erent atmosphere for her because everyone was very friendly to her. Because the Japanese community in Gainesville treated her nicely, she decided to treat the newcomers kindly in return. Ajisai admired this woman for her positive attitude towards her fel Gainesville was unusual because she did not personally feel overly welco med by the same Japanese community. Ajisai thinks that showing kindness should be the best way to treat other and are adjusting to a new culture and a new language. should be treated differently within the Japanese community. Ajisai tried to understand why the Japanese community would snub certain Japanese in the United States, and after much observation, she formularized her ow n theory. Ajisai speculates that the Japanese women brought with them the vertical social stratification system from Japan

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91 and they modified it before applying it to the Japanese community in America. Ajisai explains that the social hierarchy system of J apan is based on factors such as seniority (age), gender, education, occupation, or place of employment, however, since all of the Japanese wives do not and so cial status in Japan and the United States. Modification to the Japanese social hierarchy with additional tiers was necessary to further classify the social ranking of the husbands while they were in the United States. According to Ajisai, the highest t ier is reserved for the women who are married to the men who are affiliated with the embassy. The wives are regarded to be superior to any other Japanese living in the United States; therefore, they are viewed with the respect of the diplomatic status of their husband. Next are the women who are in United S related overseas assignment s this business tier, it becomes even more complicated than the soc ial hierarchy in Japan because other business factors need to be considered such as brand recognition of the business or the men graduated from as well as the colleges or universities the wives graduated from are taken into consideration to boost the ranking of an individual. Ajisai was cautiously mindful that one must be careful about revealing their educational background because you cannot be from any schoo l in Japan. The universities and the colleges need to be well known and highly ranked. National universities are always considered to be superior to private universities and if you happened to attend a private university, it needs to have a famous name. If an unrecognizable school is named, then the other Japanese will immediately comment that they have never heard of such a school, thus giving them a reason to keep their distance. If the explanation is that it is a

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92 local regional school, then it makes matter worse and the other Japanese keep their distance even further. On the other hand, if a person happens to be from a rural area and the other Japanese know that she is from a wealthy family or she has a husband who is wealthy then they may let her j oin the community, but if she is not, then she is looked are studying abroad as student s those who have marrie d an American, or those who own a business that caters to the Japanese in the United States. If a person has permanent residency status in the United States, then the tier is divided again. Professional jobs, such as medical doctors, are respected but other jobs are ra became kno wn that her husband was currently a student, she was pushed down to the bottom of the social hierarchy. Once she was in the bottom tier, it became harder for her to join the various the Japanese women would want to recreate a Japanese social system in America. What was its purpose? She felt that there is no place for a Japanese feudal tradition in modern America and if it were up to her she would change this. Ajisa i sadly admits that she never had an opportunity to speak or associate with Americans. She did not meet with other American pare an simply did n short so I did not have the words to speak at home mother; the only interactions she had with Americans were when she said good morning to the schoolt eacher;

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93 wh en the cashier at the store asked her if she wanted paper or plastic bags or if she needed cash back or when the maintenance man came to make repairs. For Ajisai, it was a language barrier that prevented her from meeting Americans, but she kne w of others who purposely did not associate with Americans because of their ethnocentric viewed this as stubborn Japanese pr ide and was appalled how narrow minded some Japanese the Japanese in Gainesville would feel this wa y. She felt that th ese people were selfish and was embarrassed by their ethnocentric attitudes. She missed her family back in Japan and she was hoping that members of her family would come visit them while they were in Florida. After all, they did buy a large mid sized van to accommodate multiple people just for such an occasion. In the end nobody came from Japan ust not have been very popular, but told her that he was scared to make the journey because he would need to make several plane changes in order to get to Florida. He was afraid knew that he cou English Language As soon as her boys were secure and settled at their preschool, Ajisai would ride the city bus in the morning and go to an English class held at the local church. She always had the bus guide with her at all times and would follow the bus route mapped out on the page with her finger as the bus rambled its way to the downtown area. A couple of days prior to the start of the

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94 English classes, she asked her husband to help her practice riding the bus by having her husband drive from their apartment to the church following the exact same course the bus would use in order to familiarize herself with the some of the landmarks she would need to look out for when she took the bus for the first time. Being housebound for so long, riding the bus by herself to English classes was a big adventure for Ajisai. After her initial trepidation of using public transportation in America, she became more confident and wa s able to go anywhere using the city bus. The English classes at the local church were free and this gave Ajisai the impression that church who were so kind. nervous. It was easier and less stressful for her to speak to other international mothers in her e. People the Korean mothers during class breaks. When Ajisai left Japan, there was a big boom on Japanese television of Korean dramas and many of the Korean actors became popular celebrities in Japan. Ajisai is a big fan of Korean drama on Japanese television and she would talk with the Korean mothers to get the latest gossip about the popular Korean actors. Family Life Ajisai also met other Japanese women who attended the same English classes offered through the local church. These women would often meet after class to have lunch together. For these women, meeting after class was a social reason to get together and share a meal before the children came ho me from school or before they had to go home to prepare dinner. The Japanese the parking lot. Initially Ajisai did not join the lunch group. Since she had to rel y on the city bus

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95 service, she felt that she would be a burden if one of them had to drive clear across town to take you want to have close friends, then y ou have to make the time to do so or you will end up being so that she could participate; therefore, she decided that she was not going to let this opportunity slip by her anymore. Ajisai tackled her transportation problem by studying the layout of the town and memorizing the locations of various apartment complexes where the Japanese women lived. This way she did not have to feel uncomfortable to a sk for ride s because now she knew who did not have to go out of their way just to take her home. With the transportation problem resolved, Ajisai no longer had to exclude herself and was able to join the other ladies for lunch. As more people joined their lunch gr oup, it became logistically difficult to organize transportation for everyone, not to mention the chaos that ensued when the group was deciding where they would like to go for lunch. It came to a point where Ajisai and another Japanese mother took the lea dership role of the group and decided to change the venue of their luncheons to their Ajisai liked this idea much better because it was not limited to only those who attended the English classes at the church. Anybody who wanted to come was welcome to join them. It was determined that lunch would not be elaborate because preparing a meal each time for such a large group would place a heavy responsibility on the two hostesses, therefore, it was agreed that everyone would bring something to eat with them when they came hostess of the luncheons was v ery talented at creating beautiful ornaments and jewelry with beads. This was a hobby of hers and when she offered to teach others her beading cra ft, everyone expressed

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96 interest in learning from her. As a result, the luncheon evolved into a beading class plus lunch activity. Meeting every w eek would be too much for every one, so the women scheduled the beading group to meet every other week and notified people through e mail with information on whose apartment was going to host the beading group for that and beading group idea was a big hit in the Japanese community. Her beading group became known to those who were new to the area as a place where they could learn a lot about living in easier for people to come if our group had a name, so I jokingly of Japanese wives who practiced the traditional art of Japanese tea ceremony. The Tea Ceremony Artist group was already establ ished with a licensed teacher when Ajisai arrived in Gainesville and had a similar format of practicing the art of tea ceremony followed by a lunch afterwards. When the tea ceremony teacher had to return to Japan, the group was looking for a replacement t eacher. When they found out that a member of the Beading Guild had a license to teach the tea ceremony, they asked her if she would be willing to teach them. She agreed with one stipulation. She would like to continue with the Beading Guild so she asked the Tea Ceremony Artists if they would be willing to change their schedule so th at the tea ceremony classes could be held on the alternating week of the beading classes. Both groups agreed, thereby creating a rotating schedule of tea ceremony classes and beading classes every other week. The new teacher for the Tea Ceremony Artists promoted the Beading Guild to the newcomers to her tea ceremony class while Ajisai and the beading teacher would encourage their members to also join the tea ceremony group. In a very short time, the two groups grew in membership and became a formidable force within the Japanese community. At one point, there would be so many wives, mothers and young children

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97 congregated at one home that often times the hostess did not know o ver half of the people who came to her home that day. Ajisai amusingly obse s as if she were There were other interest groups throughout the Japanese community that were available. The oldest Japanese gro up that existed before the Tea Ceremony Artists was a tennis club, which played tennis at the tennis courts on campus. The tennis club consisted of mainly men with a few women who played the sport when they were high school or college students. The other sport club that was open to both men and women was the golf club; however, this was short lived the hula dancing class as well as the flower arrangement group that was established later on were only open to the Japanese women. Ajisai membership and grow. The Tea Ceremony Artists relied on licensed tea ceremony teachers from Japan. Ther e are several different schools of tea ceremony, each with different procedures that need to be observed in order to perform the ceremony. Whenever a new teacher from a different school was selected, the group had to learn the steps in a different manner the other hand, was loosely organized. It was not a group that relied on a certified licensed teacher. The art of beading is very popular in Japan and anyone who had created a piece of jewelry or a Christmas ornament would voluntarily share with the group how it was done. Everyone would sit around the table with their selected loose crystal beads and work on their individual project. As they we

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98 events, ask for help on a certain knot to tie the end of the bead ing line, and monitor their childr en as they deftly used their hands to create beautiful works of art. The Beading Guild became a popular and comfortable place where everyone could go and spend the day. Returning to Japan Ajisai s to be approved from his company so she first divided her household and personal belongings into two groups: one group was to sell and the other group was to take back t o Japan. Just in case they had to pay for shipping, Ajisai further divided the secon d group of items into things that she would like to take back and things that she really wanted to take back. Luckily, the company came through. The of thei r moving expenses. Ajisai was able to ship back everything she wanted from the United States. Everything. When Ajisai returned to Japan, she returned to Osaka City. It is where they lived before their departure to Florida and it is also their hometown where their parents and siblings live. Returning to Osaka was the perfect homecoming for her. They had lived in a small apartment near both sets of grandparents but had terminated that lease before they left. Now that her boys were older, Ajisai wanted to move to a larger place and settled in a different part of Osaka. She tates to a different location. It would have been harder on her if they had moved to their current is not our hometown or where our parents are. At Ajisai is getting use d to moving around due to her husband work. She left for America during her fourth year of marriage. They were in Florida for two years and came back to Osaka

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99 ferred him to the Tochigi office a year ago. Now Ajisai is not sure of their future. Her husband thinks that he may not been decided yet, so there is r that they may have to move again. It would be unfortunate for her sons, because the children are happy at the school they attend now. They will have to learn to make new friends and she is w friends who are important to you. Yo u are influenced by your friend s opinion s as you grow r last. With the non stop moving, Ajisai worries that her children may not be able to have close childhood friends, and When Ajisai left for Florida, her sons were three years old and 10 months old. When they turned three. Ajisai is mindful that her oldest son can remember little things, but her younger younger son about their overseas experience when he is an adult, just to remind him because as it stands, he has no memory of where they lived. He has no memory of speaking English. The older brother spoke English at his kindergarten and remembers speaking English to his friends. Ajisai remembers being aston ished that he could use words that she has never heard of before. She recalls a time at a bookstore where they met a friend of his from school. She was

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100 understood. She w as impressed. She was also amazed when she attended the graduation ceremony for his preschool. Her son was up there with the rest of the class, reciting the Pledge her very proud that her son was able to do things just like the other Americans. Now her oldest son seems to be forgetting his English. She understands how easy it is to forget and how difficult it is to retain his English if he only tries to speak Eng lish every once in a while, but this was not the case for her son. She sends her son to an English conversation class once a week. Ajisai believes that he seems to understand English, but has more difficulties speaking in English because he cannot think of the words to say. She enrolled her children into an English conversation class that charges a higher fee because a native speaker of English assu med that perhaps her oldest son was embarrassed to be talking in English. She realized that it would be difficult to maintain his English, especially if her son is too embarrassed to even try to answer in English in class. Now she thinks differently. Sh e speculates that the other children English, then it is not a problem. But when it is boys, especially boys, they try to show off and act tough. They would relen She is sure that her son wants to do what the teacher asks him to do but the other children are s older. I know that it is better for him to continue now, but I also feel that it is a waste of time for him Back in Japan Ajisai has an obsession. Her obsession is kitchen appliances and gadgets. Ajisai waited with bated breath to hear from her

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101 moving expense back home. When the company generously approved, Ajisai was elated appliances. Unfortunately, the kitchen in her current home does not have the counter space to her collection in the far back section of the bottom cabinets in the kitchen and takes them ou t to use about once or twice a year. Before she left Florida, others warned her that she should not bring back electric appliances from America because the voltage is different. So far, Ajisai has not had a problem with the electrical differences. She w ould take out her large freestanding mixer and would create Christmas and birthday cakes made from recipes she acquired in Florida not seem to appreciate Aj older, t hey may become nostalgic for their Ajisai still keeps in con tact with friends she made in Gainesville. They try to get together cherishes the people she met in Florida and hopes that their friendships will continue t o grow for meet people who share the same experience of living overseas, of course you want to meet with that she is fortunate because she enjoyed her stay in Florida. She knows of other Japanese wives at her apartment complex who wanted to return to Japan as fast as they could. Those wives did not have a good time and would always complain that they wanted to go home to Japan straight away. For Ajisai, it was not like

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102 There are a lot of returnees who live in the To chigi area, but Ajisai does not associate with them. Close by in her neighborhood, there are several returnee families in her neighborhood with one returnee family living about two houses down; another family living across the way; and a third family livi ng one street over. Although they all live in close proximity, Ajisai is not particularly friendly with her returnee neighbors. She has heard of the other returnees celebrating an American style Halloween where the children dress up in costumes and go do or to door trick or treating. Many aspects of Halloween have been imported to Japan and in October the stores would be stocked with many decorations and other merchandise for Halloween. The two customs that were excluded from the observance of this Ameri can holiday are dressing up in a costume and going door to door to receive candy. Halloween candy is available, but it is not available in bulk to share with the trick or treaters who come to your door. It is packaged in single portions as if you were go ing to give it to a special friend instead of an entire neighborhood of kids. Ajisai at first thought it was a great idea for the returnee families to get together to celebrate Halloween for their children. Ajisai loved celebrating Halloween and brought Halloween sale. She has enough costumes to dress herself, her husband, and her children. She bought several of the same costumes in different sizes for her boys so that if one sh ould become small, then it can be passed down to the younger brother. She is very proud of the fact she can dress all three boys in Spiderman costumes at the same time. Initially, she wanted to meet her returnee neighbors and join in with the Halloween p arty celebration so that her children could participate in the fun. As it turned out, she never did. She never felt comfortable enough to approach them.

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103 She does not think that she is the type of person to go over to the other returnee families and say, and she was invited to help, then she would love to be involved, but until then she will do her own celebration with her family. She did express that she does n ot like the way the other returnees are celebrating Halloween, therefore she feels justified for not allowing her children to The children would tell me th have recently stopped doing Halloween, but Ajisai still celebrates Halloween with just her family. All of them would dress up on Halloween night and have a small party on their own. N owadays when Ajisai shops at stores that sell imported foods, she is amazed that her find things like snack foods that I never personally bought, but they had el sewhere, such as foods of Florida with these snacks and she would buy them whenever she could. The one store that the entire family enjoyed shopping at is or want to travel with the family, then it will cost several thousan is an ideal location that is easily accessible to her family and once you enter the store, it as well as American products and Ajisai would come home with their van loaded with items that

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104 she needed along with items they bought on a whim. One of the items she purchases consistently Downy the good memories being in Florida. With the pleasing floral aroma enveloping and lingering on her laundry, every time they change clothes or every towel they use became daily reminders of their life in Florida. Identity Befor e Ajisai arrived in Florida, the people around her would often tell her the same thing about what to expect in America: things break easily, poor quality of the electrical appliances, or how changed. She describes Americans as being disciplined where time was alway s respected. She surmises that the Japanese image of Americans comes from a misunderstanding of the culture. ironic for Japan to be able to criticize other Japanese who take their work seriously and others do not. But lately, I think that there are more Japanese w other nationalities when it is Japanese society which is increasingly becoming disorganized and ere is no reason Another image Ajisai had was that foreigners would frankly say whatever is on their minds. They were lacking in polite manners because they did not have the refinement to be diplomatic around people. They did not care if it disrupts the harmony of the group. When she

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105 went to Florida, however, she noticed that the Americans were very careful in what they say. n like complimenting manner. She used a Japanese analogy to further co mmunicate her observation, ocha wo nigosu (L iterally: making hot water look like tea. An expression used to describe a situation where the issue superficially appears proper), but for them it is not an act, they are ex Ajisai and it strongly influenced her integrity and self efficacy. She learned that there are to experience has also taught her to be patient and to think before speaki probably refer to this person in the same manner. You have to look at it as that particular When pressed to further elaborate about her newfound self affirmation, Ajisai uses her hand to wave it off as if she was shooing imaginary flies away from the food. For Ajisai, she does not think that she has changed. She is still a Japanese who happens to be a returnee. She even when both parents are Japanese become Ameri and has had time to adjust she is confident that things are back to normal, except for one area.

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106 fore this, I have always liked W estern things, such as household items and American things. I guess after living over there my anglophile tendency has simply become Reflections Before Ajisai and her family moved to Tochigi, her husband was with the planning and designing department of his company. When he was with th at department, they would often say to each other that it would be great if he were to be transferred again by the company to the Chattanooga, Tennessee office. Her husband was vying for a different position within that department, a position that had an overseas assignment, but the company gave him a different will most likely be sent abroad only if the company needs to send an expert to an overseas office. Sadly, she accepts the reality that he probably will not have an extended overseas transfer children become older, she feels that it is becoming more difficult be do not think I have the knowledge to help them with their education if they were in American them permission only if they beco c annot just go and be a burden. T hey have to have a goal. They need to be responsible to be studying abroad as their educational goal. She wants them to become English speaking adults who can positively embrace their overseas experience. She is placing her hope the English seed ll one day awaken from its latent state and grow.

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107 For now she is satisfied that she has been able to make short visits overseas. Since their return, Ajisai has traveled to California with her husband when he attended a conference that was held in Los An geles. It was the first time she had been on the West Coast and it struck her how vacation to the island of Guam in the United States Territory of the Mariana Islan ds. She enjoyed traveling to Guam because it was only three hours away by plane and she was able to stock up on American goods, such as DVDs, toys, and other miscellaneous items. Two years ago, Ajisai also went back to Gainesville, Florida alone for a we ek visit. The trip was a gift from her husband. She stayed with some Japanese friends and visited the Japanese family who bought their American car. They took her out to dinner and it was surreal for her to be able to ride in their old burgundy red As Beading Guild, the group that she helped establish, to make a return visit, the current members from the Beading Guild all got together and decided to have a ladies only sleepover. New friends and old friends were able to welcome Ajisai back to Gainesville as they talked well into the night over some wine. They listened to her stories and asked questions a bout any difficulties she had in returning to Japan. Ajisai could not believe the irony of it at all. It had come full circle. She wa s the sempai mother now. Here she was the expert returnee, giving advice to others, the sempai Ayame Introduction Ay ame (Iris) is a licensed pharmacist who is married to a med ical doctor. A friend of mine who teaches private English lessons at a university hospital in Yamaguchi Prefecture, introduced me to some of his medical doctor students who had lived overseas. I met with the doctors in his

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108 class to participate for the interviews. Ayame and Mokuren agreed to participate in the interview and requested that I conduct the interview at the hospital on t he same night their husbands me t for their English lessons. The hospital building was large with the exterior made from thousands and thousands of white ceramic tiles. The area is renowned for hagi ceramics, opaque glazed ceramic war es that are molded into simple and humble designs and the use of these ceramics can be found throughout the hospital In the evening, all of the general sections of the hospital are closed by The only public parking area available was by the emergency room that was still open to receive patients. We walked around the hospital to get to the main entrance of the building. I entered the large glass entryway and was instructed to remove my sho es and placed them in the shoe lockers. My friend had brought his own indoor shoes so he sat on the bench to switch out his shoes. He is very tall, even by American standards, and complains that Japanese shoes could barely fit over his toes. Since I did not bring any indoor shoes, I had to wear the guest slippers that were provided by the hospital. The shoe lockers consisted of small numbered cubbyholes with keys dangling from the locks on each door I randomly opened a locker and took out the green sl ippers, which were inside and marked with big Japanese characters prominently identifying them to be property of the hospital, replaced them with my shoes, and locked the door. Exchanging outside shoes with indoor slippers is a common custom in Japan. It is a custom that is observed in the private homes as well as large public areas such as schools and hospitals. My friends put his outdoor shoes in a bag and carried them with him, mumbling how he could not close the locker door and lock it because of the size of his American shoes.

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109 The hallways we re dark and lonely with light only coming from the exit signs planted above the doorway and sporadically on the sid e of the hallway walls. There wa s no one else in sight as we made our way to the pulmonary depar tment on the third floor. The only sound that echoed in the desolate hallways were the sounds of my slippers flapping underneath my feet with husband escorted me to o ne of the examination rooms where his wife and Mokuren and Ayame were waiting. The examination room had a large window with a lattice of white bricks partially blocking the overlooking view of the physicians parking lot. The walls were lined with x ray illuminators, all of them still left on with one glowing with a forgotten chest x ray. I set up my digital recording devices on one of the examination table s which was protected by a paper sheet, and sat on a small black stool on wheels. With no other c hair in sight, Ayame and Mokuren sat side by side on the second examination table, making crinkling paper sounds as they tried to get comfortable. Pre Departure Ayame is a working mother who worked at a pharmacy near her home. She is thin and tall, taller than most Japanese women, and was often teased by the other children throughout her childhood by being called a giraffe for her height. She started the interview in English with the to speaking Japanese. She is a mother of three children whose oldest was in his first year of high school (10 th grade) with the youngest still in elementary school (6 th grade). Her husband is a pulmonary specialist at the private university hospital in Yamaguchi prefecture and was assigned to conduct research at a university hospital in Denver, Colorado. Ayame and her husband are from Yamaguchi Prefecture and they met when they were both in college. They had worked together at t he same hospital before they left for Colorado, but now she is with a private

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110 pharmacy where the hours can be long. With both parents working long hours, the children stay with the grandparents after school and have dinner with them until one of their par ents gets off work and comes to take them home. husband overseas assignment was determined fairly quickly and Ayame had only two to three months to prepare for their departure. Since she was working full time, she was given the option of letti ng her husband travel to Colorado ahead of the family This way she could have more time to get ready and her husband could get things settled in Denver before they arrived. The problem with this arrangement was that she did not want to fly separately, a lone She was toying with the idea that she could take a leave of absence from her job, but found out that it would take months for the paperwork to be appr oved. If Ayame wanted to go to America together with her husband, she had no recourse but to quickly resign from her pharmaceutical position at the hospital pharmacy and leave for America. To get some idea of where they should live in Denver, her husban d received information from people at the university hospital who had prior overseas assignments. His university gather local information about the schools and accommodations available near the hospital in Denver. She did not want to rely solely on their information because she was not sure if the information could still us what is avail was or if it was still accurate, but information is information so she kept it under advisement. Arrival Ayame wished she had more information about the four seasons in Colorado before she left Japan. Although she was leaving in the spring, she packed more for the winter because her

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111 image of Denver was that it was very cold, with a lot of tall mountains and a lot of snow. Someone even told her that it would get so cold that the lakes would freeze solid. She had envisioned dark bleak weather with bitter cold winds whipping the snow around, blocking the sun. Expecting t o face the worst weather she had ever experienced, she concentrated on taking as many winter items as could fit in her suitcase. Complaining that winter clothes are bulkier and take up more space in the luggage, she managed to squeeze in the necessary items that would be able to keep her family warm. When they arrived it was not what she had envisioned at all. It was cool and clear and during the day it became balmy and comfortable. The weather was actually quite pleasant. She c ould see flowers blooming along side the wide open trails that were surrounded by snow capped mountains. She was expecting a harsher cli mate, she was ready for the worst, but once she arrived she found the spring season to be comparable to Japan. She now regrets the way she packed their personal items. She could have packed differently; she could have brought other things that they could have used instead of just winter clothes. Ayame the mile high city, but she was not familiar with the American measurement unit of distance and did not know how far or how h igh a mile was. It was not until she was told that it was still elevation was al most half the elevation of Mt. Fuji. She described the high altitude by saying, She did not have any problems adjusting to the high altitude and she was the only person in her family that did not suffer from altitude sickness when they first arrived. She laughs with irony when she thi nks of how her husband, the pulmonary specialist, was affected by the thinning air and told her that it was hard for him to breathe.

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112 Social Networks When of five people! American cities have and did not know why they were even necessary. It took a while in the interview for Ayame to reveal that she did make some friends while she was in Colorado. She as a Second Language) class. If there were events planned for the children, all the parents would get together and participate, but they would not necess arily meet outside of the classroom. There was one exception, however, and Ayame became especially very close with a woman from were close in age and could get alo ng with ea ch other: a feat that is often times hard to do, even if all the children were Japanese. Ayame would visit her home many times and their children would go off and play together as the two mothers would talk over a cup of coffee. Neither of them spoke English very well and they did not understand each other, but that did not really matter. They were friends. Ayame often looked with wonder at the children. The children did not seem to have a language barrier and if they did, that did not stop t son came home and told her that she was not really communicating well with the Ukrainian Ayame. She knew she struggled with her words, but she thought she was at least communicating The lack of En glish skills most likely affected them both, but that did not deter their friendship. this relationship, Ayame was able to learn more about the Ukrainian cultu re. She was able to try

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113 Ukrainian food, a type of cuisine not readily available in Japan, especially not where Ayame is from in the Yamaguchi area. Her Ukrainian friend would make homemade bread and would serve it with exotic cheese and fruit. She learn ed how to eat and appreciate fruit in a different way. In Japan, the skin of the fruit is not eaten. It is peeled and only the flesh of the fruit is served. For her Ukrainian friend, however, eating the whole fruit was common for her and she did not hes nd because it was a nice casual relationship. It was a different kind of friendship than the ones she had in J apan. Ayame did not feel that the Ukrainian friend was trying to impress her, something she often observed with her Japanese acquaintances. Ayame viewed this friendship to be truly genuine and mutual. Children When they looked at several places until they found a school they liked for their children. It was by chance that they found a school that had a teacher who used to live in Japan and could speak Japanese. Ayame was further elated when she found out that the teacher had lived in Yamaguchi Prefecture, the same prefecture where they enroll the children in that particular school. When the other Japanese families found o ut about their school selection, they cautioned Ayame that the school had a large population of African American students. Ayame commented: people there and told us that it would be better for our ch ildren to be at another school, but we older children and was not swayed by what the other Japanese families told her about the school. When they were submitti ng all the paperwork to register for the school, Ayame learned that in order for all three of her children to be enrolled in school, they would have to be

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114 rec ords into English before they left and her children were all up to date on their vaccinations. When she presented the medical records to the school, however, it was rejected and she was told that her children would have to receive all the immunizations ag ain: every single one of them. It took three months for her children to receive all the necessary vaccinations. It was a traumatic experience for the children because each time the child would cry and would ask Ayame why they had to receive the shots aga in. She was upset with the school because she could not believe that a school would torment her children in this manner. She was disenchanted with the school and started to regret that she selected this school in the first place. Later during the schoo l year, Ayame and her husband were invited to one of their s to explain about Japanese foods. By now, the tears and pain of the vaccination fiasco had beco me a faded memory and she had a change of heart and was ready to accept the invitat favorite food item s and made rice balls (palm sized balls of rice salted and wrapped in seaweed) while her husband would explain about ramen noodles. When she first passed out a f ew of her samples, many of the children could not eat the seaweed. She was shocked to see the children put the rice balls in their mouths, gag, and spit it out. Ayame tried to pass the rice balls around the class after her talk but after seeing their cla children were not really interested in the rice balls anymore. It did not occur to her that seaweed could be a problem for the children because she knew that sushi was popular in Denver. It was not until l oodles, but midway

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115 through his talk, the children became bored and were no longe r paying attention. Ayame felt that their effort to share Japanese culture with the children was a failure, but all was not lost. She was not discouraged about giving a talk youngest child was in preschool and because he did not speak English at all, he really could not communicate well with the other children in his class. Unlike his older siblings, he was not placed in an ESL class because he was not yet in kindergarten. Because of this, there were a lot of misunderstandings between her son and the other children and he would often get in to fights at school. It did not matter who was wrong or who started the fight. The problem was that her son was not able to tell his teacher about it because he could not speak English. The other child involved in the fight, on the other hand, was able to talk to the teacher so no matter what had happened, her son was the one who would always get into trouble. He would c ome home from school frustrated and would tell Ayame about the fights. He would cry and was inconsolable because he felt that it was u nfair that he was always blamed for starting the fights when it was not really his fault. All Ayame could do to soothe him wa s to tell him that his teacher wa s watching the whole class and that he should ju st do his best. Everything would work She knew the fights were a result of her son not being able to speak English, and she knew that in time her son would also understand why thi s was happening to him. It would just take some time. As her son slowly began to learn to communicate in English, his days of fighting began to wane. Instead of coming home every day miserable and sad, he started to have fun at school. English Language older children we re in the 2 nd and 4 th program. She would drive them to school in the morning and would often join her children in

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116 class. The ESL program was held only during the morning session of class and the international pa rents were encouraged to join their children and participate in the class together. The school used a video teleconferencing method to reach the ESL student population through the use of a the television that was mounted in the corner of the classroom. Communication with this teacher was accomplished children in learning the alphabet, vocabulary words thought that this was a strange impersonal way to teach, but since she had to drive the children to school anyway, she continued to go to class with her children every day At the end of the school year, the class went to visit the TV station to see how the ESL TV te broadcast to their classroom. They also learned how the weather forecast was broadcast over the news and the children were amazed that the meteorologist stood in front of a blank bl ue screen. When the studio staff offered to give a demonstration for the children, Ayame volunteered to stand in front of the blue screen. When the children were instructed to look at the monitors, they were able to see her standing in front of a map of the United States. For Ayame, she would tell her friends and family that this was her one and only big debut on American television. On September 11 th Ayame was in the morning ESL class with her children when the attack occurred. She saw the disastrou s news with her children and wanted to go home and find her husband so that he could tell her what was going on, but Ayame and the children were not allowed to leave the school. The school went into an immediate lock down and all of them were instructed n ot to leave the building. All the information was in English and she did not understand what had taken place. She knew that people in tall buildings were warned, but she did not understand why they were warned in Denver. It was a tense time. She stayed with the

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117 children until the school thought it was safe for everyone to go home. That night, Ayame received worried calls from Japan. She assured her callers that they were far from New York, but that did not stop them from constantly checking up on her. Ayame was concerned about her safety and how this incident could jeopardize their stay in Colorado. With an attack like September 11 th she was afraid that her husband would be ordered to return to Japan immediately. The following year, there was a new mother from an Arab country who joined the morning new mother because it was difficult for people to understand her. It was certainly difficult for Ayame to was probably having a diffic ult time understanding her as well For Ayame, understanding Americans was not really the problem because for her, people in Colorado did not have a strong regional accent. She had difficulties speaking English and understanding the English of people from other countries. In the beginning, American English was very fast for her. It would confuse her because she could not catch everything that the speaker was trying to express. Everything was a blur for her and she could not even pick out words that she knew. On one occasion, an American, who was well known among the Japanese community, told Ayame that it was a disservice if she spoke slowly t Whenever she had a conversation with this American, all Ayame could do was repe atedly apologize to her. Ayame apologized because she could not understand the topic of conversation

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118 when the American talked normally to her. All she could say over and over again during their It was a difficult situation for Ayam e and she was frustrated with herself. Family Life Being a pharmacist, Ayame was surprised that supermarkets could have an in house pharmacy on site. She thought that it was an outstanding idea because it was convenient for mothers with sick children es pecially for working mothers like herself. She also felt comforted several times to pick up medication and they would explain it to me in English that even I could the variety of medication available over the counter and dispensing medication in Japan was under tight government control and the patients could only receive prescription medication directly from the prescribing doctor or at a hospital pharmacy. Now, it has become a little more convenient for the patient becau se prescriptions can be filled at any local pharmacy, thereby making the price of the medication more competitive. People have a choice to go to private pharmacies now for their medication, but the drug stores are still located in busy business areas, suc h as around the train station or the busy shopping district. Ayame wondered why pharmacies in Japan were not located in areas that would be convenient for their customers who are mostly Buying groceries, however, proved to be more challenging. In the beginning she was not sure what the cashiers were asking her. When they showed her paper bags or plastic bags, she bi ni ru ign adopted word in Japanese for vinyl). They gave her a puzzling look but somehow understood that she was requesting the plastic bags. After

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119 learned that it is called plastic. Who would have guessed that bi ni ru Another confusion she encountered during her first visit at the supermarket was in the parking lot. She was not sure what to do with her empty grocery cart once her groceries were l oaded into her car. She looked around and noticed that others were leaving the cart next to their cars. This cannot be right? She did not think that it was socially correct to just abandon the cart outside. She was relieved when she saw a young man goi ng around the parking lot collecting the carts. Not only was this convenient service provided by the supermarket, it was also provided at no extra charge. Through time, she became more at ease with her shopping experiences, but there was one interchange at the grocery store that she was not looking forward to. She remarked that she was a bit nervous whenever she was ready to make her purchases at the registers. The cashiers would try to start a conversation with her and she was always at a loss how to reply back to them. Since Ayame went to the grocery store several times a week, she decided that she needed to have set phrases that she could use. She did not want to say the same thing each time so she would rehearse what she would say t o the cashi ers before she got to the check had to think beforehand what I would Ayame was fortunate to live only thirty minutes away from a Japanese store. The store was a market for Japanese products as well as a v ideo rental shop and Ayame would go to this store at least twice a month to buy Japanese ingredients and to rent Japanese videos. She was surprised at the selection of videos and how fairly recent the programs were. She could even rent Kohaku Utagassen an annual music competition show where the men, the wh ite team, try to out sing or out staple of the J and the current episode was availab le in less

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120 than a week after New Year for her family to watch. Ayame appreciated that she was able to keep up with her dramas through this small video rental shop, but sometimes she would also wonder about the source of the programming. She felt ashame d that for her to keep in touch the store. A reality that man y Japanese face when they come to the United States is the strong reliance Americans have on their cars for transportation. With her husband doing research at the hospital all day, Ayame became the daily chauffeur for her family when they were in the Unit ed States. She thought it was easy to adapt from driving on the opposite side of the road -that was ed that there was a Japanese version of t he exam, but when she arrived at her husband. She knew that they would have to stand apart from each other during the test, but Ayame thought she would be okay because she had her dictionary with her. Ayame and her husband strategized before the test reassuring each other that if by chance they received the same exam questions then they would use hand signals and help each other pass the test. In the end, questions ca refully, you realize the answer that is bein on their hand signals state of Colorado.

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121 Cooking meals on an electric stove for her family wa s not too difficult to adapt to In Japan she cooked on a gas stove, so she just had to learn how to readjust the timing of her stove have to adapt to cooking at high altitude. She did not know tha t adjustments were needed to cook normally in high altitudes, but once she became familiar with these additional steps she had to take, it did not bother her. She did have difficulties, however, using the garbage disposal. Garbage disposals are not used in Japan and Ayame was not comfortable throwing away food management, A yame thought that Japan was way ahead of the game. In Japan, she had to separate burnable garbage from the non burnable garbage. In America, Ayame was flabbergasted that she could dispose everything either in the large dumpster or in the garbage disposal first T hanksgiving was problematic for her. Several of the Japanese families decided to get toge ther and celebrate the holiday. Since Ayame was the only one without a busy schedule, she decided that she would try to roast a turkey for the first time. She found a recipe on a piece of paper that she does not remember where she got it from, but it was in English. She knew that she could at least read how many minutes it would take to cook a turkey. She soon found out is that it takes a while to cook a turkey, hours not minutes, and because sometimes the heat does not easily go all the way through it could be a dangerous to eat. She carefully followed Ayame does not quite remember the other dishes that were served with her turkey. Someone

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122 brought what she d oking me on a People in Ja pan would send Ayame rice. She would tell them that there is koshihikari and kokuho mai (different short grain rice varieties from California) availa ble in America, but to no avail -her family would send her cooking items that were readily available in the United States. family enjoys having a daily salad with their m eals and they kept buying different types of Everyone turned into a challenge for Ayame to find a dressing her family would like and she found herself constantly going to th e supermarket to conquer this quest. She knows for sure that she does not t down the aisle and one by one through trial and error; Ayame found a dressing that was tolerable for her family. Returning to Japan Ayame was only gone for a year so she did not notice much of a difference when she returned to Japan. She was too busy with her job. Before she knew it, time had passed and living overseas became just a memory. When they were in Colorado, she had to return to Japan briefly because her mother passed away

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123 unexpec tedly. She came straight home and went directly to the funeral from the airport. When she was in Japan for that short visit, she realized that she only had a couple more months in dness that their life in America was ending soon, everything was a blur for her. Thinking back, Ayame said that she probably felt a lot of things at the time of her return, but she simply cannot think of anything now. Back in Japan Ayame divulges that she couple of months for a shopping frenzy. She found out about nternet and the stores carry both American and Japanese products. She read about the membership requirement and found out that the annual membership dues she paid while she was in Colorado were still valid for the stores in Japan. She was excited when she looked through the list of the n an hour away store, it was the same store! Just like the one in Americ Now going to that she used while she was in Americ to buy a large bottle of liquid laundry detergent and other cleaning supplies because in Japan, these products are in small containers so they do not last as long. Their big shopping day at Costc and it also allows her to shop in Japan for American products without the linguistic hardships she had in the United States.

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124 When Ayame first returned, she tried to be in contact with the people from their apartment in the United States, but now she does not correspond with them at all. She knows that her husband still corresponds with a few American friends by e mail, but she thinks they are more like colleagues tha English conversation tutor. He has been in Japan for over 21 years and when he sees them, she observed that he would speak Japanese to their children, but will only speak English to the child would remind her that he can speak Japanese, but when Ayame gets on the phone, all she can say is because she becomes too nervous and cannot understand the rest of the conversation. She realizes that he speaks very slowly for her a nd she really appreciates it because it is easy for her to understand, however, she is frustrated that she cannot reply in English. Her husband, on the other hand, can speak to him in English with no problem. It is also only her husband who continues to study English after their return from Colorado. In the beginning, the American tutor was hired for English conversation lessons, but lately, the American also helps edit her Sometimes the two men will go to a yakitori bar, a small casual restaurant that serves grilled meat on skewers and alcoholic beverages, just to have an opportunity to speak in English outside of their usual lessons. She watches them leave the house tog ether, wishing that she could join them, but with three children to care for, she knows that will not happen anytime soon. Reflections Ayame was still mulling over the question about her return to Japan. She had to pause and think about her experience but

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125 She mentions wistfully that s he does not see herself living in the United States for an extended period of time again For Ayame, living in the United States was a once in a lifetime opportunity for her. Ayame appreciates the hardship she experienced in Denver because it made their stay worthwhile. She now knows that you real ly do not have to have perfect She now respects an old adage her mother told her before she left for Colorado that no matter what country you are in, if yo u were hungry enough, you would find a way to eat and survive. It will work out somehow. If she could return to America, she would definitely like to go back to Denver, Colorado, but with the children in junior high and senior high, she knows that this i s only a dream. In addition, she is back at work at a different pharmacy, working her way up to seniority again, and feels that she probably cannot take a leave of absence for an extended period time just as she did before. Perhaps when the children are on their own and she is retired from her job, she might change her mind, but until then she is satisfied that living overseas was something she had done in her past rather than something she wants to do in the near future. Ayame hopes that her children sh are her dream of going back to live in America. She thinks that if it were financially feasible, it would be a great idea for all of her children to study abroad. She realizes that since the children were there for such a short time, that they probably w ould not remember their time over there. Her hope is that when her children are older, they will want to go over there again. Kiku Introduction I traveled by train down to a small fishing village in Yamaguchi, a rural southern prefecture located at the ti p of Honshu, the main island of Japan. Unlike the large metropolis

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126 cities in Japan, where your senses are bombarded with throngs of people, congested traffic, and tall skyscrapers piercing the clouds, Yamaguchi is less evasive and more subdued from the st ressful rhythm of big city life. Famous for its jagged cliffs and rocky shores, the coastline borders both the Seto Inland Sea and the Sea of Japan. Away from the capital city, the prefecture is very mountainous, covered with red pine trees, with village s nestled in the valleys surrounded by rice paddies. The small fishing village I was traveling to faces the Sea of Japan and at its height had a thriving whaling industry. The whaling ships at the piers have now been replaced with large commercial fishin g boats with only a whaling museum as a reminder of its heyday. An American friend of mine who has lived in Japan for the past 21 years introduced me to Kiku (c hrysanthemum). My American friend teaches English at the local schools and also holds private English conversation classes in her home for children and their mothers. Her husband also teaches English at the high school every day and one night a week, he teaches doctors at a public university hospital located in a neighboring city. It was the chi ldren that brought these park, announcing that she met a girl who could speak English. My friend, who was trying to clarify the facts of this information from her youn g child, suggested that maybe the young girl wa s studying English at school and she wanted to practice talking in English with her, but her Kiku is a thin petite woman with short hair and a mother of three children. Kiku and her husband are from very different parts of Japan. She is originally from Kyushu, the southern island of Japan known for it subtropical weather and numerous hot springs and her husband is from Hokkaido the large northern island with its icy winters and unspoiled nature and wildlife.

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127 They currently live in Yamaguchi, where he is a vascular surgeon at a unive rsity hospital and she is a full time housewife. Kiku and her children take English lessons from my friend and my with Kiku when she stayed after one of her our first meeting, Kiku asked if my fr iend could stay with us through out the intervi ew, in case another translator wa s needed. My friend quickly commented that you are s replied that if it would make Ki ku feel more comfortable, then it was fine with me. Although she was given the Japanese questionnaire prior to my arrival, Kiku preferred to fill o ut the questionnaire as we talked just in case she could not understand the questions on the Japanese survey. Pre Departure When Kiku found out that she was going to go to the United States, she was able to divide the people around her into two groups: th ey were either very happy for her or they were very worried about her. Those who were positive about her new s would tell her how lucky she wa s to be able to go overseas or that they were jealous of her for having this opportunity. They also told her how wonderful it would be for her ch ildren because her children would be able to speak in English. The negative comments came from those who had never been overseas before, and they would speak ill of the United States based on the information they saw on tel evision. She was cautioned about the violence in American culture and how too much freedom in a society would not be good for her children. The American images that are portrayed on television also prompted others to tell her of the differences in child rearing pra ctices and how her children would learn to give her hardship and trouble.

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128 husband spent a short time of his childhood in the United States. He was very young at the time but he has distinctly fond memories of his time there and he alwa ys wanted to return to the United States again on e day. Many years later, an opportunity came his way. doctoral research at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. He selected Yale because there was a medical program there that he wanted study and also because his professor in Japan, who had previously been at Yale, highly recommended the school. This was a dream come true for her husban d and he was excited and looked forward to moving his family overseas. Kiku firs t thought that she would have about six months to prepare her family for their repare for her departure was to talk to some people who had been in America before. There were several epartment or university who had been overseas before, so she would ask them for advice for things she should take with her. Kiku also turned to the only two peo ple she personally knew who had had prior experience living abroad. One was a family who had lived in America for business purposes and had just returned to Japan several years ago. This family had children who were cl about the schools and what she could expect for her children. The other person she knew was her mo ther in law. Even though it had from t heir stay in the United States, her mother in law was still able to give her useful information about the nece ssary items they would need. Kiku found solace when she spoke to her mother in law. She knew that her mother in law had experienced what she was about to embark on

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129 survived the ordeal and was able to return to Japan safely. Kiku kept the advice from these two sources in her mind and in her heart as she packed for their departure. Arrival When Kiku and her family fir st arrived in Connecticut, a Japanese colleague of her husband greeted and welcomed them to the United States the same Japanese university and having been in Connecticut for a few years, he and his family husband contacted this family before they left for Japan and negotiated to buy the basic necessities for transportation and living utmost priority and with everything that she needed to do for her daughter and the second child on the way, she was relieved to know that certain aspects of their new life, such as getting quickly settled, h ad been about the location of the neighborhood because it was by chance that they happ ened to move into a safe area in a quiet neighborhood with good schools. Knowing that reputation and the location of the school was a priority for Kiku, especially after the other Japanese mothers told her that because her daughter was very young, her dau ghter would be able to attend the neighborhood school instead the school across town that had an ESOL (English to Speakers of Other in the United States, her daugh ter finished a full year of kindergarten and a couple of months in first grade. Social Networks Kiku had heard that other cities with a large Japanese community would also have an organized Japanese association, a supplementary Saturday school, or a Japa nese church available

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130 was only a small Japanese neighborhood network. This was not an organized association with membership dues, but a group of families who happened to live nearby and would get together mothers to meet while their husband s we re away from the home working and the children were at school. Members in that she associated a lot with the other members of her neighborhood network, espe cially wit h the mothers who had children similar in age to hers. She liked th e fact that the mothers all had similar concerns and that she was able to discuss her interests and problems with them in Japanese. Kiku would also get together with international mother s from her English class at a local playgroup. As the children would play on the swings and the jungle gym, the mothers would sit at a picnic table nearby and would be able to chat with each other. All the mothers would keep an eye on the children and they were quick to respon s to referee a playground dispute or to help ease a scrap ed knee. Kiku like d this community feeling she had with the international mot hers. It was a casual, relaxed atmosphere and Kiku preferred this type of setting because it was very different from the classroom at the church. The church scheduled or sponsored many gatherings like this and Kiku tried to part icipate as much as she could because she enjoyed the company of the other international mothers and was always looking

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131 Although she became friendly with the Japanese and international m others, Kiku did not think that she had many opportunities to meet Americans. Her neighbors were friendly, but If anyone had a relationship with an American, it would be her mother. Kiku did not keep in close contact with her in laws as she did kept in close touch with her mother through the telephone. Her mother did not use e mail, so the quickest way to contact her mother was to call her long distance. Since her mother had never been to the United States before, Kiku invited her parents to c ome visit them. Kiku was concern ed however, about her parents traveling over to the United States without being able to speak English. She was struggling with her English ability and she knew that for her parents it would be an even more arduous journe y for them. She was not as concerned when her mother in law came for a visit. Since her mother in law had lived in America before, her mother in law was familiar with America and knew what to expect. Her mother had traveled to Southeast Asia before, but that was different for Kiku because there are many places in Asia where they understand Japanese. This was America, and Kiku was anxious for her parents. She sent them note cards in English so that her parents could just show the cards to the immigratio n officer or customs as well as the gate agent for their connecting flight. Her parents safely arrived, and they stayed with Kiku for an extended period of time. One da y her mother commented to Kiku how blessed she was to have such friendly American neig hbors. She described that it was not just one neighbor, but that a lot of the neighbors would come over and communicate with them, she decided to be polite and j ust smile at them whenever they would

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132 Japan, she would often boast to other people re. The following for another extended stay. When she came back to visit the second time, she was pleased that the neighbors remembered her and would tell her that it was that the neighbors remembered her and talked to her again. Children Kiku wanted to make sure that her children maintained their Japanese culture. She did not necessarily think it was important for her as an adult to celebrate their culture, but she felt strong Because her children were so young, they rarely watched videos from Japan. Instead, she liked observing the Japanese seasonal and holiday celebrations that are enjoyable for her children to participate in, such as the tradition of osechi ryouri traditional Japanese food eaten on New hina dolls (Emperor and Empress dolls) on March 3 rd festival ; or decorating for the tanabata star festival on July 7th. The grandparents would send the necessary decorations or foods for the celebration so that her children could participate in the festivities of these celebrations in the same manner as their cousins in Japan. Kiku did her best to teach these traditions to her children and to incorporate them into the daily lives of her family. One item that the grandparents could not send was fresh cut bamboo for the star festival. Kiku had a hard time finding bamboo in Connecticut and ended up buying potted bamboo at the local nursery. Depending on the regions, there are different variations of the tanabata legend, but according to most, the star festival is about a princess who fell in love with a commoner. This displeased the King greatly and he forbid them to be together and had them separated by the

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133 Heavenly River (the Milky Way) in the sky. When the King saw how despondent the princess became, he felt compassion for his daughter and allowed the couple to meet once a year on the seventh of July. To commemorate the meeting of the star crossed lovers, children would decorate a fresh cut bamboo branch with origami cranes, paper chains, and other paper artw ork. They would write their tanabata wishes on a narrow slip of paper and tie them to the bamboo. The wishes are written in the hope that the starry couple would grant them their requests. The popular wishes from Japanese children are for good grades or for the ability to pass a certain entrance exam and of course, there are some who will wish for a new bicycle or the latest electronic gadget. After tanabata the decorated bamboo is either burned so that the smoke can carry the wishes to the stars or se t afloat on a river so that symbolically the wishes are carried to the starry couple on the River of the Milky Way. Since Kiku had a potted bamboo plant, the post festival ritual was not possible, especially not in Connecticut. Not knowing what else to d o, she decided to leave the decorated bamboo tree out for the rest of the year. When other Japanese families would inquire why they have not properly disposed of the bamboo with the tanabata wishes back in July, Kiku would tell them it was an American way English Language Kiku attended free English classes offered by a church affiliated with the university. The classes were open for the international wives of the husbands who were studying at Yale and were held once a week and taught by volunteers. She particularly enjoyed the international setting of those classes and had an opportunity to meet people from other countries. In Japan, she would occasionally see foreigners, but they were stran gers to her. Her English class was the first opportunity to actually get to know someone from a different country. In one of her classes, the students were assigned to introduce their home country to their fellow classmates. She liked

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134 this assignment be cause it gave her a chance to learn more about the countries of her classmates. She felt it was the best education for her to learn about countrie s she had never studied before and to enhance her knowledge about the countries she knew. When it was her tu rn to represent Japan, she demonstrated to her classmates the art of flower arrangement or ikebana a skill she acquired as part of her preparation for marriage. Before Kiku got married, she observed the social trend for the bride to be to be schooled in one of the Japanese traditional arts of flower arrangement or tea ceremony as well as cooking classes. Ikebana is not simply arranging the flowers into a pleasing display; it is based on a Buddhist philosophy of appreciating the simplicity and beauty of n ature. Kiku described to her class the meaning of ikebana and explained the spiritual reasons for performing ikebana. She also explained that choosing seasonal flowers makes one feel closer to nature, and how the arrangement is designed in a triangular f ormation with the flowers, stems and leaves representing the earth, the sky and man. She also immensely enjoyed the international food assignment, where she could sample food from her international classmates. When she had to give a presentation on Japan ese cuisine, she taught her classmates how to make gyoza (dumplings) and was pleased that everyone thought they were delicious. Kiku had to stop going to her favorite international class when her second child was born because she found it difficult to co mplete her English assignments while tending to the needs of a newborn. She redirected her energy and devoted her free time to her daughter by becoming a about an ESL (English as a Second Language) class offered through the local high school and was able to attend the night class when the baby was a little older.

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135 Family Life Cooking in America was sometimes a challenge, but Kiku thought it was manageable. Meals we re a little difficult at first. Her priority was the health of her family and she wanted her family to eat healthy Japanese food, but sometimes they could not eat what she wanted to serve her family. She learned to make dishes using different vegetables and ingredients available in the United States They were often times not the best substitutes, but were reasonable in taste. Kiku had to go to New York City in order to go to a Japanese market. There were Chinese markets in her town, which st ocked a fe w Japanese food items; however for most items her family would make a day trip to New York City. For the items that she could not find in New York, she would ask her mother to send them to her from Japan. There was a time when she was craving to eat cur ry bread, a yeast roll filled with meat and vegetables cooked in a curry sauce. She does not know why but she was really craving for it and was searching high and low to find it but it was not sold in America. She finally realized that if she wanted to e at it then she had but no choice but to make it Kiku remarked that American foods have strong flavors for her taste. She liked cooking that us es a variety of seasonings, such as pasta, or a spicy taste that is very different from Japanese cuisine. She considered herself to be adventurous in her eating style; however, her first taste of an American cake surprised her with its abundant use of sug Compared with Japanese baking goods that are just lightly sweetened, the American counterparts were inedible for her. The sweetness initially shocked her and she was a little taken aback that that it did n ot agree with her palate. Even the same products that she could eat in Japan were unpalatable for her. As time wore on, however, the more she tried to eat d to

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136 it Towards the end of their stay, she grew so accustomed to the sweetness of American baking that the American Dunkin Donuts One of the first things Kiku knew she had to do w hen she arrived was to learn how to drive in the United States. She had heard from others that a Japanese test was not available; therefore, she would have to take the paper test in English. This did not intimidate her at all because she was very determi ne d a Japanese English dictionary during the test and with her dictionary in her hand she marched into the New Haven Department of Motor Vehicles. Although she was a seasoned dri ver in Japan, she was still unsure of herself and was nervo us about all of this. What would happen if she could not underst and the multiple question s on the paper test ? She was thrilled when she was told that she passed and was issued a license. She was very proud of herself for taking the during the road test. Although she had to relearn how to drive on the right, she felt that driving was an easy adjustment for her. Unlike the narrow roads of Japan, she liked the broad American t thing to do in my American life, the n I would say Kiku and her family had opportunities to travel to other parts of the United States. They flew to Miami and drove down to Key West. She liked Key West because the palm tre es reminded her of her hometown in Kyushu. Their trip to Anaheim, California afforded them the opportunity to see a different landscape from the East Coast. They flew out to California with its mountains and coastline on the Pacific Ocean and marveled ho w it made them feel closer to

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137 Japan. The big road trip Kiku took was to Ottawa, Canada. They had to change their visa status and decided to drive to Ottawa via Niagara Falls. Unlike today where visa applicants are required to return to their home countr y to change the status of a visa, at that time, applicants just needed to exit the United States and re enter under the new visa. For many, Canada and Mexico were common destinations to accomplish this and living in Connecticut, Kiku thought it was a good idea to see the scenic sites of New England and make their way to Canada. Kiku and her husband loaded up the two young children into the backseat of the car and drove for ten hours to reach Ottawa. It was the very first time either of them had driven fo let the children sleep as much as they want ed in the and with an English map, they drove to Canada without any problems. Things were settling down nicely for Kiku. She was into her daily routine with her children and th e relationships she had formed with her Japanese and international friends. Her I felt di sappointed Other than that, everything else was fun. The children especially enjoyed the Easter e gg hunts. There are a lot of American She was busy with her second child and her confidence in her ability to live in a foreign country grew until the tragic day on September 11, 2001. Due to the proximity of N ew Haven to New York City, on the morning of the attack multiple people from Japan called her to make sure s he was all right. She had the i nternet and she would scour the Japanese news site s for any information about that attack and was relieved to know t hat the Japanese media had more

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138 information about what had happened than what was being released in the United States and that an American newspaper or a Japane se newspaper and that she could not watch Japanese television to get any information about the attack. As soon as new information was released, her family was re assuring for her. Living in New Haven, the attack in New York was too close for her and she feared for her family. She relied on her family in Japan to keep her inform ed of the events that transpired just south of their town. As the days went by, she wo uld hear stories of mother worked three blocks away from ground zero. She wou ld hear from their families that they had no contact with them; that they were missing. Knowing someone who has a family member still missing made September 11 th became a harsh reality for her. It was not just a terrible event that she saw on television, but also a devastation that affected the people around her and this made her scared. As the months passed by, Kiku did not feel less secure for her wellbeing, but noticed that changed. She did not have any direct information about this because she had a void of any information from the United States concerning the attack so she had to rely on what other Japanese people had told her. She did not realize that things were changin g, but she is sure that the Americans who had access to a lot of the information probably noticed a change: a change that she would not exactly describe. She heard rumors of retaliation and was told that a war would start at any time. She f elt as if the United States would be attacked again and she was in shock. She wanted to return

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139 to Japan, but decided to stay. Her husband needed to finish his work at Yale and she wanted her family to be together. Returning to Japan Although n Connecticut for three years, Kiku returned to Japan after two years. She had two reasons for her early return. One was that her daughter was starting first grade and she wanted to enroll her into a Japanese elementary school. The second reason was tha t she was about to have her third child and she thought it would be better for the child to be born in Japan. It was not that she distrusted the American hospitals. Her second child was born in Connecticut and she was familiar with what to expect. It wa s just that she knew if she returned to Japan, then her family could help her with the newborn as well as the two older children. She returned to her hometown of Saga in Kyushu with her two children to be with her family. After the baby was born, she sta yed with her parents for about a half a year until her husband returned. Kiku was happy to return to Japan. She was happy because she knew that her life would be more financially stable now because her husband was assigned to perform surgery at a hospit al in Yamaguchi. When they left for Connecticut, her husband was working towards a post graduate degree. He had already received his medical degree and was now pursing post graduate training in surgery. For Kiku, this meant that they were classified as students and not respectable working members of society. When they were in Connecticut, Kiku and her family returned to Japan for a short stay during the month of February in order graduation ceremony. When she returned to Japan t hat time, it was not a particularly a joyful homecoming for her because she was still uneasy about their future. Although her husband had finished his studies and was no longer a student, his job perspectives were still unknown, leaving Kiku in a state of uncertainty. This time, however, she felt that they could settle down and have

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140 jun cture because now that they had three children to support and she felt th at at their age they need ed to be respectable working members of society. At the same time, though, she views their Back in Japan Kiku broug ht back with her recipes that she learned during their stay overseas. Among her friends, she is known for her minestrone soup and pizza, both recipes she created when she was in America. Kiku did not bring back a Christmas tree but brought back her colle ction of Christmas decorations instead. She was amused that the Christmas decorations wer e really large for her Japanese sized Christmas tree. Kiku Not being able to quickly recall or retrieve information from her memory was becoming a common occurrence for her. She comments that it was often very confusing for her in Connecticut because she could not speak the language and not knowing words or inf ormation about certain things had become the norm. Now, she does not understand why it is e culture while they the American custom of hugging when you greet each other. I think hugging is really nice. Japanese mothers will hug their children when th ey are small, but then they stop. I have seen as long as they will allow her to continue.

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141 She saw some struggles with her children when they returned. Life w as easy in small town It was also difficult for her children to adapt to Japanese schools beca use they had attended school in Connecticut. When Kiku returned with her children, her daughter had never been to a Japanese school before. independent when compared to the other children, a stronger personality. Kiku attributed the belief tha from first grade. She saw her daughter struggle with her Japanese. Her daughter was not use d to speaking Japanese in an academic setting and was often taunted because her verbs and nouns family mainly speaks Japanese all the time. She thoug ht it was strange when she hea rd stories of Japanese children return ing to Japan without being able to speak the language at Japanese was not perfect, but at least her daughter understood Japanese. Kiku says that her daughter has now forgotten her English but has managed, unlike the adults, to retain good She laughingly admits that the only time her family speaks English is when the y are having their English lessons for one hour

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142 Identity Kiku finds it difficult to answer the question about her identity. She thinks there was not a major transformative chang e about her, but if she has changed then it was in small increments. When she compares herself before she left Japan and after she came back, especially in the w ay she looks at things, she can tell that there is something a little different. The fact that she was able to go live overseas changed her view of herself. She cannot believe that she was able to live in a different country, in a country where she did n ot speak the language, yet she was able to function on her own. Overall she still views herself first and foremost as Japanese and not as a returnee. Reflections If Kiku has a chance to go overseas again, she wants to go back to Connecticut because of t he wonderful experience she had over there. The winters were cold but around May, everything refr eshing, unlike Japanese summers, it was not humid, just clear blue sk They have traveled to Hawaii and New York, but much to her dismay did not have a chance to than Connecticut, she would prefer to go s omewhere on the Eastern Seaboard. Her husband America again is the same as hers, but that is where it ends: He would like to go out west somewhere. If they do have a chance to go live there again, Kiku predicts that they will most er

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143 especially since she hear a lot of negative opinions before her departure. She confessed that she had images from Seven (also known as Se7en) a Brad Pitt movie about a detective searching for ere. Kiku is opened to the idea of allowing her children go to the United States to study, well at least when they are in college. She predicts that her eldest daughter would be the one who most likely would w Connecticut, she would like her daughter to have an overseas experience that she will be able to le to speak English Kiku has a secret dream. Her dream is to drive across the United States and her plans are to leave for America as soon as she turns sixty. She realizes that driving long distance at tha t age will not be easy like when she lived in Connecticut but she is looking forward to traveling with just her husband, just the two of them, because by then her children would be adults and on their own. She is envious of people who can speak English b ecause they can travel anywhere in the world with ease and knows that in order to fulfill this dream of hers she will have to study English harder. She continues with her English conversation lessons to reach her objective, though she wished she had more time to devote herself than once or twice a week. At this rate, Kiku believes that it will be a while for her to be able to comfortably speak English. It is a long term goal for her and she plans to proceed until she is able to accomplish her goal: ant to be fluent at the age of 60.

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144 Mokuren Introduction Mokuren (Japanese m agnolia) is a part time pharmacist whose husband works for She has two children clos age s the hospital where her father is the head pharmacist. Because it is a family owned business, she is able to have a flexible working schedule that best suits the needs of her family and t hat of the together and were silently waiting for my arrival when I entered the room. Since they knew each st passing acquaintances and were not A first, Mokuren was very quiet, allowing Ayame, who was several years older, to take the lead. When I asked if Mokuren was there during the September 11 th attack on the World Trad e es, I was there beginning, she answered my questions in a soft voice, looking down with halting and terse answers. Her demeanor was tense as if she were holding on to her o verseas experience as if she were playing high stakes poker, guarding her winning hand. As the interview progressed, however, Mokuren began to feel at ease; especially when she found out that Ayame had similar experiences and hardships during her stay i n America. Once Mokuren was able to stand on the common ground that they shared, she was able to open up and reveal her story. The atmosphere of the interview flipped from a tense, stoic meeting of strangers to an overdue reunion of fast friends catching up on each other lives over tea. There were times when they would forget that I was the one who was conducting the interview and would start to compare their overseas experiences with each other and would ask each other the follow up questions to my or iginal

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145 adventures with understanding laughter, knowing affirmations, and keen interests. Pre Departure Mokuren was under the impression that every one studies and gathers as much information as possible about the United States before departing from Japan. She assumed that other people in a similar situation were doing this type of pre departure research and she felt uneducated and unprepared for her overseas journe should have talked to people who had been to America before, but there really was not a whole busy with his pulmonary research in Japan. He only had time to handle the paperwork necessary for his work position at a university hospital in Cincinnati, Ohio and left everything else up to the airline tickets and apply for the vis The logistic details of moving a household to the United States for an extended period of time fell to Mokuren. Her first step was to find a moving company that would transport their personal items overseas. She contacted several comp anies and found out that not all moving companies in Japan offer ed an overseas service. This limited her choices to find a competitive business purposes. For them, the father would be sent to the United States first with the respon sibility of finding a place to stay, buying a car, and getting insurance. The family would join him only after everything wa s ready and in place. This would not be the case for Mokuren. Her husband is a medical doctor who specializes in pulmonary diseas es and he was going to America as a visiting researcher at a university hospital. They were not going to America for

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146 business purposes; therefore they could not follow the usually accepted business protocol. Their objective was to go overseas for her hus band to study, so for Mokuren they were going to go as a Arrival When Mokuren and her family first arrived in Cincinnati, Ohio in late August, the first thing on their agenda was to enroll the children into the schools. They did not have the luxury to told to arrive early becau It was only after they found the school of their choice that they could go ap artment hunting so that they could live near that particular school. They did not know anybody in Cincinnati and did not have reliable information about the area. Initially their main source of information was from a Chinese researcher who was in the in which apartments the Japanese usually congregate and would give them advice on which a reas were safe or not. He told them where his children went to school, a differen t school than the on e they decided on, and recommended that they should do the same. With little information about the Cincinnati area, Mokuren and her husband started their apartment search. Mokuren first went to see the apartment complex that wa s know n to house a large group of Japanese. She did not immediately sign a lease to live there because she was not sure if she made a decision. They were still l iving at a hotel when school started on September 5 th After taking the children to school, Mokuren and her husband would continue searching during the day for the next two weeks to look for a place to live. After going around to several more apartment c omplexes, asking each other what they thought of each place, disagreeing about the price of the

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147 rent, they decided that the first apartment, the one with a large Japanese community was the one After Mokuren moved in, a Japanese woman who lived near their apartment unit took her shopping to the local supermarket. This Japanese woman was in America on an international exchange program and she had been living in the States for some tim e. As they walked through the supermarket, going aisle by aisle, she would teach Mokuren which items most Japanese would buy or which items probably agreed with the Japanese palate. Mokuren learned useful information and tho ught that the other woman was very kind to take time out and show her around. Not only did this Japanese woman give Mokuren a tour of the store, she would graciously point out on which shelf Mokuren could find her recommended items and tell her which brand to buy. Mokuren was thankfu l for food shopping and went home to tell her family the generosity of their Japanese neighbors. Mokuren you around town to diff erent supermarkets and also show you w h ere you can buy Japanese food. That type of information is always given to newcomers Mokuren appreciated this gesture so much that later on when a new family came to their apartment complex, she returned the favor The experience that rattled Mokuren the most when she first arrived was when she was told that her children would have to get several different vaccinations for school. She took her children to the university hospital to receive their shots and was ve ry upset about the entire Her children were scheduled to receive four different vaccinations that day and instead of receiving two inject ions in each arm, her child was jabbed in the upper thigh four in

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148 Secondly, she did not understand why the immunizations her children received in Japan were not recogn ized in the United States. The only explanation Mokuren receive d was that it was because was charged. Because she took her children to the hospital to receive their injections, this turned out to be a very expensive cost surance would cover the cost up front, but her husband told her that they would receiv e a reimbursement after he filed the paperwork. After just spending a lot of money to get settled into an apartment, money was tight for them at that time and all Mokure n When asked why she took her children to the university hospital instead of going to a pu blic he alth clinic, she explained clinics from the school with schedules when immunization vaccines were available for $5.00. Since her husband is a medical doctor, he questioned Mokuren about having th eir children was very adamant about things like that to a proper hospital. When her husband heard what ha d happened to the children at the hospital and was told about the cost of having the injections given at a hospital, he had to rethink his was $5.00 a visi

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149 Social Networks This She had som e ideas about Americans. She describes Americans as being big, gregarious people who do not pay attention to detail. Her general assumption was that overall Americans are just friendly people. When she arrived in Ohio, however, the friendly image she ha d of the Americans was completely different. Ohio was a cold region for Mokuren. The winters were bitterly cold where winter storms can dump several meters of snow on the ground in a short amount of time. This was very different from the climate of her hometown in Yamaguchi prefecture. Yamaguchi region is surrounded by water on three sides so the warm currents of the seas keep the winters fairly mild when compared to the rest of Japan. Mokuren was not use d to cold snowy winters and she compared the peo ple in Ohio to be just as frosty as their harsh The children were just as cold and n ot open and friendly. She called the children introverts and hel d When her family had an opportunity to travel to Florida, she noticed that the people in the south were more laid back and were not preoccupied with details or about s mall things. influence of the climate of the regions and r ealized that she wa s making b road generalizations and she knew that everyone individually has his or her own person alities, however, she cannot get over the irony that the people who m she thought had a fr iendlier culture was actually the

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150 Mokuren mainly associated w as well as t he mothers of the children who attended the Japanese school on Saturdays. Mokuren felt that she had more in common with the other Japanese mothers. A lot of them lived at the same apa rtment complex and she was able to spend her days doing various activities with them. The Americans she was able to meet were through her children when they were invited to go s were a lot more informal in their approach to friendships. When she would visit an American home, she would be asked to make herself comfortable in a casual manner. The Americans did not prepare anything special to serve or eat; they would just serve her things that were already available on s was also true for the children, especially when her children would go over to spend the night at a after they had the ir dinner at home. Mokuren did not have to worry about sending an appreciation gift to the other mother. The children, often already dressed in their pajamas, would just take their sleeping bags, toothbrush, and a change of clothes with them to stay overnight. In the morning, the children would be served something simple like panc akes for breakfast or eat a large pizza and then come home. The casualness and the simplicity of the sleepovers made it easier for the children to just have a lot of fun together. This was unheard of for Mokuren, becau se in Japan any guests who came to her home we re treated with the utmost care. When it me, then the responsibility became heavier because the mothe r wou ld make sure that the child went home with raving reviews to his or her

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151 epovers with their American friends, but because they had Japanese school on Saturdays, weekends were still school nights for her children. She had to limit their interactions with their American friends. She allowed her children to do fun things such as sleepovers with their American friends only during summer vacation. Unlike d to having an active busy life in Japan, but when she was in Ohio, she was not working; therefore, she had free time to pursue other interests when her children were in s chool. With the ability to drive a car, Mokuren was able to become more involved with other Japanese mothers whom she met at her apartment and at the Japanese school. The Japanese school was held every Saturday a Japanese teacher; al though she quickly pointed out free English conversation class while her children were studying Japanese. Children On their arrival to nd grade class with a pullout ESL (English as a Second Language) program. Soon after school started, the regular teacher informed Mokuren that her daughter was becoming a problem because she crie d a lot when she was at school. Her daughter would be so distraught that she would cry and cry and become inconsolable. The regular teacher would summon the ESL teacher to come and comfort her so that she could return to class. Mokuren theorized that th e problem with her daughter was her age. If her daughter were in the first grade, then it would have been different

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152 for her because she would have started learning her ABCs at the same time as the other American children. She would have learned the pronu nciation of the alphabet with her American classmates and it would not have been difficult for her because everyone would have been on the same level. Since her daughter was in the 2 nd grade, math and language arts lessons were instructed in English so sh e was confused because she could not understand the language. All she could do was cry. This happened so often that the ESL teacher wrote a note asking Mokuren if there were any problems at home. Although she continued to be miserable for a very long ti me, Mokuren thinks that her daughter still enjoyed school because she always wanted to daughter was to stay in school. She was worried because she did not wan t to leave her husband stay. Mokuren did not realize that homework was not assigned over summer vacation like they do in Japan. Not knowing how to keep the child ren entertained so that they were not bored over the long summer months, Mokuren turned to the Japanese mothers for advice. Many of the mothers, who had experiences from the previous summer, shared with Mokuren the variety of summer camps available around the city. She wanted her children to relax and enjoy themselves over the summer holidays because during the school year her children attended a Japanese school onc e a week on Saturday afternoons. Having to go to school six days a week, the children did not have a lot of free time to play with the other children. She did not want them to go to any of the academic camps, so she looked into the various sports camps t hat were offered and made her decision to enroll them into a tennis camp once or twice a week. She was happy with her choice

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153 because the children had a grueling study schedule during the school year. They would spend Monday through Thursday evenings doin g homework for their American school. Friday night and Saturday morning was devoted to studying for their Japanese school that started late in the afternoon. Sunday was once again time to study English and get ready for Monday. Mokuren was concerned tha t the children were spending too much time studying at a desk and wanted them to be able to do outside activities for a change. The tennis camp was a perfect choice because it allowed her children to get some exercise and also learn English at the same ti me. Mokuren not imagine herself talking in Engli sh in front of a class. She had heard of other mothers who had given presentations at the school and considered these mother s to be very bold and brave. Some time later, however, Mokuren was asked to help give a demonstration to a different school. A Christian school in the area was host ing an international fair for their students. There were to give a demonstration. Mokuren was invited to join their presentation and she accepted. She show ed the class how to do origami and how to write their names in Japanese. Mokuren place d white sheets of paper on top of newspapers she had spread on the table. With a thin brush and a container of calligraphy ink, she wrote their names in Japanese. She show ed them how to write their names using katakana a Japanese syllabary used to write foreign words and also wro te the word kokoro (feelings of emotions, heartfelt) or ai (love) in kanji (Chinese characters). She did not mind participating in the demons tration because she was not doing this alone, she was with a group of other Japanese mothers. She really enjoyed giving this demonstration for the children

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154 to l d me that Family Life For Mokuren, everything was larger in America. From the size of the shopping carts at the stores, to the way American s buy milk by the gallon ; everything was just bigger. She remembers when she first saw the size of the d n opening on the side with a latched door. It was the size of a small window and it was for people to be able to throw their trash inside the dumpster. O ne time, when Mokuren went to put out the trash, she saw a sofa in there standing in Mokuren marveled at the ma ny appliances, household items, and services available in the United States that make sturdiness of Ameri can products and referred to the Japanese counterpart s She w as curious about the garbage disposal, an appliance not found in the Japan. She was not apartment gave her a list of thing s that should not be ground in the disposa clogged, because if that happened, that meant that she would have to talk to the maintenance crew. Mokuren thought that it was an efficient and more hygien ic system than the one used in Japan where raw garbage is collected in a basket in the sink and disposed of later. Whenever possible, she preferred not to interact in English, even if it was just for simple conversation at the grocery store. She liked us ing the self checkout system at a store. She had never used it before in Japan and was amazed that she could scan her purchases by herself and pay an automatic cash register that resembled an

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155 ATM machine. She thought this was a great time saver for her, especially when she just needed a few items at the store and the fact that she did not have to speak English to accomplish the task. I am fine. However, There was one Asian market located about thirty minutes by car from her apartment. She time. S he was even more disgusted when she saw that most of the Japanese food items sold at with her when the owner of the market explained that there was nothing the store could do because the products arrive from Japan already expired due to the enormous amount red tape that is required to import the items into the United States. Being mindful that she was on a tight budget, she decided to allot a portion of her grocery money to buy basic necessities at the Asian market namely rice, miso paste, and imported soy sauce. She did not consider these items to be soy sauce and long grain rice we re sold at the regular supermarket. Al sauce because her family thought that the soy sauce brewed in the United States tasted different than the ones from Japan. Having Japanese style rice for her family was important fo r Mokuren. Before she knew about the Asian market, she first tried the instant rice from the grocery store, a typical American e was able to buy California short grain rice at the Asian market, the whole family was elated when she brought it home and cooked the rice in a rice cooker she brought with her from Japan. Eating Japanese style short grain rice made her family happy and it made life easier for Mokuren. Rice was such a central part of their daily

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156 meals that when they drove 18 hours to visit Florida for 10 to 14 days, she packed the car and of course she took the rice cooker with them. There were some other food items, h owever, that her family had to learn to eat. Her philosophy about buying American food items was that everyone should at least try it once. She bought American mayonnaise in the large jars that took two hands to open. s better, but for our family we used the one that difficult to prepare meals for her family because her family also preferred to have more meat in their d iet than most care packages from Japan. They would send her Japanese seasonings and other sundries. Receiving these additional ingredients from Japan made cooking meals easier for her because she thought that as long as she had rice and Japa nese seasonings, her family would be able to survive. Mokuren brought videos with her from Japan for children to watch. She was glad she did this because they could not afford the Japanese channel that was only available through a satellite service provider. She knew other Japanese people who were in Cincinnati on busines s could afford premium channels because their company was paying for their living expenses. For Mokuren and others who were financially responsible for their life overseas, they had to be frugal. Mokuren could not even afford cable television, so her chi ldren would watch the three watching the same video over and over again, Mok uren asked her relatives to send more. She

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157 saw that the Korean Chinese, and Indian markets that sold Asian food would usually have shows or animation that t here were watching when they were in Japan. She did not ask for any television shows for herself or for her husband even though they were addicted to the historical dramas produced by a public broadcasting station. The videos were basically for the child ren and the adults hardly watch ed them at all. Returning to Japan Mokuren feels very fortunate because she was able to return to their same house in Their house had not changed while they were gone, but the neighborhood was definitely different. The main difference M okuren felt when she returned f r o m Ohio was that the children in the neighborhood were now three years older. Her family had a three year blank from the neighborhood, but life in the neighborhood had continued without them. During their time away, the neighborhood children as sympathetic for her children, When Mokuren first return ed adjustment was easy for her, but she did notice that her children had difficulties adjusting back into their Japanese schools. When she asked her children, initially they told her that they had problems that needed to be resolved. Now her children think that maybe it is not a problem, it is just that they have changed somehow. They th grade when she returned to her elementary school. Her classmates from first and second grades at the school had already establis

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158 time re establish ing fr iends consisting of transfer students who transferred to the school when they were in the 3 rd or 6 th grade. It is not exactly the same as going overseas, but for Mokuren, these children share si milar experiences. All them were considered outs iders from t he children who were at school longer so they were able to band together to form their own circle of frien ds. They we re not particularly close or distant. Mokur what they want ed to do i ndependently, but when they had a co mmon goal, then they go t together and support ed each it was difficult for him to fit in socially with the other Japanes when they were in America, he did not make any effort to fit in with the people around him; therefore this is probably just a characteristic of his personality. She believes it was slightly easier for him to adapt into t he American culture where independence is nurtured and respected. In Japan, however, he is viewed as a child who purposely chooses not to conform to the rest of He She describes her son as more independently mature than ot her Japanese children and she sees t always say what he truly felt in Ohio, but Back in Japan After living in Oh io where everything was sold, bought, and accomplished on a large scale,

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159 e items at the grocery store were small and toy like, as if they were more for children playing house than for real people to consume. She was used to buying half gallon sized milk for her family, but when she went grocery shopping in Japan, she came back with a one liter cart over how small it was. It looked like it is a meat were sold in small portions. She complained that the meat is sold in 100 gram or 200 gram packages and not in the la style warehouse store, which is located about an hour away. Upon hearing about the store, she wrote down the information a scrap piece of paper and boldly annou nced that she was going to Identity When Mokuren was in Ohio, she called herself a Japanese and after returning to Japan, she would still say that she is different language and a different system and I was too busy to care what other people thought of This was a different perception for Mokuren. In Japan, she needed confirmation from the people around her for any decision that she made because she worried about what other people would think of her actions. Often times, she felt she was force d into a decision or had to agree family and friends. Nowadays, she does not care what people think of her anymore. When

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160 people ask for her advice, even though she can tell them directly what she would do, she is still not iced any changes in her, especially her children. Her children were young when they were in Ohio, so they may not remember the you ask my family what I was like a long time ago, they would not be However, Mokuren feels that her overseas experience has enriched her in a positive way and she Reflections Mokuren really enjoyed he was in Ohio he had more free time and they were able to spend more time together as a family. She is keenly aware that due to their limited time in the United States, her family made more re working and living in America living a normal life, then I am sure the father would be busy and come home late too She also thinks s to spend time and work always seem to be traveling overseas with thei bonds of the family again, to recreate the closeness they had when they were living overseas. Even thoug h Mokuren did not speak English well, she considers her first experience living overseas to be a big success. She knew that she could survive even with her lack of English ability when her parents came over to Ohio for a visit. Mokuren bought them ticket s to fly from

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161 Osaka, Japan to Cincinnati, Ohio with a transfer in Chicago. Her parents could not read or speak a passenger escort service from the Japanes e airline where a Japanese speaker would help passengers transfer from the international to a domestic flight. When her parents arrived, she was very proud that they airline. They managed to find their connecting international flight in Chicago with no problems. In the beginning, she did not v iew herself as an adventurous type of person, but she knew husban d and admits that most of her bravery and adventuresome spirit came from her devotion to her family. Mokuren hopes her children will have an opportunity to become involved in a study abroad program. And if they do, she wants the ambition to leave Japan t o come from the child in Mokuren is grateful that she had an opportunity to go overseas with her family. Living overseas has given Mokuren courage that she did not have before. She would like to continue to to go to a new country opportunity presents itself, Mokuren is definitely ready at a moment notice because in her heart, she already has her bags packed. She does not care if it is a different place than Ohio, it

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162 could Sakura Introduction Sakura (cherry b lossom) lives abou t an hour and a half west of Tokyo in the city of Hadano, located in Kanagawa prefecture. Once an area that grew tobacco and has since switch ed crops to green tea and ornamental flowers, Hadano City is at the foot of the mountain regions that connects to a national park and the historic hot springs of Hakone. On a clear day, the people of Hadano have a wonderful view of the snow ca pped top of Mt. d that t floor of the train station. M r. throughout Japan. Although in North America the franchise has most ly disappeared, in Japan it still holds a robust presence in the donut industry. The interior of the shops is usually decorated location, and San Francisco, to tie in with the Chinese menu the donut store also offers, are plastered on every wall. Sakura needed time in the morning to get her three children off to school before catching the train, so we decided to meet mid morn ing. Since I had never met Sakura b efore, I asked for some description that would help me find her, but she asserted that there would not be that many forei be ab le to find me with no problem. It was the start of the summ er rainy season and the skies were gray with low clouds showering the city below. My train arrived at an adjoining train station and instead of finding my way through the confusing maze of tunnels and stores of the underground city, I decided to

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163 make my way up to the street level and walk to the do ugh nut shop. As I stepped into the shop, an electronic musical doorbell announced my arrival and the staff in unison chirped irashaimase (w elcome) while continuously doing their work. I was putting my wet umbrella into a plastic umbrella sleeve that often times when I am in Japan; my American side seems to be more pronounced. Sh e nodded in agreement and showed me to the table where she was sitting. The shop was long and narrow with the do ugh nut display case taking up most of the floor space. The shop only had five small tables that were placed extremely close to each other. T he shop was bustling and noisy with high school students, dressed in their summer nautical themed uniform, discussing which do ugh nut they we re going to order and then going off topic about something that had happened at s chool. American music wa s blaring in the background as staff members serve d each customer in a systematic, almost robotic manner. When a customer entered the shop and placed an order at the counter, the sta ff would repeat the request out loud; box up the order; tally the order out loud; e xchange money by voicing the amount receive d and change given; hand over the purchase and receipt; and finally bow and thank the customer. In the b ackground of the recording, it wa s possible to hear the incessant doorbell chiming every time the automatic glass door opened; the singsong chorus of the donut staff and customers, the endless beeping of the cash register as well as the conversation of the high school girls who sat at the table next to us. It was a cacophony of jarring sound overlaid with the c omforting aroma of freshly made do ugh nuts and coffee. Pre Departure When two years to study for a graduate degree in engineering, the first thing she wanted to do was to

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164 get information about Florida. She went around and asked for advice from va rious people who had experience living overseas, but she soon found out that none of them had lived in Florida before, and those who had been to Florida were there as tourist s For S akura, Florida was the furthest you could be from Japan and all she knew was that they were going to a small college town of Gainesville, Florida. She wanted more information about living in Florida than about popular theme park attractions or the best se ason to travel to Florida. Her husband talked with some people at his company and also talked with a colleague of his who was already in the United States, but the colleague was currently living on the West Coast. No one had been to Florida to live there Sakura found some books at the local bookstore about living overseas and also used the Internet to gather additional guidance but the books or websites just gave out general information and did not cater to people who were moving specifically to Florid a As she suspected, there was an abundance of facts and information about visiting the the me parks and beaches of Florida, but not much about internationally well known Japanese electronic firm that has offices in North America, Southeast Asia, and Europe. Sending the Japanese staff to overlook the international office branches or factories was the norm for his co mpany. Due to the sheer number of Japanese staff constantly being deplo yed overseas, the co mpany offered classes for those with international assignments. Sakura had two small children at that time and without anyone to care for the children while she was at class, she could not participate in the special program offered by the company. She di d wonder if she missed her only chance to learn more about Florida, that perhaps they gave out important information about Florida in class and she was not there. Since she could not attend and did not know any one else who attended, she sighed and accepte d the fact that she will never know. Not to be deterred, if she could not find anyone who lived in Florida, then she still wanted

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165 to speak to someone who lived close to Florida. She did not know any Americans to ask for advice, so the closest person she could think of were some relatives who had lived in Texas a Arriva l husband arrived in Florida one month before the rest of his family. His company did not provide an apartment for them, so her husband had to search and find one on his own. He bought a car and got everything ready for his family to arrive. Si nce her husband did not travel with them, her in laws flew with Sakura to help manage the children over the long flight. assignment, Sakura was in the early stage pregnant, I told my parents that I would have the baby in America and they were all very With two young children and with her husband taking classes, Sakura knew that she would need help when the baby arrived Her mother worked full time, so she could not really go over to America to be of assistance to Sakura. Knowing that having another ad ult around when the baby arrived ould laws decided that it would be a good opportunity for her mother in law to practice fl ying to Florida so that she would be pr epared to fly back when the baby was due. Sakura was not sure how she felt about the entire situation. Her emotions were mixed with leaving Japan, going to a place she had never been before, and on top of that having her in laws there with her. Sakura was exhausted after the long flight from Tokyo. Her legs became swollen balloons from her pregnancy and also from being immobile on the long international flight. Her body

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166 ached as she looked over to her children, who were making their own journey though the land of dreams. At least the children slept most of the way. That was helpful. They arrived in Gainesville, Florida on a small turbo propeller airplane. Sakura was not too thrilled when she saw the small airplane, but when the plane taxied to the small regional airport her heart sank. airport and headed towards the apartment. He talked to Sakura and his parents abou t his month alone and how he had everyt hing under control. When she entered through the front door, much to her dismay, there was nothing in the apartment. She brought a few things with her from l she would often go to Toys R Us with her young children to buy ba by things. She found that the cost of living was much cheaper in Florida. She would buy thin American discount store, but she q uickly learned that the items did would sell things cheap, but they She was surprised hey will change it for you up to 90 days after purchase. In Japan, you have to give a very good became more settled in her new American life, she was able to create mor e of a home atmosphere with their apartment for their children and the new baby. It was much better than the Spartan bachelor apartment she entered when she first arrived.

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167 A month after Sakura arrived in Florida, the terrorist attack on September 11 th o ccurred. She was asked unsafe, but I did not go out early in the morning or late at She assured her family that she would be fine and reiterated that New York was far away from Florida, and that they were not affected. However, with the devastating pictures constantly broadcast on television around the world, it was difficult to make her parent understand that Sakura and her children were indeed Although she initially was not too thrilled about her in laws traveling with her to Florida, ref lecting back, it was in a sense helpful for Sakura that her in laws were still with them in Florida when the attack occurred or else she would have had two sets of grandparents worrying about them and insisting that they return back to Japan. Social Net works Her mother in to help with the baby for a month after his arrival. Sakura felt obligated and indebted to her mother in law for coming all the way to Florida to help with the b in law did not see it as an in law had traveled abroad a couple of times before as a tourist and this was her first expe rience of being able to live overseas. Although it was only for two months, she actually enjoyed her stay in Florida and kept telling Sakura that she would never have an opportunity to live overseas like this again so she was having a good time and was en joying every minute of it. Sakura met a Japanese woman soon after she arrived who became a very good friend This woman had been in the United States for about five years and understood some English. Her

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168 first child was born in Gainesville, Florida and t her, I do not think I would h ave been women would get together a couple of times a week to share stories, and experiment with cooking and baking as their children play ed together. Sakura respected her Japanese frien d because her husband had lived in the United States when he was a child, and for Sakura they Sakura met this woman in an unconventional manner. It was about the third day after Sakura had arrived in Florida and she was with her family at Toys R Us She heard another thought that I would approach strangers and ask them if there were Japanese. Especially asking mail addresses and the other husband knew about the J apanese association before he left Japan because he found their website online. The bi annual meeting was a good source for information, especially for newcomers to the area, thus Sakura and her husband were encouraged to join the association. She credit s this Sakura expressed that it was a little difficult for her to adjust in Florida because besides her good friend, she did not know anyone in Gainesvil le. Although she did ask for information from both Japanese and Americans she met, she came to rely on the Korean community the most. Sakura felt uneasy with the Japanese

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169 family joined the Japanese association, it was not easy for her to that she was ostracized from the groups because she would forget proper Japanese customs an d Because of this social faux pas, many of the Japanese groups were not particularly welcoming to her. With a baby on the way and no one to really talk to now that her good friend was busy with a newborn at home, Sakura felt alone. Sakura did not make any American friends either. Opportunities to meet with Americans we teacher was perhaps the only American adult she had an opportunity to co nverse with. They had moved to a relatively new apartment that still had sections under construction. There were not that many tenants living in the complex, therefore, Sakura did not reall y meet her neighbors or even have e to think of it, we really did no t associate with the Their association with e ither Japanese or Americans was on a limited basi s. Sakura heard about free English l essons offered to international adults at a local church that several of the tea ceremony group mothers attended. She regrets that she did not participate in these classes, but at the time it was not necessarily a practical endeavor for her to do. She wa s busy caring for a newborn and two other children all under the age of four. Her hands were full tending to the little ones and she had little time to pursue any interests outside of the home. The one activity she regularly participated in was getting t ogether with a group of Japanese wives to

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170 study and practice the traditional art of tea ceremony. She had briefly studied the art of tea ceremony when she was in Japan, a class she took in high school, but did not pursue it any further. It was not until she came to Gainesville, Florida that she beca me involved again with tea ceremony. She was invited by her good friend to join a class and quickly became a regular member of the group. The tea ceremony group met mid morning and would first practice tea fo r two hours and then eat lunch together. It was easy for Sakura to go to this class because there were other young children there and the mothers would take turn s watching the children as they took turn partaking in the tea ceremony: a rotation of mothers was a therapeutic outlet for Sakura. More importantly, she was glad that she finally was able to become a welcomed member of a Japanese group. Children It was imperative for Sakura that her children learn Japanese. She knew that since they would be in Florida for two years, her eldest son would be old enough to enter kindergarten when they return ed She wanted him to be p repared to go to school in Japan, so she was not Japanese, Sakura used books, videos, and music. She would show her children Japanese videos. and the children would no longer watch them, she asked her relatives to send them videos from Japan. Some of the videos were TV programs directly recorded off television whi le others were commercially produced shows or movies that were purchased from store s She read Japanese

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171 same musical background with the children in Japan. On occasion, Sakura and her husband would try to speak English. She admit point where the c hildren were code America for only two years and the children were really young, English did not really affect their oldest child was three years old when they arrived in Flo rida. Sakura decided that it would be best if they could send their son to nursery school, which she refers to as kindergarten, for a couple of hours a day. Sakura also had a one year old daughter who was with her all day. With a third child on the way, Sakura knew from past experience that the further along she was in he r pregnancy, the more difficult it would be to run around and care for her daughter who was now an active toddler. She thought that it would be helpful if her older son could be at scho ol so that she could concentrate on her one year old and her pregnancy. Sakura Sakura decided to enroll her son in a private nursery school. Sakur a knew how clingy her son could be and would act up whenever she was not around. Her son was fine whenever he was with her and could go anywhere she took him as long as she was around. Since this was a big step for her son, she tried to prepare him so th at he understood that he would have to go to school alone. The first day, Sakura told him that he was going to go to kindergarten. Her son was happy about it because he was a big boy now, and big boys go to the big school. The second day, he was okay ab out school, but the third day he was not okay at all. After the first three days

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172 e so they could have lunch together, but as soon as his father had to leave, her son started crying again. Sakura and her husband looked earnestly for another place and decided to transfer him to a different school. The second school informed Sakura that i t was all right if her son cried for the next two weeks, however, the policy wa s that the parents must go home. The school explained that the problem becomes worse if the parents are there, so Sakura and her husband had no choice but to trust the school It was very hard for Sakura to take her son to the new school for me, end her son enjoyed every minute of his time in the schools. At that time though, Sakura did not feel that he was in the American sch but instead noticed that the school treated him the same as the other children. One time when Saku ra went to pick up her son from school, she saw that he had a bite W hile the teacher was explaining to Sakura, the boy that bit him came running up to them and told Sakura that it was an accident several times. The father of the boy had just arrived and when he was told about what his son had done by another teacher, he c ame running up to Sakura as

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173 injury, but Sakura was impressed that the father apologized to her, a parent that she did not know. She was not use d to seeing this type of contrition from a parent. In Japan, the usual experience is that the parent would scold the child first by telling the child that he or she should not be doing things like that. In America, the parent apologizes to the other parent first. Sakur a She was letting t he father know that an apology wa s not n It was only later did she find out that when the father said that to her, it meant that he was teaching his child that it wa s not a nice thing to do. English Language Sakura did not take any English lessons before she left for America. She had ample with her at home while her oldest son was away popular musical television show for pre school children, which originated from Australia. Sakura enjoyed the shows because the English was easy enough even for her to understand. Once in a while, Sakura would try to speak English to her family but the c The English spoken in the United States was very different from the English Sakura learned whi

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174 d it in the dictionary. Her husband told her that she did not learn the phrase in school because it is not in the Japanese yet you would never find it in English classes at the junior Sakura lear ned many useful phrases that were never taught to her at school. She wonders why the English taught from textbooks is stiff and formal. Before leaving Japan, Sakura was afraid of English, because the focus was on English grammar or this set phrase has to You really do not need to know things in such a horrible experien ces when she was a student when her English class focused on translating the works of that she beca me aware that she no longer needed to perceive English as a difficult language to learn. It is not something that cannot be attained. She now thinks that those who have been overseas should start a campaign to inform the English language learners in Japan that many of the expressions and phrases they are studying are not Family Life Although Sakura put in a lot of effort to maintain Japanese language for her children, she acknowledges that she did not do anything to m of Japanese thin gs with us so we really did not family to enjoy their stay in America and learn everything they could about the country. She stated that she would rather take advantage of their stay in Florida and study abo ut American culture while they we re in America. This was because they were going to return to Japan

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175 anyway, therefore observing J apanese cultural traditions would be something they could do when they return ed ed so I did not then her family would do American things decision to h ave a baby in the United States did not bode well with her family. They were worried for Sakura. Their worry did not stem from their concern over the medical facility, but the fact that the entire delivery wou ld be in English. Would she understand what the doctors and the nurses would instruct her to do? Sakura, on the other hand, was not anxious dren were born in America. Sh e had met several more mothers who were members of her tea ceremony group who also had children born in Gainesville. The Japanese mothers recommended the university hospital for her delivery rather than the count y or regional hospitals that were also available in town. According to the mothers, the advantage of having a baby at the university hospital was that there is a Japanese organ transplant surgeon who is licensed to practice in the state of Florida. If anything should happen, they would be able to summon this surgeon, and he would be able to explain any of the necessary medical procedures in Japanese. Everyone who had their babies at the university hospital told her the same thing and this gave Sakura and her husband a sense of who could not be close by when the baby arrived It gave both sets of parents reassurance knowing that a Japanese doctor was close by just in case Once the hospital was selected, then Sakura contacted an obstetrician affiliated with the university hospital, a doctor who was also recommended by the Japanese mothers. Everything was in place for the big event. In addition,

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176 with the baby coming, Sak ura and her husband decided that they should move to a different apartment that had fewer students. Their family was about to grow, and Sakura wanted to live in an area that accommodated more families. Sakura was not expecting any cultural differences w hen it came to giving birth; however, she was surprised how the mothers and babies were treated at the American hospital. She was in the hospital for only on e day after her son was born. This was different from when she had her children in Japan where sh e was hospitalized for a full week after the birth. Also when her son was born, the obstetric nurse gently took him and wrapped a warm blanket tightly around him and placed a little cap on his head. Sakura was impressed with what the nurse did for her ne w son. She took many pictures. Sakura liked the idea of swaddling the baby. She remembers when her son was crying just after he was born, the nurses wrapped him up and he stopped crying, just like that. She thinks that her son must have felt a sense of security that way, wrapped up so tightly. Her other children were not treated in the same manner when they were born. In Japan, the nurses would place the baby on his or her back and just cover them with a blanket, more like a baby doll than a real baby She was curious about American babies because of the thick long hair. Her other children were born with an over abundance of hair in Japan and no on e commente d that her babies had a lot of hair, but she was repeatedly told at the American nestled side by side with the other American babies, she immediately understo od why she was receiving the comments. mother in law arrived a month before her son was born and was able to take care of the older children when Sakura went into labor. When Sakura came home from the hospital

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177 after the birth of her son, she wa s resting when Grandmother came into her room and asked her where she kept the burdock root because she was preparing dinner for the family. Sakura told her that burdock root was not really available at the local grocery store. If she need ed a daikon rad the market, she would complain that they do not have this type of vegetable or that type of orida long enough to know what wa s ava ilable at the local market and she had learned how to cook without certain ingredients. Grandmother, however, could only cook with Japanese ingredients she was familiar with and had been cooking with for a long time. After Grandmother returned to Japan, she would send Sakura care packages. Knowing that many Japanese ingredients we re not available, Sakura was looking forward to the packages from Japan. It turned out, however, that her mother in ura could understand when Grandmother would send her dry ingredients such as wakame (kelp) or their favorite brand of Japanese style curry mixes. Those items were useful and she appreciated the effort her mother in law made to send her Japanese ingredient available in America and that since it is heavy to send, that it really was not neces sary. In the end, Sakura just had to give up. No matter how many time s she told Grandmother, her mother in law continued to send them trivial things. She susp ects that Grandmother now thinks that there is nothing available in the United States. One time Sakura and her husband had to go somewhere and they asked Grandmother if she would stay with the children. They told Gr andmother that if anybody came or if a nybody called

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178 happened to forget that the maintenance man was scheduled to come to their apartment that day. After Sakura and her husband left, Grandmot her heard a strange noise. It was someone trying to open the door. She grabbed the children and went to hide in the back bedroom closet. After twenty minutes or so, Grandmother came out to check on the situation, leaving the children safely behind in th e closet. Much to her surprise, it was a man. The maintenance man tried to talk to her, but she could not understand a word he was saying. She told him in Japanese that she ell her about it so Grandmother never imagined that the Sakura did not realize that she had forgotten about the maintenance appointment until she came t only did he scare Grandmother to death, h e also came inside wearing his work boots and tracking dirt from the outside. After the man left, Grandmother quickly cleaned the apartment with the vacuum cleaner because he came into the room wearing shoes. Sakura and her family often went to Disney Wor ld in Orlando, Florida. They had heard from other Japanese families that they could buy annual passes to Walt Disney World, allowing them unlimited visits to the theme parks for one year. It was an easy drive for them, only two hours away by car, and her family would often spend a fun filled day at Disney. Sometime they for them to change into for the return trip home. This way the children would already be ready

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179 for bed if they should fall asleep in the car when they return ed later that night. On weeknights, Sakura tried to be back by 6:00 p.m. She needed enough time to give the children their baths and get them ready for bed because they would ha ve school the next day. Those were memorable It never come home and visit Japan while they were staying Sakura did not have difficulties with the food in America. After her mother in law returned to Japan, her husban d would often stop and pick up food on his way home from class. They did not go out to eat often because of the children and the baby, but she thought that the food her husband brought home was not that bad. She was fo nd of western style pastries and was certain Japanese ingredients, she would shop at the Chinese or Korean mar kets in town. There was not a Japanese market nearby, but the Chinese and Korean markets carried some Japanese Sakura was imp ressed with the taste of American rice. She liked much bet relatives how rice in American is delicious. Returning to Japan S akura knew they had to return soon but did not know exactly when they would depart for Japan. Her husband suggested a date for their return to his company, but his company told him to return to Japan a we ek after he graduated with his m told his company that it would be impossible and tried to negotiate an extension because he needed more time to prepare for their move back to Japan. He was still taking classes and did not have time to devote

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180 to selling their belongings and moving his f amily back to Japan. He compromised with his company and suggested that they leave around a certain date and it was accepted. Sakura was preparing to return in mid August. Towards the end of the semester, he reported to the company that he was going to graduate and requested money for their moving expense s. The company was strict, it wa heir belonging s The apartment was furnished with a washer and dryer, but all other items such as TVs, beds, and many other things needed to be cleared out. They needed to find people who would want them so they decided to advertise their moving sale. T he Americans who inquired about their items for sale her household, often times simply giving them away, and was concentrating on the items she wanted to take back with her to Japan. her husband finishing the semester, the burden of packing up the househ old fell on Sakura. One special item she could not remember packing was a digital camera. She could not find it e were so many pictures on it, I thought it might be that she foun d it. She had packed it th packed or sold, the five of them flew home together.

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181 Back in Japan Sakura arrived back in Japan on the 17 th of August. Once again, she was hard at work getting her children ready for school, which started in September. Her children were not entering school at the beginning of the academic year, which starts in April. They were entering at the start of the second half of the school year, right after summer vacat ion and there were was very busy again noticed a difference in the school culture immed entered the classroom, the teacher and his classmates would give him a cheer for arriving to school. The schools in Japan, on the other hand, were a lot stricter. The school made her son line up with the res t of the class and with each child raising one hand in the air; the children Another feature she saw at the American school was that the children had m or e freedom to express themselves, especially when she compared the artwork produced by the children. She explain ed that in America, when the children are asked to draw pictures, they are probably given a theme to work with, but it really does not matter what type of picture is produce d as long as the child draws his or her interpretation of the theme. In Japan, however, everything needs to be the same. This was especially evident the following year when the children drew portraits of their father for Fa instructed by their teacher on how to draw the pictures of their fathers. Each child was sitting at his or her desk with a large sheet of sketching paper positioned in the center of its desk and a box of oil pastel crayons placed on the top right corner of the desk. The teacher stood in f ront of the blackboard and drew an oval shape to represent the face, telling the children that the face needs to be long as the childre n copied the oval shape on their sketc hing paper. The teacher reminded

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182 the children that fathers do not have long hair or facial hair; therefore, these things should not be included in thei r picture. Since the portrait wa s for F the c hildren that they would now draw pictures o f things that their father liked or enjoyed such as beer and of cigarettes on his portrait. This was telling to Sak ura because it was clear to see who told her son and the rest of the class to draw the cigarettes. The teacher assumed that all fathers smoke d and since her son was young, he could not disagree with the teacher. This incident was the major catalyst that made Sakura re think about the merits of Japanese education. She does not want to say too strongly that the children in Japan do not have any freedom, but yet she still has these lingering thoughts now that her son is in junior high school and is required to wear uniforms. Sakura was the only one to recognize that she went through re verse culture shock when she retu culture shock? There were many driving on the left again. That part of her adjustment was fairly quickly achieved. What she had forgotten was how narrow the roads in Japan were and that there were always people walking in the street. She was amazed when she was in America that people do not walk in the streets because American streets have sidewalks. Driving in Japan made her nervous because now she had to dodge people just to drive down a re gular road and she had to swerve around the telephone poles, which jutted out into the streets, making the streets feel even more cramped and crowded. For Sakura, the streets in Japan were more of an obstacle course than a thoroughfare. poles. They are in the way! time to adjust to the driving. Since his initial return he has had to travel overseas a lot and has

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183 She had also forgotten simple things such as placing the shopping baskets into the grocery cart. In Japan, hand held shopping baskets are placed inside the large grocery cart so that it is easier to place the basket at the counter of the cash register. Sakura would onl y remember to do this when she wa to transfer my purchases into the basket this was a hassle for her. She also missed the service she received from the supermarkets in cultu re because the people working at the grocery store would not only bag her groceries, but would also kindly take them to the car for her. There was one embarrassing topic for Sakura that bothered her the most when she Although the majority of homes have western style toilets, the Japanese style toilets are still common for many public restrooms. Since it is a squat style toilet, often time one western t oilet stall would be available, and it would always be clearly marked in English for the non Japanese r home she would purposely search for a western style toilet. At her children school, only the Japanese style that their time away from Japan had affec ted their perception of conventions that were common

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184 d to the system now, but in the beginning it was a struggle for all of them. Saku ra, who initially thought that she would automatically come back to Japan speaking English, admits that her English did not really improve ayer so that they could specifically watch region one coded DV Ds tape s from America. Also whenever my husband travels overseas, he buy s English DVDs for rom Great Britain for her two older children for English conversation classes. They continued with the private tutor for some time, for her oldest son who attended kinde rgarten when they were in America. He was able to speak English when they returned, but decided on his own that he would Japan, we should speak Japanese. Since my friends speak Japanese, I will not speak Engli Even now, if you speak English to her son, he understands but will only reply in Japanese. While she was in Florida, she tried her best to speak in both languages, but her conversation lot of different ways, but more effort into it, thinking that her son would feel more comfortable speaking in English if she She wished she had taken more advantage of improving her English language skills while she was in Florida. Now that she has would

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185 Identity Sakura so eturnee, maybe that is a better answer than an interna tional may think that I am bilingual because I can speak a little English. It is only a coup le of words, but they are from the small city of Hadano. By Hadano standards, I guess you can say that I can Living Jap anese now, but when I first returned to Japan, I felt different. I thought I had changed The differences she f elt were changes she saw way I socialized with my friends has changed. We socialize with Japanese who have lived in Sakura never tried to hide her overseas experience from other people. She is, however, cautious when she talks to ex Her oldest son, on the other hand, hides his American experience because he refuses to speak English anymore. She believes that peer to speak English anymore.

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186 She wished that he were proud of his American experience instead of being stubborn about it. Reflections Sakura remembers the fun times she shared with her family. Driving two hours to spend a savors the time they we re able to spend as a family. After their return to Japan, her husband is very busy with his company now. His work keeps him late at the office and he does not seem to have much time for the family anymore. When he was in Florida, he was a student with flexible time. His schedule was busy with classes, but he could at least have dinner with the family every night. Now, he comes home late, after Sakura and the children have finished dinner and he often has to eat alone. Sakura sit s with him to keep him company and they are able to have an adult s the children are concerned and did not foresee that her husband would have less time for the family. She thought that since he did not have a long commute, that he would be home more. They had moved into a ho use that is 90 minutes one way by train to Shinjuku in Tokyo, but for her husband, he can walk to work. Sakura fondly remembers her friends in the tea ceremony group when she was in Florida. She appreciated the friendship they extended to her and wished that she could have close friends near her in Japan now. When Sakura returned to Japan, she was able to reunite with one of her

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187 closest friend s Since their children were of the same age, the two women were actively involved with the do beading together. We use d to go camping together. Her children would stay with us and my chil all her, but admits that it not the same. For Sakura, her go od friend s move created a distance between them physically and emotionally. Although in the past, they no longer get tog ether outside of school activities She was more acti ve when school she is not as involved with school activities as sh e was before. She misses getting opinion is that Japanese houses are just too small to entertain people at home. There is barely Japanese prefer to entertain people at a restaurant instead of inviting them to their homes. On the other hand, American homes with spacious rooms are more conducive to entertaining. It is easier t o invite the whole family to come to your home because there is enough room for the

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188 the time she shared with friends from the tea ceremony group. Alth ough the tea ceremony practice wa s scheduled to together in the morning until it was time t mothers would pick up the children from school, they would return back to the house that was hosting the tea ceremony practice and would stay there until it was time for them to prepare dinner for their Overall, it was absolutely a good experience for Sakura. She is proud of the fact that she If you are traveling, then you worry about buying souvenirs; however, if you are living there you have other things to worry about. According to Sakura, living in America is different because you have to do daily activ ities like shopping, buying necessities, and not just souvenirs. You have to cook and do laundry and learn to eat unusual like that made it a good experie Another positive point for Sakura was the opportunity to learn a new culture. She thought that Christmas in America was simply enchanting and when they returned to Japan, she shipped back a l arge Christmas tree with all the decoration. The first year she returned to Japan, she submitted a photo of her Christmas tree to a contest held by a large department store and won first prize. She tries to do other American traditions as well, especially observing the festive holidays for the children, and a sks her husband to bring back any holiday items or candy whenever he goes on an overseas assignment. Sakura thinks it is ironic that she puts in more of an effort to practice American customs in Japan when she rarely observed Japanese customs in

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1 89 America. She surmises that living overseas was so enjoyable that she is trying to re live it as Sakura hopes that her children will want to study abroad when they are high school. None of her children right now have the inclination to study abroad; especially her oldest son is see grandmother, so I want t her hope is that they will eventually change their minds, as they get a little older. If they do want to go, Sakura has only one criterion: they are free to go anywhere as long as she is allowed to tag along with them. Then she laughs when she realizes that at that age, her children probably would not want a parent to travel with them. Her children are busy now with a lot of afte r school activities. Her oldest has started attending a cram school, a supplementary school that meets and to give the students a slight advantage by furthe r delving into the academic subjects they learn at school. When Sakura saw the schoolwork that her son had to accomplish at his regular academics of her children, she decided to send him to cram school. Her two younger children go s. her youngest son is busy with swimming classes. Her husband has told her that when the children are older, he plans to im migrate to so nice. I would be prepared to im migrate

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190 If they do go, she wants to go either to America or m aybe Ume Introduction Ajisai was the pe rson who introduced me to Ume (plum b lossom). Both Ume and Ajisai met when they were living in the same town in Florida and although they returned to Japan at different times, they managed to keep in touch with each other and would meet at least once a becau se it is conveniently located for those who commute to the cities of Nara, Kyoto, or Osaka, the cultural heart of Japan. When we scheduled the interview, she offered to pick me up at the train station. When I asked her on the phone where I should wait fo towards the ticket turnstile, I saw someone frantically waving at me just beyond the exit. It was kei more for their fuel efficiency th an for their legroom. She opened the back door for me and I climb ed inside. She told me that i t would be safer for me if I rode in the back because she wa s not a very good driver. she sighs. As we drive towards her home, she gives a short tour of their community, pointing out where she shops and what type of restaurants are available and more importantly, whether or not the restaurant is good. The development of the area started about five years ago. The buildings, the shopping areas, and even common green areas or parks were ultra modern, sleek, and wel l

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191 planned, as if you were on a movie set for a futuristic community. When we turned into her neighborhood, it was quite obvious that the urban planners were creating a romantic version of the houses found around the Mediterranean. The roofs were made wit h Mediterranean terracotta tiles, and the exteriors were painted in the hues of burnt orange, rust, and dark brown. It looked more like a neighborhood in the hills of the Tuscan y than in the hills of Kyoto. The interior of the house was very western wi th hardwood flooring everywhere. In the living room, there was a single sofa with a pale blue slipcover on it. Against the corner of the wall were low rise L shaped wooden bookshelves for their television. A collection of DVDs was carefully placed on th e top shelf in sequential order. The collection consisted of two complete sets of th e American television shows of Full House a situational comedy about an A merican family (1987 1995) and ER a long running medical drama (1994 2009). Her husband had pur chased a region free DVD player so that they could watch the shows and he bought DVDs whenever he traveled overseas so that he would have every episode from every season in his collection. The whole family would watch the episodes together, although Ume c onfessed that she is not really watching the show because she has to rely on the close d The living room opened into the din ing room where there was a round wooden table with four chairs. On the wall bet ween the living room and the di ning room was an electric fireplace. s June. In an inst ant, the logs start ed to flicker and glow. You could distinctly hear the crackling of th e wood as the red light glimmered to give you the illusion of a roaring fire. On each side of the fireplace we re la rge sliding glass doors, which we re treated with cu rtains and valances with

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192 sprigs of silk flowers used as acce nts. Outside, the back garden wa s overrun with big vines with brought seeds over from America and is hat struck me about the interior of the house was that there was not a single item that is commonly found in a Japanese home. No tatami mats (straw woven mats) or floor cushions to sit on. There were no Japanese figurines, vases, or artwork on display. Her rooms were adorn ed with Americana themed accessories and framed scrapbook pages, which captured a glimpse of their lives in America. Her home was decorated in what can be best described as a cross between French country and shabby chic. I had mailed the questionnaire to Ume prior to our interview. She had promptly filled it out and sent it back to me before my arrival. She was a little take n aback when she saw that I had placed two recording devices on the coffee table. I explained to her that I h ad two just in case the battery sh ould run out. I assured her we would talk in the same manner as we were talking just now: c ausal and friendly. She giggled and repeatedly told me how she could not get eight years in the Kansai (western plateau) area, so she was free to speak in the Kansai dialect. She was relieved to hear this because she thought she would have to use standard Japanese and be formal in her I doctor and instead of going into private practice, he decided to go straight into scientific research. He is aff iliated with a large private university hospital and was usually not at home on a weekday. Her husband declined to participate in the interview because he said that his time abroad was just typical therefore, not very interesting. He did not join us in t he living room when we started the interview and i nstead decided to sit at the di ning room table and read the

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193 morning newspaper. He seemed to be very curious about our conversation, however and would pop out of the room every now and then to bring various things that they had brought back from the United States. For an example, when Ume and I were talking about a family road trip they took while in the United States, her husband quietly enter ed the room with roadmaps and souvenirs they had purchased at th at time, and pass ed them to Ume without a word. She would bow her head slightly to acknowledge the items without pausing and would then show them to me, continuing with her explanation about their trip. If they had any objects or item associated with the topic we happened to be discussing, he would quietly enter the room, hand them over to Ume, then turn around and leave. He repeated these interruptions throughout the interview, each Pre Departure s plan to live in America started early in her marriage when her husband announced that he wanted to go to the United States to do research. When the children came along, Ume decided to tell their children from an early age that they would one day live ov erseas, so that orders would suddenly change and they would be tran sferred somewhere else in Japan instead of would be going to in America. She would pull out the large world Atlas from the shelf and with her children at her side t hey would look up the location on the map together. They would make comments to each other that it wa s near a certain city or region and together they would daydream what it would be like to be living there. Unfortunately, their daydreams would often eva porate when her husband would later disappointedly announce that someone else was

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194 selected to go in his place. To the chagrin of the family, their overseas plans were pushed back repeatedly for a very long time. Ume thought that it was perhaps the spiri ts who had a hand in delaying their time of departure from Japan. She did not understand the reason why the spirit s would control their fate but she knew that if they had to wait patiently until it was their t ime, then that is what they would do. Since h er husband was determined tha t one day he and his family would be living overseas, they would practice their overseas experience by going abroad for short vacations. It was an exercise to get a glimpse of American culture as well as to enjoy a tropical pa radise with its floral soaked air and cobalt blue ocean. Many Japanese consider Hawaii to be a good location to visit if you have never been outside of Japan. Due to its proximity to Japan and the large Japanese presence that caters to the Japanese touri st, Hawaii is an innocuous exotic locale highly suitable for travel beginners from Japan. Ume thought so too and made several trips to the to tackle the main land and to go somewhere on the American continent. An opportunity arose husba nd told her that since they would eventually go overseas to live, they should take thi s opportunity and go to Orlando together to see what it would be like. The Orlando trip was a memorable vacation for Ume. She enjoyed visiting the theme parks and other Orlando attractions with her children and returned to Japan with a heavy suitcase ful l of Florida souvenirs and oversized Mickey Mouse dolls. Little did Ume know at that time that later on when her north of Orlando.

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195 She knew it was fate that dir ected them to go to Florida, but was not sure how she felt when their opportunity to go live overseas finally arrived. She realized that her children would be able to have experiences that they could not have if they stayed in Japan and when the children found out that they were finally leaving, both of her children were looking forward to their departure. Ume, on the other hand, was not so sure. Having to experience so many false starts before, so many broken promises of an overseas transfer, she faced her departure with trepidation. Her worries were not about her self or her children. They had been preparing for this was her parents and she wondered if her parents w ould be able to survive without her while she was gone. As an only child with elderly parents, Ume has a strong sense of fi nial piety, namely the Confucian teachings where the elders are obeyed, respected, and cherished. It is also the obligation of the adult child to take care of his or her parents once they have entered the ir golden years. At her parent s age s it was a transitional time for Ume as the adult child to become the head of the family and take on more responsibilities as her parents became more and more dependent and childlike. She would often go into blind panic thinking that if something should happen to one of her parents, she would be too far away to return to Japan in time. She was horrified to think that she would not be able to be a t their side when they nee ded her. Since her parents had never been outside of Japan, she was also troubled that she would cause her elderly parents to worry sick about her and her family while they were overseas. With images that America was a dangerous and unsafe country, she was not sure how she could pacify her parents. How could she instill in them that they should not be anxious about this and that they shoul d not worry about them too much? How was she going to m ake them understand that it would b e

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196 okay? With everything to consider about her parents, Ume was exited to start her American life, yet was still burden ed with their upcoming departure. Ume had one full year to prepare for the move. Initially, her husband received his overseas assignme nt to go to Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts Just prior to his departure, however, his university in Japan informed him that the sponsoring professor at Harvard had fallen ill. The University of Florida was suggested as an alternative loca tion, but because he could not quit his current job at his university. He had to wait another year before he overseas for research is usually scheduled when you are in your early thirties. For my husband, he was past 40 when he was finally able to ey were not able to go to Cambridge well known. People wou ld have been impressed if we were going there. When we told people re going to the southern part of the United States where it was more rural than th e bustling metropolitan cities around the Greater Boston region Since Ume had a year before her departure and this was her first time to go live in the United States, she decided to take action and became very proactive in her preparation to move. She realized the importance of linguistic and cultural d ifferences that her children might face and she poured her energy into enrolling them in programs that would expose her ch ildren to the challenges that they might experie nce. As she often had to do because of assignments to different laboratories within Japan, she explained to her children that they would be changing schools again. She regretted that she alwa ys had to put her children through this

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197 time after time. She was a lways the one to break the news to her children that they wou ld be moving again and they would have to transfer schools. Her son and daughter were use d to being transfer students by now, h owever, this time it would be different. This time they would be going to a place where they would not understand the language. She reasoned that having English conversation classes at least once a week was better than doing nothing at all so she enroll ed both her children into a juku or a cram school, a pri vate tutoring school that offered supplemental academic classes after school and on the weekend. Her daughter was in the 4 th grade, and since there were no English classes offered through the element ary schools, Um e did not have to think twice about sending her daughter to an English conversation class at the juku. Her daughter was placed in a class that met once a week and was taught by a Japanese teacher. Her son, on the other hand, was in junior high school, so he had an English class once a week with a native English speaker at his school. Would that be sufficient? No. She was determined that the more English classes her children could attend the more beneficial it would be for them, so Ume a lso enrolled her son at the juku She was glad when she found out that the juku offered a special class once a week designed to prepare students to live overseas. Although it was heavily advertised and promoted, in the end it turned out to be an unpopula r class with her son as the only attendant. She did not mind about this, as it was a was not suppose d to be a man to She guessed that the juku probably wanted to test market the student population to see if that type of class would be an attractive offering, but there really were not that many junior high school students who were planning to study overseas, at least not in h er area. In his class, her son would sit at the table with his three teachers: a native English speaker teacher, a Japanese teacher, and a Japanese

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198 teaching assistant. He told her fretfully that his heart was always pounding when he went to his lesson b ecause as the only student, he had to always face so many teachers. To make matters worse, once in a while there would be a fourth teacher in training who would join his lesson as well. When she inquired about what he did with all the teachers, he report ed that they would often just play cards using only English. Although the tuition for the juku was very expensive it was a good experience to prepare the ch To prepare herself for her new American life, she found a group that offered a class for both parents and children called the Organization for Education to Live Overseas. Although a ion provided this program free t o its members, it was open to anyone who wanted to attend for a $200 fee. The program was offered over the summer so that the children could also attend. The mothers and children were in separate sessions with each session consisting of oth er mothers or children who would share their experience of living overseas. Ume took notes during her session and quietly absorbed the stories of mothers who had been overseas. She also contacted other Japanese who were living in the United States at tha t time as hospital to gather information and to seek advice of what to pack as she prepared for their departure. She thought she did the best that she could, espe cially when it came to her children, to prepare for their new adventure in America. Arrival Another Japanese family of an international researcher at the University of Florida introduced Ume and her family to an apartment complex that was within walking di stance to a shopping center. Although the apartment was far from campus, the other Japanese family highlighted the three advantages of living at that particular location: the area was zoned for one

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199 of the preferable elem entary school s in the city, it was within walking distance to the grocery store, and there were several Japanese families already living at that particular apartment. With those recommendations, Ume decided it would be a good place to live. Her apartment was roomy and not too old with a lot of nice amenities that would not be available in a Japanese apar tment, such as a workout gym, club house or pool. She called their trip s to the trip s me in Hawaii. She was introduced to all of the Japanese families in her apartment complex and the mothers would often get together to go shopping together, prepare a nd share meals, or just relax by the pool with their children. She did not particularly b ecome friendly with her American neighbors and blamed neighbor across the w ay. They would greet me with a Social Networks Ume chose not to associate with Americans. She preferred to interact with other members When her children were invi ted to a birthday party or a sleepover, she only allowed them to participate if the invitations came from other Asian families, such as Chinese, Koreans, and Vietnamese. Her talk that occurs wh en she paid for her purchases at the cash register. Her children would tell her that she could part of her greetings to the teacher, just as in Japan. She would occasionally speak to the volunteers who work for the ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages) program, but that was not a regular occurrence, just every now or then when the y approached her.

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200 Ume loved to dance ever since she was a little girl. She started classical ballet when she was very young and gradually progressed to ballroom dancing as she became older. When her youngest child entered elementary school, she did not know what to do with her newfound free time. She happened to see a flyer on a community bulletin board advertising a hula dancing class. Hula dancing was becoming popular in Japan at that time and since she had been to Hawaii before, the idea of dancing again appealed to her so she decided to sign up. Ume felt that hula dancing was more forgiving on your body, especially if you had health issues. She had injured her knees and ankles in classical ballet and this forced her into early retirement from her beloved dancing by the time she was in high school. Hula dancing gave her another chance to reclaim her love of dancing because with hula dancing you dance in your bare feet, therefore the need for high heeled shoes that ar e required in ballroom dancing wa s not necessary. Also, it was not as physically demanding because you just bent your knees at a comfortable level of your choosing and use d your arms to express your dance. In addition, and this is what appealed to her the most there was no age or wei ght limitation to dance the hula. She could grow old and still be able to dance the hula. This is what made hula dancing an ideal recreational activity for Ume. Galvanized with her strong passion for hula dancing, Ume decided that she would start a hul a dancing class for the Japanese wives so that she could share with them the aloha spirit of Ha social gathering for the wives to get together and spend the day with each other until it was time for them to pick up their children from school. As the class grew in popularity, other Japanese would often ask Ume if an American could join their class. She would at first hesitate and mull over her answer but decided that she needed to be firm with her convictions: No Americans. Ume was apprehensive of having to interact with an American. It made her feel uneasy and

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201 anxious. She was willing to accept Mexicans because they were also foreigners and would communicate in an with as many people as possible and after some thought she decided that teaching non native speakers of English would be less stressful for her. She was particularly open to ac cept other Despite her self restrictive practice of trying to avoid America ns, one summer Ume did have an opportunity to interact with an American. That summer, another Japanese woman was looking for someone who could come with her to her private painting lessons, which she was receiving from a local artist. This Japanese woman did not want to take the lessons alone, so she was searching for a companion who would just accompany her to the lessons. Ume volunteered om during the lesson and watch her friend p aint. The more she attended the lessons; however, the more interested Ume became about learning painting techniques and wanted to paint too. The two women decid ed to try her hand at landscape painting and selected the water fountain that was the centerpiece at the entrance of her apartment complex as her first subject. She continued her lessons until her painting was finished. Children Upon their arrival, Ume quickly realized that her children could not speak English very well and agreed to place them into schools that offered ESOL (English to Speakers of Other Languages) programs. Her daughter was in elementary school and Ume described her The school that was near their apartment did not offer an ESOL program, so her daughter was

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202 assigned to a school that was located in a quiet neighborhood near the university campus It was a large two story red brick building with a tall brick smoke stack, a chimney that has long been dormant for many years, extending from the roof. The schoolyard is dotted with live oak trees, heavy with Spanish moss and surrounded by a chain lin k fence. It was an iconic image of a other people that my children went to a school like this. I was happy that they went to school lad the school held graduation ceremonies just as they do in Japan at the end of the school year. It made her feel better knowing that some school traditions were the Her son was in his second year of junior high school (8 th grade) when he came to America, so he had some English background from his school in Japan. Ume was a proud mother when she spoke of her son. He had started school a little earlier than the rest of his class so she was quite certain that he had the English ability of a 9 th grader even though he was in the 8 th grade, therefore he most likely had less tro uble reading his American textbooks than his younger sister. When she looked at other Japanese families, especially those with younger children, she thought chil dren in kindergarten or even first or second grade, the younger children are not burden ed children are learning to read and write with the other Americans. Speaki ng would be separate, are in the 4 th or 5 th grade, Americans already have reading and writing skills. Our children had to

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203 She was also jealous of other families who were visit Orlando as often as the other young families. On the weekend, our children had homework Ume and her husband would stay up late with her children to help them with their homework. She encouraged her children t o do every extra credit project and report that were available so that they could succeed in that particular class. She is a firm believer that her excellence. The sacrifices they made as a family made it worthwhile. She sheepishly explains, credits her husband for the academic success of her children, especially when it was time for science fair project realized that they were not the only parents who helped their children and she knew at a glance, who had a father that wa s a dentist or a medical doctor. Even though she could not unde rstand many of the science fair presentation s she said it was easy to spot if an adult had helped the Ume asserts that she does not know what kind of difficulties her children ha d at their American schools. She speculates that they probably did not tell her because her children did not expect her to understand. Having two childr en at two different schools was not reassuring for Ume. Having her children at the same school would have been easier because the siblings could noticed that there w ere two types of American girls: those who freely say things that are on their

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204 mind and those who cannot speak for themselves. Japan is no different, but for her daughter, she was not able to express herself because she did not understand the language. Since she could not also related to the fact that her children are older than most Japanese children in such situations Her daughter would not have had to s would not have the same type of problems at school, especially when it concerns English Between her two children, Ume noticed a change in her daughter the most. Her daughter was a s tudent who was very secure about herself when she was in Japan. She was the type of child whom other mothers could trust because they felt that their children were in capable hands. However, when they came to the United States, her daughter was thrust in to an environment let others help her and she never tried to do Ume is of the opinion that being able to speak to your friends is an important leisure time. You Because of her inability to communicate in English, Ume believes her er children were able to express themselves in English. It amazed her when she saw her children laughing and talking to their classmates in English. She was overjoyed and hoped that her children would one day forgive her for making them suffer with their language difficulties.

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205 Ume was astonished when she first found out that the children had a very long summer vacation. Not wanting her children to go two or three months without using English, Ume made it her missi on to make sure her children were going to take the maximum advantage of their summer vacation. First, she found a private tutor who could give English lessons for her children. According to Ume, Sally sensei (teacher) was a famous teacher in the Japanese community because she had lived in Ja pan before; therefore she could understand some Japanese. Sally sensei charged $20 a lesson for the children and Ume would drive her children sensei who suggested that the children should not just stay in the house all summer long and encouraged them to get involved with other camp and a zoo keeping camp offered through a community college in town. Deciding on which camps to send her children was the easy part, the hard part was to figure out how to register her children. She wa s not sure where to register nor did she know how to do the registration. When Ume inquired about this to the tutor Sally sensei p sensei handed the phone correctly, but Sally sens ei Once the zoo keeping program started, Ume was hoping that the children would have an opportunity to work with the animals. She had visions of her children communicating in English with their fellow campers as they tend ed to the animals. When the parents were invited to come and observe the children, much to her dismay, ot to be undermined, Ume also contacted another Japanese family who had a son in high school who happened to be a very good

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206 musician. She asked their son if he could teach her children how to play the saxophone. The teenager graciously accepted and when Ume inquired about his fee, he said he would do it for free. When she insisted on paying him, he told her that he did not mind teaching her children for free because it would count towards his volunteer hours he needed in order to graduate from high schoo l. Ume admired the generosity of this young man and considered him to be an honorable son of a fine Japanese family. When her son was about to enter 10 th grade, Ume knew it was time to send her son back to Japan so that he could attend high school. Ume wanted her son to graduate from a Japanese university and f or her the best way to do that wa s for her son to graduate from a Japanese high school. Ume enrolled her son in a private boarding school that is well known to produce graduates who can matricula te into prestigious universities throughout Japan. Thinking of her want to burden her elderly parents with the care of teenager, nor did she want to limit h her son traveled to Japan together. She wanted to see the school and to also help him settle into his dormitory. Ume was numb when they flew to Japan. She could not erase from her mind the vast distance that would soon separate her from her first born. She knew that her son must have been scared too and she sought for the proper words to r eassure him that everything would be fine. She had to be stron g for both of them. When she finished helping him set up his room, she had to muster all her strength and willpower to make her way back to the airport. She wanted to stay in Japan, but she also had obligations to her husband and her daughter who were wa iting for her return to Florida. Her flight back to the United States was somber and her heart was filled with despair. Ume did not know which was worse, worrying about her elderly parents or

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207 worrying about her son being alone in Japan. She cried and so bbed the entire trip back to Florida. English Language Ume found out that a local church offered free English classes every Monday and Wednesday. For the first half of year of their stay, Ume would diligently study and review the English lesson in order responsibility to tend to the needs of the children. One time she received a call from one of her s requesting she come to the office. Her husband could not go with her that day, so arming herself with a Japanese English dictionary, she marched into the school to accomplish her tactic al mission. Once she arrived at the school, she was told that a form was missing and that she just needed to fill it out. She took her time, carefully looking up the words in the dictionary, and was able to fill out the necessary form for her child. She did not feel intimidated since there was an ESOL program at that school. She assumed that the school was used to international parents because the office staff never pressured her by asking if she was fill ing it out for a long time, they never once though t She turned in the completed form and patted herself on her back for accomplishing at least one parental duty on her own. Mission accomplished! It was indeed a proud moment for Ume As the school year progressed, she learned that the forms were basically asking for the same information and she was able to fill them out a lot quicker because she did not have to rely on her dictionary to look up every word. She was becoming confide nt in her English reading and writing, however listening and speaking was still a challenge for her. When she went into the

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208 communicate by stringing words tog times she could not understand w hat the school was trying to tell her but instead of backing down she would just repeat her reque st over and over again, wearing down the office staff until her request was approved. Ume was aware that she was weak in her English conversation skills, but sh e though t that she could manage because as a housewife, she did not need to use English to accomplish her workers at the supermarket would talk to you. I could understand what they are saying if they we re asking routine things like paper or plastic, but sometimes all I hear d wa Ume also challenged herself to establish eye contact when she greeted someone. This is a custom that is not found in Japan and Ume had a hard time remembering to do this when she spoke to someone in English. She would be embarrassed to ace. She was pretty sure that it made her appear to the American that she was not paying attention to them because her eyes were randomly looking around the person instead of at his or her face. Even with her limited understanding of English, when her c hildren were craving fast food, she was brave enough to use the drive thru at a hamburger joint that was located near their apartment. At this particular fast food restaurant, the drive through was not the typical two way intercom system of a microphone a nd speaker, where communication is often muffled, making it difficult to understand even for a native English speaker. This particular fast food restaurant

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209 order t communicate. All you had say was double cheeseburger and show two fingers and then say rect order because it was proof that the American worker was able to understand her. As they would drive away, it was always her young daughter who would point out remind her mother that she needed to have flat intonation and to remember to try to enunciate the baa gaa After half a year, Ume noticed that her children were able to understand English better than she did so she decided it was time to g ive her children the translation respons ibili ties that she had to carry until ed her children to write down any thing that the teacher announced and to make sure they translate d the important points for her on. The problem with this was that her children now understood English through English, and no longer had to translate what they heard in English into Japanese in order to understand. This was very different from the way English was taught in Japan when Ume went to school. Grammar translation was the method often utilized, and the students were trained to translate English into Japanese. Her children, on the other hand, were taught English through English so they did not have the skills nor did they nee d to translate everything into Japanese for comprehension. This frustrated Ume. It was wonderful that her Fam ily Her family enjoyed living in a college town. She was proud of the college sports teams d in ot the least surprised.

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210 sports fan, she planned for her family to attend a college basketball game. She donned her family with the school colors and they all went to root for the college team. They wer that it was much better than many of the professional sports arena s in Japan. She made sure to remember to bring back the college team flags that you often see around the town on game day. They ar e usually attached on the windows of a car, one on each side, sticking out like the horns of a beast and driven down the road with the flags proudly flapping in the wind. Ume did her best to cook Japanese food for her family. She took a rice cooker with her from Japan hoping to be able to find Japanese ingredients there. She ended up buying ingredients from a Chinese market, because a Japanese store was not available in her area, and had to be creative with her cooking when certain ingredients were not available. She viewed the younger mothers with disgust when they would complain that their relatives in Japan would send them a care package filled with many Japanese things. She was annoyed when the younger mothers would find fault in what their relativ es would send them because for Ume, she did not d that, I would think how unappreciated Since her parents were elderly, they either did not have the energy or could not remember to do things f or her like the other families. She also suspected that her parents probably could not write in English, thus they could not address the package to her. A friend in Japan contacted Ume while she was in Florida for some advice about Japanese cooking. He cook a Japanese meal for her host family. Since rice is a staple for a Japanese meal, the mother was worried that the host family may not have a rice cooker. Ume advised her friend to buy a portable microwave rice cooker in Japan but to buy the rice in America. It would be too heavy

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211 for the daughter to bring an electric rice cooker and rice in her luggage. Ume assured her friend that the California short grain rice was just as delicious as the rice in Japan and the portable microwave rice cooker will do a good job. When her friend could not find one at the store, Ume allowed her friend to borrow the one she had in Japan. Her friend explained that her daughter did not kn ow w hat entre to make to comple ment the rice. Ume knew that Americans who have an interest in Japan would be willing to try anything, but the problem was daughter did not know her host family assignment yet. She advised her friend to make any type of teriyaki skewers because most American would eat them. It would be a good choice if her daughter used chicken or beef because the flavors are not too exotic for them. Ume was pleased to know that her friend turned to her for advice and she wa s happy that she was able to give expert advice to someone who was about to depart Japan. When with a cooking appliance that is often advertised in the middle of the night when infomercials rule the airwaves. The features that were int roduced through the impassioned sales pitch by a charismatic salesman mesmerized him and he promptly ordered a rotisserie oven. It was a convenient small electrical appliance that would perfectly roast a beefsteak or grill Japanese style yakitori chicken. Ume American ingenuity and Ume highly recommended it to other Japanese families. Around Thanksgiving, Ume was invit ed by her English teacher at the church to celebrate her international classmates, Ume decided that they would also roast a turkey at home. Her husband wanted to start roasting the turkey in the middle of the night because he heard that it took a long time to thoroughly cook a turkey. He brought out the small rotisserie oven and as

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212 usual placed the large turkey inside. It was quite evident very quickly that a lar ge turkey would not fit inside the rotisserie oven. Bang! Bang! Bang! The turkey legs kept hitting the side of the oven as it was spinning on the rotating skewer. Ume held the legs down and forced the turkey into the rotisserie, slightly damaging the heating elements. Deciding that it could be a health hazard if the turkey wa s not cooked properly, Ume transferred the turkey into the kitchen oven. Her husband jabbed the turkey with a thermometer and monitored the temperature of the bird as it was roas ting in the oven as if the turkey was a critical patient of his. Even though he started early in the morning, Ume said that she did not know that it would literally be an all day affair. They did not have their Thanksgiving dinner until very late at nigh t. Another Japanese family convinced Ume that she should buy a live tree for Christmas. Ume also wanted to get into the American holiday spirit and seized this opportunity to buy a real Christmas tree instead of an artificial tree. Not realizing that the supermarket, which is located only five minutes away by foot from their apartment, also sold Christmas trees, Ume heeded the advice of the other Japanese family and went across town to a home improvement store to make their purchase. They rummaged through the stacks of tree s and selected a very large tree. After all, she was in America where the bigger the better is the norm. They carried the tree to their car and were faced with a dilemma. She did not know how to get t he tree home. Her husband some how managed to shove the tree into the car, which was fine for her, however, the problem was that now her daughter did not have any room to ride in the car. Not k nowing what else to do, she made her 5 th grade daughter wait at the store all by herself until she could return to pick daughter had to wait. On their way hom e, Ume noticed that other people had their trees mounted

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213 on top of their cars. Every car she saw had the trees tied down onto the roof of the car. They were the only ones who had a tree inside of the car, with branches sticking out of the windows. Ume d id not realize that the store would help you mount the Christmas tree on top of the cars. The following year, however, she was much wiser and knew what to do. She just pointed at the family also decided to go to Key West, Florida during their first Christmas break from school. They looked at the map they brought from Japan and determined that it was not too far away. They hopped in their car and started to drive. The children constantly peppered them with the universal question whenever a family travels by car: Are we there yet? When they reached the half way mark after driving for over several hours, they came to the realization that the Japanese map was perhaps not to scale. When they finally ar rived, it was a little cooler than they expected. They were disappointed that the weather was not milder since it took them an In addition, the colo r of the ocean was winter gray and the weather was bad. Ume was beginning to think that this Christmas holiday trip was a mistake. When they woke up on Christmas morning, the staff at the hotel did not greet them with the usual good morning, but with a Y uletide greeting of Merry Christmas. Ume observed that the people around her were in suddenly struck me. Just by that Christmas greeting alone, I thought this is Returning to Japan husband was given a time limit of two years to complete his research in Florida. This time limit was set by his research supervisor in Japan and Ume initially agreed to go to the United States with the understanding tha t they would absolutely return to Japan after two years. As fate would have it yet again, two years later that supervising professor transferred to another

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214 university taking with him his grants and funding for the lab. It took a long time for the univers ity to find a replacement, placing Ume and her family in limbo. Her husband no longer had a lab to which he could return and continue his research, which means they could not go home. Six months later, another professor from a different university accept ed her husband as a member of his research team and was able to provide funding. Finally, they were told that they could return. That half year extension was financially difficult for Ume. They used their own savings to finance their stay in the United States, and they had only budgeted enough money to have a research job to return to in Japan, so their financial future was also unknown. It was a financial and em otional relief for Ume when they were told that they could go home. After being in Florida for two and a half years, Ume had accumulated household goods that she needed to sell. Luckily, another family was due to arrive from Japan, so Ume was able to se ll kitchen items and their car to the new family even before that family departed Japan. The She became a bit melancholy when she talks about her move back to Japan. There were many items that they wanted to ship back with them, but financially it was not feasible for them at that time so Ume had no choice but to leave them. Her with a company! I s jealous of the business families who were transferred overseas by the company. She heard from these returnees that they were actually able to save money while they were in America. It upset her when she heard that other families were able to achieve financial gains while they were overseas. For those returnees, their husband s received a higher salary and an extra stipend to live hey

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215 She refers to as no problem flaunting their overseas exp eriences. Besides the monetary issues, Ume did think that the extra half year was beneficial for her Also it was helpful for her daughter, because now when they return she can be class ified as a kikokushijo (returnee student). Ume explains that in order to be classified as a kikokushijo from an educational standpoint, a student needs to be overseas for a minimum of three years. She was wor ried that her daughter would not be able to ga in access to the special curriculum that schools offer for returnee she was able to enter a special school for returnees. When they first return ed the three s house near Kansai International Airport in Osaka. Her son was a senior in high school now and was still away at the boarding schoo l, so it was only Ume, her husband and her daughter who returned to Japan after two and half years. Within a couple of days, Ume went to look for a place of their own. Her husband new position was at a university in the city of Nara, and her daughter w as accepted at a private school well known for its international curriculum at Tambabashi City, in Kyoto. Ume decided to rent a house that would be a good central location between the two cities and then take her time to find a home they could buy. After renting for a year, they bought the ir current house three years ago. Since she was only away for two and half years, Ume did not really see any big changes in Japan, except for the names of the banks. While she was gone, there was a governmental

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216 financ ial reform and all the banks had either merged or had changed their names and she found this to be an inconvenience. She did notice however, that there were more smokers in Japan than in the United States. Since no one in her family smoked, she felt that it was more comfortable for her in the United States because of the no smoking policy that is enforced in many areas. When it came to smoking, Japan was lagging behind. She wished Japan would be like other health conscience nations and become more asser tive with the enforcement of a no smoking policy. Ove rall, Ume did not experience any difficulties readjusting back into her life in Japan. Back in Japan Reflecting back, Ume is amazed that she was able to live in the United States even though she could n ot speak the language. When she initially returned to Japan, she was so happy that she could communicate in Japanese. She became aware that she was more comfortable speaking in Japanese and how effortless communication had beco me since she had returned t at best to be short lived. She liked to go shopping at Victoria Secret and the number one difficulty she had was not selecting the merchandis e, but the fact that she did not understand English. If a sales clerk would as k if she needed help, Ume could only reply that she was just looking. But in Japan, it was a different matter. She could talk as much as she wanted with a Japanese sales clerk would have anxiety about shopping. It was not until I returned to Japan that I realize d Shopping became pleasurable for Ume again and when she moved into her new home, she immed iately started to buy furnishings and decorations for the house. Her inspiration came f r o m a home d cor magazine that she subscribed to from the United States. When she found out that the magazine would not mail iss ues overseas, she searched the i nternet and found a company that for a fee would lease a post office box in Tampa and would send the mail to your Japanese

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217 address once a month. It was through this magazine that she ordered the slipcovers from America to cover her new Japanese sofa. Ume was r elieved when she found out there was an American warehouse style store called was able to replenish many of the American items she had left behind. One item that sh e really regretted leaving was an artificial Christmas tree that she bought specifically to bring back to Japan. Her daughter was now use d to always having a large tree at Christmas time, so Ume t home, the shape of the tree was fine, but her daughter complained that it was not tall enough. Ume went back to the store and bought a second tree. Now at Christmas time, they display two trees at the same time. One is placed on the floor and the seco nd one is place d behind the first tree on a tall table so that vertically it would look like one large tree. Another custom they enjoyed at Christmas time was to decorate both inside and outside the house with twinkling lights. Decorating for Christmas i s more of a commercial enterprise in Japan where many large stores and downtown areas will create breathtaking winter wonderl ands with beautiful illuminated designs. Decorating private lights they purchased at te the outside of their home. Ume has influenced some of her neighbors to join in on their festivities. She has a ne ighbor at the end of her street who has never had an op portunity to live overseas. She has never been abroad, not even as a tourist, therefore she does not share the same cross cultural experience American culture vicari

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218 adorned the outside of her house with illuminations at Christmas time as well as carved jack o lanterns for Halloween. Like many of the holidays imported from the west, Japan has been selective, often times for commercial purposes, in which traditions of a particular holiday will be celebrated. At Halloween time, for example, you will see myriad of black and orange merchandise of Halloween themed decorations, t shirts, socks, handkerchiefs, and office supplies at many of the stores in Japan. In addition, the confectionary shops will display delicious Halloween themed cookies and cakes in their glass showcases to appeal to the sweet tooth of their customers. What you will not see is Halloween ca ndy and costumes. Small bags of Halloween candy are available, but it is more for personal consumption than to share with the little spooks and goblins that come knocking at your door. The traditions that were not importe d or celebrated for Halloween are to carve a pumpkin, dress up in a costume, and go door to door for trick or treating. To counter the lack of fun Halloween activities her children enjoyed while they were in Florida, Ume gave it her best to recreate an American Halloween experience. Bec ause the Japanese pumpkin is much smaller and denser than its A merican cousin, her husband bought seeds from America and grew American pumpkins and other veg etables in their backyard. He wa s cognizant of the planting time for the pumpkins and made sure th ey we re perfectly ripe in time for Halloween. At Halloween time, Ume, her neighbor across the street, and a third party. Afterwards, their children would dress u p and go trick or treating but only among their three homes. Though only the selected few participate d her children experienced while they were Florida has been admired by others. Although none of

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219 the other neighb Her daughter is now enrolled in a secondary school that i s affiliated with a large private university in Kyoto. Her high school now is a lot closer than t he junior high school she attended when they first arrived. It is now only three train stations away: a seven minute train ride and a 10 minute walk to get to school. Two thirds of the student body consis t of kikokushijo (returnees) with the remaining th ird comprised of students who have never lived overseas. the one third who have never been abroad are at her schools is because they just have a strong interest in English. Ume does not think that this is the onl y reason. She speculates that the non returnee children only think that they can speak English, but when they study in the same classroom as the returnee children, they realize that they have lost to the returnee children. At lunchtime, the students are speaking in English. Speaking in English is the norm. The non The school seems to be a good match for her daughter. She is thriving well and any concerns Ume had for her daught er when they were in Florida have Ume year, s out a list of items that the student should pack to take with them. She could not believe that the information she was told when she was in high school was still being dispensed to the parents of today. Some of the common questions she a nnoyingly receives every year are about hair products. The school advises the students to take Japanese hair products with them because they

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220 are more ag reeable with Japanese hair and p arents would ask her if packing shampoo and conditioner for their children is a necessity. She tells the parents that it is not necessary to take hair products like that because they are available in the United States, often times the exact same brands. have rice to eat on their trip and she would tell them that they do not need to because there is delicious rice in America. She shakes her head just to think of all t he students who have packed considered to be an international school. These international school trips are taken every year, yet the questions are always the same. She does not understand why the school never learns. Every The ot her returnees now live throughout Japan and sometimes it became a hardship for many of them to travel to visit their friends. Since Ume is near Kyoto, she is considered to be centrally located and has easy access to the train systems. When a long term Ja panese resident of Florida visits her family in the city of Kobe, she makes a conscious effort to visit Ume and spend a day with her. Once Ume is notified when her Florida friend would be in the Japan, she sends out invitations to her group of returnee fr iends to coordinate a big reunion at her house. She always She also looks forward to see ing her returnee friends and catch up with their lives. Identity Ume thinks she has changed in a positive way, especially her perspective in life has grown and she knows what is important in her life now. When she was i n Florida, the volunteer spirit of the Americans made a lasting impressio n on her and she wished that Japan would also share in

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221 Ume first witnessed American volunteerism when she attended the f ree English classes that were offered by the local church. She was amazed that the Of ten times when the volunteers would be taking their children to the park, they would call and invite the students to join them. Ume would also be invited to the homes of the volunteer teachers when the y hosted d everything and we did not pay them anything. I Now that she has returned to Japan, s he has much more appreciation of what the church was able to offer her in terms of English education. In Japan, she sends her daughter to a c ommercial English school where one lesson is 45 minutes long and is held four times a month for a fee of about $120. Compared with her free lessons she received from the church, this was now an outrageous price for her. cou her breath. Ume was not familiar with the protestant religion before she went to the United States and she still is not quite certain what it means to be a member of a church, however, she did notice the strong influence the chu Due to her admiration of the volunteers she saw in the United States, Ume feels very strongly that she wants to contribute as much as she can for Japan. She reminisces about a time when her hula dancing class in Florida was invited to a retirement home and to a kindergarten class. Initially, she did not want to perfor m in front of an American group; however she finally relented and had a wonderful experi ence of performing their hula dances. What influen ced her

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222 to change her mind was t hat another Japanese woman married to an American, pointed out to Ume that the Japanese are viewed by Americans as usually too qui e t and reserve d Ume was told that if the Japanese could shed that image and become livelier and be more dynamic, then the Japanese in the United States could be the foundation to build a bridge between Japan and America. The other Japanese woman told Ume that her group could be an agent to help build this bridge. This comment made Ume change her attitude and she was able to embrace any opportunity to be able to dance for others. Through her dance group, all of them were able to have a lot of different but enjoyable experiences that would not ha ve been possible. She was also glad to know that the students who took her class in Florida have continued to study hula dancing at various dance studios in Japan. It was satisfying for her to know that her goal to share the joy of hula dancing with as m any people as possible was still growing and thriving. Ume was impressed with the way American society accommodated those with physical disabilities. In addition, she admired how active and independent people with disabi lities are in America. There a re modes of transportation, such as buses and cars specially designed to accommodate someone in a wheelchair. Wherever she went, not only did she see handicap parking spaces, they were all located nearest the entrance of the building. For Ume, this was a sign that even those who are physically challenged are not just homebound, they are able to go anywhere with a wheelchair. In Japan, there are some handicap parking spaces, but often times a non hink they should be penalized Ume remembers seeing people in wheelchairs at the airport. They were not just at the airport to see someone off, but were travelers themselves, people going to For Ume it was a

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223 moved Um e that she wrote about it in an essay she had to write in her English class at the church. It is framed and displayed in her house. Reflections When asked if she would like to go overseas again, she smiles sadly, and says no. Ume is an only child who mar ried the eldest son. This means that there are two sets of grandparents If she did not have this situation with her parent s then sh e would like to go again, but as her parents grow older year after year, her dream to return to the United States become dimmer and more The years are passing by her too and the older she gets she is becoming more convinced that a person should be young when they live oversea s Ume has fond memories of her time in Florida. The Japanese people she met there all agreed that there is not another town more livable than Gainesville. For Ume, the Japanese community there was a place where people were able to get together, share, commiserate, and help each other embark on new adventures. Ume strongly believes that the friendships she established in Florida further enhance d her American life and made her stay there more unde rstood or appreciated her overseas experience. Now that her daughter is older and has met

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224 other returnees, Ume thinks that h er daughter has finally realized what she has been sa ying all

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225 CHAPTER 5 FINDINGS The research questions that were investigated were to explore what social networks are established and maintained for cultural and linguistic purposes both in Japan and the United States and to examine what role social networks play for Japanese return migrant s in their cultural identity in both countries. This study used both quantitative and qualitative approaches to collect and analyze the data to examine the role that social networks play in the migration process of Japanese return migrants. This chapter reports the results from the data analysis. A full report of the results from the questionnaire can be found in the tables located in Appendix E. The chapter will present the findings in the same order that was formatted in the questionnaire starting wit h responses about their language information, with continuation of their social network information, identity information, and ending with their culture information. Language Information Language is crucial to the very existence of social networks. Witho ut communication between individual s social networks cannot be established or maintained. The two language issues the returnees faced while they were in the receiving culture were maintenance of L1 and the acquisition of L2. Japanese Language Maintenan ce in the United States Six of the returnees did not view efforts at language maintenance as a necessity for the entire family, especially not for the adults. The returnees made no conscious effort to maintain their Japanese language; therefore, none of t he returnees were specifically involved in language activities or educational programs that were designed for adults to maintain their Japanese. The returnees, however, did exhibit behaviors that supported language maintenance through the access o f their social networks (Table 5 1).

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226 In terms of language usage, the primary language spoken in the family while residing in the United States was Japanese for all the participants. All of them spoke Japanese to their husband and children 100% of the time. Sakur a WI responded by saying that she occasionally spoke English to her husband and children, but only when she was in a situation that required her to do so, e.g. in front of other English speakers. The children of the returnees did not speak English to the ir parents. Three of the returnees reported that their children would seldom speak English to them, and the remainder said that they did not speak to them in English at all. All of the children spoke Japanese to their parents. Table 5 1. Japanese langua ge information In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often I spoke JPN with my spouse. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I spoke JPN with my children. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Our children spoke JPN with us. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Our children spoke ENG with us. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 33.3% 25% 50% 37.5% 16.6% 100% 37.5% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%

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227 In addition, the questionnaire results from Social Network Information 3 revealed that five out of ei ght returnees were in contact with their social networks in Japan while they were in the United States by writing letters, talking to them on the telephone or th rough the Internet (See Table 5 2). Furthermore, seven out of eight returnee s also occasionall y or often ch ose to associate with other Japanese speakers in the United States (JSN2). Ume WI was the only one to express that she seldom did this; however, this was contradictory to her interview where she stated she preferred to be with other Japanese, thereby making a possibility that her answer was most likely an error. Table 5 2. Japanese social network language information In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often I kept a close connection with JPN through my family and fr iends. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Associated with JPN speakers. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 50% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 33 .3% 25% 16.6% 50% 25% 33.3% 50% 37.5% 66.6% 50% 62.5% Table 5 3 shows results from the questionnaire about the language skill activities the adult returnees engaged in in order to maintain their Japanese while they were in the United States. T he findings revealed that the returnees were not highly interested in most of these activities for language maintenance. There were only three activities that were participated in to a certain extent by two or more of the returnees. The highest participa tion figure was watching Japanese videos with five out of the eight (62.5%) returnees responding that they did do this in their families. Reading Japanese books or magazines and newspapers on the Internet came in second

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228 and third respectively. Four out o f five of the returnees answered that they read books or magazines with two stating that they read a Japanese newspaper on the Internet. The purpose of these reading activities was for information purposes only. Ayame WI was the only one to respond that she occasionally listened to Japanese radio on the Internet. For the rest of the language skill activities suggested on the questionnaire, all of the returnees responded that they did not participate in those activities at all. Table 5 3. Japanese langua ge activities In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Watched JPN videos/DVDs. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Read JPN books or magazines. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total ) Collectively (8 Total) Read JPN newspapers on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Listened to JPN radio on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Enga ge d a private tutor. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Maintain ed a blog on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 33.3% 100% 50% 8 3.3% 100% 87.5% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 50% 37.5% 33.3% 50% 37.5% 33.3% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 33.3% 100% 50% 33.3% 50% 37.5% 33.3% 25%

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229 Table 5 3. Continued In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Maintain ed a website. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 100% 100% 100% Japanese Language Maintenance for the Children The focus on first language (L1) maintenance was directe d to the children. As mothers of school age children, the returnees were very active in trying to support and maintain their that they would have to return to Japan and enroll their children into Japanese schools, they Japanese speaking ability and a delay academically in their Ja panese language development. Tsubaki NI wrote: among all of participants, it was a priority for their children to learn or mai ntain their Japanese. Ume Similarly, Sakura WI who had a toddler and a baby, was not concerned about her language maintenance, and focused on teaching h er children Japanese instead. Four of the returnees (50%) with school aged children sent their children to supplementary Japanese schools that were held on Saturdays. These families were able to enroll their children into these schools, which are sanctio ned by the Ministry of Education (MEXT), due to their close proximity and driving accessibility to a Japanese school nearby. Only Sakura WI in her interview stated that she occasionally home schooled her children in Japanese.

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230 T he returnees were very vig ilant in trying to expose their children to Japanese through videos, books, and Japanese playgroups. All of the participants engaged in showing Japanese videos or DVDs to their children. Due to the cost, no one had a satellite service for a Japanese chan nel, but Ajisai WI and Sakura WI stated that they occasionally watched Japanese television tates on a regular basis. Mokuren WI initially brought some videotapes with her when she arrived in the United States thinking that it was sufficient for her children to watch. She said that since they were on a tight budget, they could not afford to pay for cable television, so her family was limited to watching three channels that could be obtain ed through the TV aerial antenna. She realized that she needed more Japanese videotapes when her children became bored with the American television shows and a sked her parents to send some them more. Sakura WI, whose children were under were so young and they were learning Japanese words all the time, so I had videos sent over Ayame WI was the only one who had access to a small Japanese shop just thirty minutes away from their home in Colorado. In addition to Japanese food items, the shop also rented videos to their customers. As Ayame described the vi illegal recordings because they were just tapes that someone recorded off the television, but we would English for Adults in the United States When asked to rate their English speaking ability on a 4 point scale (poor, fair, good or very good) all of the returnees rated themselves as poor speakers of English. Sakura WI revealed that when she was in Japan, she was afraid of English. Sakura also did not take any English lessons prior to her departure from Japan, although there were plenty of opportunities to

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231 do so. Her rationale was that she expected to just travel overseas and come back speaking English. nd you guessed it, I still cannot speak English, only a When Mokuren WI arrived in the United States, she took English classes because she felt the need to improve her conversation al is written, then I am fine. However, when it comes to speaking En As previously reported, all of the returnees attended an English class to help them learn English. Their commitment to learning English, however, did not seem to be very strong with five of the returnees (62.5%) stating that th ey occasionally went to English class and the rest of took priority over their second language acquisition efforts. Ume the group in the 4 th and 8 th grades and would often stay up late into the night to complete their homework assig nments. Ume lamented, write with the other Americans. Speaking would be separate, but they learn the same level of 4 th or 5 th with her husband to help them with their assignments. In half a year, she explained that her children coul d understand English better than she could so Ume was able to cease her English education and pursue other interests with her free time. English for the Children When the returnees were in the United States, there were a total of 19 children with 15 of t he children belonging to the returnees with interviews and four children belonging to the mothers with no interview s

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232 with no child enrolled over the 10 th grade (Figure 5 1). The longest enrollment in an American school was by children of Momiji NI and Tsubaki NI, who were enrolled for six years. Each line in the figure represents one child and the arrowhead on the left denotes when the child entered school with the arrowhead on the right representing the time the children left. A single arrowhead represent the age groups of the children. As seen in the figure, out of 19 children, eight of t he children did not go beyond kindergarten while they were in the United States. The remaining eight of the children were in elementary school (K 5) when they arrived in the United States, with five of them matriculating from elementary school to middle s chool and one who made it to the high school level. No Sch Pre Sch K 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 With Interviews 15 Children No Interviews 4 Children Total 19 Children 3 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Figure 5 1 Duration of time spent in American schools

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233 The majority of the returnees (seven out of eight) enrolled their children into local American schools with four out of five of them enrolling their younger childre n into a local American daycare center. A little less than half of the children of the returne es with interviews ( Table 5 4) who were enrolled in kindergar ten or higher were enrolled in special ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages) programs. The other eight children were not enrolled because an ESOL program was either not available at their schools or the child entered kindergarten or first grade after spending time in an American pre school. For the children of the mothers with no interviews, o ne child did not enroll and was directly placed into a mainstream kindergarten class T hree other children were initially enrolled, but then exited out of the ESOL program and were placed into a mainstream classroom. Ayame WI had the most unusual arrange ment where she was allowed to join her children in their morning ESOL class in Denver, Colorado. All parents were encouraged to attend the class t ogether with their children as an ESOL teacher broadcast on a television monitor in the classroom taught the class remotely Table 5 4. Children e nrolled in ESOL programs Did Not Enroll Initially Enrolled and Exited Enrolled and remained With Interviews (6 Total) 15 Children No Interviews (2 Total) 4 Children Collectively (8 Total) 19 Childre n 8 Children 53.3% 1 Child 25% 9 Children 47.3% 3 Children 75% 3 Children 15.7% 7 Children 46.6% 7 Children 36.8% Ajisai WI, Kiku WI, and Sakura WI placed their young children into daycare. One reason all three of them placed their children in to an American daycare center was to expose their children to an English speaking environment. These returnees wanted their children to take advantage of living in the United States and to learn how to speak English. Ajisai WI explained,

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234 I knew that we would be in America for two years and I wanted to be able to say later that we did this, that WI and Sakura WI was that they were both cond child was they needed childcare help for their older children when their babies arrived. Ajisai WI placed her two boys into daycare so that she would have mo re time to associate with other Japanese mothers. Ajisai did not drive in the United States and felt housebound and isolated from ot her Japanese women. Due to maternal guilt she decided to place her two young boys into daycare in order to attend English conversation classes and meet other Japanese women. The returnees were cognizant of the language struggles their children were having at school. Ume WI and her husband helped their children with their assignment late into the night as well as on weeken ds. Ume was envious of other families with younger children who were not burdened with academic work. Ayame WI oldest son often got into fights with his classmates at his daycare because he could not communicate well in English. Her son would often co me home from school miserable and crying because he could not explain to his teacher that he did not start the fight. The schoolyard fights ceased only after his English proficiency improved. The children were encouraged to play with other English speak ing children. The returnee sleep overs, or play dates. Some of the classmates were Americans and others were international Ume WI, on the other hand, preferred that her children associate with other Japanese or Asian children. She was not comfortable with her English language proficiency and preferred to associate with families who spoke English as a second language. Ayame WI marveled how

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235 quickly her children were able to speak in English when she did not feel that she had made much progress in her own L2 acquisition. Languages u pon Returning to Japan English in Japan Upon th eir return to Japan, the primary language spoken in the family was still Japanese. This was the same result that was found for the language use of the families while they were in the United States. There was no increase of using English among the family members upon their return to Japan, although some did report that their Japanese was sprinkled with English. Upon return, the children were speaking only in Japanese to their parents. Any effort to continue with their English education waned when they re turned back to Japan. It was revealed that all of the returnees sent their children to English conversation classes when they returned but did not further pursue any English programs for themselves. Only one returnee sought to continue her study of Engli sh by meet ing with an American teacher for an hour once a week. Table 5 5 shows the results from the question items that asked the returnees about their English language use an d maintenance now that they had returned to Japan. Overall, there was a notic eable decrease in the undertaking of maintaining their English. Unlike the strong push of showing Japanese videos to their children while in the United States, only two returnees responded that they would often show American DVDs to their children. Ajisa i WI and Sakura WI would buy American children videos whenever they had a chance, i.e. when their husband, any family member, or friend would travel overseas. The highest participation figure was found for reading an English newspaper on the Internet wi th 37.5% of the returnees reporting that they occasionally or often engaged in this. For the rest of t he activities listed in Table 5 5, the findings show low responses or no responses for any participation or engagement in English maintenance activities.

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236 Table 5 5. English language maintenance activities In Japan N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Watched ENG videos/DVDs. With Interviews (6 Total) No In terviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Watched ENG TV through cable or satellite. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Read ENG books or magazines. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Read ENG newspapers on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Engage d a private tutor. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Listened to ENG radio on the Internet With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Maintain ed an ENG blog on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 50% 37.5% 100% 50% 87.5% 66.6% 50% 62.5% 3 3.3% 100% 50% 83.5% 62.5% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 33.3% 100% 50% 50% 12.5% 16.6% 50% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 100% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 33.3% 25%

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237 There were al so low responses in accessing English speaking social networks when the particip ants returned to Japan (Table 5 6). For the returnees with interviews, only Ume WI hired a private English tutor for her children and enrolled her daughter in a kikokushijo sc hool (provisional schools with special programs for returnee children). The purpose of these provisional schools is to provide Japanese linguistic and cultural accommodations to the kikokushijo as they transformed back into the mainstream culture. The tw o returnees with no interview s both enrolled their children into kikokushijo schools. Momiji NI and Tsubaki NI were in the United States the longest, averaging five to seven years, and returned to Japan when their children were in secondary education. Th e majority of the returnees seldom associated or did not associate with English speakers in Japan. Table 5 6. English social network language information In Japan N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Associate d with ENG speakers. With In terviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Enroll ed in English conversation schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Enrolled children in kikokushijo schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No In terviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Enrolled children in international schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 62.5% 50% 75% 83.3% 62.5% 83.5% 62.5% 100% 100% 100% 16.6% 50% 25% 50% 12.5 100% 25% 16.6% 50% 25% 16.6% 12.5%

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238 Summary on Languages The primary language for the families while they were in the United States was Japanese. Although some of the participants did try to use English in their family, it was not sustainable and did not continue. The focus of first language maintenance was directed to the children. Language exposure for the children thu s was accomplished through videos, books, and music. There was a strong dependency on videos and thi s was often supplemented throughout their stay with additional shipments from Japan. Mokuren WI was the only one to report that she regularly visited a Japanese video rental shop near her town in Denver for her family Half of the participants sent their children to a Japanese Saturday school. These participants lived in metropolitan areas and lived within close proximity to the school. The other half of the participants either lived too far away from a school or had children who were not yet of school age at that time. The returnees who did not enroll their children into supplemental Japanese schools were aware of the linguistic and cultural challenges their children were facing when they attended school in the United States, however, they considered t hese difficulties to be part of ressed hope that in the end there would be a beneficial outcome for the children later. While the returnees were in the United States, all of them attended English classes that were offered by the local churches and taught by volunteers. The d raw to these classes was that they were offered free of charge, free babysitting servic e was provided and membership in the church was not required. The attendance to these English classes did last long due t o family obligations and was subsequently stopped. Once the participants returned to Japan, they did not pursue any additional English courses for themselves. They did, however, enroll their children into English conversation classes. Fo r those who were able to acquire a region free DVD player in Japan that wa s capable of showing non Japanese DVDs, American and Australian DVDs were

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239 whenever a perso n they knew would travel outside of Japan. Social Network Information Identifying Social Networks In order to identify the social networks for the participants, the returnees were asked on the Social Information 1 section of the questionnaire to list fiv e family members or friends with whom they associate d the most and to provide some information about them. The returnees had to determine the structure of the relationship, whether they were good friends, acquaintance s minor acquaintance s or family and t hey also ranked the strength of the relationship based on the importance of their close ties. The results show that all the individuals listed Japanese friends or family members as their top three social network ties with whom they had the most direct int eractions and close knit bounds ( Table s 5 7 and 5 8). Table 5 7. Social network information of Japanese return migrants with interviews Social Network Relationship Duration Nationality Distance Rank of Importance Ajisai WI 1 Good friend 5 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 2 Family 33 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 3 Good friend 8 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Good friend 8 yrs South Korean Lives out of town Average 5 Good friend 5 yrs Japanese Lives overseas Important Ayame WI 1 Good friend 10 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 2 Good friend 4 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 3 Family 40 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Family 15 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 5 Good friend 15 y rs Japanese Lives out of town Average Kiku WI 1 Good friend 7 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 2 Good friend 22 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 3 Good friend 27 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Good friend 22 yrs Japanese Li ves out of town Important 5 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important

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240 Table 5 7. Continued Social Network Relationship Duration Nationality Distance Rank of Importance Mokuren WI 1 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Averag e 2 Good friend 7 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 3 Acquaintance 3 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 4 Acquaintance 25 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 5 Good friend 30 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average Sakura WI 1 Good frien d 9 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 2 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 3 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 4 Good friend 4 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 5 Family 12 yrs Japanese Lives o ut of town Important Umi WI 1 Good friend 13 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 2 Good friend 10 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 3 Good friend 2 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 4 Good friend 30 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 5 Good friend 2 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Minor 1 Good friend 13 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average Table 5 8. Social network information of Japanese return migrants with no interviews Social Network Relationship Duration Nationality Distan ce Rank of Importance Momij NI 1 Acquaintance 40 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 2 Good friend 4 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 3 Good friend 2 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Good friend 15 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Im portant 5 Good friend 32 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important Tsubaki NI 1 Acquaintance 10 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 2 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 3 Good friend 20 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 4 Good friend 12 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 5 Minor Acquaintance 1 yr USA Lives out of town Important Most of the participants identi fied their important social networks as good friends or family members. Mok uren WI, Ume WI, and Momiji NI als o listed people as good friends but whose relationship was ranked as average instead of important. Except Ajisai WI, everyone else

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241 listed t he i r social networks as currently living in Japan. Ajisai was the only one to list a Japanese friend who still live s overseas. Only two participants, Ajisai WI and Tsubaki NI, listed a non Japanese member. Ajisai WI included a South Korean friend who m she has known for eight years as her fourth listing. She listed that particular person as a good friend, but ranked the strength of their relationship a s average. Tsubaki NI described an American person as her fifth listing. She has known this person for a year, rates the American a s important, but defined her relationship with the American as a minor acquaintance. A nother relationship that Tsubaki NI describes as important is categorized as an acquaintance. Pre Departure Social Networks In the questionnaire, the returnees were asked who they had turned to the most for information about living in the United States (T able 5 9) and were asked to rate their response on a 4 point scale (Not at All, Seldom, Occasionally or Often). Five out of the eight responders (62.5%) noted that they often relied on a Japanese social network for this information. Sakura WI and Momiji NI answered that th ey seldom turned to their Japanese social network for this type of information. None of the returnees sought to obtain information about living in the United States from American social networks. The majority of the returnees (75%) als o expressed that they did not contact people from any other nationality about living overseas. Only Ajisai WI responded that she seldom did this Momiji NI stated that she had often turned to books for information about living overseas. Returnees were also asked how much of their time they spent with certain people before leaving Japan (Social Network Information 2). The purpose of this question was to see if the returnees sought to establish a relationship with Americans or other international social networks living in Japan before their actual departure for the United States. All of them revea led that they did not associate with any Americans or any other nationalities before leaving Japan. This

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242 response was also supported from Social Network Inform ation 1 of the questionnaire (Table 5 10), where seven out of eight of the returnees replied that they did not seek advice from Americans living in Japan and 100% of them did not correspond with Americans in the United States. A summary of the findings ca n be seen in Table 5 9 and Table 5 10. Table 5 9. Social networks consulted for information about living in the USA Social Networks Before Leaving Japan: N/A Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews ( 2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Others With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 50% 16.6% 50% 83.3% 12.5% 66.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 62.5% 100% 75% 83.3% 50% 75% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 50% (e.g.books) 12.5% Table 5 10. Pre departure social networks Social Network Before Leaving Japan: N/A Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Japanese With Interviews (6 Tot al) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Others With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 50% 16.6% 50% 66.6% 83.5 % 16.6% 25% 12.5% 62.5% 100% 87.5% 100% 100% 100% 12.5%

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243 In preparation for their departure, seven out of eight returnees indicated that they ta lked to Japanese people who had lived overseas to ask for advice (Table 5 11). Within that gro up, half of them corresponded with Japanese who had specifically lived in the United States, with five out of eight returnees reporting that they contacted Japanese who were currently living in the United States. Tsubaki NI was the only person to say that she did not talk to anyone who had had overseas experiences before her departure. All responded that they did not contact any Americans who were living in the United States for advice. Only Mokuren WI reported that she did seek advice from Americans liv ing in Japan. Table 5 11. Social networks for pre departure preparation Yes No Talked to people who have lived overseas? With Interviews 6 Total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 2 Total Talked/corresponded with Japanese who were living in the USA at that time? 100% 50% 87.5% 50% With Interviews 6 Total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 2 Total 66.6% 50% 62.5% 33.3% 50% 37.5% Talked/corresponded with Americans who were living in the USA at that time? With Interviews 6 Total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 2 Total Talked/corresponded with Japanese who have lived in the USA before? With Interviews 6 Total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 2 To tal Sought advice from Americans who were living in Japan? With Interviews 6 Total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 2 Total 50% 50% 50% 16.6% 12.5% 100% 100% 100% 50% 50% 50% 83.3% 100% 87.5%

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244 Kiku WI indicated that she often relied on an American about questions pertaining to the United States, al though she did not offer any further evidence if she actually did this in her interview. When pressed to elaborate further, Kiku WI chose not to provide any more infor mation about the matter. Kiku WI and Sakura WI both stated that they first talked to people who had been to America and had she knew of two people who had been overseas. One was her mother in law and the other person was from a family who lived overseas for business purposes. Sakura went around and asked for advice in Japan from people who had lived overseas and her husband talked to people who were currently living overseas. There were othe rs who contacted with Japanese currently residing in the United States. In addition to their social networks in Japan, five of them corresponded with Japanese who were living in the United States at that time through e mail or a local Japanese community w ebsite. Japanese Social Networks in the United States In order to ascertain which social networks the returnees depended on to help them adjust to their new life in the United States, the same questions that were asked about who they turn ed to the most f or information about living in the United States, and who they associated with for an extended period of time, were asked as a second part to Social Network 1. Once again the returnees were asked to rate their response on a 4 point scale (Not at All, Seld om, Occasionally or Often). The difference this time is that their response now reflects the social networks they interacted with once they arrived in the United States (Tables 5 12 and 5 13). Concerning the question of who they would turn to the most w hile in the United States when they needed information, the questionnaire data revealed that all the returnees often or occasionally relied on their Japanese social networks within the United States for information about cultural and linguistic issues and would seldom approach an American for this type of

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245 information (Table 5 12). Prior to departure, social networks in Japan played a prominent role whereas once th ey arrived in the United States; the Japanese network within their local area while they were in the United States took over as their major source of information. Reliance on any American social network was not evident in the first part of the question, however on the second part of the question, the time spent associating with their non Japanese social networks showed a difference in responses once the returnees started their lives in the United States. Four out of eight returnees stated that they occasionally or often spent time with Americans. The rest of the group, five out of eight, changed from not associating with American s at all while they were in Japan to reporting that they seldom associate d with an American social network in the United States. Seeking advice from other nationalities in the United States also showed a slight difference in response with two of the returnees now responding that they occasionally or seldom reach ed out to other international social networks. Table 5 12. Social networks consulted for information about living in the USA Social Networks in the United States : N/A Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often Japanese in the US With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Americans in the US With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Others in the US Wi th Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 50% 100% 50% 50% 12.5% 33.3% 87.5.5% 16.6% 66.6% 100% 75% 50% 62.5% 16.6% 12.5% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 50% 12.5%

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246 The returnees were asked to f urther break down which social network they would access for certain types of information while they were in the United States in Social Network Information 2 (Table 5 13). For information about adjustment, seven out of eight of the returnees reported tha t they accessed their Japanese contacts in the United States for information about adjusting to their life overseas. Mokuren WI was the only returnee who responded that she seldom accessed her Japanese contacts in the United States for this type of inform ation. This colleague for information about the area. The response on the reliance for advice on problematic matters from their Ja panese networks in Japan changed while they we re in the United States with seven out of eight of the returnees reporting that they would not consult with their Japanese network at all about problems in the United States with one returnee responding that she would seldom contact her Japanese networ k in Japan. As seen in Table 5 7, a change in the responses can be seen when the same question is posed about consulting Japanese networks in the United Sta tes for problematic matters. Once again, seven out of eight expressed that they would seek consultation on problematic matters in the United States from the Japanese network in the United States with one returnee, Ume WI, stating that she seldom did this. There was also a change of accessing their American social networks in the United States with two out of eight reporting that they occasionally consulted Americans for problems and three of them reporting that they seldom did. A change in their access p attern can be seen as the returnees modified their rel iance on the exclusive Japanese only networks in Japan prior to departure to the Japanese social network in the United States with periodic access to their American networks. In terms of emotional supp ort, the majority of the returnees (seven out of eight) responded, ranging from

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247 seldom to often, that they would turn to their family and friends in Japan. However a higher majority (100%) also reported within the same response range that they would turn to their family and friends in the United States for emotional support. Table 5 13. Social network information in the USA While you were in the USA N/A Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often I relied on my JPN contacts in the US to help me adjust. With I nterviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with other JPN living in Japan. 16.6% 33.3% 50% 50% 50% 12.5% 37.5% 50% With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with other JPN living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I turned to my family and friends in Japan for emotional support. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I turned to my family and friends in the USA for emotional support. W ith Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 50% 100% 62.5% 50% 37.5% 50% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 33.3% 50% 37.5% 33.3% 25% 50% 12.5% 50% 12.5% 16.6% 50% 25% 33.3% 25% 50% 37.5% 16.6% 12.5% 66.6% 50% 62.5% 33.3% 50% 37.5% 50% 50% 50%

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248 The Japanese social network became a default American information source for the majority of the returnees. Althou gh the social net work that played an active role in providing information about living in the United States was predominantly a Japanese social network, a different access pattern can be seen depending on whe re the Japanese social network wa s located, either in Japan or in the United States. Once the returnees arrived in the United States, access to the Japanese social network in Japan lessened as the Japanese social network in the United States became incr easingly prominent ( Table 5 13). The returnees relied more on thei r Japanese social network in the United States when they needed advice or information about living in the United States or when they encountered a problem while in the United States. In addition, the returnees stated that they associated mainly with other Japanese in the United States with half of the group joining a local Japan ese social association (Table 5 14). In their narrative, they described how a Japanese family already living in the United States would initially help them adjust to their America n life. For some, the initial contact with a iversity where her husband worked in Japan was already living in Connect replacement, so his apartment, car, and all the necessary items were passed over to her family. Ume WI also established contacts within the Japanese community in Florida through her place. Her husband was a visiting researcher at the university hospital, and the families of other visiting physicians from Japan banded together and would help each other get settled into the local community. Ume said that through this connection, her f amily was introduced to an apartment complex with a large Japanese presence of temporary sojourners. An

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249 established Japanese community at her particular apartment complex was able to give them information about the local schools, shopping, and other gener al cultural advice. Table 5 14. Japanese social network information when in the United States In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often I socialized mainly with other Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) C ollectively (8 Total) I joined a Japanese social association. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 33.3% 100% 50% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 50% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 83.3% 50% 75% 33.3% 25% I n an indirect manner, Mokuren WI expressed that when she first arrived in Ohio, a Japanese woman who lived in the same apartment complex took her around town to different supermarkets to show them where they could find Japanese food and ingredients and to give them a brief introduction to American food products. She mentioned that the Japanese community that lived in her apartment complex would provide this service to newcomers in the area but was not sure how or if it was coordinated. For two of the ret urnees, access to the Japanese social network was not easily obtained. In Sakura order to scout out living accommodations for them. His company did not provide an apart ment for them, so her husband had to search and find one on his own. Ajisai WI also mentioned that when her family arrived, they did not know anyone in town and lived in a hotel for a month and a half until they could find a place to live. It was by chan ce that Ajisai and her husband happened to drive by a new apartment complex that was partially completed. She was able to

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250 move into a brand new apartment and recommended her apartment complex to other Japanese wives and mothers she met at a free English a s a second language class offered through the local church. As a result, Ajisai started a trend of other Japanese families moving into the same apartment complex. Throughout her stay in the United States, Ajisai took on a leadership role of establishing social groups to be more welcoming to Japanese newcomers to the area. This drive stemmed from her personal experience when she first arrived to the United States. She voiced her bitter experience on how difficult it was for her in the beginning to be ac cepted by the women in the Japanese communities. She explained that within the Japanese community, the social hierarchy that is based on factors such as the ranking of the university that you attended, the status of your re you come from (e.g. a metropolitan area or a more remote area) determined which social circle within the Japanese community you are eligible to join. She could not believe that the social hierarchy system that exists in Japan was transplanted and obse rved by the Japanese community in the United States. For Ajisai WI, being in a different country should be an opportunity to appreciate and learn about another culture, not a time to apply social customs from home. She view appalled by their ethnocentric views. Sakura also echoed this sentiment by saying it was very difficult for her to join the Japanese housewives group in her area of Florida. Others perceived her as a rude person because she kept forge tting proper Japanese customs. She said that she would forget how to properly introduce herself, and her greeting style would offend the other members of the community. She explained that it made it harder for her to adjust to her American life as fellow Japanese ostracized her; this action denied her any means to approach an active Japanese community. With no Japanese social network to access, she felt very isolated

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251 American Social Networks in the United States Although the returnees responded in thei r interviews that their children had American friends, it was not the same result for the mothers (Table 5 15). Four out of eight of the returnees stated that it was sometimes difficult to meet Americans and five out of eight marked seldom on the question naire when asked if they had made any American friends. Table 5 15. American social network information in the United States In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often I made American friends. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interv iews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) It was difficult to meet Americans. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 50% 100% 62.5% 16.6% 100% 37.5% 16.6% 12.5% 50% 37.5% 16.6% 12.5% Ume WI took full responsibility for not associating with Americans. She would briefly but other than that, she purposely did not b ecome socially involved with Americans because she felt that she could not communicate in English well. Kiku WI also reported that she did not associate much with her American neighbors nor did she feel that there were a lot of opportunities to meet Ameri cans. Others would also mention that they would greet their American parents. Ajisai American s. It was not that I did not want to associate with many Americans. I did not have the words to speak to them Ajisai also speculated that she was not successful in meeting Americans because she did not earnestly put any effort into it because she was housebound with

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252 two young children and no car. Others also expressed that they really did not have a good opportunity to meet with Americans. Their interactions with Americans would be limited to the public domain such as with schoolteachers, the apartme the store. When they did have an opportunity to associate with Americans in a social setting, it thering of other people from their hu International Social Networks in the United States Another social network that played an important role for the participants in the United States was an international social network. This type of network was not covered in the origina l questionnaire, but surfaced in their narratives. This social network was comprised of people who were not originally from the United States and they were all international speakers of English. All of the returnees who participated in personal interview s attended free English classes offered by the local religious organizations in their area. These classes are popular with the returnees who have children. In addition to the free English lessons, the church also offered a free babysitting service and me mbership to the church was not required to attend the English classes. Ajisai WI felt at ease to speak to other people from her English class and would sometimes get together for lunch with the other international women after class. As she said in her in Kiku WI would meet once a week for their children to have an international playgroup. She also sh to Speakers of Other Languages) kindergarten class and was able to meet other international parents through her involvement. This was a similar situation for Ayame WI. She said that all the international parents became ESOL class. She became particularly friendly with another

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253 we reall Ume WI was more proactive in her choice of social networks and would consciously select her associations with various members of different social networks in order to avoid Americans. Ume stated t hat when her children were invited to birthday parties, she would only allow them to American friends were declined. In another example, Ume, who is an avid dancer, started a free hula dancing class for the other Japanese wives in the area. The class was held at her apartment every Friday and it provided an occasion for the Japanese women to get together as well as learn a tropical dance skill that was not commonly taught in Japan. A couple of times, she would have other international wives participate in the class, but she would not let any Americans join her class. She said in her interview that when Americans would ask if they could join the class, she always re fused their request. S Mexicans because they are foreigners and it would be English that foreigners would use. It would be less stressful. Koreans are easy to understand. They speak a form of English that is easy fo r the Japanese to understand. WI also felt at ease talking to other visiting Koreans when she trying to adjust to her American life. Sakura, who felt that the Japanese community was excluding her to a certain extent when she initially arrived she said, Social Networks u pon Returning to Japan Follow up questions of the questionnaire in Social Network Information 4 con cerns social networks of the participants upon their initial return to Japan. The format is very similar to the questions they answered prior to departure and once again the returnees were asked to rate their response on a 4 point scale (Not at All, Seldo m, Occasionally or Often). Survey results showed

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254 another change from the reliance of the non familial Japanese social network in the United States to more dependency on the social network of family and friends in Japan (T able 5 16). Their response in reg ards to the consultation with the Japanese living in the United States modified with 100% of the returnees responding with the answers of not at all or seldom. The same results held true for consulting with the Americans living in the United States with 1 00% of the returnees reporting that they no longer accessed their American social networks. For the question item of who would they turn to for emotional support, seven out of eight of the returnees responded that they would look to their social networks in Japan. On the other hand, there is amendment in the number of returnees who would still access their friends and families in the United States once they have returned to Japan. Five out of eight answered that they would still access their friends and families in the United States with three of the returnees closing their access completely. This is a change from the six of the returnees who reported that they would reach out to friends and families in the United States when they were living there. Th eir answers for participating in a social association or organization for returnees were spread out. Only two returnees responded that they were actively involved, two more stated that they seldom were involved with the remaining four answering not at all Unlike the active involvement in the various social networks of Japanese returnees in the United States, the participants of this study did not necessarily join a returnee social network once they returned to Japan. Instead, the friends and families of the returnees prior to their initial departure once again became important social networks for them. The last part of the Social Network Information 4 section in the questionnaire also asked the returnees to comment on their s ocial networks now that the y had been in Japan for a minimum of 12 18 months. Keeping with the same format of questions the returnees were asked

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255 to rate their response on a 4 point scale (Not at All, Seldom, Occasionally or Often) wi th the results shown in Table 5 17 Table 5 16. Social network information upon returning to J apan Upon Returning to Japan N/A Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often When there was a problem, I consulted with JPN living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I tur ned to my family and friends in Japan for emotional support. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I turned to my family and friends in the USA for emotional support. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I meet/joined a social association for returnees. With Interviews (6 Total) No In terviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 50% 50% 50% 16.6% 50% 25% 16.6% 100% 37.5% 33.3% 100% 50% 50% 50% 50% 50% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 50% 37.5% 12.5% 50% 25% 33.3% 25% 33.3% 25% 12.5% 12.5% 50% 25% 37.5% 16.6% 12.5% 75% 50% 62.5% 16.6% 12.5% In the question items of consultation with Japanese friends and family who m they met in the United States or with their American friends or fam ily in the United States or Americans living in Japan, all of the returnees once again respond ed with seldom or not at all. These figures

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256 the question item a bout consulting American friends or family in the United States. Once again, there were no differences in the reported figure with 100% of the returnees not accessing their American social network at all. A possible new social network of other returnees in Japan was introduced into this section of the questionnaire to see if the participants associated with other Japanese who have lived overseas. When asked if they consulted with other returnees in Japan, all but one (seven out of eight) of them said sel dom or not at all. In their interviews, the returnees stated that in regards to membership in a returnee association or organization, there was no change in the involvement of the participants from when they initially arrived back in Japan. The findings showed that there was no difference in the social networks established or maintained from their initial re entry to Japan and their time in Japan now. Sakura WI mentioned that it was difficult to meet with other returnees. She thought that the reason wa s due to the housing situation in Japan. Japanese house s are small and often times do house in the United States than it is in Japan. In addition, she observed that since American houses have more space, there is enough room for the children to play on their own in another part of the house, thus allowing the adults to interact with limited interruptions from the children. Ajisai WI mentioned that there were th ree other returnee families living in her neighborhood. She explained that one family lives about two houses down from her, the second family lives across the way, and the third family lives one street over. Even though there are other returnee families living nearby at a walking distance, she did not associate with them.

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257 Table 5 17 Social networks in J apan In Japan Now N/A Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often When there was a problem, I consulted with JPN living in the USA With Interviews (6 Tota l) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with other returnees living in Japan. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in Japan. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I am active in a soci al association for returnees. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 50% 50% 50% 33.3% 100% 50% 16.6% 100% 37.5% 33.3% 100% 50% 50% 50% 50% 33.3% 50% 37.5% 50% 37.5% 1 6.6% 12.5% 50% 37.5% 50% 50% 50% 16.6% 12.5% 33.3% 25% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% Maintaining the relationships that were formed while in the United States a lso became a weaker the longer they had been back to Japan. On the survey in Social Network 4, only three responded that they maintain ed contacts with the Japanese still in the Unite d States and no one sustained any connections with the Americans they met in the United States. Ayame WI said

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258 that she was in contact with the Japanese people from her apartment complex in the United States when she first arrived in Japan, but now she does not correspond with them at all. Just as Ayame, Mokuren WI did not kee p in contact with the people she met in America. Kiku WI also reported she does not keep in touch with her friends in America due to the time difference between Japan and the United States. Ajisai WI and Ume were the only two returnees who kept in contac t with the Japanese friends they made in Florida. They tried to get together at least once a year with their group of Japanese friends whom they met in the United States. They would trally located area of opportunity that fate has given to you and you meet people who share the same experience of living overseas, you want to meet with them a gain. I really enjoyed my stay over there and even Summary of Social Networks Information Upon arrival, the participants relied on a Japanese social network in the United States for information about cultural and linguistic issues. Americans were initially seldom consulted, however, as the participants started to adjust to their lives in the United States, three of them reported that the occasionally spent time with Americans. The majority of the participants did not make any American friends because it was difficult to find opportunities to establish relations with Americans due to their lack of English skills. For the majority, a Japanese social network was preva lent even in the United States. In lieu of establishing American social networks while they were in the United States, the interviews r evealed that the returnees built a cross cultural network of other international migrants. This international network comprised of other migrants to the United States and the

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259 classes they attended. The common themes that cut ac ross the international network wa s that all members of the intercultural networked shared similar migration experiences, were all mothers of similar aged children, and were not native speakers of English. The findings showed that the returnees identified more with the members of the international network and found communication in English with other international migrants to be easier than communicating with Americans. In addition to the Japanese network in the United States, the international networks were well regarded by the returnees to provide inform ation, emotional support and cultural support in the context of their migration experience. Over all, the social networks for the participants in the study prior to departure were comprise d of only Japanese members. Before embarking on their journey over seas, the participants sought information regarding living overseas only from other fellow Japanese. The majority of them talked to other Japanese who had lived overseas before and half of them specifically contacted Japanese who had lived in the United S tates before. None of the participants established any relations with Americans or other international people in Japan or in the United States prior to departure. Upon arrival, the participants relied on a Japanese social network in the United States for information about cultural and linguistic issues. Americans were initially seldom consulted, however, as the participants started to adjust to their lives in the United States, three of them reported that the y occasionally spent time with Americans. The majority of the participants did not make any American friends because it was difficult to find opportunities to establish relations with Americans due to their lack of English skills. For the majority, a Japanese social network was prevalent even in the United States.

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260 Identity Information Self Identification The questions in the survey in Identity Information 1 asked about their identities and how the participants perceived themselves before leaving Japan, while they were in Japan and upon returning to Ja pan. The results revealed that all of the returnees identified themselves as Japanese before leaving Japan, while they were in the United States and upon returning to Japan. When asked on the survey if they considered themselves to be a bilingual person, no one identified herself to be bilingual at any point in time. Sakura WI said that she would never can speak a little English but it is only a couple of word themselves to be bicultural, the majority of the responses were negative but there were some affirmative answers. Ajisai WI considered herself to be a bicultural person when she was in the United States, but did not view h erself in that manner now that she had returned to Japan. Sakura WI also considered herself as a bicultural person and continued to identify as a bicultural person ev en in Japan. She did emphasize however, that she only considered herself bicultural whe n compared to others in her small town. Since the question allowed multiple answers, two of the returnees also labeled themselves as foreigners while they were in the United States. Returnee Identity For the response in Identity Information 2, two of th e participants considered themselves as a returnee even when they were in the United States while six of the participants identified themselves as returnees when they returned to Japan. Tsubaki NI was the only person to refer to herself as a returnee befo re leaving Japan. In a second part of Identity Information 2 where the returnees again had to choose from a 4 point scale, three participants identified themselves as a returnee now that they had been in Japan for a while. When the question was re worded and

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261 instead of using the word returnee for their identity, they were asked if they are glad to be considered as an international person, five of them agreed while three of them seldom gave it any consideration. The term returnee was perhaps easy for the participants to identify because there is a specific word in Japanese ( kikokusha ) to describe a person who has been overseas and now has returned. Kikokusha ( ) is a common word in the Japanese vernacular to use when any Japanese travels overseas and returns. Kikoku country and sha means someone of that nature. Together, the compound word becomes a noun for returnee. Cultural Identity Identity Information 1 also asked the participants to describe their overseas experience while they were in the United States and their re entry experience when they returned to Japan. Their re entry experience once they were in Japan was further divided into their initial return and how they view themselves now. While in the United States, seven of the participants strongly identified themselves as Japanese with Ajisai WI reporting that she seldom did. When asked again if they still identified themselves as Japanese now that they have returned, seven of them affirmed that they did with Kiku WI now reporting that she seldom does. One item in this n of the returnees (87.5%) felt that they had a lot in common with the other Japanese while in the United States. Upon their initial return, however, a big change can be seen with only two responding that they still felt this way. Now that they have had time to resettle in Japan, the number of affirmative responses have c hanged again with eight returnees reporting that they have a lot in common with their fellow Japanese.

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262 Six of the returnees were proud to be Japanese and five of the returnees were glad to be born Japanese. Upon returning to Japan, only five of the returnees felt this way. None of the returnees tried to hide their overseas experience from their Japanese peers, but that was not the case of other family members. Sakura t hide my overseas experience from other people, but my son is probably hiding his experience because he has decided not to speak while in the United States with Mom iji NI responding that she occasionally did. The results were the same for the returnees beginning stages of their return and continues even now, however, the one person who responded that she occasionally had negative feelings toward other Japanese had c hanged to Tsubaki NI. On the topic of if they were treated differently in the United States because they were Japanese, one answered occasionally and another answered that they seldom felt they were treated differently. When they returned to Japan, the question asked if they were treated differently now that they are a returnee, only one responded that she occasionally felt that she was when she first returned, but no longer feels that way. Half of the responses indicated that they tried to conform to t heir American peers while in the United States and two of the returnees felt that they had a different way of thinking than the Americans. On the question that asked if the returnees felt they had a different way of thinking than other Japanese in Japan, only one replied that she occasionally thought so when she first returned, but after being in Japan for a while, no one noticed any differences. Kiku before I left Japan and after I came back, especially th e way I look at things, there is just a little

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263 to Japan, I felt different. I thought I had changed somehow. But now I feel more settled. Living in Japan When I asked them in their interview if they felt different upon their return to Japan, the majority of them said yes, but could not specify exactly how they had changed. As Kiku WI was able to go live overseas, maybe there is something a l ittle different. just a little bit of something different. Ajisai WI did not think she had changed per se, but felt that her attachment for American household items and American th ings Ume WI agreed that she had changed and that she also now has a newfound respect in the ed to volunteer by teaching hula dancing here in Japan. I think it is wonderful when people can teach each other their Kiku WI did not think that her demeanor or mannerism changed and declared that she guess es she is Jap anese after all, howeve WI noticed that she became a stronger and more independent person who no longer felt she needed approval from others. not have noticed a change in me, but I have. I think I became a stronger person because I know who I am Summary of Identity All of the returnees identified themselves as Japanese in each segment of their overseas experience. Only two of the partic ipants considered themselves to be bilingual or bicultural Ajisai WI considered herself bilingual while she was in the United States, but no longer thinks she is now t hat she has returned. Sakura WI thinks that others may perceive her to be bilingual an d bicultural simply because she has lived overseas for two years. All of the parti cipants identify themselves as returnee s This could be due to the availability of the word kikokusha

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264 (returnee) that is often used in the Japanese vernacular for anyone wh o returns to Japan. It could also be a way to identify themselves to others for any linguistic or cultural misunderstanding that might occur due to their time abroad. Interestingly, Tsubaki NI was the only person who identified herself as a returnee befo re her departure from Japan. The participants were asked if the y strongly identified themselves with other Japanese, an d an interesting shift occurred when they moved between the two countries. When they were in the United States, seven out of eight fel t that they had a lot in common with other Japanese they met in the United States. This perception lessened when they initially return ed to Japan ; with only two of them stating that they felt the y had commonalities with other Japanese around them. Aft er some time had passed since their initial return, an other shift in perspective can be seen with all eight now feeling the same way, although not at the same level as when they were in the United States. When ask ed on the questionnaire if they thought they have changed in any way, only one replied that she occasionally thought so. The others did not perceive themselves to be any different, but when pressed further on this topic in the interviews, they all agreed that they had changed but only minutely and they would often refer to physical changes in mannerism s or appearances However, the examples they cited during the interviews reflected a psychological change where they stated that their perspect ive s on life in general were more open and flexible than their original Japanese views. None of the participants tried to hide their overseas experience from others. This was a kikokushijo would purposely hide their overseas experiences ( Goodman, 1990, Isogai, et al, 1999; Kanno, 2000; White, 1988; and Yashiro, 1995). However, half of the participants have mentioned that they are cautious when they talk to others about their time abroad. Results from the survey reveal that

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265 five out of ei ght returnees were barely comfortable sharing their experience overseas upon their initial return. Now, w hen asked if they were willing to share their experience with others, the numbers are the same; however, more of them have embraced their overseas exp erience and would often or occasionally speak to others about it. There appears to have be en more trepid ation upon their initial return; however as they re adjust to their lives in Japan, they beco me more appreciative of the experience. Culture Informatio n While in the United States Japanese Culture Maintenance for Children Tabl e 5 18. Japanese and American cultural information In the USA N/A or Blank Not at All Seldom Occasionally Often I observed the traditions and holidays of Japan. With Intervie ws (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I wanted my children to know about Japanese culture. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I observed the traditions and holidays of the U.S. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I wanted my children to know about American culture. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) I wanted to learn about American culture. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 16.6% 12.5% 16.6% 12.5% 33.3% 25% 33.3% 25% 33.3% 25% 50% 50% 50% 33.3% 25% 50% 12.5% 50% 12.5% 50% 12.5% 33.3% 25% 16.6% 50% 25% 33.3 % 50% 37.5% 16.6% 50% 25% 66.6% 50% 62.5% 16.6% 50% 25% 50% 50% 50% 50.0% 37.5%

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266 In a similar fashion as first language maintenance for the benefit of the children, first culture (C1) maintenance was also mainly targeted towards the childre n. Kiku was not important for me to maintain Japanese culture, but it was important for the sake of the al festivals and holidays because she felt that it was vital to teach her chi ldren these traditions and incorporate them into their daily t it was good to T wo returnees reported that they sa ng traditional childhood songs or had th eir children keep a diary in Japanese. On the question for Cultural Information 2 (Table 5 18), the returnees responded regarding their experience of maintaining Japanese culture. S ix out of the eight returnees felt that it was essential for their childr en to know about Japanese culture, but only three out of the eight observed the traditions and holidays of Japan. Sakura WI explains, Japanese Culture for Adult s Despite the fact that the celebration of holidays and seasonal festival s were mainly in the interest of the children, three returnees practice d a Japanese tradition al art that traces its roots to the 15 th century. Ajisai WI, Sakura WI, and Ume WI each p articipated i n a Japanese tea ceremony group, which consisted of Japanese wives. The tea ceremony was an informal class, often times without a licensed instructor, with an annual fee of ten dollars to cove r the cost of the tea. For most it was the first time they had ever studied and learn ed about this traditional Japanese art. They would gather twice a month and meet in rotation among three Japanese lunch toge ther. Sakura WI said America. I learn ed a little of the tea ceremony when I was in Japan, but it was fun to learn it with other s rn the traditional art of Japan but also to

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267 receive information about the area. Ajisai WI who helped establish a Beading Guild for also had a similar routine of hosting meetings bi monthly for Japanese women to learn how to do Japan ese beading. The beading group was open to any Japanese in the area and it also became a source of infor mation for newcomers. The Japanese tea ceremony group and the Japanese beading group coexisted in the same college town and together they became a fo rmidable social network force in the Japanese community by becoming a popular epicenter for Japanese women to gather and exchange information. American Culture in the United States Six of the returnees with interviews (100%) responded that they had no dif ficulties adjusting to American culture. Momiji NI and Tsubaki NI were the only two returnees who responded respectively that they occasionally and often had difficulties adjusting to American culture. It must be noted that they were also the two partici pants who had been in the United States for the longest duration of time, five and six years respectively. Yet when the returnees were asked to compare which was more difficult, going to the United States or returning to Japan, all of the returnees expres sed that it was more difficult for them to go to America. Comments such as: America bec further explain their answers. Six out of eight (75%) felt that they wanted to learn more about American culture for themselves and for their children. Furthermore, four out of the eight participants observed American traditions and holidays with the other 50% reporting that they seldom observed American culture. Sakura WI commented on why she aspired to participate in American culture. o we should do America things. We wanted to enjoy

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268 similar to the findings in acculturation studies where the immigrant actively seeks to adopt a nd to adapt to the host culture maintaining her home culture in a host culture, however, is different than immigrants. She explained why she did not feel that it was necessary to maintain Japanese tradition that we could do that when we return, so I did not really think about observing Japanese Culture Information after Returning to Japan Adjustment to Japan Once the participants returned to Japan, most responded that they did not have difficulty re adjusting to Japanese culture with Ume WI reporting that she occasionally had difficulties. Ume returned to Japan with her husband and daughter and had to live with her parents until they were able to find a house. Her son had returned to Japan a year earlier to attend a boarding be on his own in Japan while the rest of the family was in the United States. She was looking forward to re un iting her family when they returned, but due to the Japanese academic year, her son was still away at his boarding school when they arrived. It was not until she was able to re unite with her son in he r own home that she fe l t resettled into her Japanese l ife. When asked if they shared their overseas experience with other Japanese when they first arrived back in Japan, the majority of the responses indicated that they had not done so with two returnees selecting seldom not at all and three returnee s selecting no answer for their answers. When the same question was asked about their time in Japan now, the returnees replied that they often or occasionally enjoyed sharing their American experiences with others.

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269 American Culture in Japan Once the p articipants returned to Japan, only two returnees denoted that they occasionally or often incorporated American customs and only one person wanted her children to know more about American culture. All of them wanted their children to remember the American culture they had learned. After some time has passed, their responses slightly decreased with now only one returnee stating that she often incorporated some American customs into her family life. This change could be attributed to the wording of the que stions because on the next question, two of the returnees reported that they occasionally or often mixed Japanese and American customs. The majority of the returnees felt that it was important to be bicultural. Similar responses were recorded for their c hildren as well. The se six of the returnees occasionally and often thought that it was important for their children to remember t hey have a bicultural life, with two of them indicating that they seldom felt this way. Low responses were recorded for obse rving American traditions and holidays. Upon their initial return to Japan, all of them responde d that they seldom or did not observe American traditional holidays. After some time has passed, however, their responses changed and now two of the returnees indicated that they seldom observe American traditions and holidays with six of them answering not at all (75%). Although the returnees did not feel that they observed American or Western traditions and holidays, their interviews revealed evidence that t hey do, namely Halloween and Christmas. In Japan, the secular celebration of Christmas is widely promot ed by the businesses that cater to consumers. Stores and famous downtown areas are decked with Chri stmas decorations and Christmas themed consumable go ods and merchandise are readily available for the buying pubic. December 25 th however, is celebrated only as a Western festival. Christmas day is a regular workday in Japan. Halloween is also viewed as a

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270 Western festival that is celebrated through the sale of merchandise and Halloween themed confectionary. Ajisai WI is a mother of three boys and she would celebrate Halloween just within her Not on my own, but if someon Before she left the United States, Ajisai planned ahead for her collection of Halloween costumes by buying multiple sizes at an after when one She also bought several costumes for In Ume ther with two other returnee families near her home. They would carve pumpkins and all of the children would go trick or treating among Ume family also decorated for Christmas with a Christmas tree and outdoor illuminations. She said that when they were in America, they had Christmas lights twinkling both inside and outside their apartment, so they have continued this American tradition. She thinks she has been an influence on her neighbor at the end of her street. Although this neighbor would also decorate the outside of her home with lights at Ch ristmas time. Sakura WI was able Another question that garnered low responses from this section of the questionnaire in Cultural Information 2 was their response to trying to recreate their American lifestyle. Half of

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271 the returnees answered that they seldom tried to do things American style with the second half indicating that they did not do it at all. In their intervie ws; however, it was clear that the returnees did practice various American customs they acquired overseas. Kiku WI explains, I try to in corporate American customs with our family. I like the American custom of hugging when you greet each other. I think hugging is really nice. Japanese mothers will hug their children when they are small, but then they stop. I have seen neighbors hug, friends hug, and hugging of other children. The participants also expressed their fondness for shopping at a large Americ an warehouse style store. located throughout Japan, and the returnees who yame WI is a frequent shopper at we had in America. Even the shopping car t Ajisai WI also prefers to buy e American laundry detergent all the time. I like the smell of the D s not just WI, who was on a limited moving budget, was dismayed when she had to leave a lot of items in the United States, especially the items she wanted to keep. When they returned to Japan, she quickly Summary of Culture Information All of the returnees with interviews expressed that they had no difficulties adjusting to their American lives. Momiji NI and Tsubaki NI, who were both in the United States the longest, res ponded that they occasionally had difficulties adjusting to their lives in America. The cultural factors often faced by immigrants (Berry, 1990; Sussman, 2000; Wierzbicki, 2004)

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272 dur ing their adaptation process were not a concern for the return migrants wi th a duration of time of less than five years in the host culture. The returnees were surprised that even with their linguistic challenges, living in the United States was not as difficult as they thought it would be. The only issue that many of them of ten talked about was their person al preference for food. Difficulties in acquiring Japanese ingredients and acquiring a palate for American style foo d was very challenging for them; however, the returnees felt that eating non Japanese food was a component of their American experience and were willing to try American cuisine at least once. Those who found American cuisine un suitable to their taste were able to adapt and substitute their Japanese cooking with the available ingredients that they could find. T he majority of the returnees were keen to learn more about American culture for the ir children and for themselves. H alf of the returnees answered that they still participated in the observation of American traditions and holidays. The maintenance of J apanese culture while they were in the United States was directly specifically to their children. Three of the returnees responded that they engage in Japanese cultural activities and practices, though these were mainly limited to the traditional celebrat ions of holidays and festivals that are mainly for children. On the other hand, for the adults, half of the returnees with interviews reported in their interviews that they learned a new traditional art while they were in the United States. These returne es studied and learned the art of Japanese tea with other Japanese returnees and articulated that they were not involved with this cultural practice while they were in Japan. The participants responded that they did not have difficulty re adjusting to Ja pan when they returned. All of the participants described that their school aged children had more difficulties than they did Re adjustment issues seem to be prevalent in the school system for the

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273 kikokushijo (returnee) children with difficulty adjustin g (Goodman, 1990) and being ashamed of their overseas experience (White, 1987). Only one child, according to her mother, was adjusting well and has a strong association with other returnee students by attending a special hi gh school for returnee children (Kanno, 2003; Pang, 2000). After their return to Japan, the women continued to observe American holidays and traditions they thought would be more enjoyable for the children. Twenty five percent of the women continued to celebrate Halloween by hosting s mall parties. Most of the participants decorate small trees at Christmas time with 37.5% of them decorating large American size Christmas trees they either brought back with them or specifically bought in Japan. To recapture the feeling that they were s till in America, 37.5% specifically shop at an American warehouse would buy American products that were nostalgic for them. Going to outing for the m and the entire family would participate in the shopping spree.

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27 4 CHAPTER 6 DISCUSSION The objective of this chapter is to use the findings to address the research questions that were asked in this study about the establishment and maintenance of social n etworks and to examine what roles social networks play in the Japanese return migration experience. The content and organiz ation of this chapter represent the discussion of the findings through the theoretical social network framework and is organized by the research questions of this study. The first part of this chapter elaborates on the research question pertaining to what social networks were established and maintained by the Japanese return migrants. The findings show that each network that was esta blished and maintained by the Japanese returnees raises important questions about how we define and describe social networks; therefore each network will also be discussed in terms of its structure and functions and the issues that emerged through social n etwork analysis. The second part of this chapter explores the roles the social networks played for the Japanese return migrants. The investigation offers new interpretations of the role of social networks for return migrants and the sources of these disc overed variances are discussed through the theoretical social network framework found in the literature. In addition, other novel developments that have transpired in the course of the investigation will also be reported. The study shows that 1) the Japa nese returnees established and maintained four different major networks during different stages of their return migration experience, 2) shopping was used as a social network replacement, and 3) the purpose of these different social networks varied and dep ended on the location, needs and language proficiency of the networks. Social Networks t hat Were Established a nd Maintained In order to discuss the findings from the structural and functional analysis of the social networks of Japanese return migrant, it is necessary to first identify and describe the networks

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275 that were established during each segment of their return migration journey, as well as the relational ties the members of each social network have. The Japanese return migrants established four maj or networks during the course of their migration experience: a Japanese Social Network 1 (JSN1), a Social Network for Specific Purposes (SNSP), a Japanese Social Network 2 (JSN2), and an International Bilingual Social Network (IBSN). According to the s oc ial network typology, JSN1 is classified as an exchange network and SNSP, JSN2, and IBSN are classified as interactive networks. A table outlining the four major social networks that have been established by the Japanese return migrants in all phases of t heir return migration journey is available in Table 6 1. In addition to the four major social networks, the findings indicated that the Japanese returnees substituted shopping at an American based retailer as a social network replacement when they returne d to Japan. Exchange Network The returnees primarily accessed their Japanese family and close friends in Japan (JSN1) and this network was the only prominent long term active network that was established and maintained during each segment of their return m igration process. This type of social network is classified as the exchange network (Milroy, 1992; Matsumoto, 2010; Stoessel, 1998) and is designated as a high ranking social network that has an important role of enforcing the linguistic and social norms for an individual. As seen in Table 6 JSN1 was the constant social network that was continuously active and involved with the returnees by acting as a cultural and linguistic link of the home culture while th ey were i n the United States For the Japanese, the exchange network was the only network with permanency because it was maintained and continually accessed as a cultural and linguistic link of the home culture throughout each stage of their return migration journ ey.

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276 Interactive Networks The findings also showed that the Japanese return migrants established temporary social networks during various phases of their migration process and this process was dependent on the support that the networks could provide to the returnees during a particular stage of their return migration journey. A temporary social network that was quickly established and accessed prior to their departure to the United States was SNSP. This was a network of Japanese acquaintances whose me mbe rs had lived overseas before and were knowledgeable about the logistics of moving overseas. Once the returnees arrived in the United States, they established two new temporary social networks: a second Japanese social network (JSN2) that was comprised of other Japanese return migrants and an international bilingual social network (IBSN) that was composed of migrants from other countries who were in the United States at the same time as the Japanese return migrants. The temporary social networks of SNSP, JSN2, and IBSN were established and maintained only when the Japanese returnees were in the United States. These networks were no longer active or accessed when the usefulness of the network was depleted because those networks were established and mainta ined mainly as a source to retrieve information that would help them settle and integrate while in the United States. Once the returnees departed and returned to Japan, the practicality of the information became obsolete, thus the networks ceased to exist A more detailed discussion of the similarities and differences found in the structure and functions of the next section. Social Networks after Returning to Japa n Upon returning to Japan, the JSN2 and IBSN that were established while the returnees were in the United States were dropped, leaving JSN1 as the prominent social network for the

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277 Japanese returnees. Although half of the participants initially relied on t he JSN2 for emotional support when they first arrived in Japan, the interaction with JSN2 slowly waned and disappeared. Communication and contact with IBSN, which was a prevalent non Japanese network for the returnees, also ceased. These social networks in the United States were deleted The participants did not actively seek to replace similar social networks, e.g. other returnees or internationals living in Jap an after their return to Japan. Although they shared similar experiences, much like the JSN2 and IBSN social network paradigm establishment, they showed no interest in interacting or establishing new social networks based on their return migration experie nces. Only Ajisai and Ume actively kept in touch with each other, even after their return. They have theorized that they are different from other returnees because of the friendly environment and atmosphere they experienced when they were in the same col lege town. The rest of the participants in this study did not make an effort to contact or keep in touch with members from JSN2, nor did they have any interest in creating a new returnee only social network in Japan. Furthermore, the shared international migrant experience and English as a second language factors that were the driving force for the establishment of the ISBN in the United States did not carry over when the participants returned to Japan. The returnees also did not seek to associate with a ny internationals living in Japan, unless the person was their hired English tutor for their family. Shopping and C2 maintenance This study found that in terms of American cultural maintenance, the majority of the returnees did not rely on their social n etworks but rather utilized a large discount warehouse without having to leave Japan again. Since the Japanese returnees did not establish any ASN

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278 while they we re in the United States and dropped JSN2 and IBSN when they returned, they did not have a resource in the United States to ask for various items to help support the maintenance of C2 for their children. For the returnees, buying American products helped enforce the American customs they acquired and practiced during their stay in the United States. Celebrating and observing American holidays and festivals were the prevalent cultural activities that were observed after their return to Japan and many of th em brought back American sized Christmas trees to decorate or observed the American custom of Halloween for their children. Those who wanted to continue to participate in these American activities were able to supplement Christmas and Halloween products a rce to maintain and continue their cross cultural experience. Shopping as a social network replacement The findings from this study show that the Japanese return migrant s used shopping as a social network replacement. The gravitation towards shopping to re experience their time in the United States rather than establishing new social networks underscores the perspective that the shared return migration experience factor that helped strengthens the ties and the structures of the temporary interactive netwo rks in the host culture did not transpire in the formation of new social networks in the home culture. JSN1 was tapped as the sole information provided about reintegrating into the Japanese culture, therefore there was no need to establish or create new s ocial networks. However, the Japanese returnees had fond memories of their stay in the United States and wanted to maintain a cultural connection with the life they lived overseas. Without a social network to give them support or camaraderie, the returne es turned to shopping.

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279 Table 6 1. Social networks of Japanese return migrants Name of Network Type of Network Location Longevity Strength Members Functions Japanese Social Network 1 (JSN1) Exchange Network Japan Long term Strong ties. High ranking ne twork throughout their entire migration experience. Japanese family members and close friends. Teaches and validates social roles and language use according to the norms established by society. Indirectly supported L1 maintenance for adults. Support L1 an d C1 maintenance for children. Social Network for Specific Purposes (SNSP) Interactive Network Japan Short term. Active only prior to departure. Weak ties, but highly valued for the information that was provided. Former Japanese returnees. Provided inform ation about living abroad prior to departure. Members were specifically targeted for their knowledge. Japanese Social Network 2 (JSN2) Interactive Network USA Short term. Active only during their time in USA. Strong ties with high density (multiple membe rs). Highly valued due to the location. Other Japanese return migrants in the USA. Prominent source for information about living in the USA. Provided a sense of solidarity in their migrant experience through companionship & camaraderie. Supported L1 acquis ition & maintenance of children. Indirect L1 support to adults. International Bilingual Social Network (IBSN) Interactive Network USA Short term. Active only during their time in USA. Strong ties. High ranking network during their time in the United State s. International migrants who were in the USA. Generated an international network for adults and children. Established comfortable safe haven to interact and communicate in L2. Provided friendship outside of JSN2. Gave a sense of community and belonging du e to their shared migrant experiences and level of English proficiency.

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280 The process of encountering and purchasing American products was an entertaining family affair and these shopping expeditions became the only routine that helped all members of the family relive their cross cultural experiences together. families were able to contextualize their overseas experience together as a family without leaving utlet to recollect, recall, and reminisce about their life abroad without any language barrier or the expense of traveling as a family. Structures of the Social Networks This section will discuss the similarities and differences found in the structure in the network theory that is found in the literature. As seen in Table 2 2 in the review of literature, social network analysis often uses criteria models as a res earch tool to help clarify the relationship between the members of a network in order to determine the structures of a social network. These models define structures by looking at the size, density ( number of members who interact with each other), multipl exity (overlapping members), and frequency of contacts (Boissevain, 1987; Stokowski, 1994). The strength and weakness of the ties within a network are based on the longevity, value, and type of relational interactions members have within a network. The s trength of ties between members is considered to be part of the foundation for the structural integrity of a network that ascertains its sustainability or stability of a network. Differences in the social networks of the Japanese returnees were found in a ) the passive network typology that defines strong and weak ties; b) the construction of an interactive network for specific purposes; and c) the lack of stability in the networks due to rotating members despite a robust sustainability. An outline of thes e p atterns can be found in Table 6 2.

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281 Table 6 2. Network Location of Returnee Social Network Typology Findings From the Study Social Network Strength Findings Strength Social Network Longevity F indings Longevity Social Network Stability Findings Stability JSN1 Japan Exchange Network Exchange Network Strong Strong Long Long Robust Robust JSN1 USA Passive Network Exchange Network Weakened/ Suspended Strong Long Permanent Weakened due to distance Active and robust. Integrity intact. SNSP USA Interactive Network Interactive Network Weak Strong Long Temporary Weakened due to time limitation. Robust during the short duration of activity. Then dropped. JSN2 USA Interactive Network Interactive Netwo rk Weak Strong Long Temporary Weakened due to lack of long term residents. Robust with fluctuating membership. Strong sustainability during the in the US. Then dropped. IBSN USA Interactive Network Interactive Network Weak Strong Long Temp orary Weakened due to time limitation and no shared L1/C1 Robust during the short duration of activity due to shared language proficiency and migration experience. Then dropped.

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282 Structure of JSN1 This study showed that JSN1 was a highly ranked and extrem ely valued exchange network prior to departure to the United States and this corroborates the social network framework that has been provided in the literature. The Japanese returnees interacted routinely with their family and friends and turned to them f or direct aid, advice, criticism, and support. JSN1 meets the criteria of the exchange network typology where all members of the social network share the same language and culture and the bond of the network is highly valued (Milroy, 1980) w ith strong tie s (Milroy & Li 1995). Socio cultural networks are established as a result of a socialization process where first language (L1) and first culture (C1) play a pivotal function to teach and validate social roles and language use according to the norms estab lished by society (Stoessel, 1998). Once the returnees arrived in the United States; however, differences in the classification and functions of JSN1 were evident. Redefining passive networks According to social network studies (Milardo, 1988; Milroy, 199 2; Milroy & Li, 1995), JSN1 should have become a passive network when the Japanese return migrants were in the United States. Passive networks are described as former exchange networks with strong emotional ties that have become weakened or suspended due to an increase in geographical distances resulting in a decrease in the frequency of contacts and communication. For the Japanese return migrants, however, their JSN1 networks were different. Their JSN1 networks remained active in terms of contact freque ncy throughout their stay abroad and operated as an active linguistic and cultural connection for the Japanese returnees. The influence of JSN1 diminished while they were in the United States due to distances between the two countries; however, JSN1 was n ever completely excluded from as a passive network. JSN1 was consistently highly valued while they were abroad, and upon

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283 their return to Japan, JSN1 became a prominent network in their lives again, thus making JSN 1 the only permanent network that was maintained throughout their en tire return migration experience. The findings from this study suggests that the pattern of reclassifying an exchange network into a passive network as found in social network studies of immigrants needs to be re examined. The Japanese return migrants did not follow this pattern of categorization of the exchange network to passive network that has been established in the literature. Technology has strengthened the weak ties of the passi ve networks by removing the distance factor that separated the home culture from the receiving culture in the past. Technology has opened the possibility for future social network analysis to expand or redefine the typology of social networks to include t he potential that exchange networks can still remain an active network for migrants when they are in the host country. Social networks and technology This study shows that technology was the primary means through which the Japanese r eturnees sustain ed cont act and communication with JSN1. Advancement in communication technology enhanced the manner in which the Japanese returnees were able to keep close ties with their L1 social networks in the home country. Due to expense and available means of communicati on in the past, contacting or corresponding with the social network back home was either systematically slow or not economically feasible, resulting in an acute drop in the frequency of contacts or a complete suspension of contacts When Milardo (1988) an d Milroy (1980) categorized the exchange network of close friends and family back in the home country as a passive network, the label was logical and understandable because of the long distance communication methods available at that time. When this study was conducted; however, the

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284 Japanese returnees had technology that was not commonly available when the previous studies were published. Social networks and advancement in communication technology The previous studies were conducted prior to the advent o f affordable digital means of communication, e.g. high speed internet and email which now gives us a platform of instant communication and instantaneous information. Although a global networking system of interconnected computers accessing data from multi ple sites had been used by military, officially used until the Federal Networking Council passed a resolution on October 24, 1995, defining the Internet as a worldwid e broadcasting mechanism to disseminate information (Internet Soc iety, 2011). The mid 1990s was also a period of time when the early i nternet 1995, making instantane ous interactions and communication between individuals possible without regard for in 1 same year (The Guardian Newspaper, 2002). In 1994, w ith the introduction of the webcam, a video camera that can be attached to a computer, internet telecommunication c ompanies started to offer consumers the ability to call and receive video and audi o communications through their i nternet provider or subscribe to Voice Over Internet Protocol (VoIP) services, which allows consumers to make inbound and outbound calls for f ree or for a monthly flat rate. As a result, the increased competition from Internet based telecommunication companies have made landline telephone companies more competitive by reducing the cost of making long distance calls in order to attract customers making it more affordable than it was in the past. Through the

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285 innovation of technology, keeping contacts with social networks in the home country is not as cost prohibitive as it was in the past and using the i nternet with audio/visual transmission te chnology has reduced the effect of geographical distances Due to affordable and efficient communication technology, access to JSN1 for the returnees was quickly attainable and utilized; therefore, JSN1 was not a passive network, but to a certain extent an active one. The importance of JSN1 in the lives of the returnees slightly diminished due to their location overseas with the emergence of JSN2, however, JSN1 was routinely accessed and activated when needed during their time in the United States and re gained full operational mode upon their return to Japan. Structure of SNSP The study observed that a social network for specific purpose (SNSP) was established and maintained only as a resource to gain specific knowledge that the Japanese return migrants were seeking. Access to SNSP was brief because SNSP was utilized to fill a temporary need in order to gather information about their forthcoming trip overseas. When the participants learned that they would be leaving for the United States and needed to search for specific information about life overseas, it was practical and efficient for the returnees to turn to more experienced Japanese acquaintances who had lived overseas than to their exchange networks of families and friends. Unlike the close bond that was established over an extended period of time with their close family and friends, SNSP was intense and short lived. This temporary network emerged quickly into their lives because it was formed immediately after the returnees found out that they w ere going to the United States. During the short period of time before they actually departed from Japan, the members of SNSP were highly valued for their knowledge about living overseas and the social network rapidly expanded until it was no longer usef ul for them. Upon their departure from Japan, the SNSP was no longer an active network because their quest for information about

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286 living over seas was no longer applicable, and SNSP was dropped because the relationships ceased to serve any other purpose for the returnees. Interactive networks Social network analysis literature suggests that acquaintances are an interactive network of individuals who interact frequently over a prolonged period of time (Milardo, 1988; Milroy, 1992; Milroy & Li, 1995). Intera ctive networks have weak ties because members do not rely on the network for personal favors, materials, or other resources (Milroy & Li, 1995). According to the literature, this type of network is a loose knit network with no deep bonds; therefore, there is no incentive or need to expand the network. On the other hand, an advantage of interactive networks is that they can be temporarily utilized as a resource for certain types of information. The interpersonal relationship of the network is beneficial f or information extraction because the weak ties of an interactive network can provide broader information that a person is seeking rather than the strong ties of an exchange network, e.g. a job vacancy at a company (Granovetter, 1983; Scott, 1991). Rede fining interactive networks This study shows that the interactive networks as defined by immigrant studies are restricted by the longevity, purpose, and growth of their members hip Due to the ir short duration as active network s the interactive networks o f the returnees did not meet the requirement of high frequency contact over an extended duration of time requirement that has been suggested by the social network framework, nor did they con form to the nonessential need for network expansion or the minimal influence or importance to an individual (Milardo, 1988; Milroy & L i 1995; Stokowski, 1994). The foundation for the temporary duration of existence, the strength, and the structure of SNSP is built around a quest for a specific body of knowledge. This network was important to the returnees because going over to the United States was an important decision for

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287 them. In a very short period of time, SNSP rapidly filled a void that the other networks could not fulfill by functioning as a pertinent source of information for them before they embarked on their overseas journey. It must be noted that using interactive networks for information extraction supports Granovetter (1983) and Scott (1 991); however, they describe the interactive network as relations in a public domain with weak ties that are not particularly highly regarded. This was not the case for the Japanese return migrants. The SNSP temporary interactive networks in contrast were established for a specific objective and the members of the interac tive network were highly valued at the time of engagement, however, once the objective was accomplished, the relationship also ceased to serve any other purpose for the returnees, and the network was consequently dropped. Temporary interactive networks Th e findings from this study suggest that a different type of interactive network, a temporary interactive network for specific purposes, needs to be included in the typology of social networks described in the literature. The interactive network that has b een described and defined in social network studies for immigrants was not completely applicable for the Japanese return migrants. This study found that the Japanese return migrants quickly established a temporary interactive network prior to their depart ure for the important purpose of providing information about living abroad. The growth and establishment of the netw ork was intense and short lived, not acquired over a prolonged period of time. The importance of a short term social network cannot be ove rlooked. SNSP was a highly valued temporary social network for the sole purpose of providing opportunities to access desired resources and information to achieve certain goals.

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288 Structure of JSN2 The findings show that JSN2 was a highly regarded temporar y L1 interactive network with strong ties. Frequent interactions with a Japanese community composed of other short term sojourners in the United States made JSN2 the prominent L1 social network for the part icipants and the main resource f o r gather ing info rmation about living in the United States. JSN2 was highly regarded and respected by the returnees while they were in the United States due to their shared return migration experiences and the returnees would often turn to JSN2 for support and advice on c hallenges or issues they faced in the United States. Due to the high frequency of interactions t hroughout the week, the structure of JSN2 was strong. The network sustainability in the United States continued even after the returnees left the country wit h the network expanding and contracting as new members arrived and the established members left for Japan. United States. Once the returnees departed for Japan, JSN2 was dropped because i t no longer served any interest for the returnees. Sustainability of ethnic social networks Research shows that ethnic social networks have strong linguist ic and cultural influences on immigrants in receiving cultures (Hamer & Maz zucato, 2009; Portes, 1998, Wierzbicki, 2004). Studies have also suggested that the strength of ties within an ethnic social network correlates with the influential strength the social network has over its members. Ethnic social networks become stronger or denser as they gather more solidarity from its members (Hamer & Mazzucato, 2009; Lanza & Svendsen, 2007; Matsumoto, 2010; Tsai, 2006; Wierzbicki, 2004). As more immigrants join the ethnic community, the bond between its members becomes stronger as the network grows in membership. The endurance and sustainability for an active network is

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289 determined by the length of stay of its members and in immigrant studies, the stability of an ethnic social network is based on the long term residency of its members. Sustainability of JSN2 The findings indicate that the L1 social networks for Japanese returnees were able to continue to have influence on the Japanese community even though there was no solid foundation to hold the network together. This study found t hat the returnees mainly associated with other Japanese in the area, primar ily Japanese women, thus creating a high density (multiple members) and multiplexity (overlapping members) for their network ( Li, 1994; Marshall, 2004; Milroy, 1992; Stokowski, 1994 ). JSN2 was composed of other temporary Japanese sojourners like themselves, and not long term residents; therefore, the members constantly rotate in and out of the network making the network contract and expand. The network was important to them and a s trong bond was maintained and forged while they were in the United States. This was different from previous studies of immigrants who often have a central figure, usually a long term resident, who provides stability to the network (Hamer & Mazzucato, 2009 ; Marshall, 2004; Stokowski, 1994; Tsai, 1994; Wierzbicki, 2004). Based on the literature, because long term residents were not involved with the JSN2, theoretically, the structure and strength of the social network should have weakened as members kept le aving to return to Japan. With a constant fluctuation of its membership, the stability of JSN2 should not have been able to survive. However, for the Japanese returnees, JSN2 did manage to maintain its structural integrity and continued to be a strong an d viabl e network for the returnees with a prominent role in their lives during their stay in the United States. The study shows that the stability of JSN2 was strengthened because members of the network were highly regarded and valued at the time of engag ement, and the strength of ties with members were strong enough to be able to structurally

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290 membership. Redefining sustainability for temporary social networks Th e findings of this study suggest that social network analysis needs to recognize and include a wider set of structural relation factors that represents the temporariness of a social network of return migrants. The study found that a temporary L1 social ne twork in a host culture for return migrants can maintain structural integrity with a constantly fluctuating membership base and no long term central figure as an anchor of the network. Due to the transient nature of return migration, the foundation of the ir social network was not based on the strength of long term residents. In contrast, there was a heightened involvement of other relational factors that netwo rk was well supported by the strength of ties due to the frequent contacts, the high value the network received, and the shared linguistic and cultural experiences and issues related to living in the United States as well as the density and the multiplexit y of the members of the network strong and sound. The findings show additional factors that extended the criteria identified in immigrant studies that define the s tructures of a social network, and suggest that additional perspectives need to be included in the social network framework. Structure of IBSN The findings demonstrate that in lieu of establishing any American social networks (ASN), the returnees interact ed with other temporary sojourners who were in the United States from different countries and formed an international bilingual social network (IBSN). IBSN was a temporary interactive network that was established in the United States. IBSN generated a no n Japanese social network for the returnees and their children and created a broader sense of an

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291 international community that was composed of multilingual and multicultural temporary sojourners. Since English was not a first language for the members of IB SN, the network gave them an undemanding linguistic platform where the Japanese returnees could contribute and learn from their fellow sojourners. Members of IBSN were also able to provide information about living and integrating in the United States to t he Japanese returnees and the network was highly valued for this information. The strength of ties between the members was strong and remained strong until the Japanese returnee departed to Japan. Since IBSN was a temporary interactive network, it was onl dropped once the returnees left the United States when the network was no longer useful. Redefining the ties of a social network The findings from this study suggest that the strength of th e social network tie does not have to rely on shared linguistic and cultural backgrounds. This differed from the findings in immigration studies (Hamer & Mazzucato, 2009; Massey, 1990; Wierzbicki, 2004), where the s are more likely to be homogenous racially and ethnically. IBSN was diverse linguistically and culturally; therefore, it did not fit the mold of the social network models in immigrant research. The common denominator that strengthens IBSN was not a cult ural, racial, or ethnic factor. The traits that they shared in common were English as a second language and their international migration experience. This was a multilingual and multicultural network with members of varying levels of English proficiency. The strength of or at the English language classes they attended. Just as in the case of JSN2, the returnees placed a high value on the relationships with members of IBSN because the network was also able to give the returnees information about living in the United States as well as provide support and advice on linguistic and cultural issues that they faced. IBSN strongly reiterates that a temporary

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292 social network can have strong ties through a specific purpose and the solidarity of the network can be strengthened through the language proficiency of its members, hence suggesting that language proficiency plays a role in the establishment and maintenance of an L2 network in the host culture. Functions of the Social Networks With regard to Japanese return migration, there were three major functions for the social networks of the Japanese returnees. The first role was to help support and facilitate linguistic and cultural maintenance of the children through JSN1 and JSN2. L1 maintenance was a priority for the children of the Japanese returnees; therefore, in addition to their family members who were in the United States, JSN1 and JSN2 were also viewed as a lin guistic anchor for the return maintenance for the children. The associations with JSN1 and JSN2 networks provided a strong link for the returnees to the homeland for th eir children and helped support active C1 maintenance activities. The second role of the social networks was found to be for information purposes. JSN2 as well as the SNSP and the IBSN networks provided information about settling, living and integrating into the host culture. Access to these temporary interactive social networks was vital for the returnees and provided needed information during certain segments of their overall return migration journey. Finally, the third role was to assist in the self identification of the return migrants through JSN1 and JSN2. These networks helped enforce their cultural identity and guided (reinforced) them toward s self identification. Table 6 3 shows the roles of the social networks during each segment of the retu experiences.

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293 Table 6 3. Functions Networks Explanation L1 & C1 Maintenance Supporter for their Children JSN1 & JSN2 JSN1 supported with supplemental items sent from Jap an. JSN2 supported through socialization of the children. Information and Resource Provider SNSP, JSN2, & IBSN SNSP provided pre departure information about living in the US. JSN2 & IBSN provided information about living and integrating in the US. Se lf Identity Facilitator JSN1 & JSN2 JSN1 & JSN2 enforced the linguistic and social norms of Japanese society. Linguistic and Cultural Roles The findings from the study indicate that the Japanese returnees used JSN1 and JSN2 for the purpose of language a nd culture maintenance for their children. The returnees were highly concerned with the L1/C1 maintenance of their children, especially for their young children who were just learning how to talk or for the older children who would have to return to Japan and re enter the Japanese school system. They were familiar with the linguistic and cultural issues of the kikokushijo (returnee children in Japan) and wanted to help circumvent any problems that ment. The first findings show that the Japanese returnees accessed their JSN1 to function as a major link to the home culture and language for their children while they were in the United States. The second findings show that when the returnees were in t he United States, they also accessed JSN2 to help support L1 maintenance for their children. The Japanese returnees tried to help alleviate possible issues their children would have in their reintegration into the Japanese school system by creating a Japa nese childhood for their children by singing childhood songs and interacting with other children from JSN2.

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294 L1 social networks and L1 maintenance for children The findings from the study indicate that for the Japanese returnees, the motivating factor to establish L1 social networks in the host culture was to help support L1 maintenance for the children. Several of the adult returnees stated that since they were in the United States for a short time, they were not concerned with their own Japanese languag e ability because they could L2 ability and their ability to use L1 in an academic setting. While the Japanese returnees were in the United States, they turned to JSN1 and JSN2 to help them facilitate L1 maintenance for their children. Since JSN1 remained an active network while they were in the United States and was not relegated to a passive network status, the returnees were able to use JSN1 as a linguistic resource for Japanese materials, e.g. requesting videotapes of Japanese television shows for their children or Japanese items that they cannot buy in the United States. Because JSN2 was in the United States while they were there, the Japanese returnees utilized JSN2 for the socialization of their children. JSN2 and L1 m aintenance The maintain L1 maintenance through soc ialization. One goal of the returnees while they were in the United States was for their childr en to be able to speak Japanese so that when they entered Japanese schools, they would not be faced with language difficulties when they communicate d socially with their Japanese peers or performed academically in school Accessing and interacting with JS N2 frequently throughout the week helped them in their effort toward L1 maintenance for their children. The returnees were involved with different JSN2 subgroups, e.g. hula dancing, tea ceremony, beadwork, etc., throughout the week and would spend most of the day at these gatherings until it was time to pick up their older children from school, then they would return to

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295 the group and stay until it was time to go home to prepare dinner. Children who were not old enough to be enrolled in American schools or preschools accompanied their mothers to the JSN2 gatherings during the day with their older siblings joining them after school. Association with JSN2 allowed the returnees an arena for their children to interact and socialize with other Japanese childr en and allowed them to share the same traditional cultural background and traditional childhood rites of passage with children in Japan. This extended exposure of L1 allowed the children to play with other Japanese children and increased their L1 interper sonal communication skills outside their immediate family. The study showed that active involvement with JSN1 and JSN2 was believed to be beneficial for the L1 acquisition and maintenance of the h their L1 goal s for their children. L1 social networks and cultural maintenance for children The study also found that for the Japanese returnees, JSN1 and JSN2 were utili zed to help in their efforts toward C1 maintenance for their children. It was imp erative for the returnees that their children knew not only how to speak Japanese but also to experience a Japanese childhood. The findings suggest that the Japanese returnees tried to create a Japanese childhood for their children while they were in the United States by targeting cultural practices that chiefly evolved around children through their networks of JSN1 and JSN2. Many stated that it was important for t raditions with the children in Japan. The returnees felt that this was best accomplished through celebrating festivals and holidays that are enjoyed by the children of Japan. JSN1 was also drawn upon to help them with the Japanese cultural celebrations w hile they were in the United States by requesting members of JSN1 to send them decoration items or special foods that were not readily available in th e United States so that they could observe the Japanese holidays and festivals in the same manner as child ren in Japan. Holidays and festivals that were associated

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296 more with children, e.g. celebrated within their family or with other Japanese children from JSN2. JSN1 and JSN2 indirect L1/C1 suppo rt for adults The findings indicate that establishing L1 social networks in the host culture was not a motivating factor for language maintenance. For the Japanese return migrants, JSN1 and JSN2 were not perceived to have a role in maintaining L1 for the adults. This is ascribed to the maintenance of their language proficiency because they already knew how to speak Japanese. They viewed JSN1 and JSN2 prima rily as a source of friendship, and emotional support for themselves and did not see any linguistic benefits for themselves as far as speaking Japanese within both networks. Although the returnees were adamant that L1 maintenance was not the main motivational factor to establish and maintain a link with JSN1 and JSN2, the data from this study suggests that the act of speaking Japanese to members of JSN1 and JSN2 did have an indirect influence on language choice of the returnees by reinforcing the cultural norm s of Japanese society through their interactions and associations with these networks. From a linguistic viewpoint, this simple act of communicating and socializing with JSN1 and JSN2 contributed in an indirect manner to maintaining JSN1 and JSN2 was for the benefit of their children; the returnees were not cognizant of an influence the networks may have had on the adults as well. For the returnees, the ability to forge relationships with JSN2 and the high value placed on the relations with members of JSN1 outweighed any linguistic or cultural benefits the returnees were seeking.

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297 Social networks and language maintenance The findings from this study show that for Japanese returnees, a permanent exchange network and a temporary interactive network help facilitate language and cultural maintenance. Motivation for L1 maintenance for their children was instrumental in actively accessing JSN1 and JSN2 while they were i n the United States. In order to accomplish this task, JSN1 in the home culture was often utilized as a linguistic and cultural resource. Unlike the functions of the passive networks of providing moral support and becoming a link to the home culture from afar (Milroy, 1987; Milroy & Li Wei, 1995, Stoessel, 1998), this study shows that JSN1 was an active exchange network when they were in the United States and helped support t heir L1 maintenance efforts for their children The study also found that for t he Japanese returnees, the aim of L1 maintenance was directed towards the reintegration and adaptation of their children into Japanese schools after they returned to Japan; therefore, the L1 temporary interactive networks in the host culture were utilized as a social mechanism for language maintenance and socialization of their children. Immigrant studies have shown that social networks have a role in the degree of language maintenance and shift ( Li, 1995 ; Milroy, 1990 ; Stoessel, 1998) in the receiving cul ture an d those studies broadly suggest that close knit social networks help support language maintenance, whereas a weak tie social network will predict language shift. In the social network approach, interactive networks should have loose ties with no d eep linguistic or cultural bonds (Marshall, 2004, Milardo, 1988; Milroy and Li, 1995; Stokowski, 1994). In the case of the Japanese return migrant s however, the temporary interactive network of JSN2 was a dense close knit networ k that was highly influen tial for the returnees. Therefore, JSN2 played more of an integral role in assisting them to attain their linguistic and cultural goal s

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298 These findings reiterate the distinction between the exchange network and interactive networks between immigrants an d return migrants. Because the short duration in the host culture is an important consideration for return migrants, their underlying motivation and expectation of L1 and C1 maintenance from their social networks are different. The study shows that the c riterion of a network varies according to the needs of the members and suggests that more interpretive approaches in the study of social networks should be investigated. Information and Resource Roles The findings revealed that the temporary interactive n etworks of the Japanese returnees functioned as a retrieval resource for vital information about living abroad. The three social networks of SNSP, JSN2, and IBSN played an important role in providing information and resources to the returnees during certa in segments of their overall return migration journey. SNSP provided information about preparing to live in the United States prior to their departure and JSN2 and IBSN were able to provide information about settling, living, and integrating into their ne w lives once they had arrived in the United States. All of these networks were temporary and established for the specific purpose of information retrieval. The longevity of the networks was based on the need of the returnees, and once the usefulness of t he network ceased, these networks failed to be accessed after the Japanese returnees departed from Japan. The findings from this study suggest that for temporary networks, in addition to ling uistic and cultural functions, other function s of a network can be determined to fulfill a specific purpose. Temporary L1 interactive networks as an information resource The findings from this study show that the Japanese returnees added another dimension to the definition of an interactive network that was not previo usly taken into consideration by demonstrating that interactive networks can be temporary and still have an important and influential function for an individual. The findings showed that SNSP, JSN2, and IBSN function

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299 as information retrieval source s for t he Japanese returnees. SNSP played this role for the Japanese returnees as they prepared to live abroad by providing valuable information about living overseas whereas JSN2 and IBSN played the role of providing inform ation about living and integrating in the host culture while they were in the United States. What was unconventional about these interactive networks was that they were not weak tie networks formed in a public domain over an extended period of time with no major influence on an individual (M ilardo, 1988; Milroy & Li, 1995; Stokowski, 1994). Members of these temporary interactive networks were targeted for a specific body of knowledge quest to glean as much information as possible in a short amount of time generat ed the growth of short longevity, yet they were deemed important to the Japanese returnees to fulfill a specific purpose. The prevailing social network analysis focus es on the linguistic and cultural functions of a social network once a network has been formed and does not necessarily look at the function of a network as a reason for the establishment and maintenance of that network. T he data from this study sug gest that there is a need to expand the parameter s of social network functions to include the concept that the purpose of a network is a distinct factor in the application of social network analysis. The need for social networks for specific purposes The s tudy suggests that the foundation for the construction, establishment, and growth of a temporary interactive network can be based on a specific purpose. The social networks of SNSP, JSN2, and IBSN for the Japanese returnees were established for a specific need and for a limited period of time. Several scholars have stressed that social networks of acquaintances (interactive networks) are weak tie networks that are established over a period of time. For the Japanese return migrants, the nature and scope o f their interactive networks was different. Although this

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300 study identified SNSP, JSN2, and IBSN as separate entities, all of them were engaged and accessed for a limited time for a specific purpose. Their networks of acquaintances fulfilled a certain fun ction and were accessed specifically for the information that they could provide. These networks were highly valued for this purpose and played a significant role in providing information to the return migrants that helped facilitate their experience of l iving in the United States. What this study has shown is that SNSP is a vital social network when applied to return migrant communities. This is a departure from the social network framework in immigrant studies that has been suggested in the literature where the function of the network is mainly based on linguistic and cultural factors. Social network for specific purpose is an indispensible network for return migrants and should be considered to be an integral part of social network analysis. Relation ship between Identity, Role, and Social Networks This study revealed that the returnees strongly self identified themselves as Japanese and this was reflected in their social network preferences where Japanese networks of JSN1 and JSN2 were their primary s ocial networks of choice for each segment of their return migration journey. Their self identification responses also indicated that they identified themselves as Japanese throughout their entire return migration experience with a brief self identificati on as a returnee upon their initial return to Japan. Their Japanese identity was in conjunction with the collective identity of the Japanese society and the returnees negotiated their personal identity for social obligations and acceptance. One explanat ion for the consistency of self identification as Japanese is that their maternal identity did not change. Whether the returnees were in Japan or in the United States, their role as a wife and mother remained the same, thus for them, their self identity a s Japanese was sustained. Another explanation of their consistent self identification as Japanese is due to the

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301 limited time spent in the United States. Although the returnees established a temporary L2 social network of international speakers of English in the United States, the findings show that the returnees did not see themselves as having a bilingual and/or bicultural identity, suggesting that time and the language proficiency of the L2 social network s are influential factors in the development of a bilingual and/or bicultural identity. Cultural identity and social networks The findings of this study show that the L1 social networks of the Japanese return migrants in the home culture and in the host culture functioned as an enforcer of their cultura l identity as Japanese. For the participants in the study, the findings show that all of them identified themselves first and utmost as Japanese for each segment of their overseas journey. Retaining a Japanese identity was important for the participants because of the underlying cultural belief that if a person leaves Japan, he or she will lose the cultural a nd linguistic markers that make them Japanese (Ueno, 1998). The strong linguistic and cultural influences of the permanent exchange network of JSN1 and the L1 temporary interactive networks in the United States helped them to retain and strengthen their self identity as Japanese. Membership in these L1 networks was crucial and necessary for the Japanese return migrants because it allowed them to achi eve compliance with the social protocol of Japan where being a member of a group defines your collective identity. The briefly included in their self identificatio be a result of the existence of the word, kikokusha (literally returnee), a term commonly used in the Japanese vernacular in the Japanese language. The Japanese word, kikokusha is a generalized ter m used to describe a migration pattern of physically leaving the country and returning and does not include the connotation of a cross cultural migration experience of living

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302 abroad. Once the returnees were resettled into the linguistic and cultural param eters of JSN1, the Japanese return migrants then identified themselves as Japanese who at one time had been a long term kikokusha (returnee). Collective i dentity The findings revealed that although the Japanese returnees negotiated their personal identity to streng then their Japanese identity, w hen asked to describe if they had changed in any way, all them were quick to say that they had not. For the Japanese return migrants, their definition of identity change was based on tangible changes that were easil y observable by others rather than changes in their cultural identity They did not think that they had been detected by others and could be telling signs th at they have been abroad for an extended period of time. For the Japanese returnees, their self perception of identity is in tangent with the collectivism of the Japanese culture (Ueno, 1998). According to Ueno, adjusting to a social network is one of t he most significant factors in the Japanese tradition and the Japanese underscore the importance of maintaining harmony within the group. Therefore, changes in their identity cannot be overtly displayed. This is also supported by their unwillingness to share their overseas experience with others when they first arrived back in Japan. They had been gone for a while, and they were trying to quickly resume their place within the Japanese social networks. This also occurred in kikokushijo research, where f amilies would use a coping mechanism of purposely avoiding to the fact that they had been overseas in order to regain their social standing in their social networks (Goodman, 1990; White, 1988). Although it has been more than 20 years since the kikokushij o studies, the returnees in this study still made conscious efforts to

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303 make sure they did not dress differently and that they did not talk too much about their overseas experience with others as they reintegrated back into Japanese society. It was not un til they were questioned in the interview if they had changed or not, that the returnees took stock of themselves verbally It did not dawn on them to question themselves about their identity, because after all they left as an adult Japanese migr and ca me back as an adult Japanese returnee. Evidence of a change, however, can be observed in their stories. Though some were brave enough to confess that they did feel a slight change inside, many of them could not exactly pinpoint the change, although they thought that maybe they were just older or wiser. Based on their interviews, the study showed that a subtle self identity shift may have occurred as their perspective on life widened beyond their Japanese viewpoints. They became more aware of who they we re as an individual by recognizing their strengths ( e.g., ability to live overseas) and their weaknesses ( i.e., English). They were able to realize themselves as independent individual s rather than a s member s of a collective group. Maternal i dentity The study suggests that because the ir role definition as a mother did not change when they were in the United States, the return migrants did not perceive any changes in their self identity as Japanese. All of the returnees were mothers and full time housewiv es while they were in the United States. Ayame and Mokuren were working mothers when they left Japan, but during their time in the United States, they too became full time housewives and mothers and settled into their Japanese maternal role of taking care of their family. Universally language is and has always been central to the formation of ethnic identity and for the Japanese returnees language also helps define their roles in Japanese society. Role definition in Japan is defined by language use an d social expectations (Brass, 2005; Eto, 2005; Gottlieb, 2005 ; Morley, 1999 ). In terms of language use, gender related differences could be

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304 seen in the speech styles and patterns in the manner which Japanese women express themselves. In terms of social e xpectation, Japanese society dictates gender cultural styles and roles of women and this is especially reflected in the division of labor within families, where the duties of the mothers are clearly assigned (Carroll, 2001; Eto, 2005; Okamoto & Shibamoto S mith, 2004). The traditional gender roles in Japan are more static than the dynamic gender role perspectives drawn from the West (Apparala, Reifman & Munsch, 2003; Bryceson, Okely & Webber, 2007; Espiritu, Y., 2003 ; Thompson, L. & Walker, A., 1989 ), makin g the cohesion between language and social roles in Japan inseparable. Thus, for the Japanes e return migrants, the role of wife and mother is centered on their self identity as Japanese. Family responsibilities and social networks Motherhood receives high for her family. Due to the long hours that the husband spends on his job, the responsibility of a t raditional housewife in Japan are to manage household affairs, e.g. financial bookkeeping and housekeeping, prepare meals for the family, and be the primary parent involved with the children to & Shibamoto Smith, 2004; Sakamoto, 2006 ). T his attitude towards gender stratification in the family system is changing with more mothers still active in the workforc e after marriage and motherhood; however, the returnees with husband s working or studying outside the home, epitomize the traditional housewife whose main occupation is to care for her family. This could be the reason why the cultural conflicts reported by the returnees evolved around issues that prevented the women from fulfilling their duties as a wives and mothers. The difficulties that were often expressed were the struggles with preparing food, helping their with cultural differences of shopping for food items, difficulties in finding ingredients to prepare

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305 Japanese meals, or th e expense of buying short grain rice. Family responsibilities are foremost overcome these household cultural obstacles was JSN2. The mothers in JSN2 were going through similar adjustment difficulties and were able to support, advise, and educate the other returnee mothers so that they were able to find ways to work around the obstacles that hindered their maternal duties. When the returnees were back in Japan, JSN1 took over the role of JSN2 and further strengthened and enforced their roles as Japanese wives and mothers. Bilingual/bicultural identity The findings indicated that the Japanese returnees did not self identify with a bilingual/bicultural identity. Only one participant, Ajisai, identified herself as bilingual on the questionnaire during her time in the United States because she had to use two languages when she was there. When she returned, she had no opportunity to speak English; therefore, she re jected the bilingual identity response on the questionnaire and reverted back to a monolingual Japanese identity when asked if it would be possible to have a bilingual identity now that she has returned to Japan. For this particular returnee, perhaps bein g bilingual had a different definition. For Ajisai, being bilingual meant that you lived in an environment that required you to switch from English to Japanese depending on the situation. Since she needed to speak English from time to time in the United States, she identifie d herself as bilingual, whereas she now speaks only in Japanese; hence the bilingual identity was no longer applicable for her. For the others, they explained that since they were in the United States for a limited time, since they co uld not proficiently speak English, and since they did not actively seek to acquire English speaking skills, they were not able to self identify or conceptualize themselves as bilingual/bicultural identities.

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306 Bilingual/ bicultural identity and alternative L2 social networks The study indicates that for certain circumstances, there are some types of social networks that ar e more influential and stable in providing strong effective systems to facilitate developing bilingual/bicultural identities. Studies hav e shown that strong social networks in both L1 and L2 cultures and languages can help support and encourage the individual towards the development of a bicultural identity (Kanno, 2003; LaFromboise, et al, 1993 ; Lanza & Svendsen, 2007; Matsumoto, 2010 ); ho wever, limited English proficiency mad e social interactions with main stream L2 social networks difficult for the Japanese returnees. They had nurtured strong ties with IBSN and the communication with IBSN was in English, yet the Japanese returnees could n ot self identify themselves as developed bilingual and/or bicultural identities. The findings from this study show that establishing an L2 social network of international English speakers in a host culture during a limited time is not influential enough t o facilitate the development of bilingual/bicultural identity suggesting that time of exposure in the host culture and interactions with mainstream L2 social networks in the host culture affects the development of bilingual/bicultural identities. Other So cial Network Developments In addition to the investigation of the establishment of social networks and the examination of the structures and functions of the social networks of the Japanese return migrants, this study found other developments that had sign ificant implications in the construction and establishment of their social networks in the host culture. The study revealed a) limited access to an L1 social network launched a formation of a parallel L1 social network and b) self perception of L2 profici ency may influence access to L2 social networks.

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307 Limited Access to L1 Social Network in the Host Culture The findings from this study reveal that acceptance in an established L1 social network in the host culture is not always inevitable. For many migrant s, being accepted by their ethnic social network in the host culture is critical because it can be a source to provide employment, journey (Hamer & Mazzucato, 200 9; Tannenbaum, 2007; Sussman, 2002; Wierzbicki, 2004). For two of the Japanese returnees, Ajisai and Sakura, even though they met the membership requirement of being Japanese from Japan and were in the United States temporarily, this did not give them eas y access to the established Japanese community. The barrier for both of them to model (1990), but was enforced by the social norms of the home culture within the h ost culture. The Japanese social network in the United States observed social norms from Japanese society and created an internal code of segregation to marginalize other Japanese. The study shows that membership requirements are more than just shared li nguistic and cultural values. Prospective members also need to meet the approval of the network in order to attain membership. Launching a Parallel L1 Social Network in the Host Culture To compensate for the lack of access to an L1 social network, the s tudy found that Ajisai established a separate parallel L1 social network for any Japanese women who wanted to join. Creating groups and adjusting to the group to maintain harmonious relations is a Japanese tradition (Ueno, 1998). Membership to this para llel JSN2 created by Ajisai was robust and the network became just as popular as the existing JSN2 in her area as a central clearinghouse for information about living in the United States. The formation of the parallel JSN2 initially caused separate L1 gr oups to form within the same geographical area for a while with limited interaction between the two groups. It was not until a member of the newly formed group was

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308 invited to become a teacher of the established group that the two groups acknowledged each other and formed a truce and created an even stronger presence within the Japanese community. Construction of a Parallel L1 Social Network in the Host Culture The findings show that the development of a parallel social network further enhanced the densit y (number of members) and enlarged the multiplexity, or the multiple connections a person is linked to in a social network, of the JSN2 (Marshall 2004; Stokowski, 1994) by affording more opportunities to engage with each other. Studies have rarely been ab le to document the emergence of a new social network in a host culture. Research on the development of ethnic social networks can only speculate how networks are formed, since many ethnic social networks have been active in a host culture for a very long time. Development of L1/C1 networks in a migration creates a set of friends and relatives with a social tie to someone with valuable migrant ey, 1990; p. 17). In a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Goza (2004) stated that most likely the original pioneer migrants into share reciprocal obligations based on either kinship or friend ship. This was true for Ajisai when she co founded a parallel JSN2 in her community. She wanted to meet other returnees who shared her experiences and who understood the linguistic and cultur al issues that are involved with living in the United States. Newcomers to the area were informed about this social network through word of mouth and it soon became the main source for all Japanese returnees for information about living in the United Stat es. The parallel JSN2 created by Ajisai was important to her fellow returnees and continued to thrive with new members even after Ajisai returned to Japan.

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309 Functions of a Parallel L1 Social Network in the Host Culture The findings from this study suggest that Japanese returnees need to have access to an L1 social network in the host culture to maintain their identity. What was revealing about the development of this L1 network was that the formation of this new parallel JSN2 was also fueled by a need to maintain a Japanese cultural identity. Cultural identity is a dominating factor in Japanese society is group oriented and has a strong emphasis on creating harmonious interpersonal relationships through the acts of reciprocity within the group. Identity is created from these social networks and membership and acceptance to an in group is essential. Members are socially compelled to keep in good standing with their in groups by keeping their Japanese cultural identity intact. This means that members of the in group should not be influenced or swayed by outside factors, such as exposure to other languages and cultures. Social conformity is expected and those who stray from the socio cultural norm of this in group network may jeopardize their cultural identity. When Ajisai and Sakura were not initially considered to be potential members of the prevailing JSN2 in the community, this placed the returnees in a precarious situation. First, they did not have a support group in the host culture that they could turn to for assistance to help them integrate into their new life in the United States. Second, since it is inconceivable in Japanese culture to be without a group, not belonging to any network meant that they did not have a group that they could identify with while they were in the United States. Their Japanese cultural identity became vulnerable because they had risked their Japanese identity by leaving the home cu lture network and then their fellow returnees in the United States did not recognize their identity as a Japanese returnee.

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310 Being identified as a Japanese returnee in the United States was important for them because it denoted to other Japanese that the ir time away from Japan was temporary and that they had every intention of returning to Japan. This reflected the strong bond that is felt within the Japanese society where obligation to the group is the main concern for its members. With this new L1 net work formation; Ajisai and Sakura were able to have access to a social network that shared their language, cultural, and migration experiences. They were able to utilize this network as a resource for information about their American life, and more import antly, they were able to identify themselves with other Japanese returnees. Self perceived low L2 proficiency The findings from this study found that the Japanese had a low self perception of English proficiency that affected their confidence in their abil ity to establish mainstream L2 social networks. Difficulties of Japanese communicating with non Japanese have been documented by various studies to be embarrassing, unpleasant, and frightening experiences or to be linguistically challenging for them beca use of the semantic and structural differences between Japanese and other Indo European languages (Eto, 1977; Kowner, 2002). For the Japanese returnees, their low self perception of their own L2 ability was a factor in their establishment of IBSN and the strong identification with JSN2. They were not confident in their English ability to seek out ASN nor did they strive to improve their English ability so that they could associate or form friendships with mainstream L2 social networks. Lack of investment with mainstream L2 social networks based on linguistic and cultural capital, but on a misguided expectation that communication with mainstream L2 social networks requ ire d near native fluency. In second language acquisition studies, (Norton, 2000; Norton & Gao 2008; Norton Peirce, 1995), Norton suggests that

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311 investment, rather than motivation, is a factor to explain the social interactions between language learners and target language speakers. She argues that language learners who fail to learn the the target language if the language learner believed that he or she will r eceive symbolic and material resources in return (Norton & Gao, 2008, p. 108). describe relations the returnees had towards their communicative competence; however, u nlike suggestion; their lack of investment was not due to the lack of perceived social/cultural gains. The Japanese returnees did not feel the need to invest any time or effort in establishing any ASN because of their self perceived low English p roficiency. The Japanese returnees felt that due to their lack of English skills, establishing an English only ASN was unattainable for them and did not see themselves as linguistically worthy of forging friendships and relationships with mainstream L2 so cial networks. Since the returnees were expecting a negative encounter when trying to communicate with mainstream L2 social networks, any interaction with ASN became a self fulfilling prophecy that communication in English would be an impossible task for them. The Japanese returnees also did not strive to improve their English ability so that they could associate or form friendships in mainstream L2 social networks. Due to the short time they would be in the United States, they did not feel that they ha d enough time for them to reach a certain level of English proficiency in order to communicate with members of the mainstream L2 network. Instead, the returnees took drastic measures to separate themselves from ASN and even refused to interact with ASN ev en when an opportunity to do so was presented to them. For example, Ume refused to include Americans in her hula dancing class, Mokuren allowed

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312 only her children to have American friends, and Sakura purposefully limited her associations with Americans to with mainstream L2 social networks until they felt that they had achieved a certain level of English proficiency and took the initiative to separate themselves from the members o f the host culture. Language Proficiency and Self Selected Separation from the Host Culture The findings indicated that the Japanese returnees initiated a separationist approach to the host culture. One can argue that if separation is the approach the Jap anese returnees seek, then at acculturation attitudes where the approach an individual adopts for his/her acculturation process is based on the atti tudes the ind ividual has toward cultural maintenance and the inter group individuals who attach importance to C1 maintenance but do not value inter group relations and the mar ginalization approach is for those who do not support or value C1 maintenance or inter group relations. Separatist individuals identify with the ethnic culture, whereas the marginalized individual identifies with neither culture. Although the Japanese re turnees strongly identify with their ethnic culture, Japanese society also highly values inter language ability was not taken into consideration. For the Japanese returnees, their self selected separation was not entirely model, but rooted in their self perceived low L2 proficiency. Home culture explanation Another po ssible explanation fo r the returnees to not invest in practicing and using their

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313 to losing the trust of a social network. If the returnees avoided any interaction with ASN, then they would not have to embarrass themselves by their lack of English ability. Their Japanese integrity would be intact (Gottlieb, 2005). This could account establish ASN. Instead of the host culture marginalizing the newcomers as it is often reported in A mericans. Their choice was to interact with a n alternative L2 social network, a n L2 social network that was less intimidating and less likely to cause a loss of New approach to establishing social networks The findings of this study reveale d that the Japanese return migrants developed an alternative L2 social network as their L2 social network of choice. The emergence of an alternative L2 social network comprised of international speakers of English depicts a non traditional movement for es tablishing social networks in a second language within a host culture environment. In immigration research, social networks are used as predictors of the cultural adaptation an immigrant may experience (Berry, 1990; Clayton; 1996; Hamer & Mazzucato; 2009 nance, or language shift (Li 1994; Marshall, 2004; Milroy, 1980; Stoessel, 1998). In all of these studies, the options that the immigrants have in order to establish and/or main tain social networks are either L1 networks or L2 networks. The conclusions from these immigrant studies are very straightforward in implying that the immigrant is presented with only two possibilities in a polarized linear fashion. The findings of this study are novel because the Japanese return migrants have deviated from the sociolinguistic social network models used in previous research. They intentionally separated themselves by purposely avoiding ASN, even though they were in the United States. Th eir avoidance of ASN was not due to ethnic or racial differences, but

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314 mainly to a self described low proficiency of L2. Instead of sequestering and clustering into a JSN2 enclave, they established an alternative L2 social network, namely the IBSN. What h ad migrants now demonstrated that there could be an alternative choice social network. The alternative L2 choice of network transcends cultural and linguistic bo undaries that have been substantiated in other immigration studies. This unconventional alternative choice of social network development introduces the possibility that there is a wider range of social network choices for migrants who move to a host cultu re. New Models of Social Networks The concept of social network was developed to describe and systematize the patterns of relationships that individual s develop as they function in a group or in society. Social Network T heory, therefore, must address and provide a means of accounting for the numerous factors that are relevant to a wide variety of situations and individual differences. The findings from the social networks of return migrants raised questions and issues that challenge the conventional appl ication of social network theory to return migrants. For return migrants, time is an important factor to take into consideration. The short duration of time in the host culture drives the pattern of establishing and maintaining social networks as well as the role the social network plays for the r eturn migration experience. This study proposes a theoretical model for the social networks of return migrants. The model suggested is not intended to compete or duplicate existing social network mod els, but to comple ment the existing social network framework so that it may provoke more work on the development of a social network theory that accommodates return migrants.

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315 Social Network Typology for Return Migrants The study suggests that because the return migra nts are temporarily in the host culture, the return migrants primarily established and maintained permanent exchange networks and temporary interactive social networks. The structure and function of the networks are different because their pattern of migr ation is different. The findings encourage social network analysis to take into consideration the temporariness of the migration experience because it affects and reflects the longevity, structure, and function of a social network for return migrants. Th e findings from this study enforce the notion that the typology of social networks need s to be broadened to include an interactive social network for specific purpose, a short term highly valued network of acquaintances that is established and maintained for specific purposes. A detailed outline of the structures of these networks is provided in Table 6 4. Table 6 4 Social network typology for return migrants Network Type Structure Strength Longevity Function Permanent Exchange Social Network Family and close friends in the home culture. Strong, active through each stage of the return migration journey. Long Term. Only network with permanency for the return migrants. Act as the home culture link. Teaches and validates social roles and language. Help support L1/C1 maintenance for their children. Temporary Interactive Network Acquaintances in the host culture. Shared language and culture not necessary. Strong ties. Solid stability and sustainability with no long term members. Robust due to shared so cial factors. Short. Only for the duration in the host culture. Provides information about living abroad. L1 network can support L1/C1 maintenance for their children. Social Network for Specific Purpose Acquaintances. Members target for their knowledge Strong ties for the duration of engagement. Bond is strengthened by the purpose of the network. Short and intense only for its intended purpose. Provides needed information that an individual seeks

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316 Alternative L2 Social Networks The study also suggest s that due to the short duration of time in the host culture, a return immigrant studies have limited the choices of social networks in the host culture to L1 and/or L2 social networks (Figure 6.1). Return migrants deviate from this pattern and establish an alternative L2 international social network where English is the second language for its members (Figure 6.2). One explanation for the establishment of t he alter native L2 social network of choice is based on the language proficiency of an individual. Because the duration of time in the host culture is short for the return migrants, there is no perceived need to invest in any time or effort to improve L2 proficien cy. The findings from this study offer an additional model for the establishment of social networks for return migrants for consideration in the social network framework Figure 6 1. Social networks pattern for immigrants in a host culture Figure 6 2. Social network pattern for return migrants in a host culture L1 Social Network L2 Social Network Alternative L2 Social Network L2 Social Network L1 Social Networ k

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317 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION The impetus for this research was to further increase our knowledge and understanding of the social networks of Japanese return migrants and the li nguistic and cultural roles that the social networks play in their return migration experience. The aim of this study was to investigate the experience of return migration. Current international migration patterns are diverse, and the uniqueness in their cross cultural migration experience of integrating and reintegrating into the home and host cultures made this population ideal for inquiry. This study investigated if the social network models for immigrants were applicable for the social networks of re turn migrants. The study examined the stories of six return migrants from Japan through personal interviews and data collected from a questionnaire and asked what role their social networks played in the ir integration and reintegration into their home and host cultures Due to the unique cyclical nature of their migration experience, the findings from this study diverged from the traditional views on how social networks are structured and how they function during a short term migration experience. This c hapter will highlight the important f indings from the study, suggest future areas of inquiry, state the limitation s of the study, and close with final remarks. Summation of the Findings The findings from this study revealed that the structures and functi ons of the social networks of Japanese return migrants were different from those found in immigrant studies. This demonstrated that the conventional concepts of social network models are not completely appropriate or applicable for return migrants. Major differences in the structures of the social networks of the Japanese returnees were found in the passive network typology that defines

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318 strong and weak ties, the construction of an interactive network for specific purposes, and the sustainability of a netw ork despite a lack of stability in the networks due to rotating members Finding 1 The findings showed that the Japanese return migrants established permanent and temporary social networks during various phases of their migration process and the estab lishment of the social network was dependent on the support that the networks could provide to the returnees during a particular stage of their return migration journey. Technology was the primary means that allowed the exchange network not to become a pa ssive network. The findings also indicate that the Japanese returnees established robust temporary interactive social networks with strong ties for the purpose of retrieving information about living abroad. The strengt h of the social network tie did not rely on shared linguistic and cultural backgrounds. These temporary interactive networks were able to continue influencing the Japanese community even though there was no solid foundation to hold the network together. This suggests that social network an alysis needs to recognize and include a wider set of structural relation factors that reflects the temporariness of a social network of return migrants Finding 2. The study proved that the foundation for the construction, establishment, and growth of a te mporary interactive network could be based on a specific purpose. The interactive networks as defined by immigrant studies are restricted by the longevity, purpose, and growth of their members. This finding added another dimension to the definition of an interactive network that was not previously taken into consideration by demonstrating that interactive networks can be temporary and still have an important and influential function for an individual. Finding 3. The findings from this study revealed that Japanese returnees developed a parallel L1 social network when acceptance to an established L1 social network in the host culture was not automatic. This development of a parallel social network further enhanced the

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319 density (number of members) and enlarg ed the multiplexity ( multiple connections) a person wa s linked to in a social network. Access to this L1 parallel network was a necessity in order for the returnees to maintain their self identity as Japanese. Finding 4. The study demonstrated that the J apanese had a low self perception of their English proficiency that affected their confidence in their ability to establish mainstream L2 social networks. Due to their low self perceived L2 proficiency, the Japanese returnees did not attempt to establish any mainstream L2 social network. Because of the short duration of their stay in the host culture, the Japanese returnees did not invest any efforts into English language learning and instead initiated a separationist approach to the host culture. Findi ng 5. The data showed that under certain circumstances, there are some types of social networks that are more influential and stable for integrating strong effective systems to facilitate the development of bilingual/bicultural identities. This suggests that a short duration in the host culture and the establishment of an alternative L2 social network of international migrants resulted in insufficient exposure to promote the development of a bilingual/bicultural identity. Finding 6. The findings reveal ed that the Japanese return migrants developed an alternative L2 social network of international speakers of English as their L2 network of choice in the host culture. Due to their lack of English ability, the Japanese returnees felt that a mainstream L2 social network was unapproachable for them and they felt more comfortable approaching an alternative L 2 social network where English wa s spoken as a second language. This finding indicates that language proficiency is an important factor to consider in t he establishment of L2 social networks. The study demonstrates that there are a number of complex

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320 Implication s for Future Research The findings from this study conf irm the importance of distinguishing different social networks and their functions. The research methods sele cted for this study demonstrated the potential contribution of narrative inquiry as a vital research tool for the understanding of return migrants The emerging system of sociolinguistic factors associated with the social networks of the return migrant is more complex than had been predicted, sug gesting the need for more research. Langu age Learning One of the areas of study that needs attention is an investigation into the correlation of how In second language acquisition (SLA) research, being immersed in the target language and culture as well as interacting with L2 speakers are considered to be important factors in facilitating second language acquisition. In the case of the Japanese return migrants, being surrounded in an L2 environment did not contribute to their development of second language proficiency. Their low self perceived L2 ability prevented them from interacting with mainstream L2 social networks, thus influencing their social network of choice, which in turn did not promote the ir improvement of L2. In terms of language learning, a self perceived low L2 proficiency may mediate the quanti ty and quality of opportunities to use the target language. When the period of time in the target language and culture is limited and the langu age learner sense s that there are too many linguistic and cultural obstacles to attain higher levels of L2 p roficiency the language learner may choose not to invest any time or effort in their acqu isition or improvement of L2. This follows Peirce (1995 ) study where she states that if language learners do not have an investment in the target language, then they will not have any motivation to continue to seek

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321 second language acquisition. T he possibility that the social context in which language learners everyday communicative skills and abilities may be rejected due to that perceived low L2 proficiency is worthy of further investigation. Dif ferent Type of Social Networks Future studies also need to focus on adding new types of social networks to the social network typology which c urrently include the exchange network, the interactive network, and the passi ve network Social networks should reflect the technology that is currently available and studies need to investigate ways that technology use can affect the social network typology found in the research literature. In addition, a new form of interactive social networks that was identifi ed in the findings of this study invites further research by social network scholars. The temporary interactive social network that was created and established for a specific purpose was an important and influential network for the participants of this st udy. Other studies need t o be conducted in order to examine what other roles and functions this new type of interactive social network may have in the migration experience of both immigrants and return migrants. Emergence of Different L2 Social Networks More specific directions for future research in social network analysis come from the emergence of an alternative L2 social network. Developing L2 social networks with acquaintances was not an easy task for Japanese return migrants due to their limited En glish proficiency; however, this did not cause them to abandon any attempt to forge relations with L2 speakers. The development of an alternative ESL social network for return migrants was a novel finding and underscores the conclusi on that there are more options for establish ing and/or maintain ing social networks than previously identified in traditional immigrant studies. Further

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322 research is needed to expand our understanding of migrants from just L1 and L2 networks to also include linguistic and cultur al variation found within each network. Limitation s of the Study The findings in this study have important linguistic and cultural implications that we must consider for future social network research. At the same time, it must be noted that any researc h design will have its strength and weakness that needs to be acknowledge. T here are several limitations of study that may affect the validity of the results that needs to be discussed Researcher Bias As the researcher, I share a similar experience fro m early childhood of multiple migrations to an American father and a Japanese mother and I had the advantage of growing up with access to Japanese and Americ an social networks in both countries. I am married to a Japanese national therefore this international pattern of having both Japanese and American social networks has continued into my adulthood. In qualitative research such as this, researcher bias and subjectivity are inevitable, especially in the analysis and interpretation of the data; therefore, m easures to counter for the sources of researcher bias have been taken into account in the research design. According to Golafshani (2003), engaging in multiple methods such as observation, interviews, and recordings will lead to a more valid, reliable, and diverse representation of a social phenomenon. Therefore for this study, the se qualitative research criteria were implemented to minimize the effect of researcher bias. In order to ensure dependability (reliability), data were obtained using different collection methods (personal interviews and questionnaires). For credibility (internal validity) of the data collection, the interview data were mecha nically recorded and transcribed, then

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323 translated into Engl ish. The English translations were then crosschecked with a bilingual Japanese /English speaker for accuracy. Number of Participants This study reflects the return migration experience of a smal l group of Japanese women, and their stories alone are insufficient to uncover all the intricate factors involved in their return migration experience s. A social network analysis of such a small sample cannot provide strong and ample evidence to create a new analytical framework for the social networks of all return migrants. Nevertheless, i t is imperative to recognize that the structure and function of social networks for return migrants are different and that the social network framework found in immigr ant studies needs to be expanded in order to accommodate these differences. Selection of Participants Another limitation of the study is the selection of the participants. T he participants of this study were married Japanese women with children who came to the United States to accompany their husband s. The occupations of the husbands included medical doctors who were visiting researchers at large university hospitals and engineers who were sponsored by their companies to pursue a graduate degree in the United States Financial support for the Japanese return earned while they were in the United States. The social economic status of the Japanese return migrants in t his study afforded the participants more opportunities and freedom to pursue personal and family interests than other return migrants who come to the United States under different economic situations Thus the Japanese return migrants in this study were n arrowly defined distinguishing them as a unique distribution among global migration patterns. T he generalizability (exte rnal validity) of the findings may not extend to all other cultures or to other return migrants The goal of the qualitative research er, however, is not to generalize the se

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324 findings to a larger population, but is concerned rather with the transferability of the findings to similar phenomena. The goal of this study is to provide sufficient information that can be used with another targe t population to determine whether the findings are applicable to other return migrants from Japan, as well as other return migrants from different cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Final Remarks Scholarly contributions to new social network models that take into account the complex linguistic and cultural characteristics of return migrants would greatly enhance our understanding of the roles social networks play in return migration. Further replication based studies for different ethnic groups of return migrants are needed in order to confirm the roles that social networking can play for return migrants. The richness of the data from th is study speaks to the value of the continual investigation of the return migration phenomena from a social network per spective. Implication s for future research studies conducted on the social networks of return migrants will have the potential to contribute valuable insights to new areas of inquiry for social network analysis as well as for issues related to second lang uage learning and self identity development.

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325 APPENDIX A INFORMED CONSENT FORMS English Dear Participants: My name is Jo Kozuma and I am a doctoral candidate with the School of Teaching and Learning at the University of Florida. I am conduc ting a research project to learn about the social networks of Japanese families who have lived in the United States with their children for a period of time and then returned back to Japan. Social networks are your friends, family and acquaintances, and th e purpose of my research is to learn how the relationships you have with your social networks influenced your language and cultural experiences when you lived in the United States and when you returned to Japan. I have been told that you have lived in the United States for a while and I would like to have an opportunity to ask you about your overseas experience. If you participate, your involvement in this study consists of two personal interviews and filling out a questionnaire. Both the questionnaire and the interviews are available in Japanese or English. The first interview should take about 30 45 minutes and will be held at a time and place that is most convenient to you. Before we meet for the first interview, I will ask you to fill out a questionn aire. The questionnaire will contain questions about your circle of friends at home and in the United States, as well as your cultural and language experiences in the United States and when you returned to Japan. The questionnaire should take about 1 hour to complete. You do not have to answer any questions you do not wish to answer, nor share any information you do not wish to share. With your permission, I would like to audiotape our interview. I will be the only person to have access to the tape and I will do all the transcription of the interview. I will use pseudonyms and delete any information that clearly identifies you for the final report. Please be assured that I will respect your privacy and any personal information about your family, your fri ends or any other information mentioned during the interview or questionnaire that may identify you, your family, or members of your social networks will be kept confidential to the extent provided by law. Personal information will not be used for the fin al manuscript, publication release, or identity disclosure. At the end of the study, I will delete and destroy any information on paper or tape that will identify you or link you to the pseudonym assigned to you. Please realize that the participation in t his study is completely voluntary. In addition, there are no anticipated risks, compensation or other direct benefits to you as a participant in this study. If at any time you feel you want to withdrawal from the study, please let me know and I will delete all your data from my report and return the questionnaire to you. You are free to withdraw from the study at any time without any consequence. If you have any questions about this study you can contact Dr. Ester de Jong at the University of Florida, Coll ege of Education, School of Teaching and Learning, 2413 Norman Hall, Gainesville, Florida 32611. She can also be reached at (352) 392 9191 ext. 280 or edejong@coe.ufl.edu or you can contact me, Jo Kozuma at daigaku@ufl.edu If you have any

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326 questions about your rights as a research participant in this study, you can contact UFIRB Office, Box 112250, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611 2250 or at (352) 392 0433. If you agree to participate in this study please sign the agreement below. A second copy is provided for your records. By signing this letter, you give me permission to report your responses anonymously in the final manuscript. I am looking forward to meet ing and talking with you. Your participation in this study is greatly appreciated. Sincerely, Jo Kozuma University of Florida College of Education School of Teaching and Learning 2413 Norman Hall Gainesville, FL 32611 ______________________________ ___ I have read the procedure described above for the social network questionnaire and interview. I voluntary agree to participate in this study. I have received a copy of this description for my records. Participant: _________________________________ ________ Date:_______________ Principal Investigator: ________________________________ Date: _______________ Jo A. Kozuma

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327 Japanese Translation of Consent Form Teaching and Learning Jo Kozuma

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328 Dr. Ester de Jong Jo Kozuma Dr. Ester de Jong University of Florida, College of Education, School of Teaching and Learning, 2413 Norman Hall, Gainesville, Florida 32611. (352) 392 9191 ext. 280 or edejong@coe.ufl.edu Jo Kozuma daigaku@ufl.edu UFIRB Office, Box 112250, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611 2250 or at (3 52) 392 0433. Jo Kozuma University of Florida College of Education School o f Teaching and Learning 2413 Norman Hall Gainesville, FL 32611 : _________________________________________ :_______________ : __________________ ______________ : _______________ Jo A. Kozuma

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329 APPENDIX B INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Personal Background Information Tell me about your life before you left for the USA? What were your impressions/thought about people who have lived overseas? How did you feel when you found out that you were moving to the USA? Before Leaving Japan What did you do to prepare yourself to move to the USA? Tell me about any concerns you had about your family moving to the USA? What did you family and friends say about you mo ving to the USA? Your Stay in the USA What was it like to arrive in the USA? Tell me about your life in the USA? How was it different from your life in Japan? What did you miss about Japan? Tell me about the difficulties you encountered while you were li ving in the USA? What did you like about your life in the USA? Returning to Japan How did it feel to be back in Japan? What kind of difficulties did you encounter when you were re adjusting to Japan? What do you miss about the USA? How has your life chang ed because of your experience of living in the USA?

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330 APPENDIX C ENGLISH QUESTIONNAIRE Background Information 1 Directions : Please answer the following questions that are relevant to your family. Your answers to any or all questions will be held in th e strictest confidence. Although I ask for names throughout this questionnaire, the names will not be revealed in any manner for the final report. The contents of this form and any information identifying you are absolutely confidential. Family Name: Pers on who is filling out this questionnaire: Children's Names: Current Age Where were your children born? Child 1 Japan USA Other: Child 2 Japan USA Other: Child 3 Japan USA Other: Other family Members: Japan USA Other: What was your reason for being in the USA? Where were you in the USA? How long did you stay in the USA? Have you lived in the USA before your last visit? If yes, when and where were you? Yes No Date and Location: When you were in the USA, did you go back to Japan for a visit? If yes, how many times did you stay in Japan and how long was each stay? Yes No When did you permanently return to Japan?

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331 Back ground Information 2 Did you do anything to prepare yourself and your family for your live overseas? Took English language classes. Yes No Took preparation seminars/workshops for living overseas. Yes No Talked to people who have lived overseas. Yes No Sought advice from Americans living in Japan. Yes No Read books and articles about living overseas. Yes No Talked or corresponded with Japanese who lived in the USA. Yes No Talked or corresponded with Americans in the USA. Yes No Used the internet for information. Yes No Talked or corresponded with Japanese who have lived in the USA before. Yes No Other: Please specify Short Answers: What positive or negative comments do other Japanese people make a bout your experience of living overseas?

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332 Language Information 1 What languages do you generally speak in your family now Approximately what percentage of your daily language use is Japanese % English % Other % How would your rate your family's English speaking ability? You Very Good Good Fair Poor Spouse Very Good Good Fair Poor Child 1 Very Good Good Fair Poor Child 2 Very Good Good Fair Poor Child 3 Very Good Good Fair Poor Others Very Good Good Fair Poor How would you rate your family's Japanese speaking ability? You Very Good Good Fair Poor Spouse Very Good Good Fair Poor Child 1 Very Good Good Fair Poor Child 2 Very Good Good Fair Poor Child 3 V ery Good Good Fair Poor Others Very Good Good Fair Poor

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333 Language Information 2 What did your family do to help maintain their Japanese while in the USA? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at all Seldom Occasionall y Often Watch Japanese videos/DVDs 1 2 3 4 Watch Japanese TV through cable/satellite 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 Listen to Japanese radio on the internet 1 2 3 4 Read Japanese newspapers on the internet 1 2 3 4 S ocialize with other Japanese 1 2 3 4 Child/Children attended special Japanese schools 1 2 3 4 Engage a private tutor 1 2 3 4 Maintain a blog on the internet 1 2 3 4 Maintain a website 1 2 3 4 Chat/instant message in Japanese on the internet 1 2 3 4 Child/Children were home schooled in Japanese 1 2 3 4 Other: Please specify 1 2 3 4 What language did you generally speak to your children when you were in the USA? Japanese English Other What language did your children generally speak to th e family members when you were in the USA? Japanese English Other Did any of your children attend school in the USA? Child 1 Yes No Grades: Child 2 Yes No Grades: Child 3 Yes No Grades: Other Yes No Grades:

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334 Language Informati on 3 Were any of your children enrolled in a special English language program at their school? Did not enroll Initially enrolled and exited Enrolled and remained Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Other What does your family do to help maintain their English now that you are in Japan? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often Watch English videos/DVDs. 1 2 3 4 Watch English TV through cable or satellite. 1 2 3 4 Read E nglish books or magazines. 1 2 3 4 Listen to English radio on the internet. 1 2 3 4 Socialize with English speakers. 1 2 3 4 Read English newspapers on the internet. 1 2 3 4 Enroll your children in kikokushijo school. 1 2 3 4 Socialize with other Japanese returnees. 1 2 3 4 Engage a private tutor. 1 2 3 4 Chat/instant message in English on the internet. 1 2 3 4 Maintain an English blog. 1 2 3 4 Enroll in English conversation classes. 1 2 3 4 Child/Children attend international schools. 1 2 3 4 Other: Please specify

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335 Language Information 4 Please circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to you r situation, please circle 0 for no answer While I was in the USA : No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often I spoke Japanese to my spouse. 0 1 2 3 4 I spoke English to my spouse. 0 1 2 3 4 I spoke Japanese to my children. 0 1 2 3 4 I spoke English to my children. 0 1 2 3 4 Our children spoke Japanese to us. 0 1 2 3 4 Our children spoke English to us. 0 1 2 3 4 I sent my children to the local American schools. 0 1 2 3 4 I sent my children to the local American daycare centers. 0 1 2 3 4 I sent my children to supplementary Japanese schools on the weekends. 0 1 2 3 4 My family tried to maintain their Japanese language skills. 0 1 2 3 4 I took English lessons. 0 1 2 3 4 Other: Please specify After returning to Japan, 0 1 2 3 4 I speak Japanese to my spouse. 0 1 2 3 4 I speak English to my spouse. 0 1 2 3 4 I speak Japanese to my children. 0 1 2 3 4 I speak English to my children. 0 1 2 3 4 Our children speak Japanese to us. 0 1 2 3 4 Our children speak English to us. 0 1 2 3 4 I continue to study English. 0 1 2 3 4 Our children attend internatio nal schools. 0 1 2 3 4 Our children attend provisional Japanese schools for returnees. 0 1 2 3 4

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336 Social Network Information 1 Please list 5 families or friends with whom you associate the most and tell me some information about them. Relationship 1 = Good friend 2 = Acquaintance 3 = Minor Acquaintance 4 = Family Duration How long have you known this person or family? Nationality JPN? USA? UK? AUS? Other? Distance Lives in the same town? Lives out of town? Lives overseas? Rank of Importance in your life 1 = Important 2 = Average 3 = Minor Names A. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 B. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 C. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 D. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 E. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 When you needed information about living in the USA, to whom did you turn to the most? Please circle your response on the 4 point scale. If the sta tement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer Before leaving Japan No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often Japanese 0 1 2 3 4 Americans 0 1 2 3 4 Others 0 1 2 3 4 In the USA Japanese 0 1 2 3 4 Americans 0 1 2 3 4 Others 0 1 2 3 4

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337 Social Network Information 2 Approximately how much of your time did you spend with the following people? If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often Before Leaving Japan Japanese 0 1 2 3 4 Americans 0 1 2 3 4 Others 0 1 2 3 4 No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often In the USA Japanese 0 1 2 3 4 Americans 0 1 2 3 4 Others 0 1 2 3 4 No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often After returning to Japan Japanese 0 1 2 3 4 Americans 0 1 2 3 4 Others 0 1 2 3 4 Short Answers: 1. Was it important for you and your family to keep a close connection wit h the Japanese language and culture while you were in the USA? Please explain.

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338 Social Network Information 3 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer While you were in the USA: No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often I relied on my Japanese contacts in the USA to help me adjust. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with other Japanese living in Japan. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with other Japanese living in USA. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans. 0 1 2 3 4 I kept a close connection with Japan through my family and friends. 0 1 2 3 4 I mad e American friends. 0 1 2 3 4 I socialized mainly with other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I joined a Japanese social association. 0 1 2 3 4 Sometimes it was difficult to meet Americans. 0 1 2 3 4 I turned to my family and friends in Japan for emotional support. 0 1 2 3 4 I turned to my family and friends in the USA for emotional support. 0 1 2 3 4 Upon Returning to Japan: I consulted with my Japanese friends/family I met in the USA to help me re adjust. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consu lted with other Japanese living in Japan. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with other Japanese returnees in Japan. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in Japan. 0 1 2 3 4

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339 Social Network Information 4 Upon Returning to Japan No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often When there was a problem, I consulted with the Japanese living in USA. 0 1 2 3 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 I turne d to my family and friends in Japan for emotional support. 0 1 2 3 4 I turned to my family and friends in the USA for emotional support. 0 1 2 3 4 I kept a close connection with the USA through my family and friends. 0 1 2 3 4 I meet with a social assoc iation for returnees. 0 1 2 3 4 About your Time in Japan Now No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasionall y Often When there is a problem, I sill consult with Japanese friends/family I met in the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 When there is a problem, I sill consult with other Japanese returnees in Japan. 0 1 2 3 4 When there is a problem, I sill consult with American friends/family living in the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 When there is a problem, I sill consult with American friends/family living in Japan. 0 1 2 3 4 I keep in touch with my family and friends in the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 I am active in a social association for returnees. 0 1 2 3 4 I maintain my American connection through my Japanese friends who I met in the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 I maintain my American connection through my American friends who I met in the USA. 0 1 2 3 4

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340 Identity Information 1 Did you consider yourself a bilingual person? Yes No Other Before leaving Japan? While in the USA? Returning to Japan? Did you consider yoursel f a bicultural person? Yes No Other Before leaving Japan? While in the USA? Returning to Japan? Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circl e 0 for no answer. While in the USA: No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often I felt I had a lot in common with other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I identified with the Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I was proud to be Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I had negative feelings about ot her Japanese people. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt I was treated differently because I was Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt I had a different way of thinking than the Americans. 0 1 2 3 4 I was glad to be born Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I tried to conform to my American peers. 0 1 2 3 4 Upon Returning to Japan: I felt I had a lot in common with other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I was proud to be Japanese who had lived overseas. 0 1 2 3 4 I had negative feelings about other Japanese people. 0 1 2 3 4 I tried to hide my ov erseas experience from my Japanese peers. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt I was being treated differently because I was a returnee. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt I had a different way of thinking than other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4

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341 Identity Information 2 About Your Time in Japan No w: No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often I feel I have a lot in common with other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I identify myself with the Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I identify myself as a Japanese returnee. 0 1 2 3 4 I have negative feelings about other Ja panese people. 0 1 2 3 4 I feel that I am treated differently because I am a returnee. 0 1 2 3 4 I fell that I have a differently way of thinking than other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 I tried to hide my overseas experience from my Japanese peers. 0 1 2 3 4 I am glad to be considered as an international person. 0 1 2 3 4 How would you label yourself? Please check all answers that apply. Before leaving Japan While in the USA Returning to Japan Japanese Internationa l Person Foreigner Returnee Japanese American Other: Please specify

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342 Culture Information 1 Short Answers: Did you experience any culture shock when you first arrived in the USA? If yes, what was your culture shock? Yes No Did you experience any culture shock when you first returned to Japan? If yes, what was your culture shock? Yes No Which was more difficu lt for you to do: going to the USA or coming back to Japan? Why? USA Japan If you had a chance to go overseas again, would you like to go again? Where would you like to go the next time? Yes No If you had a chance to go overseas again, is there anything you would do differently to prepare yourself and your family? Yes No

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343 Culture Information 2 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply t o your situation, please circle 0 for no answer While in the USA : No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often I observed the traditions and holidays of Japan. 0 1 2 3 4 I observed the traditions and holidays of the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 I wanted to learn about American culture. 0 1 2 3 4 I had difficulties adjusting to American culture. 0 1 2 3 4 I wanted my children to know about Japanese culture. 0 1 2 3 4 I wanted my children to know about American culture. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt that I co uld live anywhere in the world. 0 1 2 3 4 I enjoyed sharing my culture with the Americans. 0 1 2 3 4 Upon Returning to Japan No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often I have incorporated some customs I learned in the USA into my family life. 0 1 2 3 4 I observed the traditions and holidays of the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 I tried to do everything American style. 0 1 2 3 4 I had difficulties adjusting to Japanese culture. 0 1 2 3 4 I wanted my children to remember the American culture they learned. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt that I had forgotten certain aspects of the Japanese culture. 0 1 2 3 4 I felt that I could live anywhere in the world. 0 1 2 3 4 I enjoyed sharing my overseas experience with other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4

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344 Cu lture Information 3 About Your Time in Japan Now No Answer Not at all Seldom Occasion ally Often I still incorporate some customs I learned in the USA into my family life. 0 1 2 3 4 I still observed the traditions and holidays of the USA. 0 1 2 3 4 I live by a mixture of Japanese and American customs. 0 1 2 3 4 I feel that it is important to be bicultural. 0 1 2 3 4 I feel that it is important for my children to remember that they have a bicultural lifestyle. 0 1 2 3 4 I feel that I could live an ywhere in the world. 0 1 2 3 4 I still enjoy sharing my overseas experience with other Japanese. 0 1 2 3 4 What are the advantages and disadvantages of living abroad and returning to Japan? Advantages: Disadvantag es: END Thank you for your participation. I look forward to seeing you at our interview. If you should have any questions about the q uestionnaire, please feel free to ask me at our interview or you may contact me at daigaku@ufl.edu. Jo Kozuma College of Education School of Teaching and Learning University of Florida Gainesville, Florida 32611

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345 APPENDIX D JAPANESE QUESTIONNAIRE Background Information 1 Directions : : : 1 Japan USA : 2 Japan USA : 3 Japan USA : : Japan USA : Yes No : Yes No

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346 Background Information 2 Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No : Short Answers:

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347 Language Information 1 Japanese % English % % 1 2 3 1 2 3

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348 Language I nformation 2 Not at all Seldom Occasionally Often DVD 1 2 3 4 TV 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 Japanese English Japanese English 1 Yes No : 2 Yes No : 3 Yes No : Yes No :

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349 Language Information 3 1 2 3 DVD 1 2 3 4 TV 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 :

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350 Language Information 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4

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351 Social Network Information 1 1 = 2 = 3 = 4 = ? JPN? USA? UK? AUS? ? 1 = 2 = 3 = A. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 B. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 C. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 D. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 E. 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4

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352 Social Network Information 2 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 Short Answers: 1.

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353 Social Network Information 3 : 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 : 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4

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354 Social Network Information 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4

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355 Identity Information 1 Yes No Yes No 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4

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356 Identity Information 2 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4

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357 Culture Information 1 Short Answers: Yes Yes No Yes Yes No USA Japan Yes No Yes No

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358 Culture Information 2 : 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 Culture Information 3

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359 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 0 1 2 3 4 : : END daigaku@ufl.edu. Jo Kozuma College of Education School of Teaching and Learning Univ ersity of Florida o Gainesville, Florida 32611 32611

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360 APPENDIX E RESULTS FROM THE QUESTIONNAIRE Table E 1 Background information 2 A pg. 2 Did you do anything to prepare yourself and your family for your life overseas? Took English language classes? Yes No With Interviews 6 Total 1 16.6% 5 83.3% No Interviews 2 Total 2 100% 0% Collectively 8 Total 3 37.5% 5 62.5% Took preparation seminars/workshops for living overseas? With Interviews 6 Tota l 2 33.3% 4 67.6% No Interviews 2 Total 150% 1 50% Collectively 8 Total 4 37.5% 5 62.5% Talked to people who have lived overseas? With Interviews 6 Total 6 100% 0% No Interviews 2 Total 1 50% 1 50% Collectively 8 Total 7 87.5% 1 12.5% Sought advice from Americans living in Japan? With Interviews 6 Total 1 16.6% 5 83.3% No Interviews 2 Total 0% 2 100% Collectively 8 Total 1 12.5% 7 87.5% Read books and articles about living over seas? With Interviews 6 Total 6 100% 0% No Interviews 2 Total 2 100% 0% Collectively 8 Total 8 100% 0%

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361 Table E 1 Continued Did you do anything to prepare yourself and your family for your life overseas? Talked or correspon ded with Japanese who were living in the USA at that time? Yes No With Interviews 6 Total 4 66.6% 2 33.3% No Interviews 2 Total 1 50% 1 50% Collectively 8 Total 5 62.5% 3 37.5% Talked or corresponded with Americans who were liv ing in the USA at that time? With Interviews 6 Total 0% 6 100% No Interviews 2 Total 0% 2 100% Collectively 8 Total 0% 8 100% Used the Internet for information? With Interviews 6 Total 4 66.6% 2 33.3% No Interviews 2 Total 0% 2 100% Collectively 8 Total 4 50% 4 50% Talked or corresponded with Japanese who have lived in the USA before? With Interviews 6 Total 3 50% 3 50% No Interviews 2 Total 1 50% 1 50% Collectively 8 Total 4 50% 4 50%

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362 Table E 2 Background cultural information 2 B pg. 2 Short Answers: What positive or negative comments do other Japanese people make about your experience of living overseas? Positive: It must have been a good experience. You will be able to speak English. You will be able to know about the American culture. You are able to give your children a lot of experiences. I was told that I would be able to have an experience that I would not be able to have in Japan Your English will improve. We had a lot of opportunities to have family conversation. Our family became closer. I think they were jealous. Negative: I was often told how my parents would worry about me since I an only child. My parents ar e currently 78 years old. Education will be a problem for your children. The danger of AIDS, guns and living environment. A worried? It was hard to find Japanese ingredients. It would have been easier to take them with us. T he repairperson did not come at the promised time.

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363 Table E 3 Language information 1 A Pg. 3 What language do you generally speak in your family? Approximately what percentage of your daily language use is Japanese, English, or Other? Ajisai WI Japan ese 100% Ayame WI Japanese 100% Kiku WI Japanese English 98% 2 % Mokuren WI Japanese 100% Sakura WI Japanese 100% Ume WI Japanese 100% Momiji NI Japanese 100% Tsubaki NI Japanese English 95% 5%

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364 Table E 4 Language information 1 B Pg. 3 How Ajisai WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Poor Good Poor Poor Ayame WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Poor Fair Poor Poor Poor Kiku WI Spouse Child 1 Ch ild 2 Child 3 Poor Good Poor Poor Poor Mokuren WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Poor Good Good Good Good Sakura WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Poor Fair Poor Poor Poor Ume WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Poor Good Good Good Momi ji NI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Poor Fair Good Good Tsubaki NI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Poor Fair Good Good

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365 Table E 5 Language information 1 C Pg. 3 How woul ability? Poor, Fair, Good, or Very Good? Ajisa i WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Ayame WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Kiku WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Mokuren WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Sakura WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Very Good Ume WI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Very Good Very Good Very Good Good Momiji NI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Fair Very Good Good Good Tsubaki NI Spouse Child 1 Child 2 Good Good Fair Fair

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366 Table E 6 Language information 2 A pg. 4 What did your family do to help maintain thei r Japanese while in the USA? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Watch ed JPN videos/DVDs. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 100% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 4 50% Watch ed JPN TV through cable or satellite TV. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% 2 25% Read JPN books or magazines. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% Listen ed to JPN radio on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 2 100% 7 87.5% 1 12.5% Read JPN newspapers on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 100% 4 50% 2 25% 2 25%

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367 Table E 6 Continued What did your family do to help maintain their Japanese while in the USA? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Socialize d with JPN speakers. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively ( 8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 4 66.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 5 62.5% Enroll ed children in JPN schools With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 4 66.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 5 62.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% Engage d a private tutor. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% Maintain ed a blog on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% Maintain ed a website. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100%

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368 Table E 6 Continued What did your family do to help maintain their Japanese while in the USA? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasi onally 3 Often 4 Did Chat/IM in JPN on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 6 75% 2 25% Child/children were home s chooled in JPN. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 6 75% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% Others: With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) Japanese children music or songs. I made my children keep a diary in Japanese. 1 16.6% 1 50% 2 25%

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369 Table E 7 Language information 2 B pg. 4 Japanese English Other Wh at language did you generally speak to your children when you were in the USA? With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100& JPN & ENG 1 16.6% 2 100% 8 100% JPN & ENG 1 12.5% What language did your children g enerally speak to the family members when you were in the USA? With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100& JPN & ENG 1 16.6% 2 100% 8 100% JPN & ENG 1 12.5% Table E 8 Language information 2 C pg. 4 Gr ade No Sch Pre Sch K 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 With Interviews (15 Kids) 3 20% 3 20% 2 13% 2 13% 2 13% 1 7% 1 7% 1 7% No Interviews (4 Kids) 2 50% 1 25% 1 25% Total (19 Kids) 3 16% 3 16% 4 21% 2 10% 2 10% 1 0.5% 2 10% 1 0.5% 1 0.5%

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370 Duration of time spending American schools. No Sch Pre Sch K 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 With Interviews 15 Kids No Interviews 4 Kids Total 19 Kids 3 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Figure E 1. Language information 3, pg. 4 Table E 9 Language information 3 A pg. 5 Were any of your children enrolled in a special English language program? Did Not Enroll Initially Enrolled and Exited Enrolled and remained With Interviews (6 To tal) 15 Children 8 Children 53.3% 7 Children 46.6% No Interviews (2 Total) 4 Children 1 Child 25% 3 Children 75% Collectively (8 Total) 19 Children 9 Children 47.3% 3 Children 15.7% 7 Children 36.8%

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371 Table E 10 Language infor mation 3 B pg. 5 What does your family do to help maintain their English now that you are in Japan? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Watch ed ENG videos/DVDs. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 4 50% 1 12.5% Watch ed ENG TV through cable or satellite TV. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 1 50% 1 50% 7 87.5% 1 12.5% Read ENG books or magazines. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews ( 2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 4 66.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 5 62.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% Listen ed to ENG radio on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% Socialize d with ENG speakers. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 62.5% 1 16 .6% 1 50% 1 50% 7 75% 2 25%

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372 Table E 10 Continued What does your family do to help maintain their English now that you are in Japan? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale. Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Read E NG newspapers on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 100% 4 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 2 25% Enroll chil dren in kikokushijo schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.5% 1 16.6% 2 100% 5 62.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% Socialize with other JPN returnee s. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% Engage a private tutor. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 2 100% 5 62.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% Chat/IM in ENG on the Internet. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total ) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100%

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373 Table E 10 Continued What does your family do to help maintain their English now that you are in Japan? Please circle your response using the 4 point scale Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Maintain and ENG blog. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 5 83.3% 1 12.5% 2 2 5% Enroll in ENG conversation classes. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 5 62.5 1 12.5% 2 25% Child/children att end international schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100%

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374 Table E 11 Language information 4 A pg. 6 Ple ase circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While I was in the USA No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I spo ke JPN with my spouse. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% I spoke ENG with my spouse. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I spoke JPN with my children. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% I spoke ENG with my children. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 2 100% 3 37.5% 2 25% 3 37.5% Ou r children spoke JPN with us. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100%

PAGE 375

375 Table E 11 Continued Please circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While I was in the USA No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Our children spoke ENG with us. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 3 3.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 100% 2 25% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% I sent my children to the local American schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6 % 5 83.3% 2 100% 1 12.5% 7 87.5% I sent my children to the local American daycare. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 4 66.6% 2 100% 4 50% 4 50% I sent my children to the supplementary JPN school. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 1 00% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 4 50% My family tried to maintain their JPN language skills. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16 .6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 2 25% 2 25% 2 25%

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376 Table E 11 Continued Please circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While I was i n the USA No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I took ENG lessons. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 3 50% 2 100% 3 37.5% 5 62.5% Table E 12 Language information 4 B pg. 6 Please circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. After Returning to Japan No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I speak JPN with my spouse. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% I speak ENG with my spouse. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 100% 4 50% 3 37.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 377

377 Table E 12 Continued Please circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. After Returning to Japan No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I speak JPN with my children. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% I speak ENG with my children. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 3 50% 2 33.3% 2 100% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% 2 25% Our children speak JPN with us. With Interviews (6 To tal) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100% Our children speak ENG with us. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 3 50% 2 100% 5 62.5% 3 37.5% I continue my study of ENG. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectiv ely (8 Total) 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 378

378 Table E 11 Continued Please circle your response to the following statements below using the 4 point scale. If the statement does not apply to your situati on, please circle 0 for no answer. After Returning to Japan No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Our children attend international schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 6 75% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% Our children attend provisional JPN schools. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collective ly (8 Total) 4 66.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% 2 25%

PAGE 379

379 Table E 13 Social network information 1 A pg. 7 Please list 5 families or friends with whom you associate the most and tell me some information about them. Social Ne twork Relationship Duration Nationality Distance Rank of Importance Ajisai WI 1 Good friend 5 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 2 Family 33 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 3 Good friend 8 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Good friend 8 yrs South Korean Lives out of town Average 5 Good friend 5 yrs Japanese Lives overseas Important Ayame WI 1 Good friend 10 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 2 Good friend 4 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 3 Family 40 yrs Ja panese Lives out of town Important 4 Family 15 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 5 Good friend 15 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average Kiku WI 1 Good friend 7 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 2 Good friend 22 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 3 Good friend 27 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Good friend 22 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 5 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important Mokuren WI 1 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Aver age 2 Good friend 7 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 3 Acquaintance 3 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 4 Acquaintance 25 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 5 Good friend 30 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average Sakura WI 1 Good fri end 9 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 2 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 3 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 4 Good friend 4 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Important 5 Family 12 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important Ume WI 1 Good friend 13 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 2 Good friend 10 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 3 Good friend 2 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 4 Good friend 30 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Avera ge 5 Good friend 2 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Minor

PAGE 380

380 Table E 13 Continued Please list 5 families or friends with whom you associate the most and tell me some information about them. Social Network Relationship Duration Nationality Distance Rank o f Importance Momij NI 1 Acquaintance 40 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 2 Good friend 4 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 3 Good friend 2 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 4 Good friend 15 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 5 Good friend 32 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important Tsubaki NI 1 Acquaintance 10 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Important 2 Good friend 6 yrs Japanese Lives in same town Average 3 Good friend 20 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 4 Good frie nd 12 yrs Japanese Lives out of town Average 5 Minor Acquaintance 1 yr USA Lives out of town Important

PAGE 381

381 Table E 14 Social network information 1B, pg. 7 When you needed information about living in the USA, to whom did you turn to the most? Please circ le your response on the 4 point scale (Not at All, Seldom, Occasionally, Often). If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. Social Network Before Leaving Japan: N/A or Blank 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Of ten 4 Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 5 83.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 4 66.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 6 75% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% Others With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 2 50% (e.g.books) 50% 7 75% 1 12.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 382

382 Table E 14 Continued When you needed information about living in the USA, to whom did you turn to the most? Please circle your response on the 4 point scale (Not at All, Seldom, Occasionally, Often). If the statement does n ot apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. In the USA N/A or Blank 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 4 66.6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 2 100% 7 87.5% 1 12.5% Others With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100%

PAGE 383

383 Table E 15 Social network information 2 A pg. 8 While in the USA, how much of your time did you spend with the following people? If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. Social Network Before Leaving Japan : N/A or Blank 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectivel y (8 Total) 1 16.6% 5 83.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 4 50% 3 37.5% Others With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100% 2 100% 8 100%

PAGE 384

384 Table E 15 Continued While in the USA, how much of your time did you spend with the followi ng people? If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. While you were in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Colle ctively (8 Total)) 1 16.6% 5 83 % 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 5 62.5 % American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total ) 1 16.6% 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 4 5 0 % 3 37.5% Others With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 6 100 % 2 100% 8 100 %

PAGE 385

385 Table E 15 Continued While in the USA, how much of your time did you spend with the following p eople? If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total)) 1 16.6% 5 83 % 1 50% 1 50% 2 2 5% 6 7 5 % American With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total ) 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 5 6 2.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% Other s With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83 % 1 16.6% 2 100% 8 100 %

PAGE 386

386 Table E 16 Social network information 2 B p g. 8 Short Answers: Was it important for you and your family to kee p a close connection with the Japanese language and culture while you were in the USA? Please explain. Ajisai WI Maintaining Japanese was not necessary. In order to introduce Japanese culture to Americans, I often had to study my own culture. It was ama zing to realize the difficulty of trying to explain a simple idea to someone else. Kiku WI Culture was not important to me, but I felt it was important for my foods and the customs of N Mokuren WI It was not really that important. Sakura WI I read Japanese books to the children and sang Japanese songs to them. Ume WI Our live in the US was short 2 years. Our children were in the 5 th and 8 th grade so they were at an age whe re they could speak Japanese without any problems. Our children had to study subjects from their Japanese curriculum as well so instead of studying Japanese conversation; they had to study academic Japanese. I was able to introduce Japanese culture at an E SOL class and to our children. It was not to maintain culture, but to realize our own Japanese culture. Momiji NI Japanese language and culture were taught within the family. Knowing that we will return to Japan, I felt it was important to be at the same level of knowledge of the language and culture as the children in Japan. Tsubaki NI in the learning stages and using two languages appeared to be difficult for them. At the time my ch ildren were ages five and seven.

PAGE 387

387 Table E 17 Social network information 3 A pg. 9 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. While you were in the US A N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I relied on my JPN contacts in the USA to help me adjust. With Interviews 6 total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 8 Total 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5 % 4 50% When there was a problem, I consulted with other JPN living in Japan. With Interviews 6 total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 8 Total 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% When th ere was a problem, I consulted with other JPN living in the USA. With Interviews 6 total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 8 Total 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 4 66.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% When there was a problem I consulted with Americans. With Interviews 6 total No Interviews 2 Total Collectively 8 Total 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% 2 25%

PAGE 388

388 Table E 17 Continued Please circle the number that best describes yo ur experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. While you were in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I kept a close connection with JPN through my family & friends. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 2 25% 3 37.5% I made American friends. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total ) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I socialized mainly with other JPN. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 5 83. 3% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 6 75% I joined a JPN social association. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 33.3% 2 100% 4 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 2 25%

PAGE 389

389 Table E 17 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. While you were in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 Sometimes it was diffi cult to meet Americans. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 3 50% 2 100% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% I turned to my family and friends in Japan for emotional support. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 2 25% 3 37.5% I turned to my family and friends in the USA for emotional support. With Int erviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 4 50%

PAGE 390

390 Tab le E 18 Social network information 3 B pg. 9 Please circle the number that best describes your exp erience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. Upon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I consulted with my JPN friends/family I met in the USA to help me re adjust. With Inter views (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 4 5o% 2 25% Where there was a problem, I consulted with other JPN living abroad. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 4 5o% 2 25% 2 25% When there was a problem I consulted with other JPN returnees in Japan. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in Japan. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 T otal) 3 50% 3 50% 2 50% 5 62.5% 3 37.5%

PAGE 391

391 Table E 18 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. Upon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 When there was a problem, I consulted with the JPN living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 2 100% 1 12.5% 4 50% 3 37.5% When there was a problem, I consulted with Americans living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 4 50% 4 50% I turned to my family and friends in Japan for emotional support. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 4 75% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% I turned to my family and friends living in the USA for emotional support. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 To tal) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 2 25% 3 37.5%

PAGE 392

392 Table E 18 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. Upon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I kept a close connection with the USA through my family and friends. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 2 25% I meet with a social association for returnees. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 393

393 Table E 19 Social network in formation 4, pg. 10 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answer. About your Time in Japan Now No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 When there was a problem, I consu lted with my JPN friends/family I met in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 2 100% 1 12.5% 4 50% 3 37.5% When there was a problem, I consulted with other JPN returnees in Japan. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50 % 3 37.5% 4 50% 1 12.5% When there was a problem, I consulted with my American friends/family living in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 4 50% 4 50% When there was a problem, I consulted with my American friends/family living in Japan. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) C ollectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 100% 4 50% 3 37.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 394

394 Table E 19 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for No Answ er. About your Time in Japan Now No Answer 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I keep in touch with my family and friends in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Coll ectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 100% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 2 25% 2 25% I am active in a social association for returnees. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.65 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I maintain my American connection through my JPN friends who I met in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 2 25% 1 12.5% 2 25% I maintain my American connection through my American friends who I met in the USA. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 4 50% 3 37.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 395

395 Table E 20 Identity inf ormation 1 A pg. 11 Yes No Other Did you consider yourself a bilingual person before leaving Japan? 100% Did you consider yourself a bilingual person while in the USA? 100% Did you consider yourself a bilingual person when you returned to? 100% Table E 21 Identity information 1 B pg. 11. Yes No Other Did you consider yourself a bicultural person before leaving Japan? 100% Did you consider yourself a bicultural person while in the USA? 37.5% 62.5% Did you consider yourself a bicultural p erson when you returned to? 12.5% 87.5%

PAGE 396

396 Table E 22 Identit y information 1C pg. 11 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While you w ere in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I felt I had a lot in common with other Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6 % 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% 4 50% I identified with the Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6 % 5 83.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 6 75% I was proud to be a Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 50 % 1 50% 2 25% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% I had negative feelings about other Japanese people. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I felt I was treated differently because I was Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 4 66.6% 1 16.6 % 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 397

397 Table E 22 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While you were in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I felt I had a different way of thinking than the American. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 4 66.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 4 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I was glad to be born Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 3 37.5% 2 25% 3 37.5% I tried to conform to my American peers. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 4 50% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 398

398 Table E 23. Identity information 1D pg. 11 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. U pon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I felt I had a lot in common with other Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 T otal) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 3 37.5% 2 25% I was proud to be a Japanese who had lived overseas. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 2 12.5% 3 25% I had negative feelings about other Japanese people. With Interviews (6 Total) No Inte rviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 4 50% 1 12.5% I tried to hide my overseas experience from my JPN peers. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 4 50% 2 12.5% I felt I was treated differently because I was returnee. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 4 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5%

PAGE 399

399 Table E 23 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If th e statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. Upon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I felt I had a different way of thinking than other Japanese. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 3 37.5% 2 25% 1 12.5%

PAGE 400

400 Table E 24 Identity information 2A pg. 12 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. About Your Time in Japan Now N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I feel I had a lot in common with other Japanese With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 4 66.6% 2 100% 2 25% 2 25% 4 50 % I identify myself with the JPN. With Interview s (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 5 83.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 6 75% I identify myself as a JPN returnee. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 2 25% 2 25% 1 12.5% I have negative feelings about other JPN people. With Interv iews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 4 66.6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 4 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I feel that I am treated differently because I am a returnee. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 50% 4 37.5% 1 12.5% 3 75% 4 12.5%

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401 Table E 24 Continued Pleas e circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. About Your Time in Japan Now N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I feel that I have a different way of thinking than other JPN. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 75% 4 12.5% I tried to hide my o verseas experience from my JPN peers. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 4 66.3% 2 100% 2 25% 6 75% s an international person. With Interviews (6 Total) No Interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 3 37.5% 2 25% 3 37.5%

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402 Table E 25. Identity information 2 B pg. 12 How would you label yourself? Please check all answers that apply. Identity Information 1 Before Leaving Japan While in the USA Returning to Japan Japanese With Interviews (6) No Interviews (2) Collectively (8 Total) 6 6 6 1 2 2 7 8 8 International Person With Interviews (6) No Interviews (2) Collectively (8 Total) Foreigner With Interviews (6) No Interviews (2) Collectively (8 Total) 2 2 4 Returnee With Interviews (6) No Interviews (2) Collectively (8 Total) 4 1 2 2 1 2 6 Japanese American With Interviews (6) No Interviews (2) Collectively (8 Total) Other: Please Specify With Interviews (6) No Interviews (2 ) Collectively (8 Total)

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403 Table E 26 Culture information 1, pg. 13 Yes No Did you experience any culture shock when you first arrived in the USA? Ajisai WI: Five days after arriving, it was Halloween, so it was a very entertaining culture shock for us. I was looking forward to living in the USA. Mokuren WI: Getting immunizations for the children. Sakura WI: Momiji NI: The trains d o not run on schedule as they do in Japan. Loose with time. When Americans line up, they are well mannered. They have a nice smiley face. They smile nicely. Tsubaki NI: Seeing different rac es and different cultures. 5 62.5% 2 25% 1 N/A Did you experience any culture shock when you first returned to Japan? Ajisai WI: The way people line up at the cash register. How Americans are logical in their way of thinking. Sakura WI: My child had to enter kindergarten right away and there were too many subjects in the curriculum. The house felt small. Momiji NI: mannered about the rules. They feel that as long as they people. Even when they are asked if they want any more to drink, t hey really want more but they decline. They are so Japanese. Tsubaki NI: People had no manners. 6 75% 2 25% Which was more difficult for you to do: going to the USA or coming back to Japan? Why? Ajisai WI: There were a lot of thi at first I was confused. Kiku WI: Language, food. Momiji NI : It was the first time I have experienced a foreign culture, so it was more difficult for me to go to the USA. I was al ready familiar with Japan. Tsubaki NI : foresee what it would be like to live in the USA. USA 8 100% Japan 0 0%

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404 Table E 26 Continued Yes No If you had a c hance to go overseas again, is there anything you would do differently to prepare yourself and your family? Ajisa WI: I want to go to North America and have more adventures and experiences. Kiku WI: USA. Momiki NI: Europe, America Sakura WI: American, Australia Tsubaki NI: San Diego 7 87.5% 1 12.5% If you had a change to go overseas again is there anything you would do differently? Ajisai WI: I want to study the language of the country more and learn more about their culture. Kiku:WI: Language. Momiji NI: I would study the language more before I would go 5 62.5% 3 37.5%

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405 Table E 27 Culture information 2A, pg. 14 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement doe s not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While you were in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I observed the traditions and holidays of Japan. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Tota l) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 2 25% 1 12.5% 2 25% I observed the traditions and holidays of the USA. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 50 % 1 5 0 % 4 50% 2 25% 2 25% I wanted to learn about American culture. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50 % 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 3 37.5 % 3 37.5 % I had difficulties adjusting to American culture. With interviews (6 Ttotal) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 2 25% 2 25% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I wanted my children to know about JPN culture. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 4 66.6% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 5 62.5%

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406 Table E 27 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. While you were in the USA N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Oft en 4 I wanted my children to know about American culture. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 2 25% 4 50% I felt that I could live anywhere in the world. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I enjoyed sharing my culture with the Americans. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 3 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25% 4 50% 1 12.5%

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407 Table E 28 Culture information 2 B pg. 14 P lease circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. Upon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I have incorporated some customs I l earned in the USA. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 4 50% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I observed the traditions and holidays of the USA. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 2 100% 1 12.5% 2 25% 5 62.5% I tried to do things American style. With interviews (6 Total) N o interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 4 50% I had difficulties adjusting to Japanese culture. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Co llectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 100% 2 25% 3 37.5% 2 25% 1 12.5%

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408 Table E 28 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no ans wer. Upon Returning to Japan N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I wanted my children to remember the American culture they learned. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 4 50% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% I wanted my children to know about American culture. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 1 00% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% 1 12.5% I felt that I could live anywhere in the world. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 3 37.5% 1 12.5% 2 25% 1 12.5% I enjoyed sharing my overseas experience with other JPN. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 2 25 % 2 25% 2 25% 1 12.5%

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409 Table E 29 Culture information 3A pg. 15 Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. About your time in Japan Now N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I still incorporated some customs I learned in the USA into my family life. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 2 33.3% 1 16.6% 2 100% 3 37.5% 4 50% 1 12.5% I still observe the traditions and holidays of the USA. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 4 66.6% 2 33.3% 2 100% 6 75% 2 25% I live by a mixtur e of Japanese and American customs. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 4 66.6& 1 16.6% 1 16.6% 2 100% 4 50% 2 25% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I feel that it is important to be bicultural. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 1 16.6% 4 66.6% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 1 12.5% 5 62.5% 2 25%

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410 Table E 29 Continued Please circle the number that best describes your experience. If the statement does not apply to your situation, please circle 0 for no answer. About your time in Japan Now N/A 0 Not at All 1 Seldom 2 Occasionally 3 Often 4 I feel that it is important for my children to remember that they have a bicultural lifesty le. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 2 33.3% 1 50% 1 50% 2 25% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% I feel that I could live anywhere in the world. With interviews (6 Total ) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 5 83.3% 1 16.6% 1 50% 1 50% 6 75% 1 12.5% 1 12.5% I still enjoy sharing my overseas experience with other JPN. With interviews (6 Total) No interviews (2 Total) Collectively (8 Total) 3 50% 1 16.6% 2 33.3% 2 100% 3 37.5% 3 37.5% 2 25%

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411 Table E 30 Culture information 3 B pg. 15 What are the advantages and disadvantages of living abroad and returning to Japan? Advantages: W ith Interviews I was able to meet a lot of people from different countries through English. There were a lot of good people in the US and they were kind to me. I want to learn more about other foreign countries. It made me mentally tougher. I became ope n minded. I was able to have an experience of living overseas. We were able to spend time as a family. I was able to experience living in a different culture. I was able to learn the type of English that is not taught at school. Everything was a great e xperience. My children learned how to speak English. I learned the importance of volunteering your time. I was able to meet a lot of people from different countries thr ough English. Since leaving Japan, I was completely removed from the social hierarchy and social responsibilities. I was able to feel free. I realized the importance of the English and Japanese languages. We were able to spend more time as a family. Adva ntages: No Interviews I was able to learn about American culture. I was able to throw away the idea that the Japanese way of thinking and the Japanese culture is always correct. My children were able to speak English. I was able to see Japan from the outs ide and was able to view Japan in multiple perspectives. I was able to meet a lot of people from different countries. My children learned how to speak in English. _________________________________________________________________________

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412 Table E 30 Contin ued What are the advantages and disadvantages of living abroad and returning to Japan? Disadvantages With Interviews It cost a lot of money. in their Japanese development. I made my older parents worry about us. Used a lot of money higher cost of living because the overseas tuition, food, and housing (for their older son who returned to attend high school in Japan) Disadvantages: No Interviews My children are not proficient in either Japanese or English. Went to US when oldest child was in the first grade. 2 children My children do not know Japanese children songs or games. I became confused about spending money. _______________ __________________________________________________________

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423 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Jo A. Kozuma was born at the United States Air Force Itazuke Air Ba se located in Fukuoka, Japan She grew up in Japan and bounced around the Pacific region until her father retired to Florida when she was in junior high. She holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in multinational business operations and Asian studies from Flor ida State University (FSU) During her time at FSU, she also studied abroad at Sophia University in Tokyo, Japan. As an undergraduate, she was a member of the FSU Marching Chiefs and was inducted into the Tau Beta Sigma National Music Honor Sorority. Aft er receiving her Master of Arts in Multilingual Multicultural Education from Florida State University, she accepted an assistant professor position to teach English as a foreign language (EFL) at Kinki University in Osaka, Japan. She specializes in teachi ng English to adults and was the head teacher of the non Japanese instructors and assistant director for the Foreign Language Center at Kinki University. She also had a dual appoint ment of teaching American culture in Japanese to the student s at Ashiya Un iversity in Kobe, Japan. While she was in Japan she was active in various international and domestic professional organizations and collaborated with in service seminars for Japanese English teachers at national and private universities. She returned sta teside with her husband and daughter when he was awarded a sabbatical to the University of Florida (UF) During her time at UF, she initially taught English as a second language (ESL) at the English Language Institute. Later on she taught undergraduate a nd gr aduate ES O L and foreign language education courses for the College of Education as well as Japanese language and culture for the College of Liberal Ar ts and Sciences. S he also serves as a chapter advisor for the Alpha Kappa Delta Phi an Intern ation al Asian interest sorority on campus