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1 ADAPTIVE REUSE OF HISTORIC HOUSING FOR COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT: A CASE STUDY OF XINTIANDI REDEVELOPMENT PROJECT IN SHANGHAI, CHINA By LAN FENG A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010
2 2010 L an Feng
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I truly appreciate my committee c hair Professor Dawn Jourdan and co chair Professor Zhong Ren Peng for their instruction and encouragement s It is their help that I can enjoy this research process as well as successful ly finish this thesis. In addition, I thank those interviewees when I was conducting surveys in Shanghai They have provided me useful information of the targeting case. They are Engineer Wang, Shanghai Urban Planning and Design Research Institute (SUPDRI); Professor Mo, College of Architect ure and Urban Planning, Tongji University ; Ms. Zhou, the representative of Shui On Group Corporate Communications Department ; and residents who are living in the Shikumen lilong houses, in the inner city of Shanghai. Finally, I deeply appreciate my parents and my friends for their loving concern and supports
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 3 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 6 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 10 2 RESE ARCH BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ .............................. 12 Economic Transformation in China ................................ ................................ ........................ 13 Urban Regimes and Growth Coalitions ................................ ................................ .................. 16 The Market O riented Inner City Redevelopment in China ................................ .................... 18 Historic Preservation in China ................................ ................................ ................................ 20 Historic Preservation in China, Administrative System and Laws ................................ 20 Difficulties of the Historic Residential Preservation in China ................................ ........ 23 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 31 S ingle Case De sign Limitations and Advantages Understanding ................................ ......... 31 Single Case Design ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 31 The History of Shikumen Lilong Housing ................................ ................................ ...... 31 Xintiandi Case Study Choosing ................................ ................................ ....................... 32 Data Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 35 4 CASE STUDY ANALYSIS ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 37 Taipingqiao Area Redevelopment Project ................................ ................................ .............. 37 The Place and Original Situation of Taipingqiao Area ................................ ................... 37 Taipingqiao Area Redevelopment Process ................................ ................................ ...... 39 Xintiandi Redevelopment Project ................................ ................................ ........................... 41 The Master Plan of XTD Project ................................ ................................ ..................... 41 The Idea of Protection, Rehabilitation, and Redevelopment ................................ ........... 43 The Implementation and Practice of the XTD Project ................................ .................... 44 Growth Coalition Analysis in the XTD P roject ................................ .............................. 46 Municipal government ................................ ................................ ............................. 47 Luwan district government ................................ ................................ ....................... 49 Pr ivate developer Shui On Group ................................ ................................ ......... 52 Original residents ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 53 Social and Economic Effects of the XTD Project ................................ ........................... 54
5 Place promotion ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 55 Economic eff ects ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 57 XTD redevelopment model and its reflection ................................ .......................... 58 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................ ................................ 69 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 73 BIOGRAPHIC AL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 76
6 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Historic p reservation l aws e nacted under d ifferent l egislative l evels in China ................. 30 4 1 Some b rief XTD project i nformation ................................ ................................ ................. 67 4 2 Key roles, their resources, and responsibilities in the growth coalition of XTD redevelopment project ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 68
7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2 1 The l egal s ystem of h istoric and c ultural h eritage p rotection in China. ............................ 27 2 2 Cultural h eritage a dministrative d epartments under the State Council. ............................ 28 2 3 Organization of preservation responsibilities in China, take Shanghai as an example to illustrate the interconnected system of state, province, and city governments involved in historic preservation ................................ ................................ ........................ 29 3 1 Shikumen s tructure ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 36 4 1 Shanghai district m ap with Luwan d istrict h ighlighted ................................ ..................... 60 4 2 Shanghai Luwan d istrict m ap with Taipingqiao a rea h ighlighted ................................ ..... 60 4 3 Taipingqiao residential a rea took by 1996, before redevelopment ................................ .... 61 4 4 Public k itchen s pace in the Taipingqiao residential area took before redevelopment ....... 61 4 5 Unsatisfactory s anitation c ondition in the Taipingqiao residential area took before redevelopment ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 62 4 6 Disordered interior and poor living condition in the Tiapingqiao residential area took before redevelopment ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 62 4 7 Taipingqiao a rea with 23 redevelopment plots n umber, red circle indicates the XTD area ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 63 4 8 Functional s tructure p lan of Taipingqiao redevel opment project ................................ ...... 63 4 9 The redevelopment process of the XTD project ................................ ................................ 64 4 10 Growth coalition and development process in the case of XTD ................................ ....... 65 4 11 Photocopy of Table 2 from the journal article of He and Wu (2005) with permission from He and Wu ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 66
8 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Urban and Regional Planning ADAPTIVE REUSE OF HISTORIC HOUSING FOR COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT: A CASE STUDY OF XINTIANDI REDEVELOPMENT PROJECT IN SHANGHAI, CHINA By Lan Feng December 2010 Chair: Dawn Jourdan Cochair: Zhong Ren Peng Major: Urban and Regional Planning Known for its highly commercial success, Shanghai Xintiandi redevelopment project was the first case in mainland China that adaptively reused historic residences for commercial development. Xintiandi is not only a business venture. More importantly, underl ying the transformation from planned economy to market driven economy, the Xintiandi model reflects several urban trends in Chinese cities. This study was conducted to examine the growth coalition in this project, explore incentives behind diff erent stakeh olders, analyze the economic and social effects of this project, and investigate to what extent historic preservation can contribute to urban redevelopment. These research objectives were achieved t hrough review ing the documents about the Xintiandi project published from the government, private sources, and received from interviewees ; in site investigation ; and interviews with government officials, private developers, and residents who are living in the Shikumen (stone gate) lilong (lane) houses. I t is fo need in current times. Also, commercially adaptive reuse can promote the in ner city land value
9 as well as making profits for both government and private developers. On the other hand, it is found that the growth coalition in the Xintiandi project has strong government, weak private, and limited public engagement pattern. Original residents suffered tangible and intangible lo s ses through the complete relocation caused by this project. To this end, this research explores the extent to which historic preservation can contribute to the inner city redevelopme nt while improving the liv ing conditions for the residents who are displaced as a result of the impending redevelopment activities.
10 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Xintiandi (in abbreviation XTD) redevelopmen t project in the inner city of Shanghai has successfully converted two blocks of old Shikumen lilong houses the traditional and unique residences of Shanghai, into a multifunctional dining, retail, and entertainment cente r ("The Preservation of Shikumen Architecture,") This project had preserv ed and renovat ed the exterior of Shikumen lilong houses located in this area, but remodeled the internal space The XTD is popular with the old and young alike. It has become a tourist destination in Shanghai, resulting in increased property value s throughout surrounding area s The project won the Urban Land Institute (ULI) 2003 Award for Excellence and is the first of its ki nd in mainland China to receive this international award ("Rewards and Recognitions,") In addition, the project also won the 200 2 American Institute of Architects ( AIA ) Citation for Heritage at to the art of creative renovation of historic architecture with its adaptation of Shikumen housing for modern use. More than merely restoration, Shanghai Xintiandi also serves to promote the importance of preserving th e city's archi tectural heritage ("Rewards and Recognitions,") commercial success makes the public accept the value of historic preservation, and is influencing the way government officials and private developers view historic neighborhoods and buildings. Nowadays many cities in China are imitating the XTD project (Wai, 2006) resulting in a wave of adaptive reusing historic residential buildings, and is helping the country to preserve its historic residential neighborhoods, especia lly in the inner city areas. Besides, the XTD model also let the public realize the negative aspect of commercial reuse of historic neighborhoods the large scale relocation of original residents and the tangible and
11 intangible cost relocation give s to t hem In the case of XTD, local authorities and developers shared the benefits of historic neighborhoods redevelopment, while the residents took the cost of it. It is should be r ecog nized that restoring the inner city land value and gaining profits from pl ace promotion are not the only objectives of inner city redevelopment, benefiting the inner city habitants and enhancing their living standard is also very important. Therefore, i n this paper, I aim to understand the role of growth coalitions in shaping a nd bringing the XTD project to fruition. I will also explore the motivation s of different actors in this project In addition, I intend to in depth explore the economic and social effects of the XTD redevelopment project, investigating what extent historic preservation efforts may contribute to inner city redevelopment and place promotion in China. Last but not least, by stud y ing the lessons learned from the XTD case I will give my recom mendations for the future inner city redevelopment projects in the country
12 CHAPTER 2 RESEARCH BACKGROUND China experienced very low social productivity and indigent material resources during the Cultural Revolution which began in 1966 and ended in 1976 (Li, 1998) This insufficiency continued a few years afterwards 1978 is the turning point for China (Li, 1998) A t the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Communist Party Central Committee in December 1978, premier Xiaoping Deng called for (Li, 1998) This aspiration required which mar economic transformation from a planned economy to a market economy. T his economic transformation has resulted in a shift from a centralized to a decentralized form of government (Li, 1998) Pro growth coalitions built among local government s and private enterprises emerged in Chinese cities. The investments of capital from private enterprises accelerated the speed of urban renewal. Meanwhile, by granting power to local governments, the policy making cycle is shortened the efficiency of social production is increased and material resources were distributed evenly (Li, 1998) In the past three decades, especially after 1990, Shanghai has experienced intense redevelo pment (Wu, 2004; T. Zhang, 2002). In 2002, Social Development Bluebook of Shanghai reported that from 1991 to 2000, Shanghai demolished 26 million houses and relocated 0.66 million households (Wu, 2004, p.453). As a result of the large scale urban renewa l process, many historic Shikumen lilong houses traditional buildings unique to Shanghai, ha ve been lost They were being replaced by commercial, or high class housing development (Wu, 2004) There was a serious imbalance between urban redevelopment and historic preservation in China. Chinese government established r egulations and laws to protect historic heritages,
13 however, these protection efforts continually were focused on the most profitable projects, such as historic areas with tourist potential or the significant monuments (Steinberg, 1996) Historic building housing commoners have been ignored or demolished for the preference of urban renewal (Steinberg, 1996) With the adaptation of Western techn iques of renovation more unique architectural forms were preserved. What is more, this type of preservation breathes new life to historic heritage, create s profits for the private developers, as well as increase s the revenue for Chinese government. A situ ation that historic preservation contributes to urban redevelopment realize in China. In the literature review part, four sub parts contents are illustrated in detail: economic transformation in China; urban regimes and growth coalitions; market oriented inner city redevelopment in China; and historic preservation in China Based on this review, in the case study part, I will examine the adaptive reuse of historic housing in the ec onomic transformation of China, analyze the growth coalition under a sociali st ic market economy, and explore how historic preservation contribute s to urban redevelopment. Economic Transformation in China economic transformation to a market based economy began in the late 1970s. Li (1998) document s Third Plenum of the Eleventh Communist Party Central Committee held in December 1978 marked the decisive breaking from the past and the (p. 4) Many specific economic strategies were issued during the Third Plenum, including the expan sion of enterprise autonomy, the attracti on of foreign investment, and an increas e in the use of eco nomic tactics (Li, 1998). This economic strategy not only marked the transformation toward a decentralized economy, but also marked the reform of the urban land property system and the formation of urban regime in China (Li, 1998; Yang &
14 Chang, 2007) The most significant change caused by this transformation has been the reform of the urban land property system (Li, 1998) T he 1982 constitution stipulates belongs to the state, no organization or individual is allowed to occupy, sell, lease or illegally rces have been demands, in 1988, the 1982 constitution was am Since then private and international enterprises be ga n to enter the real estate market in China. T he economic transformation also marked the formati on of urban regime s in some Chinese cities distribution (Zhu, 1999) The central government c ould no t detect shortages and surpluses of social production and there was always a mismatch between supply and demand. Without investment from private and international capital, the government was burdened with the cost of urban development and redevelopment projects. By decentralizing power to enterprises and shifting investment to consumer goods, housing investment by private enterprises had dramatically increased Capital dramatically decreased the burden exp erienced by the central government. T he local coalition of the local government, and private enterprises had emerged in China, after the economic transformation There is significant evidence that economic decentralization is occurring in China. In recent years, more private developers have been involving in the renewal and relocation processes in old urban neighborhoods. F or instance, in 1994, an estimated 180 projects or at least
15 2 million square meters floor space were under construction for commercial, or high class housing development in Beijing (Huus, 1994) Those redevelopment projects were conducted by foreign companies who were attracted to these areas by the promise of high profits. The office space in the center of Beijing sells for US$4,000 per square meter and villas for US$3,50 0 per square meter, an d those in the center of Shanghai even higher (Huus, 1994) L and prices in the two major Chinese cities ranked the third and the fourth high est in Asia. The first and second high est is Hong Kong and Tokyo (Huus, 1994) Before 1978, according to Li (1993), urban development policy in China was focused ma inly on new construction and urban sprawl. Since 1979, the emphasis of urban development policy has been shifted to renovation and redevelopment (Li, 1993). There were many motivations that contributed this change of policy. However, many researchers belie ve that economic transformation accelerated the step of urban renewal in China. As Li (1993) fully explain s in his article: Economic reform not only enables the government financially to address the deteriorating housing problem, but also restores urban la nd values, which were dismissed during 1950s 1970s but are now drawing private dev elopers to the renewal process (Li, 1993, p. 3) The involvement of real estate development companies may be the solution to the continuing problem dilapidated historic districts. However, a s a result of the privatization of redevelopment efforts in Chinese cities, The shift from government initiated projects to those funded by commercial developers represents a departure from earlier efforts to simply rehabilitate historic buildings and improve the living conditions of residents in dilapidated area s.
16 Urban Regimes and Growth Coalitions Urban regime theory is a economic development (Mossgerger & Stoker, 2001; Stone, 1993; Y. Zhang & Fang, 2004) Zhang (2002) describe s rooted in the fundamental challenge facing local government in liberal democratic societies: (p. 475) In other words, local governments lack the authority and resources to truly govern (Zhang, 2002). Therefore, to enhance the effectiveness of the work, local government would better cooperate with non governmental individuals and organizations. Urban regime theorist hypothesized: government depends grea tly on the cooperation of nongovernmental actors and on the Gradually the growth coalition between the public and private was built within the field of urban politics and lo cal economic development. In order for a growth coalition to be workable, Stone (1993) explained that local governments must play a crucial role in growth regime and actively blend their capabilities with various non governmental individuals or organizati ons Meanwhile, other participa nt s in the growth coalition should show initiative and follow the goals made in a dvance (p. 6) In other disengages, leaving the coalition In facing the challenge of regime building in American cities, Stone (1993) summarizes two critical factors First ly governmental sector not only controls most investment activity but a 24). That means, in the growth coalition, non governmental sector should not only be responsible for investment, but also actively involved in the specific urban activity. Secondly overnment
17 1993, p. 24). In the growth coalition, local government should both lead and cooperate with the non governmental sectors actively to guide them to the expe cted directions. According to Stone (1993): U rban regimes significantly impact urban policy making and management In the urban regime, non governmental sector takes half position. Thus, only those who can make use of or generate an appropriate body of no n governmental resources have the capacity that exercise political choice and alter current policy (Stone, 1933, p. 18). During the systematic transition from planned economy toward a socialist ic market orming in Chinese cities (Zhu, 1999, p.546). Simultaneously, local growth coalitions made up of local government officials members of private enterprise, and members of public organizations have emerged (Zhu, 1999). But, urban regime theory has a different app lication in China than the U.S., as a result of economic and political factors As Ma (2004) more fully explains: led economy has allowed investment capital to play a decisive role in altering urban space. Wh ereas the involvement of global capital in urban development is beyond doubt, there is evidence that many hotels, restaurants and some of the high class housing estates have been built with capital coming from various domestic sources, including many gover nment agencies. There are also indications that many of the most influential firms involve in urban development and renewal have close ties with the city where they are based. (p. 252) In a socialist nation, government owns major authority, contrary to th e practices of liberal democratic societies T he marketplace in China is weaker compare d to that in a developed nation. T he private section is less influential in a local growth coalition and is under the command of Chinese government (Zhang, 2002). Moreo ver, public individuals and organizations are at the lower position in the coalition. Public participation in local affairs is still relatively new and limited in scope. This is rooted in a culture which shows deference to authority (Zhang,
18 2002, p. 479) As a result of the comparatively weak private sector and limited public engagement, local coalitions in China are informal in nature. The Market O riented Inner City Redevelopment in China process into three generations. All these three generations can be identified in the US, UK and several other European countries. According to his definition like approach emphasizing 147). This is the inner city redevelopment pattern in the mos t Western countries. Meanwhile, China has her three generations which are similar but somehow different from the W estern pattern. For understanding inner city redevelopment in China, we can review the situation in the Western countries in advance. In the first generation, beginning at 1930s generally, in many Western metropolises especially in the U.S., urban slums and low rise private constructions were razed for the concrete s Meanwhile, most of the poor residents we re moved into new high rise public houses. Thus, due to the long term social and economic costs, this approach of development was condemned (Carmon, 1999). The second generation, generally beginning in 1960s for Wes tern countries, learned the lessons from the first generation, government chose to improve and rehabilitate the existing houses and neighborhoods in urban area instead of demolishing them. Additionally, public opinion achieved more attention during this ge neration and many renewal programs tried to involve local residents in the decision making processes (Carmon, 1999). The third urban renewal generation, revitalization, happened in those years of the 1970s and 1980s. According to Carmon (1999), the very low prices of land and housing in the city
19 centers began to attract both small and large revitalization projects, public private partnerships became the main cooperation pattern. Public and private cooperated toget her to transfer deteriorated housing and neighborhoods to commercial development, and most of these developments are always concentrated in the heart of the city (Carmon, 1999). According to Carmon (1999), known examples in the U.S include the Quincy Market in Boston, Pike Place in Seattle and Horton Plaza in San Diego. The best known British example is London Docklands Many of these large projects have been commercially successful. They attract business, local customers and tourists, make a si gnificant generation widened the gap between the rich and the poor, and increased social conflicts in big cities of Western counties (Carmon, 1999). Similar to th e West China has been experiencing three generations in the inner city rebuilding housing on the original sites, which characterizes most early renewal efforts in old cities. Next comes the idea of rehabilitating the old housing rather than completely demolishing 1998, p. 1). The first two generations of inner city red evelopment are usually subsidized by the governments, directly or indirectly. The third generation is convert ing residential to commercial uses. During the beginning of the third gene ration, due to the market drives private enterprises got involved in inn er city renewal process and invest the inner city land for commercial development such as high class apartments and shopping centers. Later, the Chinese government realized this kind of transformation destroyed historical and cultural buildings on a large scale. Historical and cultural city, town, and village
20 to protect those neighborhoods and buildings with historical significance (Table 2 1) n ancient Chinese cities. The developers maintain the old housing and conver t them to new uses, such as retails, offices and hotels (Tsai, approaches applied to However, differing from market driven countries the residential renewal in China has been primarily initiated by the government rather than spontaneous market forces. Private developers have recently been pulled in by the potentially high profits and are becoming a notable force in the renewal process Nevertheless, as stated in the former section, they are less influential in the growth coalition with the Chinese governments Distinct motives of the govern ment have led to city to city and from time to time, improving the living condition of residents; second, resto ring the mark et value of land; third, controlling the scale of cities; and forth, Historic Preservation in China Historic Preservation in China, Administrative System and Laws The long histor y of China has established rich architectural forms, and planning theories, which are well represented in old cities. In the inner city of Beijing, there are many gigantic and structure complicated royal palaces, one story hutong housing and courtyard hous ing for commoners. In Suzhou, there are ancient gardens and elegant multi story residences. In the inner city of Shanghai, there are colonial style neighborhoods and the Shikumen lilong structure the most extensive residence type in the twenty century (He and Wu 2005 ; Tsai, 2008). However, during the Cultural Revolution (1965 1968), many culturally impor tant structures were destroyed on the ground that they were considered as remnants of the dark ages of Feudalism (Li, 1998 ). In
21 addition, many colonial s tyle architectures were pulled down because they represented the foreign exploitation that disgraced China What is more, historic residences were largely demolished during this time because of their dilapidation making them no longer meet the living stand ards of modern people As stated before, 1978 is a turning point for China. In this year, Xiaoping Deng announced Since then, the value of cultural relics has been restored. From then on, historic preservation has been attracting more and more attention in China. Governments have been promulgating laws and regulations to protect the unique architectures as well as intangible cult ural relics in China (Table 2 1) December 26, 1989, and effective as of Apr il 1, 1990 ("City Planning Law of the People's Republic of China," 1990) This law made a big step fo rward on the construction of urban planning law. From then on, China enacted numerous planning laws and regulations according to (Table 2 1) Figure 2 1 is the chart indicate s the different legislative levels in China. The National is the supreme org an of s tate administration ("State Structure of the People's Republic o f China,") According to the Constitution, the State Council provides administrative measures, enact s administrative rules and regulations and issue s decisions and orders. In addition, the Sate Congress (" ,") ongress and the same level governments constitute the local
22 regulations. The City (District) level planning department constitutes local normative documents ("State Structure of the People's Republic of China,") According to the Constitution, the lower level of congresses and governments must be consistent with the upper level of congresses and governments. In other words, the laws and regulations conducted by the sub level congresses and governments must comply with the principle and spirit of those laws and regulations conducted by the upper level congresses and governm ents. The State Council assigns two major cultural heritage administrative departments. They are: Ministry of Housing and Urban blic of China (SACH) (see Figure 2 2). The laws and regulations compiled by either or both of these two departments must be examined and approved by the State Council before they can be enacted as official laws and regulations (Figure 2 1, 2 2 and Table 2 1). The administrative system of urban planning and historic preservation in China i s significant ly differen t from that of government has no power over land use regulations, a responsibility that falls entirely on each of our individual states and territories ("Historic Preservation in the United States,") Thus, each state is free to implement its own protective mechanisms in accordance with the state constitution. The National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) is responsible for creating a framework for permanent cooperation among the federal, state and local levels of governments ("Historic Preservation in the United States,") By contrast, central government in China has power over land use regulation. Pursuant to the law, land use regulations are drafted by the province l and must be
23 audited by the MOHURD, approved by the State Council, and then become formal laws and regulations implemented by the provincial planning commissions and reviewed by the provincial judicial system (Figure 2 3). In the U.S. the NHPA ("Historic Preservation in the U nited States,") By contrast, planning laws in China require upper level congresses and governments to direct lower level congresses and governments, and the latter must be consistent with the former (Figure 2 3). Shanghai has a two level government: mu nicipal government and district government. It has a three level administration: municipality, district, and sub districts (Streets, or Jie Dao, in Chinese) (Figure 2 3). According to the Planning regulations in China, the urban planning administrative dep artments at all levels should be responsible for the same level government. The superior urban planning department is in charge of the operational guidelines and supervising the lower level. The decentralized governing system empowers the Shanghai local go vernment with strong decision making rights and increased responsibilities (He & Wu, 2005) Difficulties of the Historic Residen tial Preservation in China H istoric preservation is attracting more attention in China and efforts are being made to preserve historic residence s and neighborhoods Hutong and Courtyard housing and aditional residential forms, and many of those quarters have been designated as conservation areas (Steinberg, 1996) In 2004, a group of historic preservation elites and Beijing residents composed a letter to the World Heritage Committee to apply for the recognition of heritage status for the old city In the letter, they expressed that Chinese leaders need to strength en the efforts and practices on protecting the historical and cultural city Beijing. In the 1990, the city government designated 25 Histo rical and Cultural Heritage Areas ( Lishi wenhua fengmao baohuqu in Chinese). In 2002, the city
24 government added another 5 Historical and Cultural Heritage Areas. These 30 Historical and Cultural Heritage Areas involve more than 2 0 % of the old city of Beij ing. Meanwhile, hundreds of Courtyard housing and Hutong neighborhoods were designated on the list of protection (" ") S ince the end of the 1990s, Shanghai city government has shown an obvious emphasis on historic preservation (Ren, 2008. p.29). They passed a series of preservation laws and landmark ed a large number of historic buildings and cultural heritage areas (Ren, 2008) As Ren (2008) documented: I n 2003, the city government designated 12 Historical and Cultural Heritage Areas for preservation, with a total of 27 square kilometers of area coverage. This is roughly one third of the inner city area of Shanghai. In March 2005, the city government proposed add ing another 30 Historical and Cultural Heritage Areas in Pudong New District and outer dist ricts, for a total of 12 square kilometers (Ren, 2008 pp. 30 31). However, there are still no criteria for preservation practices in these Historical and gov ernment rushed to identify and encircle more sites as preservation zones, anticipating the Rushed designation and bland preservation guidelines yield unsatisfactory results for these neighborhoods and building s T he demoli tion and damage to the ancient city of Beijing have not been effectively restrained. H istoric buildings located surrounding the Forbidden City continue to deteriorate (" ") Social Development Bluebook of Shanghai reported that from 1991 to 2000, Shanghai demolished 26 million m 2 old houses and relocated 0.66 million households (Wu, 2004, p.453). During the large scale urban renewal process, many of the historic Shikumen lilong houses of Shanghai have been lost forever.
25 In addition to the deficient historic preservation regulation mechanism many other factors are obstructing the preservation efforts and the number of historical and cultural quarters is decreas ing dramatically year by year. Three major factors are listed and explained in the following paragraphs. the cheap prices of land and housing in the city centers began to attract both dome stic and foreign real estate developers They invest the inner city areas for villas, high class apartment, or other commercial development. According to Carmon (1999), led regeneration, has frequ ently resulted in rapid improvement of the neighborhoods status and a rise of property (p. 154) T he inner city areas in China have the highest land value s and the city govern ments prefer to lease the inner city lands to the private enterprises to increase their revenue. As a result thousan ds of old residential quarters have been utterly demolished for new and modern construction. Second, due to the lack of proper maintenance, and inadequate services, many inner city residential housing became dilapidated and dangerous (Li, 1 998). Some of the historic housing stocks are in extremely poor condition with massive overcrowding by low income families and lack basic facilities such as a toilet, bath and kitchen. The Shikumen lilong houses of Shanghai for example, were and are occu pied by low income households. Public kitchens built in the lanes make the public space even more crowded and narrow. In addition, due to the population growth during the mid and late 20 th century, these houses became overloaded. Many Shikumen families b uilt additional structures privately up or just beside their original housing for the accommodation of more family members. T he original Shikumen lilong housing structure is often destroyed and replaced with modern structures Additionally, sanitation in t hese
26 neighborhoods i s unsatisfactory, especially as regards the public kitchen, bathroom, and dumping ground. Improper maintenance and upgrading has further aggravated the poor conditions in these neighborhoods (Li, 1998). Due to th ese problems the local governments will not likely seek to rehabilitate and restore these neighborhoods. Instead, they will most likely choose to lease these Also, t hese residential buildings in inner city areas ar e unlikely to be preserved because they are predominately low rise construction. The hutong housing and courtyards in Beijing are only one story, and the Shikumen lilong housing in Shanghai are two or three stories high Rapid population growth demands the replacement of low rise structures with high rise residential building s Given these demands, low rise housing affordable to the poor is not likely to be rehabilitated and preserved. These three major issues make i t very difficult to preserve the hist oric residential quarters in inner city areas in China. Therefore, in reality, if no adequate strategies and guidelines are worked out in China, even designated areas will not be preserved properly (Steinberg, 1996).
27 Figure 2 1 The l egal s ystem of h istoric and c ultural h eritage p rotection in China. Administrative laws and regulations enacted by the State Council The normative documents enacted b y the city (d istrict) level planning department Laws enacted by the National People's Congress
28 Figure 2 2. Cultural h eritage a dministrative d epartments under the State Council. Ministry of Housing and Urban Rural Republic of China (MOHURD) State Administration of Cultural of China (SACH) The State Council
29 Figure 2 3. Organization of preservation responsibilities in China, take Shanghai as an example to illustrate the interconnected system of state, province, and city governments involved in historic preservation President State Judicial System Enacts National Laws Allocates National Funds Reviews Laws Shanghai (Municipality) The State Council SACH Provincial Level Judicial System Mayor Reviews Laws Hears Appeals Draft Laws and Regulations of Cultural Relics Protection Together with the MOHURD review the declaration of the Cultural Double Inheritance Planning & Land Resources Bureau Cultural Heritage Bureau MOHURD Draft Laws and Regulations of HP in State Level Organize a nd Compile National Urban System Plans Review, Approve, Supervise and Management the State Level Scenic Maintains National Register Protect, Supervise, and Management the Historical and Cultural Cities Draft Municipal legislations Review District Plans Allocates Financial Revenues District Governments District Planning Bureau District Cultural Heritage Department Draft District Plans Implement District Plans Sub districts Office
30 Table 2 1. Historic p reservation l aws e nacted under d ifferent l egislative l evels in China Law Enacted Agency Regulations and Laws China (enacted on Oct 28, 2007), drafted by MOHURD. Law of the People's Republic of China on Protection of Cultural Relics (revised and enacted on Dec 29, 2007), drafted by SACH. T he State Council Code for Conservation Plan of Historic Cities (enacted on July, 2005), drafted by MOHURD. Historical and cultural city, town, and village Protection Ordinance (enacted on April 2, 2008), drafted by MOHURD. Regulation for the Implementation of the Law of the (enacted on May 13 2003), drafted by SACH.
31 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY Single Case Design Limitations and Advantages Single case design s have their limitations as they will be less powerful then multiple case designs and will be difficult to be duplicated (Yin, 2003). But, t his method emphasizes the individuality and uniqueness of a single instance. It allows in depth investigation and analysis, from which many phenomena and data, usually are missed by multiple case designs, can be found. T he ca se of Xintiandi is a distinctive and unique case It is the first case that Chinese governments allowed private international enterprises to be involved into designing a controlling detailed planning for urban planning projects in China. Moreover, XTD is the first attempt in China that adaptive reuse historic houses for commercial development, and finally received commercial success. Therefore I chose the XTD as single case study to explore how different stakeholders cooperate d together and what were their incentives in the growth coalition. Besides, I will study the social and economic effects of the XTD case t o investigate the benefits and costs generated from this project. Finally, I intend to give my recommendations for future inner city re development projects in China. But, the case may be too unique in terms of its timing, location, distinctive coalition, a nd the social and economic environment, it may not be duplicable in another time and location. Single Case Design The History of Shikumen Lilong Housing Shikumen (stone gate) lilong (lane) housing in shanghai can be traced back to mid 19 th century when Sh anghai began to be occupied by t he British, the American s and the French as
32 settlements and concessions (Tsai, 2008). Shikumen housing was originally designed and constructed by European architects This style combined the Chinese courtyard with the Europe an row house. Its most distinctive features are stonework door frames, burly wooden planks doors, and each fixed with a huge bronze ring (Shanghai.Foundation.for.International.Cultural.Exchange) (Figure 3 1) Four types of Shikumen lilong housing were created through time: old style, new style, garden style and apartment style (Tsai, 2008, p. 10). Compared to the other three kinds of Shikumen lilong housing, the old style one has the most traditional Shikumen structure. Until the 1 980s, Shikumen lilong housing was the major residential form in Shanghai ( Ren, 2008) Except the very rich and very poor, most of Shanghainese were living in Shikumen lilong houses (Ren, 2008) At their peak the Shikumen neighborhoods numbered more than 9,000 locations in Shanghai, took up 65 percent of the total housing space of the city, and amounted 20 million square meters ("Redevelopment of Shikumen; Ren, 2008) After 1949, because of its low cons truction plot ratio, Shikumen lilong housing cannot fulfill the living requirement s of a growing Shanghai population Moreover Shikumen style is no longer suitable for modern urban living ("Redevelopment of Shikumen; Ren, 2008) Therefore, after 1949, no new lilong houses were built and thereafter the style becam e the culture heritage of Shanghai. X intiandi Case Study Choosing This research uses Xintiandi redevelopment project as a single case study research. XTD is the most famous preservation based redevelopment case in Shanghai and for that matter, the whole China. It is located in the Taipingqiao residential area, in Luwan district, Shanghai. Before redevelopment, the area was consisted of dilapidated Shikumen houses, which were mostly built between the 1900s and 1930s (Ren, 2008) Due to the lack of maintenance and the extreme
33 population growth during in the twentieth century, these Shikumen houses became very crowded, inhabited by low income families, and the quality of life was very poor. I n 1996, Shanghai Luwan district government signed a 50 years lease of Taipingqiao residential area (including XTD area) with Hon g Kong developer Shui On Group (Ren, 2008; Tsai, 2008; Yang & Chang, 2007) From that time, the redevelopment of Taipingqiao a rea began. The purpose of the redevelopment was threefold: t o reinvigorate Taipingqiao residential area, improve the living condition s of the existing residents, and restore the market valu e of inner city land (Shuguang Wang engin eer of Shanghai Urban Pla nning and Design Research Institute personal communication, June 7 th 2010) XTD was the first phase of Taipingqiao residential area redevelopment project ("Shanghai Xintiandi,") Working in cooperation with the local government, a Hong Kong based developer, foreign design companies and a n American designer, two blocks of Shi kumen houses have been successfully transformed into an entertainment district. Nowadays XTD has become the most popular tourism site transformed the surrounding area into the most expe nsive real estate in the city ("Shanghai Xintiandi,") adaptation of t he historic residential houses for commercial development is unprecedented (Mo & Lu, 2000) S hanghai had many historic Shikumen neighborhoods, in which the houses were more attractive than those in the XTD area. But, they were demolished for more profi table developments of the twentieth century (Mo & Lu, 2000) In the XTD project, the Chinese government allowed a foreign urban design firm to get involved in controlling the detailed pla nning of redevelopment, which ma d e this preservation based redevelopment possible
34 in China ( Shuguang Wang engin eer of Shanghai Urban Planning and Design Research Institute personal communication, June 7 th 2010). Additionally, the XTD project has resulted in the public embrace of historic preservation and currently influenc es the way government officials and real estate developers throughout China view old neighborhoods and buildings ("Awards for Excellence: 2003 Winner Shanghai Xintiandi (North Block), Shanghai, China," 2003) Many ci ties in China are imitating the XTD project ( Tianwei Mo personal communication, June 10 th 2010). In addition, t he Xintiandi project won the Urban Land Institute (ULI) 2003 Award for Excellence and the 2004 AIA Citation for Heritage. The ULI described: In a booming high rise based real estate market, where the rehabilitation of historic structures for adaptive use was an unknown; and where working with the government required hurdling barriers of corruption, bureaucracy, and general interference, Xintiandi of a country towards a modern, open society (Takesuye, 2004) As a pioneer of adaptive reuse in the urban redevelo pment era XTD attracted many attentions, as well as many critiques. Critics indicate that the orchestrated by profit seekers They also express that the comp l ete relocation of XTD area residents resulted in tangible and intangible losses and cost s for those residents, and the traditional living culture of Shikumen lilong housing is gone through the commercial redevelopment. Based on other scholar s research and social reflections of th is project I got my research objecti ves : understand ing the local growth coalition in shaping and bringing the XTD project to commercial fruition ; exploring the social and economic effects of t his project ; and investigating to what extent historic preservation efforts may contribute to the ur ban redevelopment in China.
35 Data Collection Information used in the analysis includes fieldwork data and secondary sources. I conducted one month field investigation in Shanghai. During the investigation periods, I visited the Xintiandi area frequently, an d personally examined how the place be used by local and foreign professionals, tourists and shoppers. Interviewees included government officials, developers, and residents who are living in the old Shikumen houses in inner city of Shanghai G overnment of ficials were recruited from the Luwan d istrict government, who directed the XTD redevelopment project. Interviewed developers were recruited from the Shui on Group, whi ch is the development company behind the XTD project. I asked both officials and developers what their motivation and means were in the redevelopment process; what their cooperation experience was like with each other and with the relocate d residents; and relate their gains and losses from the XTD project, as well as their reflection s of this project. Additionally I also developed individua l and group interviews with the current XTD residents. I asked their living condition and their expected housing condition. Meanwhil e, I asked them their views of the XTD redevelopment process, es pec ially the relocation process as well as their suggestions to the government, developer and relocation companies. The secondary sources include literature about the urban redevelopment and historic preservation in Shanghai and the rest of China; the urban regime theory; and the economic transformation in China and its influences to the Shanghai. Other secondary sources include the reports, documents, and statistics about the XTD redevelopment project which were published from government, private sources, a nd received from interviewees T hese documents recode many detailed and previously unknown information about the XTD project, as well as the public attitude toward this project.
36 Figure 3 1. Shikumen s tructure. (Source : taken by the author on June 10, 2010)
37 CHAPTER 4 CASE STUDY ANALYSIS The work of the XTD project started in the early 1999, concluding in 2001. In 2002, the XTD plaza was opened to the public (Shui.On.Land.Limited, 2008; Tsai, 2008) In these years, municipal and local governments, municipal and district planning agencies, private developer, foreign design companies, academic institutes, and r elocation companies collaborated together transforming two blocks of historic and dilapidated Shikumen lilong housing into the most popular entertainment location in Shanghai. The XTD p roject is a part of a larger redevelopment project called big project ("Shanghai Xintiandi,") Therefore, before the analysis of the XTD project, Taipingqiao are a redevelopment project is described as background in advance in the following paragraphs. Taipingqiao Area Redevelopment Project The Place and Original Situation of Taipingqiao Area Tai pingqiao area is located in the Luwan district, which is the urban center of Shanghai (Fig 3 1; 3 2). This area was formed in the early twentieth century, under the French Concession, and the buildings in this area were old style Shikumen lilong housing ("Shanghai Xintiandi,") I n the 1990s, Taipingqiao area covered 52 hectares area, comprised 23 residential neighborhoods, housed 70,000 residents (He & Wu, 2005; Ren, 2008) Ren (2008) explained, than 200 lanes of Shikumen houses in Taipingqiao residential area, built between the 1900s and 3). Ac cording to Luwan district g 1814). At that time, rent for public housing in China was extremely affordable A s recorded in
38 RMB 10 O nce inhabited by middle class Chinese people this area began to be populated by lower middle cl ass residents over the course of the mid to late 20 th century (Yang & Chang, 2007). The environment al and living condition s of this neighborhood gradually declined Described by Mr. Zhou the representative from Shui On Group Corporate Communications Depa neighborhood. Low income families crowded in the narrow lilong lanes. They demolished the interior toilet s and kitchen s for building new rooms to house more family members. Due to lack of upg rade s and maintenance, the public bathroom s and kitchen s had poor sanitary condition T he residents always fight for the usage of the public facilities, such as the public kitchen and tions Department, personal communication, May 27 th 2010) (Fig 3 4; 3 5; 3 6). To hous e more family members, the Shikumen lilong residents rebuilt additional rooms on or beside the original houses, or they even changed the structure of the building Profes sor Mo from Tongji University, stat en the developer tried to lift the second floor and consolidate the first floor architecture, most of the Shikumen housing collapsed. That is Tianwei Mo, professor from the Department of Architecture, Tongji Univers ity, personal communication, June 15 th 2010 ). I n contrast with the surrounding French colonial mansions and villas, the residential area of Taipingqiao is in a state of poverty and in need of profound restoration and redevelopment (Ren, 2008; Tsai, 2008)
39 Taipingqiao Area Redevelopment Process Beginning in 1992, the Luwan district government began to attract private developers to carry on the redevelopment of Taipingqiao area (Yang & Chang, 2007) However, due to the dev elopers were interested, and the redevelopment was postponed. This situation became aggravated in 199 6, when the Asian financial crisis greatly impacted the real estate market in Shanghai. By 199 6, many redevelopment projects were postponed and finally aba ndone d At this time, a Hong Kong real estate company Shui On Group made an astonish ing decision to transfer an event which created a tight relationship with the Shanghai government from then on (Yang & C hang, 2007, p. 1815) In 1996, Shui On Group signed a 50 years lea se of 52 hectares of the Taipingqiao area with Luwan d istrict g invest three billion US dollars over the next 15 years, which is 97 percent of the total Development Corporation (Ren, 2008), a state owned construction company. According to the contract, Shui On Group is responsible for redevelopment plan ning and its investment, and the Luwan d istrict g overnment is responsible for residential relocation and some subsidies for the vulnerable relocated population (Ren, 2008). This is the first time of Shanghai that such a vast redevelop ment activity had been launched here (Yang & Chang, 2007) Shui On Group then introduced Skidmore, Owings, and Merrill (SOM), an American architectural and urba n design firm, to district government of Luwan as the primary planning 32). Mr. Wang an engineer from Shanghai Urban Planning and D esign Research Institute (in abbreviation SUPDI) described
40 that government allowed a private developer and foreign companies to be involved in controlling Shuguang Wang personal communication, June 12 th 2010). Meanwhile, SUPDI is the subordinate consultant in the Taipingqiao rede velopment project. Cooperat ing with SOM, they submitted a controlling detailed plan of 23 Taipingqiao redevelopment plots to the Shanghai Municipal City Planning Administration in 1997, and were approved in the same year (Tsai, 2008) (Fig 3 7). The project consists of four parts: Shanghai Xintiandi, an urban tourist largest man made lake in downtown Shanghai; Corporate Avenue, which comprises Grad e A office towers, hotels and other commercial facilities; and Lakeville, a premium residential zone ("Shanghai Xintiandi,") (Fig 3 8). Upon initiation of the redevelopment project the Shui On Group wanted to develop Corporate Avenue and the Lakeville (Yang & Chang, 2007) But the 1997 Asian economic c risis strongly i descended by 50 percent. I n 1997, the Shui On Group decided to postpone the construction of Corporate Avenue and Lakeville, and start the construction of Taipingiqao Lake and Park a s well as the XTD project (Ren, 2008) 30,000 square meters and an artificial lake of 10,000 square meters were bui lt on the site of four the engineer from SUPDRI explain ed that Taipingqiao Lake and Park in downtown Shanghai attracted public attentions at the very beginning when they were built. Meanwhile, this vast open space increased the popularity of the XTD project, and is helping XTD to be the most popular commercial and entertainment location in Shanghai He also explained that people love this big green space, not only the residents but
41 also the business men. They choose to live and work near here, from which they can unwind themselves after a long day ( Shuguang Wang personal communication, June 12 th 2010). Xintiandi Redevelopment Project At XTD, about one hundred Shikumen houses were preserved, renovated, and maintained in their original places, most of which were located in the North Block (Ren, 2008) Many replicated Shikumen houses were erected by using the materials from the demolished residences. S econdary alleys were paved by old slate gray bricks from the demolished walls, and main alleys wer e paved with granite (Tsai, 2008) The interior of these buildings wer e redesigned for theme restaurants fashionable cafes or bars, and stylish international galleries ("The Concept behind Xintiandi,") Architects replaced some Shikumen wooden doors and windows with big glass panels to provide visual access to display s of luxury good s Meanwhile, they created open spaces for outdoor activities At XTD, the old interweaves with the new the East meets the West (Shanghai.Foundation.for.International.Cu ltural.Exchange) The larger significance of the XTD project is not only depends on the impressive functional change and adaptation of lilong housing, but also the imitate cooperation among the government, the developer, and foreign design companies. Af ter the comprehensive negotiation and implementation process, the public was able to realize the value of old Shikumen lilong houses and the reputation and property prices of the entire Taipingqiao area have been dramatically increased The Master Plan of XTD Project In the Taipingqiao redevelopment master plan, plot s 109 and 112 of the XTD area, were zoned for four to five stor ies buildings (Yang & Chang, 2005) (Fig 3 7 ). This height restriction
42 Congress of the Chinese Communist Party) is located in the 109 plot, the lower right corner of the North Block (Lu o, 2002) (Fig 3 7 ) The First Congress Hall was an Important Historical Monument under Special Preservation ( Zhong dian wen wu bao hu dan wei in Chinese). The neighborhoods surrounding this site w ere H istorical (Luo, 2002) identified (Tsai, 2008) This rule suggested the new design be sensitive to historic bui ldings and co mpatible with them in terms of height, scale, color, materials, and character of the property and environment (Luo, 2002) official document in Shanghai that identified the and show ed that the concern about historic However, the Conservation n enrolled regulation, and there is no restrict ion in this regulation that requires the protection of the original appearance of buildings in this area. As the Yang & Chang (2007) stated flexible and Thus, originally six plots (107 s 109 and 112 remained as in the Taipingiqao redevelopment controlling detailed plan (Tsai, p. 34). The o ther four plots were then zoned into the Corporation Avenue where offices, hotels, and service apartments replaced the original S hikumen houses (Tsai, 2008). In the 20 th century, when Shanghai is experiencing breathtaking re development, modernity can be seen
43 everywhere in the city accelerat ed by the developers and unde r the protection of central and district governments. The Idea of Protection, Rehabilitation, and Redevelopment The Shui On Group commissioned three organizations as design consultants for the XTD project. The primary design consultant wa s the Wood and Zapata, Inc., an American planning and des ign firm. This firm was commissioned because the principal architect, Benjamin Wood, i s known as the expert of protection, rehabilitation and redevelopment in the planning and design realm (Ren, 2008) Square (1993) ("About Ben Wood,") and was the designer of Quincy Market, Boston, Massachusetts (Goldberger, 2005) It was Hall market into a world renowned tour ist attraction (Gluckman, 2003) By this experience, Benjamin has demonstrated the inherent economic v alue of historic preservation. Nikken Sekkei International, Singapore, a planning arc hitecture and engineerin g firm, is a subconsultant for this project The other subconsultant is Tongji University, Shanghai, China In 2000, Shui On Group commissioned Tongji University to undertake an investigation into the history of architecture and culture in the Xintiandi area. A report of this effort followed three months later, which is called (Luo, 2002) T he protecti on and rehabilitation of Shikumen building in the XTD area referred to this report. The original Master Plan of XTD calls for the development of low cost, four to five stor ies restricted, cultural/residential/retail mixed uses place (Yang & Chang, 2007) But, Ben jamin objected to height, protect the exterior features of Shikumen housing to a large scale, reduce open space in
44 order to retain as much of the lane style structures an d decorate the interior of Shikumen housing in modern style. As Benjamin described: Shanghai is changing very fast. In this period of massive reconstruction and future generati ons. The lilongs of Shanghai are the record of a century and a half of million Shanghaiese. Xintiandi will tell the story of Old Shanghai through the conservation of the Sh ikumen lilongs It is a build ing type that is found no where else in the worl d. It belongs only to Shanghai (Wood, 1999) In addition, Benjamin s uggested that this area be redeveloped with enterprise aiming for white collar employees (Yang & Chang, 2007, p. 1818) He calls for the cre ation of new public spaces here, in which courtyards and alley ways, gardens, fashiona ble restaurants, outdoor cafes and cultural and entertainment venues will attract people from all over China and all over the world (Wood, 1999) As Ben jamin explains: gs dead and turn them into museums. I believe you should breathe life into places. That is my goal. I want to make living areas, where people can eat, drink and enjoy themselves (Gluckman, 2003) The Implementation and Practice of the XTD Project After several rounds of negotia tion, the Shui On Group, Luwan d istrict government, and municipal based redevelopment plan and the work of XTD was then started in the early 1999. The work of renovating the Shikumen houses in the XTD area is much harder th a n expected. The renovation plan one required lifting up the walls and housing frame of the second and third floors; demolishing the internal walls; pouring concrete walls in the first floor and then reestablish the upper structure. Because many of these houses were decrepit, they suddenly collapsed when the upper structures were lifted (Tianwei Mo, professor from the Department of Architecture, Tongji University, personal communication, June 15 th 2010).
45 Then, plan two was devised According to the report history by the Tongji University, Wood and Zapata selected about 100 Shikumen houses from XTD site to protect (Ren, 2008) Those houses conta ined comparatively complete distinctive features of old lilong style (Ren, 2008) In d to be preserved. He mentioned that many Shikumen houses were to o decrepit to be renovated, and should be removed (Shui.On.Land.Limited, 2008) T hese poor Shikumen houses wer e difficult to renovate and would be more expensive due to their level of disrepair. Benjamin chose to demolish these houses and rebuild replicas o n site or alternatively to create open space s for outdoor activities such as outdoor cafes and shows Benjamin also decided to demolish those Shikumen houses which had been significantly modified by the original residents. He explained, they had little p reservation value and could be removed with little negative effect (Shui.On.Land.Limited, 2008) The remain i ng Shikumen houses were repaired, and the ir original color and texture were restored. The experts come from the Department of Architecture from Tong ji University served as consultants to ensure the authenticity (Ren, 2008) The interior of those houses were redesigned for fashionable restaurants, cafes, and boutiques. In those vacant spaces left by the erased Shikumen housing, open spaces were created and new replicas of Shikumen houses were erected. Architects built th e walls of replicas by using the slat e gray bricks from demolished old residences, as well as highlighted the distinctive features of Shikumen houses. The interior of these houses were all designed for commercial uses. In addition, the m ain alleys were pav ed with granite, while many of the secondary alleys were paved with slat e gray bricks from the demolished buildings (Luo, 2002) (Fig 3 9 )
46 The Restored structures were improved by the inclusion of modern features. Architect s replaced some of the wooden doors and windows by filling in large glass panels for the displaying of luxury goods (Ren, 2008) Additionally, outdoor cafes and retails were created to attract travele rs as well as locals In the South Block of XTD, show stages were built to house bands, tactic of XTD project ("The Concept behind Xintiandi,") T he approach was formulated by Mr. Wood and Mr. Lo. Vincent Lo is the president of Shui On Group In a presentation to the eviation IBLAC) in 1998, Lo expressed that Shanghai must create a quality living environment to absorb, train and retain the best talent at home and abroad. As an international financial and commercial center, various venues should be built in the heart of the city as the meeting places for both local and foreigner professionals. In these areas, galleries, studios, and workshops coexist with cafes, bars and r estaurants (Shui.On.Land, 2008) Mr. Wood expressed on his website that he d oesn like the punctilious historic preservation which maintains all of the things in their original places and resembles a museum. He distains this type of historic preservation since he feels those pristine structure s ha ve no life and are disconnect ed with the modern world. What he prefer s is creating living and active places in these historic areas, in which people can enjoy themselves and feel the presence of histor ic structures as well He believes that historic buildings can c o ntribute to better and more interesting life for c urrent generation (Gluckman, 2003; Wood, 1999) Growth Coalition Analysis in the XTD P roject The success of XTD is a result of the close collaboration among the municipal government, dist rict government, and real estate developers. It is the public private growth
47 coalition at work in XTD that offered the practice opportunity for the talent designers. fashion rather (Wai, 2006, p. 257) That means in the public private growth coalition, government takes more authority while private enterprises has less influence In this part of analysis, I explored the diverse stakeholders in the XTD project, and discussed what incentives exist ed in different participators. Table 4 2 illustrates the key stakeholders, their role description, resources and responsibilities in the XTD project. I made this table by studying the research production of He and Wu (2005) ( Figure 4 11 ) He and Wu (2005) list ed out municipal government, district government, developer, and original residents as four major participators and illustrated the (Figure 4 11) He and Wu (2005) informative as well as systema tic. In the table 4 2 I added and described two more participators: sub district office and design consultants In addition, in the table 4 desc es ponsibilities 4 2). Figure 4 1 0 illustrates the growth coalition and development process in the case of XTD project. This f igure is referred to the structure of Figure 2 development process in the case of XTD/Ta ipingqiao, from Yang and Chang (2007) (p. 1816) while revised the content by combing the Figure 2 3 and the Table 4 2 in this paper The purpose of this modification is to describe the XTD growth coalition and the underlying motivations of the stakeholders Municipal government in promoting the XTD and Taipingqiao redevelopment project. First, reinvigorate inner ci ty areas, including clear inner city
48 slums and enhance commercial dev elopment; second, restore inner city land value; third, raise revenue. Moreover, the municipal government acted as an overseer in the whole process of Taipingqiao project to ensure t his project obey s the national ru les and regula tions, to prevent any possibilities that would increase social conflicts, as well as to lead the project into sustainable development (He & Wu, 2005) After the the 1982 land reform, urban redevelopment speed acc elerated in many big cities in C hina. Shan ghai, as a coastal city and one of the first cities open to the West, was at the dragon head of urban redev elopment activity. In 1990s, Shanghai experienced massive demolitions 1996. This is a plan for demolishing and redeveloping 365 hectares of dilapidated neighborhoods and decrepit houses by the yea r of 2000 (He & Wu, 2005; Ren, 2008) In addition, to accelerate the redevelopment process, Shanghai municipa l government supplied many incentives for the real estate developers : such as the further reductions of the land leasing fee, and sometimes even free leasing; and provide subsidies to developers in large redevelopment projects (Ren, 2008) The m unicipal government has been pushing the district governments on the tasks of urban that land leased from downtown dist (p. 1814) (Yang & Chang, 2007, p. 1814) and land leasing fees ar e a major resource of revenue of district governments were pushed to lease more land to developers. Every year, Shanghai municipal government ranks the rates of urban re development among its district governments. This ranking also urges the district governments to the task of redevelopment (Yang & Chang, 2007)
49 Nevertheless, the municipal government restricted the construction volume and Floor Area Ratio (FAR) to the developments, so as to decrease the social conflicts caused by the large scale residential relocation and the disadvantages from the high rise and high volume property. Especially, the municipal government examined the detailed controlling plan of XTD proj ect to e with the historic buildings. From the start to the completion of Taipingqiao redevelopment project, the municipal government still play ed the role of overseer, and granted many rights to the Luwan district government. A fter redevelopment began to occur more rapidly in Shanghai, a decentralized governing institution was formed in this city The m unicipal government divested to distric t s the (Yang & Chang, 2007, p. 1813) Furthermore, district governments have the right to issue construction permit s to project developer s S econdly except the h istoric and critical places the district s have assumed the right to examine and approve detailed plans without reexamination from the municipal government municipal government since the historic monument First Congress Hall is located in the XTD area. Finally, the local governments gradually assumed the right to negotiate the land leasing fees for urban redevelopment with private developers (Yang & Chang, 2007, pp. 1812 1814) During the devolution of authority on the land transfer and management from the municipal government, district s gradually became the prime and active cooperator with developers in the urban redevelopment projects (Yang & C hang, 2007, pp. 1812 1814) Luwan district government As explained above, Luwan district government thus has the right of leasing land and issu ing construction permit to project developers, negotiating and determining the land leasing
50 fee with the deve lopers, as well as examining and approving the detailed controlling plan of p articipated in the Taipingqiao redevelopment project (XTD included) and offered many conveniences to the project developers. It should be said that the cooperation between Luwan district and Shui On Group is on the basic of their long term relations. Shui On Group, Hong Kong real estate company, began to spread its business into mainland of China in 1985 (He & Wu, 2005) and established its business in Shanghai in the early 1990s (Yang & Chang, 2007) During the days they worked together, Shui On Group built friendly relations with Luwan district government. Therefore, when Shui On Group expressed its interest in the Taipingqiao redev elopment project, Luwan district then acquiesce d in this cooperation. When the Taipingqiao redevelopment project met the height restriction in six plots because R evol Luwan district government helped the project developer to skirt the regulation. It is there is no restricted guideline which pointed out how to protect th e original appearance of buildings in this area, district government agreed to to only retain two plots, p lot 109 and plot 112 (XTD area) in the restricted area They were to be designated as a place. This compromise let the district government to some extent obeyed the rules established by the municipal government, while helped the developer maximize its profit.
51 It is until 2003, the first legislated historic preservation regulation was promulga ted by the (Tsai, 2008) This law defines the criteria of planning and managing the historic and cultural districts and buildings in Shanghai, institute s the guidelines for protecting these districts and buildings, as well as includ es the legal responsibility in its final chapter ("Preservation Regulations of Historic and Cultural Districts and Historic Buildings of Shanghai City," 2003) al law to Tsai, 2008, p. 22). As stated in the contract with the project developer, Luwan district government is in charge of the residential relocation. Th erefore, the developers did not engage in the dialogue with the original residents about the relocation, but invested tons of money in the relocation project, which including the demolition fee and relocation compensation for the original residents (Ren, 2008) The demolition and relocation company is a professional entity affiliated by the Luwan district (He & Wu, 2005) and played a potent role in the Taipingqiao redevelopment task. Meanwhile, sub district governments (street committees) are also active roles in the residential relocation task. Street committees took charge o f census and help ed persuade inhabitants to relocate Professor Mo from Tongji University, stated that there was no pre relocation meeting for the original resident s, nor were there any public meeting s held during the relocation process, and the dialogue between the demolish company, street committees, and the inhabitants was informal. They offered off site (in kind) and monetary compensation, but most compensation are
52 the latter one The resettlement s ituation varied case by case ( Tianwei Mo, professor from the Department of Architecture, Tongji University, personal communication, June 15 th 2010 ). Private developer Shui On Group Shui On Group is the primary participa nt in the Taipingqiao redevelopment project (XTD included). It was invited into Taipingqiao redevelopment project because it has ample capital resources and capital accumulating capability. In the Taipingqiao redevelopment project, Shui On Group has its one objective profit, which entails cooperation with the Chinese government and thus gains similar opportunities in the future. However, while Shui On Group is the prime developer in the Taipingqiao redevelopment project, it still occupies less influen ce in the public private growth coalition. Firstly, Shui On Group is not the only developer in this project. Fuxing Development Corporation, a state owned construction company, shared three percent investment in the Taipingqiao redevelopment project, at the req uest of Luwan district government (Yang & Chang, 2007) It states The project under the demand of policy at that time (He, 2004, p. 20) investment wa work, and a chance to fully engage in the redevelopment project (Tsai, 2008; Yang & Chang, 2007) The contract between the Shui On Group and Luwan district stated 52 hectares of Taipingqiao area are leased to Shui On Group for 50 years. However, these 52 hectares were not leased to Shui On Group at one time, rather step by step. As Shui On Group adopted a gradually development strategy that redevelop 2 3 blocks each year in this area, Luwan district leased certain plots to the company according to each investment item (He, 2004; Yang & Chang, 2007) The leasehold is 50 years, but this will begin from the da te when demolition and
53 relocation is accomplished in each individual sub redevelopment (He, 2004) In the public private growth coalition, the government played a leading role, while the private developer turned out to be less influential. Thus, al though private developer was a major participator in the private public growth coalition in the XTD redevelopment project, it had limited command power and was less influential in this relationship. The Chinese government was taking the major authority and played as overseer in the whole redevelopmen t process. XTD project is not a n isolated case, and not restricted to Shangha i In the socialist China, central power exists everywhere and the culture of deference to authority con tinually exist in this nation. Original r esidents Through the Taipingqiao redevelopment project, the original residents had a chance of relocating from the distressed living neighborhood. However, in the local growth coalition, they were excluded players (Fig 4 1 0 ) Described by Profes sor Mo, t here was no dialogue between the local planners and relocated residents, nor was there any dialogue between the developer and relocated residents. Street committees were the mediator between local authorities and original residents, and responsibl e for informing and persuading the habitants to relocate ( Tianwei Mo, professor from the Department of Architecture, Tongji University, personal communication, June 15 th 2010 ) (Fig 3 1 0 ) Before 2003, the original habitants had been excluded players in the local growth coalition. They took the cost of u rban development and redevelopment, while the developers and local authority shared the economic benefits of urban growth. lgated in China and several strategies to balance the inequity in the urban growth were then issued longer allowed to push through redevelopment projects by means of forced demolition, and
54 appropria (Ren, 2008, p. 40) Meanwhile, after 2003, the public have been involved into the local growth coalitions. Described by the interviewed residents of Shanghai, there are public hearings and workshops held for the residents before and during the urban redevelopment programs in Shanghai (personal communication, current Shikumen habitants, Jun e 20 th 2010). In addition, t hrough the group interviews of Shikumen habitants who are living in the Shikumen neighborhoods which are facing redevelopment I knew that they are wi lling to relocate to other neighborhoods with better living environment. However, habitants rarely attend the public hearings since they think their thoughts and recommendations will not be listened by the authorities and developers and their attendances are nothing but the formality. Moreover, the negotiation between the residents and local authorities during the relocation and redevelopment process is still informal and complicated, and the compensation items are determined on th e case by case basis (personal communication, current Shikumen habitants, June 20 th 2010) Social and Economic Effects of the XTD Project XTD, a high end commercial redevelopment project, helped to raise property values of all of the associated projects, as well as helped Shui On Group obtain more funds for later developments in related project s What is more, XTD gradually became as the most popular leisure and entertainment site in Shanghai, and helped the surrounding area gain access to the most expensi ve real estate in Shanghai. XTD is a mutual benefit project between the Chinese governments and private developer s The land value of Taipingqiao area increased dramatically through Taipingqiao and XTD redevelopment project; the revenue of Luwan district government as well as the Shanghai
55 municipal government increased simultaneously; Shui On Group made much profit from this project and maintained a good and tight relat ionship with the Chinese government Many cities in China are imitating the XTD redevel Xintiandi has already become a verb that describe s the corresponding redevelopment manner. XTD type urban redevelopment has set a precedent for urban transformation in China Moreover, f rom the XTD project, city government s and private developers have discovered the commercial value of historic preservation, as well as another safeguard for the protection of the country s historic heritage What is more, XTD also let the public see the cost s of commercial reuse of historic houses complete relocation Additionally, d ue to forced relocation and inappropriate treatment, the original Shikumen residents suffered both tangible and intangible costs. For the inner city redevelopment, original residents should be benefited from it such as hav ing b etter living environment and more convenient life instead of suffering the losses caused by the redevelopment. Place promotion As mentioned in the previous c hapter s the leader of Shui On Group intended to create a high end commercial are a in the city center with a good environment for servicing local and foreign professionals. Therefore, both the redevelopment manner and the introduction of commercial tenants in the XTD were all based on this strategy. The commercial tenants were selected and introduced elaborately by Shui On Group. Ms. Zhou the representative from Shui On Group Corporate Communications Department described that among the current 98 commercial tenants, 85% comes from foreign counties. Shui On Group introduced restaurants, cafes and clubs throughout the worl d, such as the Fountain Bistro and Wine Bar, LUNA Restaurant and Bar, Brown Sugar Jazz Club, Simply Thai, Co ld Stone
56 Creamery, Haagen Dazs and Starbucks Coffee. These tenants successfully attracted the target customers. It is undeniable that the consumption level in the XTD area is much higher than the general consumption capability in Shan ghai. Take the Fountai n Bistro and Wine Bar for example, the average price for a lunch is RMB 300 399. Therefore, the urban professionals and those with upper incomes became the original exclusive customers to the XTD area (Jin Zhou, representative from Shui On Group Corporate Communications Department, personal communication, May 27 th 2010). For servicing the upper star, modern style service apartment r ental. I for broadcasting, this Cineplex owns complete facilities for holding large scale activities such as conferences, public trainings, as well as eveni ng parties (Shui.On.Land.Limited, 2008) Additionally, XTD has successfully held many large scale activities, such as East and West Culture Mixing Week French Culture and Munic Summer Festial Bonjour Xintiandi Hong Kong Tourism Festival and Sh anghai World Expo Music Festival (Shui.On.Land, 2010) which stimulated cu ltural exchange and attracted international attentions. Now, tourists are another group of exclusive customers to the XTD area. In fact, the location became as a place of interest for tourism agencies According to the statistics recoded by and expatriates. The place becomes jam (p. 37)
57 Economic effects The total investment of the XTD redevelopment project is more than 1 billion RMB ( US $170 million) (Table 4 1) But, the profit from this project accounts much more than the initial inves tment XTD was opened to the public in 2002, and its success helped to promote the property value of associated projects as well as surrounding areas of the Taipingqiao residential district According to Ms. Zhou, the representative from Shui On Group Cor porate Communications Department a real estate project must be 1% 2% gross sales launched for advertising and publicity. The master plan of Taipingqiao redevelopment project includes th e Lakeville, the p remium r esidential z oon with floor areas of 80 hect ares in total. However, Shui On Group did not invest any capital into advertising and publicity, and the Lakeville is the most popular real estate in Shanghai. This should be attributed to the brand effect of the XTD project. Beginning from June 2002, th e opening prize of the Lakeville is RMB 17,000 25,000/square meters, which is the highest real estate price in Shanghai. Now, the marketing price of the Lakeville have raised to RMB 60,000 80,000/square meters, which is still the highest real estate price in Shanghai. Now, there are more than 2,000 customers waiting on the line to purchase the third period houses of the Lakeville (Jin Zhou, representative from Shui On Group Corporate Communications Department, personal communication, May 27 th 2010). Moreove r, except the associated real estate projects, XTD also helped to promote the marketing vale of surrounding real estate in the Luwan district. The average marketing value of the real estate in early 20 th century at Luwan district is RMB 8,000 10,000/square meters. Now, the average marketing price is 30,000/square meters. The rate of rise is much higher than the average of Shanghai real estate market ( Shuguang Wang engin eer of Shanghai Urban Planning and Design Research Institute, personal communication, Ju ne 12 th 2010)
58 XTD redevelopment model and its reflection XTD project let the government, developer, and public realize the potential commercial value of historic preservation, along with familiarizing other Chinese cities with a blueprint for restoring and maintaining their cultural past Thus, in ma ny cities, the XTD imitation activities are developing. For example, t here are Nanjing XTD, Suzhou XTD, Fuzhou XTD, Ningbo XTD, an d Chongqing XTD. Many of them transformed the original residential houses for commerc ial development, while preserv ing the structure of historic buildings. However, many critics decry the XTD development model, and offer two reasons. In the first place, X TD preservation heritage, while the interior and original living culture of Shikumen lilong housing have vanished forever They express that the orchestrated by profit seekers Secondly, XTD redevelopment model require complete relocation which will resulted in tangible and intangible costs for the original residents. revi ew, Chinese government has four basic orientation in the inner city redevelopment activities: improving the living condition of residents; resto ring the market value of land; controlling the scale of cities; protecting historical, cultural traditions of o (Li, 1998, p. 17) Along with extensive involvement of private and foreign enterprises in the housing market in China, the f irst orientation has been gradually ignored. In contrast, the second orientation is gaining more and more attentions. Therefore, for XTD imitators, it is significant to clear that gaining profits and promoting place are not the only objectives of the inner city redevelopment. Improving the living standard for the residents is also very important Thus, both the developer and local authority should
59 seriously consider how to benefit the original residents, meanwhile relief the relocation cost s for them during the future urban redevelopment process While the XTD model undoubtedly has some issues and problems it is un deniable that it shows the Chi nese people a new inner city redevelopment approach adaptive reuse, compared properties in the US, different historic properties could have different protective standards The Secret types of heritage treatments: preservation, rehabilitation, restoration, and reconstruction, and the treatment standards and guidelines are defined (National.Park.Service) Therefore, it is not necessary to sustain the existing form, integrity, and materials for each historic propert y. In contrast, some protection advocates mentioned that even though there may not be a balance between redevelopment and protection, there can be two types of cooperation: preservation emphasized redevelopment, and development emphasized redevelopment Th e XTD redevelopment project belongs to the latter type (Luo, 2002)
60 Figure 4 1. Shanghai district m ap with Luwan d istrict h ighlighted. (Source: adapted from the map provided by http://www.jordyne.com/shanghai blog/?Tag=map ) Figure 4 2. Shanghai Luwan d istrict m ap with Taipingqiao a rea h ighlighted (Sourse: adapted from the map provided by http://www.mychinahotels.net/shanghai hotel/shanghai map/shanghai luwan map.htm )
61 Figure 4 3. Taipingqiao residential a rea took by 1996, before redevelopment. (Sources: reprinted with pe rmission from Shuguang Wang, engineer from SUPDRI June 12 th 2010) Figure 4 4. Public k itchen s pace in the Taipingqiao residential area took before redevelopment. (Sources: reprinted with permission from Shuguang Wang engineer from SUPDRI June 12 th 2010)
62 Figure 4 5. Unsatisfactory s anitation c ondition in the Taipingqiao residential area took before redevelopment. (Sources: reprinted with permission from Shuguang Wang engineer from SUPDRI June 12 th 2010) Figure 4 6. Disordered interior and poor living condition in the Tiapingqiao residential area took before redevelopment. (Sources: reprinted with permission from Shuguang Wang engineer from SUPDRI June 12 th 2010)
63 Figure 4 7. Taipingqiao a rea with 23 redevelopment plots n umber, red circle in dicates the XTD area. (Source : a dapted with permission from Shuguang Wang, engineer from SUPDRI June 12 th 2010 ) Figure 4 8. Functional s tructure p lan of Taipingqiao redevelopment project. (Source : a dapted with permission from Shuguang Wang, engineer from SUPDRI June 12 th 2010)
64 Figure 4 9 The redevelopment process of the XTD project (Sources: a dapted with permission from Shuguang Wang, engineer from SUPDRI, June 12 th 2010)
65 Figure 4 10 Growth coalition and development process in the case of XTD Municipal Government Planning & Land Resources Bureau Culture Heritage Bureau District Government Planning Bureau Cultural Heritage Dept. Developers Shui On Group Fuxing Development Planning Consultants SOM SUPDI Design Consultants Wood & Zapata Nikken Sekkei Tongji University Inhabitants Work units Sub district Office Street Committees Deliver central state policy Oversee re development process Examine Master plan L ease land to developer Issue construction permit Redevelopment Investment Residentia l R e location Allocate subsidies for inhabitants Master Plan Modification Financial Revenues (Financial Index) Land leasing Revenues Relocation Company Relocation C ompensation
66 Figure 4 11. Photocopy of Table 2 from the journal article of He and Wu (2005) with permission from He and Wu
67 Table 4 1 Some b rief XTD p roject i nformation Source : Compiled from Urban Land Institute, Awards for Excell ence: 2003 Winner Retrieved November 11, 2010, from http://www.uli.org/AwardsAndCompetitions/AwardsForExce llenceProgram/2003/Shanghai%20Xintiandi%20North%20Block.aspx ; Shanghai XTD officia l site. Retrieved November 11, 2010, from http://www.xintiandi.com/chinese/aboutus_taipingqiao.asp ; Shui On Group unpublished documents provided by Mr.Zhou, the representative of Shui On Group Corporate Communications Department XTD Redevelopment Project Land Use (s) Retail, entertainment, commercial, and hotel facilities mixed uses Period 1999 2002 Site Area 3.5 hectares (7.2 acres) Gross Floor Area 21,345 square meters (229,763 square feet) Owner/Developer (s) Shui On Group, Hong Kong Fuxing Development Corporation, Shanghai Planning Consultant (s) SOM (major consultant) Shanghai Planning and Design Institute Design Consultant (s) Wood and Zapata, Inc. Boston, Massachusetts (major consultant) Nikken Sekkei International, Singapore Tongji University, Department of Arc hitecture and Urban Planning Investment US $170 million (about RMB 1.2 billion) Relocation Method Off site (in kind) and monetary compensation Relocation 82 work unites and 2101 households
68 Table 4 2. Key roles, their resources, and responsibilities in the growth coalition of XTD redevelopment project S ource: Compiled from Table 2 of journal article by He and Wu (2005), p.17. Stakeholde rs Role Description Resources Responsibilities Municipal government Authoritative mediator and supervisor Land resources Superior governing authority Delivering the policy of central state Overseeing the redevelopment process Examine detailed controlling plan of XTD project Devolution (decision making rights to district government) District Government Active and potent collaborator Limited land and financial resources Limited governing resources on certain urban areas Leasing land to private developer Residential relocation Allocating subsidies for inhabitant (especially the vulnerable population) Sub district Office Relocation cooperator Relationship with the inhabitants Local census Assisting relocation company with residential relocation Developers Primary participators Ample capital resources and impelling capital accumulating capability Lake of influence on local growth coalition Redevelopment Investment (construction + demolish + relocation) Design Consultants Project designers Domestic information Design skills XTD architecture structure investigation XTD architecture and landscape design Concrete construction Original residents Excluded players Deficiency of economic resources Deficiency of political/governing resources Relocation
69 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECO MMENDATIONS In this paper, I illustrate the background and redevelopment process of the Xintiandi project, explore the underlying pro growth coalition which brought the XTD project to fruition analyze the social and economic effects of this project investigate to wh at extend historic preservation can contribute to urban redevelopment, and summarize what we can learn from the lesson s of the XTD case At first, if not for Benjamin Woods, the major architect of the XTD project, all of the historic Shikumen houses in this area would have be en replaced by low cost, four to five story restricted, residential and commercial mixed architectural complex Although, Mr. Woods brought the idea of historic building adaptation into China, he is not a historic protection expert. He f ound the potential market value of the historic residence in the city of Shanghai, which gave the opportunity of protecting the historic housing as well as influenced the way government officials and private developers see historic neighborhoods throughou t of China (Mo & Lu, 2000) its during the development is the trade off for (Tsai, 2008, p. 73) Redevelopment and historic preservation are both significant to ancient Chinese cities. A strategy was needed to let historic preservation contribute to urban redevelopmen t, and vice versa. Shikumen housing, the major residential form of Shanghai in 20 th century, had witnessed the vicissitudes of Shanghai. This type of housing is found throughout the city. The preservation task is challenging. What is more, according to Lu o (2002), without serious rehabilitation, the old Shikumen buildings can not meet the living standards of modern people. The cost, however is very high (Luo, 2002) Therefore, it is impossible and impractical that all of the Shi kumen
70 houses remain on site and be used for residential purposes. Thus, selective preservation and adaptive reuse is the right strategy for saving these old neighborhoods. The significance of the XTD project does not only lie on the preservation of Shikum en housing in this area, but also on the creation of an attractive leisure and entertainment environment for both domestic and international professionals and visitors. Different from ere brought by new life th r ough adaptive reuse and to the public recognize the capacity of the major developer, Shui On Group, and helped to promote the land value of associated projects develope d by that company as well as the land value of surrounding areas in the Luwan district XTD is a successful attempt that utilizes historic preservation to realize urban redevelopment in China. T he impressive restoration and reuse of Shikumen lilong housi ng in the XTD project should attribute to the intimate cooperation between the local government s and private de velopers. There was a clear division of labor : Shui On Group was in charge of the redevelopment and investment, while the Luwan district governme nt was in charge of the residential relocation (Ren, 2008) For the fir st time in China, the private developer became involved in controlling detailed planning. However, in contrast with the liberal democratic society of China D i stinctive from the mature market economy of the West, the private developer is less influential in the socialistic market economy of China. In China, urban land belongs to the state. Central government holds the major authority of using and developing the urban land. During the economic transformation period, central government gradually devolves its rights to lower level governments and private enterprises B y decentralizing power to lower level
71 governments, the policy making cycle is shortened the enthus iasm of the district government is promoted. By bringing international private enterprises into urban redevelopment activities, the financial burden of the Chinese government got dramatically relieved. Gradually, the pace of city re development is accelerat ed. One nexus was lacking during the XTD redevelopment project, and that was the dialogue between the planners and the original residents. Professor Mo from the Tongji University stated that there was no formal dialogue among the local authority the developer, and original residents during the relocation process. R esidents were finally informed that they are to be relocated, and two kinds of compensation are to be offered ( Tianwei Mo, professor from the Department of Architecture, Tongji Univer sity, personal communication, June 15 th 2010 ). As the excluded players in the local growth coalition, the residents suffered losses and costs of the XTD project. This situation was changed for the slo gan was carried out in China. This slogan requires appropriate treatment as well as forbids forced relocation of the original residents Gradually, the residents realize that they have rights to ask for better treatment, as well as better living environme nt from the government. Since then, pre relocation meetings and public hearings begin to h o ld for the residents and the communication among the authorities, planners, and residents are enhanced. It is a good transformation, since gaining profits is not the only objective of urban redevelopment. Improving living environment for the residents is equally important. However, through the conversation with the current Shikumen residents who are on the w aiting list of relocation I realize that the public involvement in China is still not satisfactory The residents think the authorities will not listen to their ideas and suggestions but will persuade them to
72 relocate to other places through public hearin gs In addition, few residents participate the public hearing since they think the p ublic participation is only a formality Consequently how to actively involve the public into local growth coalition s is still a tough problem for local authorities in thi s nation. At the end due to the XTD case may be too unique in terms of its timing, location, distinctive coalition, and the social and economic environment, it may not be duplicable in another time and location. But, the inspirations and reflections from this case are still useful for Chinese governments and developer in dealing with future inner city historic neighborhoods redevelopment projects.
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76 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lan Feng received a b s d egree in GIS (Geographic Information System) at t he Capital Normal University, Beijing, China. Upon graduation she has worked as A ssistant P lanner in Beijing Great Land Urban planning and Design Co. for one year In 2008, Lan came to the United States and began to pur sue the Master degree of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Florida with her focus es on historic preservation urban redevelopment, and GIS application During the summer of 2009, Lan did her first intern in the U.S., in the Transportation Department of Nantucket Town Planning Office Working as an Assistant Transportation P lanner, Lan participated in the project of managing and arranging bicycle parking f acilities in downtown Nantucket. In her final semester of the M.A. program, Lan did another intern in the Environmental Protection Department, Alachua County where she involved in the project of evaluating the relationship between the land value and the p roximity to open space s in Alachua county. Lan has her career objective of working as a professional urban planner with specialties in historic preservation and urban redevelopment realms Email: fenglanhao@ gma il.com