The Emergence of the Invisible Orphan in Garifuna Society

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041873/00001

Material Information

Title: The Emergence of the Invisible Orphan in Garifuna Society Parental Death, Household Survival and Adaptive Child Rearing Strategies in a Changing Culture
Physical Description: 1 online resource (281 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Feanny, Camille
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010


Subjects / Keywords: afro, america, belize, central, child, childcare, coastal, development, family, fosterage, garifuna, honduras, indigenous, latin, migration, orphan, orphaning
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Volumes of research attest to the fact that economic dependency, and other forms of structural violence, have taken their toll on societies, especially in developing countries. The fallout of these processes now contributes to the vulnerability of billions of people around the globe. Among the most vulnerable populations are orphaned children. Experts estimate a global population of 163 million orphans, and counting. Yet, little is known about who these children are or about their lived experiences, in their households and societies, after the death of their parents. This dissertation explores the world of the invisible orphan, and the impact of protracted out-migration and other social and economic stressors, on the lives of orphans and their families in Garifuna communities. By using the household as the unit of analysis, and by incorporating the feedback from children and other stakeholders, I examine the causes and consequences of orphaning in six Garifuna settlements in Honduras and Belize. Findings demonstrate that profound structural changes are occurring within families due to out-migration, especially of women. Protracted migratory practices have led to fragmented family units, and impacted where, how, and with whom, orphans are raised. Consequently, orphaned siblings are separated with regularity, and older orphans are a group in dire need of targeted assistance. As for the causes of orphaning, results show that HIV/AIDS is not the primary cause of maternal deaths. Other factors, such as cancers and strokes, contribute greatly to female mortality. Data also revealed that although the majority of households were found to be Adaptive, which means that they possess relatively stable material resources, they were heavily dependent on remittances and other external assistance. For the care of orphans, many households have shifted from traditional, planned approaches, to reactive emergency fostering methods. Despite laudable coping strategies, I found that orphans often face their problems without access to psychological counseling. However, although the reciprocal relationships within families were severely strained, they were not severed, especially in the rural areas. This indicates that with the proper supports, many caregiver households may be able to mitigate some of the damage from years of migration.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Camille Feanny.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Guillette, Elizabeth A.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041873:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041873/00001

Material Information

Title: The Emergence of the Invisible Orphan in Garifuna Society Parental Death, Household Survival and Adaptive Child Rearing Strategies in a Changing Culture
Physical Description: 1 online resource (281 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Feanny, Camille
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010


Subjects / Keywords: afro, america, belize, central, child, childcare, coastal, development, family, fosterage, garifuna, honduras, indigenous, latin, migration, orphan, orphaning
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: Volumes of research attest to the fact that economic dependency, and other forms of structural violence, have taken their toll on societies, especially in developing countries. The fallout of these processes now contributes to the vulnerability of billions of people around the globe. Among the most vulnerable populations are orphaned children. Experts estimate a global population of 163 million orphans, and counting. Yet, little is known about who these children are or about their lived experiences, in their households and societies, after the death of their parents. This dissertation explores the world of the invisible orphan, and the impact of protracted out-migration and other social and economic stressors, on the lives of orphans and their families in Garifuna communities. By using the household as the unit of analysis, and by incorporating the feedback from children and other stakeholders, I examine the causes and consequences of orphaning in six Garifuna settlements in Honduras and Belize. Findings demonstrate that profound structural changes are occurring within families due to out-migration, especially of women. Protracted migratory practices have led to fragmented family units, and impacted where, how, and with whom, orphans are raised. Consequently, orphaned siblings are separated with regularity, and older orphans are a group in dire need of targeted assistance. As for the causes of orphaning, results show that HIV/AIDS is not the primary cause of maternal deaths. Other factors, such as cancers and strokes, contribute greatly to female mortality. Data also revealed that although the majority of households were found to be Adaptive, which means that they possess relatively stable material resources, they were heavily dependent on remittances and other external assistance. For the care of orphans, many households have shifted from traditional, planned approaches, to reactive emergency fostering methods. Despite laudable coping strategies, I found that orphans often face their problems without access to psychological counseling. However, although the reciprocal relationships within families were severely strained, they were not severed, especially in the rural areas. This indicates that with the proper supports, many caregiver households may be able to mitigate some of the damage from years of migration.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Camille Feanny.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Guillette, Elizabeth A.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041873:00001

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2 2010 Camille R. Feanny


3 To my mother, Patsy Feanny, whose expressions of love are limitless, immea surable, and deeply appreciated


4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is the result of years of support from many people whose input propelled my dream of obtaining my Ph.D. into reality. First, let me say that I am honored to have experts in Cultural and Applied Anthropology at the helm of my Doctoral Committee. I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to my Chair, Dr. Elizabeth Guillette, for her steadfast counsel and friendship throughout my tenure at the University of Florida, and for stimulating my independent thinking throughout the entire Ph.D. process. I also offer my heartfelt appreciation to my other Committee members, Dr. Allan Burns, Dr. Willie Baber and Dr. Alba Amaya Burns, for their support and guidance throughout the course of researching, writing and editing this paper. On countless occasions I walked through your open doors, and I was never turned away, but was received with kindness and unceasing patience. To my entire Committee, the UF Anthropology Department staff, Dr. Tony Oliver Smit h, Dr. Faye Harrison, Dr. John Moore, Dr. Art Hansen and Dr. Santiago Ruiz, I am forever thankful for your assistance with the design, and execution, of courage to i mplement my chosen path, while you guided my development from graduate student to global scholar. I thank you! To the orphaned Garifuna children who were the inspirations for this work and who along with their families graciously agreed to share their life stories with me over a two year period, I cannot begin to express how much I thank you. I am humbled by your strength and your abilities to meet immense challenges with grace, and with unceasing commitment to each other. I am very appreciative for the col laborative support of the orphans, and of other remarkable people in Honduras and Belize, who opened up their homes and their hearts in support of my research. I would especially like to thank Dr.


5 Santiago Ruiz and his family, Mr. Abel Green, Dr. Joseph O. Palacio, Mr. and Mrs. Roy and Phyllis Cayetano, Mrs. Gwen Nunez Castillo for their support throughout the process of data collection in both countries. Of course, none of these accomplishments would be feasible, wit hout funding and mentorship. I have so many people to thank, and to whom I owe a deep debt of gratitude. To Dr. Lawrence Morehouse, Mr. Charles Jackson, and the staff at the Florida Education Fund, it is an absolute privilege to have been selected as a McK night Doctoral Fellow. I appreciate your demonstrated confidence in me through your award of a 5 year fellowship, and for all the academic and monetary assistance you have provided to me throughout the doctoral process. To Dean Henry Frierson, Dr. Laurence Alexander, Mrs. Janet Broiles, Ms. Sarah Perry and the amazing people in the Graduate School, and in the Office of Graduate Minority Programs (OGMP), I thank you so much for your unceasing assistance and encouragement. Your benevolence with your time, and your resources, enabled me to focus on becoming a strong and dedicated scholar, and for that, and for so much more, I am grateful. To Dr. Anne Donnelly, Dr. Danyell Wilson, Mrs. Jenee Stevens, and the wonderful staff of UF SEAGEP, I am tremendously thankf ul for your guidance, and for gifting me with much of the funding I needed to successfully complete my dissertation fieldwork in Central America. From my first days at UF, you have stood firmly in my corner, and I will forever appreciate your providing me with the opportunities I needed to pursue my goals. To Dr. Paul and Mrs. Polly Doughty, Dr. Louis Guillette (UF Zoology/HHMI GATOR Program), and to the selection committees of the Delores Auzenne Fellowship, the National Science Foundation (SBES) Fellowshi p, and the O. Ruth McQuown Fellowship, I thank you all very much for contributing to my educational and professional


6 development. To each and every one of you, words can barely express my appreciation for your tireless commitments to advancing the success of your students, and to creating new cohorts of minority scholars, at the highest academic and professional levels. I am honored to be a recipient of your unequivocal generosity. On a profoundly personal level, I know that foundational to my accomplishmen ts stand several people whose timeless encouragement, sponsorship and support enabled me to translate many of my dreams into reality. I am blessed to be a part of a powerful kinship network that begins with my mother, Patsy Feanny, my father Headley Feanny Sr., my entire family, Drs. Mark and Christine Harwell, the late Dr. William Osborne, and some of the most amazing friends on the planet. I also could not have completed this dissertation without the help of other scholars, with whom I was privileged to share in our collective goals to obtain our Ph.D.s. Dr. Symma Finn, Dr. Judith Anderson, Dr. Felicia Anonyuo Nwaenyi and Dr. Tameka Phillips, our long talks and late night study sessions kept me focused, and ultimately, led to this success. I am deeply gra teful to have gone through this process with all of you. Throughout my life, I have been sustained on the shoulders of giants who let me know that there was no mountain too high, no goal too great, and no challenge too difficult for their support to see me through. To Mr. Joseph and Mrs. Linda Myles and Mr. Alvin Gray who looked after my home for years while I traveled the world in pursuit of my goals, I am blessed to be able to call you my friends. I am also eternally grateful for the friendship, trust and generosity of Mr. Peter Dykstra, Mrs. Natalie Pawelski Rogers, Mr. Mark Carter, Ms. Joy DiBenedetto and Mr. Brendan Cahill who were very instrumental in the shaping of my career.


7 My on site field research was performed with the assistance of the Honduran Ministry of Education (Office of Indigenous Education and PRONEEAAH ), PROEMBI PROEIMCA, OFRANEH, the Universidad Pedaggica Nacional Francisco Morazn in Honduras, the Ministries of Human Development and Education in Belize, the National Garifuna Council, the Progressive Organization for Women in Action (POWA) and with the participation of the local Garifuna leadership and citizenry in both countries. Background data and logistical support were also obtained from child development experts at the United Nat US, Friends of the Orphans (Nuestros Pequeos Hermanos) in Honduras, and Save the Children International. To everyone included in this Acknowledgement, and many others wh o have contributed to my growth and success along the way, I thank you again. You have graciously opened your homes at times when I needed rest. You have given me opportunities to present my research at professional conferences, to produce impactful telev ision programs, and to collaborate on projects that have helped me to grow and to learn. Through many of you, I was provided with opportunities to become an international Journalist, an applied Anthropologist, an Educator, Researcher, Lecturer, Co Author, and contributor to your courses. By supporting my success, and through allowing me to execute truly meaningful academic and personal paths, you are all direct contributors to helping me become the person who I am today. As you can see, I would need a boo k to document the unquestionable generosity you have poured into my life! Your open doors and hearts are appreciated by me more than you know. I would not be here without the gift of each and every one of you. So,


8 thank you for paving a smooth road for me as I achieve my goal to be a powerful agent of positive change on behalf of orphaned children and other vulnerable populations.


9 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................ ................................ ............................... 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 13 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 14 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 16 LIST OF DEFINITIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ 17 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 19 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 21 Background: The Global Orphan Phenomenon ................................ ...................... 21 The Scope of this Study ................................ ................................ .......................... 23 2 THE CULTURAL CONTEXT OF ORPHANHOOD: GLOBAL ISSUES, LOCAL IMPACTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 31 Theoretical Framework ................................ ................................ ........................... 31 ................................ .............. 32 Dependency: In Theory and In Practice ................................ ........................... 36 The Effects of Socio economic Transformations in the Americas and the Links to Migration ................................ ................................ .......................... 38 Relevant Literature, Gaps and Guiding Themes ................................ ..................... 45 The Essential Roles of Kinship and the Family ................................ ....................... 52 ................................ ...................... 53 It Takes a Village: Kinship and Extended Families in Crisis ............................. 56 Research Purpose and Questions ................................ ................................ .......... 61 Conflicting Definitions of Orphans in Politics and Policy ................................ ......... 62 sible? ................................ ............... 66 Garifuna Orphans: Defining the Target Population ................................ ........... 71 Garifuna Culture: Selection Criteria ................................ ................................ ........ 76 3 THE HISTORY AND EFFECTS OF GARIFUNA OUT MIGRATION ...................... 80 Background: Migratory Practices of the Garifuna People ................................ ....... 80 Economic Under Development and Societal Vulnerability ................................ ...... 84 Out migration and its Effect on Garifuna Female Headed Households .................. 88 ...................... 95


10 Trends in Community Responses to AIDS and Orphaning in African and Afro Descendant Populations: Possibl e Implications for the Garifuna ......................... 97 The Reality of HIV/AIDS in Honduras and Belize and the Effects on the Garifuna ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 101 4 DATA GATH ERING AND ANALYTICAL METHODS ................................ ............ 104 Study Site Locations: Countries and Communities ................................ ............... 107 Gaining Access to Communities in Honduras and Belize ................................ ..... 110 Initial Study in Honduras: Phase One (2007) ................................ ........................ 112 Sample and Sampling Techniques in Belize and Honduras: Phase Two (2008 2009) ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 116 Participant Sample in Honduras and Belize (Village and Semi Urban Sites) ........ 118 Data Collection and Classification ................................ ................................ ........ 118 Models Developed for Fieldwork: #1 Household Stability Assessment (HSA) 120 Models Developed for Fieldwork: #2 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA) ......... 122 Models Developed for Fieldwork: #3 Orphan Access Assessment (OAA) ..... 123 Analytical Methods ................................ ................................ ................................ 124 Cyclical Communications Strategies and Feedback Mechanisms ........................ 125 5 GARIFUNA LIFESTYLES WITHIN VILLAGES AND TOWNS: A BALANCING ACT BETWEEN THE TRADITIONAL AND MODERN ................................ .......... 127 The Village Lifestyle ................................ ................................ .............................. 127 Village Households and Community Infrastructure ................................ ......... 132 ............... 137 The Semi Urban Towns ................................ ................................ ........................ 146 Widening Soc ial and Economic Disparities in Garifuna Communities .................. 151 6 RESEARCH FINDINGS ................................ ................................ ........................ 155 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 155 Participant Profiles ................................ ................................ ................................ 156 Contributors to Garifuna Orphanhood: Main Causes of Maternal and Paternal Death ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 158 Household Stability Assessment (HSA) ................................ ................................ 162 ................................ ................................ ................... 163 ................................ ................................ .................... 163 ................................ ................................ .................. 164 ................................ ................................ ................. 165 Comparison of Household Stability by Cou ntry and Community Location ...... 165 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA): Family Approaches to the Rearing of Orphans ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 166 Orphan Access Assess ment (OAA) ................................ ................................ ...... 173 Housing ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 173 Food ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 174 Safe Water and Sanitation ................................ ................................ .............. 174


11 Clothes and Shoes ................................ ................................ ......................... 176 Education ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 177 Medical Care ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 178 Spiritual Teaching ................................ ................................ ........................... 180 Other Consequences of Orphaning on Garifuna Children: Their Lived Experiences in Their Own Words ................................ ................................ ...... 181 Sibling Separations ................................ ................................ ..................... 181 al, Sexual and/or Emotional Abuse ................................ ................................ ......................... 185 .............................. 188 ck of Stability and the Revolving Doors to ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 192 Case Study: A Home and Help for Leon ................................ .................. 195 Adult Orphans and their Challenges to Independence ................................ ................................ ............................. 196 Stateless Orphaned Children ................................ ................................ ......... 19 8 Restricted Access of Orphans to Parental L and and Assets .......................... 199 7 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ................................ ........................ 201 Introduction: Addressing my Assumptions ................................ ............................ 201 Assessments of Additional Results ................................ ................................ ....... 205 Population ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 210 Examining the Factors that Contribute to Sibling Separations .............................. 215 Concluding Analysis ................................ ................................ ............................. 217 Research Limitat ions ................................ ................................ ............................ 222 8 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 224 Global Initiatives: Critical Responses to Assist Orphans and other Vulnerable Children (OVCs) ................................ ................................ ................................ 224 National and Local Level Interventions to Assist Orphans and other Vulnerable Children (OVCs) in Belize and Honduras ................................ .......................... 227 The Contributio ns of this Study to Orphaned Children ................................ .......... 230 The Contributions of this Study to Applied Advocacy Research ........................... 232 The Contributions of th is Study to Influencing Domestic and International Policy 234 9 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................ ....................... 239 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 239 Recommendations ................................ ................................ ................................ 243 ............................ 246 APPENDIX A INFORMED CONSENT PRE INTERVIEW SCRIPT (ICPS) ................................ 248


12 B INTERVIEW GUIDE (CHILD ORPHAN) ................................ ............................... 249 C INTERVIEW GUIDE (ADULT ORPHAN ) ................................ .............................. 253 D INTERVIEW GUIDE (STAKEHOLDER) ................................ ................................ 259 E ................................ ................................ ........................ 263 L IST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 264 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 280


13 LIST OF TABLES Table page 5 1 Garifuna Div isions of Labor by Gender Rural Villages (2007 2009) ................. 139 6 1 Reported Causes of Maternal Death: Mortality among Garifuna Women in Honduras (n=28) and Belize (n=52) ................................ ................................ 159 6 2 Reported Causes of Maternal Death: Changes in the Patterns of Mortality among Garifuna Women Over Time ................................ ................................ 159 6 3 Reported Causes of Paternal Death: Morta lity among Garifuna Men in Honduras (n=16) and Belize (n=15) ................................ ................................ 161 6 4 Household Stability Assessment (HSA): Caregivers Fostering Garifuna Orphans in Honduras (n=24) and Belize (n=47) ................................ ............... 162 6 5 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA): Cumulative Results from Honduras and Belize ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 169 6 6 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA): Comparative Results o f Changes in Orphan Care Methods Over Time Between Adult Orphans (n=17) and Child Orphans (n=63) ................................ ................................ ................................ 172 6 7 Orphan Access Assessment (OAA): Cumulative Results from Honduras and Belize ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 175 7 1 Sibling Totals for Garifuna Orphans ................................ ................................ 216


14 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2 1 Garifuna boys dance jonkonnu at the National Garifuna Council convention in Belize, March 7, 2009 ................................ ................................ ......................... 77 4 1 Distribution of Garifuna Settlement Territory throughout Central America with Selected Study Sites Indicat ed. Map created by Author. ................................ .. 107 5 1 Examples of subsistence horticulture in Honduras. A) Family farm with cassava farm l ocated a 20 minute walk from their village. ............................... 130 5 2 Examples of the difficulties faced by locals driving to and from rural Honduran settlements. A) With no road access to many rural areas, a v endor drives along the coastline to deliver supplies to remote communities. B) Villagers hitch a ride to town on the back of a pickup. C) A make shift barge pulls a pickup across a flooded beach. ................................ ............................. 131 5 3 A) Woman rows canoe down river. B) Motorboat journey to a very rural Garifuna settlement in Honduras. ................................ ................................ ..... 132 5 4 A) A man rides his horse between villages in Honduras. B) Men transpor ting freshly cut firewood with the assistance of a horse. ................................ ......... 132 5 5 Examples of community housing and construction styles in Honduran and Belizean villages. A) Family compound in Honduras, built from Yagua (a hardwood palm) and other woods with thatch and zinc roofs. B) A modern concrete block home under construction in a Honduran village. C) A homestead in a Belizean village, with wood construction and thatched and zinc roofing. D) Modern concre te village houses in Belize. .............................. 133 5 6 A) Traditional kitchen houses at a family compound in a Honduran village, constructed with adobe bricks and a thatched roof, and wood with a zinc roof. B) Another traditional kitchen house built from adobe blocks with a wood and zinc roof. ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 136 5 8 Cassava harvesting and processing. A) Extended family of men, women and children working together t o peel cassava. B) Young man washing cassava. C) Women grinding cassava. D) Ground cassava readied for squeezing and drying. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 142 5 9 Cassava processing and food preparation. ................................ ...................... 143 5 10 Examples of fishing activities in Honduras and Belize. ................................ ..... 144


15 5 11 Subsistence horticulture and yard work in Garifuna communities. A) Man cl Man chopping firewood for cooking. D) Woman planting crops. ....................... 145 5 12 A) Young girl cooking on a traditional wood fired stove. B) Woman frying plantains on a wood hearth. ................................ ................................ .............. 146 5 13 A) Single family concrete dwelling in Honduras. B) Houses along the main road. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 148 5 14 Female street vendors selling used clothes and other items on the roadside .. 149 5 15 Main business district in the Belizean town. ................................ ..................... 150 5 16 Homes in the Belizean town demonstrating the growing stratification of the society. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 151 6 1 l of the ................................ ............................. 167


16 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome CRIN Child Rights Information Network ECLAC Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean FBO Fait h Based Organization HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HVC Highly Vulnerable Children M&E Monitoring and Evaluation NGO Non G overnmental Organization OVC Orphans and Vulnerable Childre n PAHO Pan American Health Organization PEPFAR Plan for AIDS Relief SOS CV STC Save the Children TB Tuberculosis UN United Nations UNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS UN CRC UNICEF nd USG United States Government WHO World Health Organization


17 LIST OF DEFINITIONS Adult Orphan A person (over eighteen years of age) who was orphaned before his or her eighteenth birthday. For the purposes of this paper, the term refers specifically to pe ople whose mothers, or both parents, are deceased. Community A group of people who live in the same area and under the same laws or governance. Dependency A n international system that fosters the perpetuation of. Theory dominant/dependent relationships, wh ere the rich ( core) nations and peoples benefit at the expense of the poor (periphery). D iaspora The dispersion of a body of people who are living outside their traditional homeland. Fatherless Youth Children whose fathers are deceased, but whose mothers are still alive. This is a sub Nations and other child development organizations. However, for the purposes of this report, this group is not consid ered among the orphans profiled. Garifuna A person (or peop le) of mixed African and Amerindian (Arawak Carib) ancestry formerly referred to as Caribs and Black Caribs with ancestral populations along the Caribbean coast of Central America from Belize in the north, and southward to Nicaragua. Garinagu The plural o used to refer to the people, the language and the culture, the words Garifuna, Garifunas (in plural) and Garinagu are often used interchangeably. Matrifocal mother focused domestic systems that find females at the center of family relations and the de facto heads of household due to the temporary, or permanent, absence of fathers Orphan A child (0 17 years of age) whose biological mother, or both parents, is deceased. For the purposes of this study, the term orphan specifically applies to a child (0 17 years old) deprived by death of his or her primary care giving biological parent (mother) or both parents, based on the cultural customs and practices. Out migration Leaving one s home commu nity to settle elsewhere either within one s native country or in another nation state. In this paper the word is used interchangeably with emigration.


18 Peri Urban Areas located near large towns or cities, either on the peripher ies or border s Remittances T ransfers of money (usually surplus income) earned by foreign workers that are sent to their home country. Semi Urban Communities that are neither rural nor urban, and whose populations are dependent upon access to an urban center. A satellite town with pol itical and economic relationship to a larger city, where the majority of the residents are involved in the non farm economy and need to depart their community to access opportunities or infrastructure that are only available in the larger cities. Structura l A term that refers to the methodical manner in which a dominant Violence system inhibits s people from accessing their basic needs, or realizing their full potential. Town A settlement that is larger than a village but smaller than a city and can in clude both rural and urban characteristics and infrastructure. Transitioning A cultural population that is in the process of undergoing significant Culture modifications in its way of life, and that maintains many of its traditional customs while simultane ously incorporating new practices Transmigration home country and migrating to another Village A settlement in a rural area that includes a collection of small groups of houses that are tre ated as a unit where all inhabitants know one another and share similar cultural beliefs and practices. These settlements are typically defined as being larger than a hamlet and smaller than a town


19 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Schoo l of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF THE INVISIBLE ORPHAN IN GARIFUNA SOCIETY: PARENTAL DEATH, HOUSEHOLD SURVIVAL AND ADAPTIVE CHILD REARING STRAT EGIES IN A CHANGING CULTURE By Camille R. Feanny December, 2010 Chair: Elizabeth Guillette Major: Anthropology Volumes of research attest to the fact that economic dependency, and other forms of especially in developing countries. The fallout of these processes now contributes to the vulnerability of billions of people around the globe. Among the most vulnerable populations are orphaned children. Experts estimate a global population of 163 milli on orphans, and counting. Yet, little is known about who these children are or about their lived experiences, in their households and societies, after the death of their parents. act of protracted out migration and other social and economic stressors, on the lives of orphans and their families in Garifuna communities. By using the household as the unit of analysis, and by incorporating the feedback from children and other stakehold ers, I examine the causes and consequences of orphaning in six Garifuna settlements in Honduras and Belize. Findings demonstrate that profound structural changes are occurring within families due to out migration, especially of women. Protracted migrator y practices have led to


20 fragmented family units, and impacted where, how, and with whom, orphans are raised. Consequently, orphaned siblings are separated with regularity, and older orphans are a group in dire need of targeted assistance. As for the causes of orphaning, results show that HIV/AIDS is not the primary cause of maternal deaths. Other factors, such as cancers and strokes, contribute greatly to female mortality. Data also revealed that although the majority of households were found to be heavily dependent on remittances and other external assistance. For the care of orphans, many households have shifted from traditional, planned approaches, to reactive emerg ency fostering methods. Despite laudable coping strategies, I found that orphans often face their problems without access to psychological counseling. However, although the reciprocal relationships within families were severely strained, they were not seve red, especially in the rural areas. This indicates that with the proper supports, many caregiver households may be able to mitigate some of the damage from years of migration.


21 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION re orphan s in the first place. [ Barack Obama 2008 ] 1 Background: The Global Orphan Phenomenon Millions of orphans and other vulnerable children exist in the world today. The ir growing populations are among the casualties of armed conflicts, ecological events, econo mic shocks, pandemic diseases and other global crises Despite international efforts, the numbers of orphans and vulnerable children (OVCs) continue to increase throughout already threatened societies (2009:86) Many of the poorest, and least prepared, de veloping countries are home to significant numbers of orphans, and other un protected, or under protected youth. For example, in Latin America, where the fieldwork for this report was co nducted about 9.4 million orphans reside (UNICEF 2008a) It is a number that is higher than the national populations of both of the countries included in this study. Moreover, Honduras 2 (with about 8 million people) and Belize 3 (with less than 315 thousand people) boast very youthful, poor, and highly vulnerable citizens 4 Numerous r eports point to the fact that, globally, the numbers of orphans have reached crisis proportions. In 2008, a UNICEF assessment 1 Full transcript of the Saddleback Presidential Candidates Forum, August 2008 is available at: http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0808/16/se.02.html 2 Visit https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the world factbook/geos /ho.html to access the complete CIA report:, 2010, The World Factbook: Honduras. CIA.gov, 3 Visit https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the world factbook/g eos/bh.html#top to access the complete CIA report:, 2010, The World Factbook: Belize. CIA.gov, 4 Ibid.


22 5 estimated about 145 million orphans worldwide By the end of 2009 a comprehensive publica tion by USAID submitted by the U .S. Advisor for Orphans and Vulnerable Children, increased th e figure to 163 million orphans 6 (USAID 2009) 7 The USG report also r eferred to hundreds of millions of Highly Vulnerable Children (HVCs) whose safety, wellbeing, growth and development are at significant risk due to inadequate care, protection or access to essential services (USAID 2009:11) Within this larger group of HVCs worldwide, orphans are included as among the most vulnerable members of their societies Yet, throughout histo ry, and in the present day, few (UNICEF 2005c) As compelling as the statistics may be, d evelopment experts concede that the cumulative global estimates of OVCs and HVCs are conservative at best because it is imposs ible to quantify the children who may live in locations, or in populations, beyond the scope of national or global studies (Subbarao and Coury 2004; UNICEF and International Social Service 2004) A more troubling statistic may relate to the tens of millions of undocumented youth (UNICEF 2005c) n in Latin America and the Caribbean, Green (1998:4 5) least understood [and] the most hidd Tho se excluded and society include street children, the homeless, children in war zones, undocumented 5 Visit http://www.unicef.org/sowc06/pdfs/sowc06_fullreport.pdf to access an elec tronic copy of the UNICEF report: 2005, State of the World's Children: Excluded and Invisible. United Nations. 6 Orphan figures were estimated based on compiled global statistics from U nited N ations agencies, the United States Government (USG) and its pa rtners. 7 Visit http://www.usaid.gov/press/congressional/2009/pl109 95arIII.pdf to access an electronic copy of the USG report: 2009, U.S. Government and Partners: Working Togeth er on a Comprehensive, Coordinated and Effective Response to Highly Vulnerable Children. USAID.


23 migrants children in exploitative labor, refugees, children in rural indigenous communities, and other minors who ofte n fall below the radars of governmental and relief organizations (UNICEF 2005c; UNICEF and International Social Service 2004) As the UN report ed in 2005 : At the extremes, children can become invisible, in effect disappearing from view within their families, communities and societies and t o governments, donors, civil society, the media and even other children. (UNICEF 2005c:35) invisibility of vulnerable children began during my career as an international journalist. For years, I was imme rsed in reports about the growth of disadvantaged populations, amidst declining social, economic, and environmental conditions. With striking regularity, each new catastrophe seemed to arise without warning, last without end, and place innumerable children at risk, including orphans. Over time, I discerned that regardless of the catalyst, the k event emergency was based on the ability of people to respond effectively to the emerging conditions. What I observed in the aftermath of each crisis, was the influence of poverty and political powerlessness on curtailing human capacity. The Scope of this Study Presently, c ountless orphaned children who live in marginalized, and often remote, locations remain largely undete cted, and either under assisted or unassisted. These under researched populations include the Garifuna orphans of Central America. They are the focus of this investigation. I t is not my intent, in this study to suggest that any observed destabilizations oc curring in Garifuna soci ety, or the challenges faced by Garifuna orphans, are exclusive to their populations. They ar e not. Empirical e vidence shows that similar patterns of inequitable conditions, migration, cultural instability and medical


24 emergencies ex ist throughout other populations of racial and ethnic groups in the Americas and internationally. In Latin America, the effects of economic and political pressures are considered among the foundational catalysts that influenced the migratory practices and community instability among the Garifuna, and other groups (Bolland 2005; Crdenas, et al. 2009; England 2006; Foxen 2007; Gonzalez 1969; Kerns 1989; Reichman 2006; Smith 2001) However to facilitate a focused ana lysis, I use the Garifuna culture as a case for investigating the im pact of structural inequality and development induced cultural changes, on the stabili ty of kinship networks and the resulting effects on orphans. Th is dissertation provides an assessment of the experiences of orphans in rural and semi urban Garifuna communities in Honduras and Belize. As populations continue to transition from rural to urban areas, and from traditional subsistence and trade practices to more wage based economies, I examin e the resulting implications on the capacities of Garifuna families to rear and protect orphaned children. Th erefore, th is study was structured to uncover the traditional as well as the modern approaches to orphan care in Garifuna culture. I present an alysis that helps to explain many of the underlying reasons for, and results of, those changes. I also explore whether the current strategies for orphan term developmental needs, or if the breakdowns in family structures now re quire outside interventions. However, while innumerable Garifuna orphans have been sent to live with family in the United States and other countries I did not expand my investigation in to those areas. Instead, I focused on understanding the effects of o bserved cultural transformations on the families and com munities that were left behind. Moreover, i nstead of viewing particular


25 sub sets of the orphan population such as orphans aff ected or infected by HIV/AIDS, or children orphaned due to accidents or na tural events this research considers Garifuna orphans as a combined group The group includes all children (0 17 years old) and adults (over eighteen years old) whose mother s or both parents died from any cause before his or her eighteenth birthday Some histor ical depth is provided to clarify the socio political and economic climates that contributed to the deterioration of communal and intra familial relations among the Garifuna, and other Afro descendant peoples S ince no research ha s been published ab out orphans in Garifuna culture, this investigation of traditional versus adaptive practices for the care of these children is not meant to suggest that the former approaches were necessarily the best methods. In stead I argue that reverence for traditiona l customs does not preclude cultural or systemic adaptations whenever warranted. Therefore, a dynamic, rather than a static, view of the people and their methods for child rearing is presented, recognizing the complexity and influences of societal dispersi on, differing community locations, household organization family dynamics and individual decision making. A dditionally, a lthough I acknowledge the difficulties that many o rphans may encounter after the death of their parent(s) I have resiste d the urge to characterize them as victims in need of saving. Rather, by documenting the lives of the children, I give voice to a population that was previously silenced by their circumstances. T his report presents the stories of Garifuna orphans often in their own wo rds and submits their unique views about the consequences of cultural changes on their daily lives Chronicling the experiences of orphans uncovered various layers of human drama. Throughout this investigation, dozens of children shared the depths of thei r challenges, their aspir ations,


26 and their fears Many of their stories we re heart wrenching, and difficult to describe. The study illustrates the demands and supports encountered by orphans as they attempt ed to re establish their lives in new households a fter the deaths of their parents, and in their societies as adults. Older o rphans readily identified many of the obstacles that they believed may hinder their abilities to gain independence especially as they aspired to obtain educational opportunities an d careers beyond their native communities Despite their life challenges, however, the time honed coping abilities of orphans were clearly evidenced by the levels of maturity, cooperation, and ambition displayed by children as young as eight years old. Co ntrasted against their often tumultuous socio economic background is the indomitable will of the Garifuna people to survive in the face of practically insurmountable odds. Although one would have expected that, in the light of their multi layered struggles these orphans and their families would have succumbed to the pressure s t hey have not. Instead of exemplifying the down trodden victims that are often the subjects of most research in poor, developing countries, families continue to adapt and persevere d espite the challenges. This is not to suggest that their communities have not been impacted. They have, significantly. But many of the people retain their spirit s of resistance and display their unwillingness to watch their families and culture disintegrat e without a fight To tell their stories effect ively, Chapter t wo begins by broadly examining the gl obal theoretical frameworks of structural violence and dependency These two destructive monoliths provide fertile conditions for the development of sys tem driven disparities A brief outline of the history of inter American relations demonstrates how rampant material and economic insufficiencies and conflicts throughout the region ha ve lead to out


27 migration and other destabilizing conditions for communit ies and families Within these systems, many traditional cultural networks employed by now marginalized populations have begun to weaken under the demands of socio economic and political pressures Over time, the exposure of families to increased risks ul timately contributes to the further creation of orphans and other vulnerable children These systemic ills also limit the capacities of societies to respond to their needs. A presentation of the relevant literature places many of th es e complex events in co ntext as I illustrate the obstacles confronted by communities and the importance of kinship relations to sustaining the capacit ies of families Chapter t wo continues by presenting the research questions th at guided this study. I explore the main factors t hat contribute to parental death among the Garifuna, and the long term impacts of their loss on families and children. As the featured subjects of this report, orphans had to be clearly delineated as a sub group of the various categories of vulnerable chil dren. Therefore, Chapter t wo answers one of the main research questions, by addressing the confl icting definitions of the term orphan as used in the development of international policies, and in practice. After experiencing difficulties in the field tryi ng to locate orphans, in this chapter, I review the culturally specific criteria I employed to identify my target group. The chapter closes with a discussion of the Garifuna people and the criteria I employed in selecting the culture as the focus of this s tudy. Th e section includes insights into Garifuna cultural traditions especially as they relate to the care of children Recognizing the scale of international labor out migration throughout the Americas, and within Garifuna society this dissertation de dicates Chapter t hree to discussing the effects of migratory processes on culture s in the Americas and on the people who remain


28 in the ir home settlements To gain a holistic view of those issues, I assess many of the root causes of Central American U.S. m igration, and describe the cumulative effect of economic, social and medical pressures on the Garifuna people and on other populations throughout the region With specific focus on the migratory practices of the Garifuna I discuss the historic versus th e current trends, and the changing roles o f women in response to increasing demands and declining support. My analysis also demonstrates the destructive impact of HIV/AIDS on communities in the region. Similar to patterns exhibited across the African cont inent in response to the AIDS crisis, this chapter demonstrates how family disarticulation in Garifuna society propels intra household and community wide shifts in the rearing of orphans. However, n otwithstanding the preponderance of reports that link HIV/ AIDS as a major problem affecting cultures worldwide this dissertation ventures respectfully into this discussion recognizing the heightened stigma and discrimination already endured by populations associated with the disease. By looking into this topic, my desire is to better understand the contribution of AIDS to parental deaths, and its effect o n the lives of Garifuna orphans. In Chapter f our I outline t he Data Gathering and Analytical Methods I employed throughout Phases one and t wo of this research In this section, I review the key objectives and provide the strategies I used to accomplish the goals of th is study. I also explain the reasons for selecting Participatory Action Research (PAR) and Ethnographic methods wh ile conduct ing my fieldwork w ith children in their households and communities Since this study focused on the household as the unit of analysis, I explain the three A ssessment models that I employed for this research ( i.e., a Household Stability Assessment, an Orphan Care Assessment, and an Orphan Access Assessment). I


29 conclude with a discussion of the Cyclical Communication Strategies and Feedback Mechanisms that I used which encouraged dialogue among the study participants, the stakeholders and me throughout the research process Chapter f ive describ es my rural and semi urban field sites, and include s a photo diary that helps to exemplify the infrastructures and general characteristics of the communities. These are the environments within which families interact and orphans are rai sed. Here, I offer my observations of the homesteads, labor practices, and infrastructures in the settlements. The data I present shows the extent of the modifications in Garifuna lifestyles, which have altered the inter relational dynamics within families among extended kin, and across Garifuna society. For comparative information, I refer readers to the work of Gonzalez (1969; 1988; 1997) J. Palacio (1991; 2005b; 2007) and Kerns (1989) whose research provides historical context about Garifuna ho useholds, families, and societal organization. Chapter s ix outlines the data and findings of this study I begin by present ing a detailed profile of the participants whose interviews were foundational to this investigation. T he results from my A ssessments offer vital insights that form the basis of my later analysis and discussion. T his chapter also includes several substantiating quotes from orphans and stakeholders that provide conclusive evidence about the impact of adaptive practices on Garifuna culture and on orphans Subsequent to outlining the results of this research, Chapter seven presents a summary of the findings A later analysis also help s to illuminate the household and individual level impacts of regional and international events In Chapter eight I lay out a comprehensive discussion that proposes the applicability of this research to informing policies at the international, national and grassroots levels


30 With a broad focus on the topic of orphans and vulnerable children I believe that the design and results of this study are applicable to understanding the experience of any child who remains marginalized, poor and parent less I propose that global responsiveness to the needs of orphans and other vulnerable youth is desperately needed whe ther they live in native communit ies in Latin America, or in other societ ies where similar transitions are in progress. In Chapter nine I present an overview of the study along with my final conclusions Th e assessment is followed by a list of proposed rec ommendations that focus on assisting orphans within, and beyond, Garifuna society Fi nally, I hope that this dissertation will contribute to the further identification and support of vulnerable children throughout Garifuna communities and other cultures t hat are experiencing the fallouts from major societal c rises to be heard as nations improve their response to their needs, and ultimately establish approaches to stem the grow th of their populations.


31 CHAPTER 2 THE CULTURAL CONTEXT OF ORPHANHOOD: GLOBA L ISSUES, LOCAL IMPA CTS Theoretical Framework Although there are no accurate or comprehensive statistics on the prevalence of orphans throughout every society, the litera ture su ggests that the majority reside s in the developing world (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Bicago, et al. 2002; Foster, et al. 2005; Green 1998; Guest 2001; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Siaens, et al. 2003; USAID 2009) Alth ough orphans are recognized as a group at great risk of abandonment, neglect and abuse, millions remain invisible and unprotected (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Fujimura, et al. 2005 ; Green 1998; Sieder 2002; USAID 2009; Whetten, et al. 2009) Tens of millions of these children who live in the shadows of colonialism and capitalism, currently exist in extreme poverty (USAID 2009) Their situations are made worse due to rampant pandemic diseases and to the global rec ession which further limits their access to critical aid (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Subbarao and Coury 2004; UNICEF 2002; 2004; 2005c; 2006; UNICEF, et al. 2004; USAID 2009) What unites m any of th eir stories are the loss of their parent(s), the precarious conditions of their societies and their experiences of disadvantage amidst global development (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Edelman and Haugerud 2005 ; Escobar 1995; Farmer 2005; Gunder Frank 1969; Hammill 2005; UNICEF, et al. 2004; World Bank 2003) In an effort t o explain the underlying reasons for their vulnerability, social scientists point to pervasive systemic disparities including poverty depe ndency and other types of that have impacted societies in the Americas and worldwide (Chambers 1983; Chambers 1997; Farmer 2005; Hammill 2005; Klasen and Nowak


32 Lehmann 2009; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; Sen 1999; 2000; Smith 2001; World Bank 2003; Zolberg 2001) The Destructive Legacy of Structural Violence The identi fication of global and national phenomena that render people powerless to control their own fates, is c entral to the work of sev eral social scientists (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Chambers 1983; 1997; Escobar 1995; Farmer 2005; Freire 1996; Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Sen 1999; 2000) One notable example, i n defining the oppressive use of p ower, Farmer (1992; 2005) systematically presents the individual experiences of Haitians victimized by poverty and rampant underdevelopment. Bearing witness to the depths of human suffering through his work, Farmer determined that people we re often left defenseless long before they encounter ed the events that ultimately cause d their demise. Using case studies of several Haitians to illustrate his point, he asserted that (Farmer 2005:40) Sen (1999:3 4) verall opulence, the contemporary world denies elementary freedoms to vast numbers perhaps even the majority Lund and Dearling (2009:771) also state that there is good evidence Certainly children are also made vulnerable due to the co nsequences of socio political and economic disparities that impact their families and communities. Worldwide, t he inequitable conditions contribute to the creation, and suffering, of increasing orphan populations. According to Weisner (2009:43) wars and conflicts ravage communities and healt In the Pathologies of Power, Farmer argue s against what he observe d as malevolent systemic condition s that


33 g i ve rise to, and perpetuate deep insecurit ies Embracing (1969) concept of structural violence Farmer wrote: I use this term as a broad rubric that inc ludes a host of offenses against human dignity [including] extreme and relative poverty, social inequalities ranging from racism to gender inequality, and the more spectacular forms of violence that are uncontestedly human rights abuses. (Farmer 2005:8) Undeniably the dest ructive forces that curtail the freedom s of disadvantaged p eople s and restrict their ac cess to even the most basic resources did not happen by chance but by design Structural violence is the outcome of discriminatory policies perpetuated within oppressive systems, which prove to constrict the access of the majority in favor of the minorit y (Farmer 2005; Sen 1999; 2000) A ccording to F armer: Human rights violations are not accidents; they are not random in distribution or effect. Rights violations are, rather, symptoms of deeper pathologies of power and are linked intimately to the social conditions that so often determine who will suff er abuse and who will be shielded from them. (Farmer 2005:7) Half a decade after publi cation, th e devastating outcomes that ensue when defenselessness people and destructive events collide, w ere again evidenced by the unnecessary death toll that resulted from the earthquakes in P ort au Prince in January 2010. Decades of inequitable economic policies saddled the country with debt, producing a weakened infrastructure that left the population in imminent danger, and impotent to respond to crisis events. Over the years, n umerous international scientists and journalists decried that the substandard infras tructure and endemic vulnerability created the scene for impending disaster (Barley 2010; Bogdanich and Nordberg 2006; Borenstein 2010; Diamond 2005; Farmer 1992; 2005; Kilkenny 2010) Indeed, it was only a matter o f time


34 before t he untimely loss of an estimated 300 ,000 lives occurred in Haiti 8 A s the debris cloud dispersed, one growing reality wa s that the earthquake also created thousands of new orphans. strong basis for comparison with other marginalized groups. His work demonstrates how systemic inequities produce and perpetuate harmful societal conditions that take on numerous forms. At the extremes, the cycles of poverty and o rphaning are closely intertwined. I argue that t he downward spirals of paucity and powerlessness relentlessly reproduce adverse conditions that necessitate continuous crisis decision making. T hose destructive environments also initiate complex humanitarian emergencies that continue to generate more and more orphans. Unfortunately, in the mi d st of a global orphan crisis numerous societies remain helpless to mitigate the erosive conditions under which they are forced to live. Of course, the existence of po verty, vulnerability and structural violence is not exclusive to the developing world. Nor is the perpetuation of marginalized populations only a crisis in developing countries. These problems are international phenomena, and expanding populations of child ren around the world are at risk. Even in the United States, (Lund and Dearling 2009:769) In his review of the discriminatory processes that leave millions of American children in poverty, Stern contends that: 8 Official figures as reported by the Haitian government. For more information see: 2010. Haiti. http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/haiti/index.html


35 Child poverty in the United States is not about family breakdown. .it is a story about public policy failure, the decision of [the] government and most vul nerable members. (Stern 2009:769) I n households already vuln erable the legacy of socio econom ic medical and (Barnett and Whiteside 2006:202) Without assistance, residents of distressed communities especially women children the elderly and the disabled suffer from resource deficits that over time, alter how they are cared for, and by whom (Aliber and Walker 2006:709; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; Oleke, et al. 2005; Subbarao and Coury 2004:26) The r eactive (crisis driven) rather than planned methods are also characterized by increa sed shifts to more alternative, and non traditional strategies for the rearing of orphan s Young people who grow up in disadvantaged conditions often require material an d psychosocial supports that are unobtainable from their households or communitie s. Despite the best intentions families already struggling for economic survival lack the resources to provide for the added requirements of orphan ed children without extra h ousehold assistance from their private support network, or a public service agency (Abebe and Aase 2007; Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster, et al. 2005; Hunter 1990; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; Oleke, et al. 2005) I n countless areas, orphan populations continue to grow at a time when families are dispersed, kinship networks are weakened, communities are overtaxed and social services are lacking For children in these environments, there is no relief from the often har sh realities they endure after the loss of one or both parents (Abebe and Aase 2007; Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster, et al. 2005; Grosshandler Smith 1995; Guest 2001; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; UNICEF 2005c)


36 Glob ally, numerous indigenous and Afro descendant populations are in the process of undergoing significant modifications in their way s of life, as they attempt to maintain many of their traditional customs while simultaneously incorporating new adaptive practi ces. Within Garifuna enclaves, the lack of economic and political power contributes greatly to their vulnerability, by stimulating mass exoduses of people in search of opportunities for upward mobility. As this hum an outflow continues, which I term as a f orm voluntary -forced migration traditional networks struggle to meet the needs of families and their dependents. As I was to find, the trend is also a direct contributor to the increase in pandemic medical crises, and consequently, to the growth of their orphan population. Heather Paul the CEO ( among the largest orphan support organization s in the world ) there will be many millions more orphaned and abandoned childre n due to extreme (Washington Post 2005) In a l ater conversation Paul also stated that, ese children [who] live in poverty face growing environmental and health related challenges In the next section I explain how a history of dependency in developing countries has played a role in the problems confronting peoples in the Americas and other regions. Dependency: In Theory and In Practice At its core, dependency t heory is grounded in Marxist ideology. Essentially, according to Ferraro (1996) dependency theo Gunder Frank (1969; 1991) characterized the theory as an international system that fosters the perpetuation of dominant/dependent relationships between the rich (core) and the poor (periphery) Other s upporters of the dependency and under development worldview concluded that the risks


37 posed by systemic vulnerabilities lay the groundwork for understanding the history of poverty and power relations in Latin Am erica (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Escobar 1995; Foxen 2007; Hammill 2005; Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Reichman 2006; World Bank 2003) The inequalities that are observed within marginalized societies in the Americ as are each microcosms of social and economic processes of dominance and dependence occurring worldwide I n the 1960s, dependency theory emerged as a reaction to the legacy of capitalist expansion (and modernization ) that fostered inequitable economic re lationships between West ern powers and developing nations (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Edelman and Haugerud 2005; Moore and Sanders 2006) The modernization concept of development emerged after Wor ld War II as the U nited S tates attempted to prevent the spread of communist and socialist doctrines in Asia, Africa and Latin America (Escobar 1995; Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Reichman 2006; Sen 1999; Smith 2001; Zolberg 2001) The idea espoused backward regional societies along a unilinear path (from traditional modern ) that had proven to be a successful model for Western nation building (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Edelman and Haugerud 2005; Moore and Sanders 2006) Between the late 1940s and early 1970s, economic policy planners designed projects with goal s to develop the region towards inc reased industrialization while transforming th eir cultures and societies in the process (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Edelman and Haugerud 2005; Moore and Sanders 2006) However, the modernizat ion model was structured, at its core to modern ize the West at the expense of other nations and their populations. The transformation s that occurred left developing countries as peripheral suppliers of cheap labo r and primary


38 commodities, and core Western powers in control of industrial production and distribution (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Escobar 1995) Since Latin nations exported raw materi als and imported more expensive manufactured goods, over time, the unequal balance of trade left them destitute and dependent (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Escobar 1995) Lack of capital led to economic stagnation and the birth of the debt crisis Structural adjustment policies imposed by the International Monetary Fund ( IMF ) and World Bank further dee pened the social divide (Edelman and Haugerud 2005; Escobar 1995) Essentially structural a djustment and called for a reduction in state expenditures on social services s uch as education and healthcare [ (Edelman and Haugerud 2005:7) The Effects of Socio economic Transformations in the America s and the Links to Migration The impacts of syst em driven inequality and poverty in the developing world are well documented; as is the expanding gap between the rich and poor in Latin America (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Escobar 1995; Farmer 2005; Foxen 2007; Frank ema 2009; Hammill 2005; Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Reichman 2006; Sen 1999; Woodward 1999; World Bank 2003) T hroughout the past century, the economies of countries in the Americas have been intricately tied to th e United States and other Western powe rs. Presently, for example, the U.S. remains the primary trading partner with Honduras and Belize ; and, e xport revenues constitute substantial portions of their GDP s (CIA.gov 2010a; CIA.gov 2010b) As a result of this economic interdependence steady transformations in U.S. foreign policy agendas have heavily influenced the rate of developmental progress of southern nations and their peoples. Throug hout Central America, the U.S. development agendas have resulted in under develop ment that continues to present day. As Hammill


39 found in his report on nequality in Central America and the Caribbean by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) : Between 1990 and 2002, Central America, the Dom inican Republic and Mexico all experienced low and volatile growth [and] Honduras and Nicaragua experienced negligible growth well below those expected of developing countries. (Hammill 2005:26) It is no secret that, across Latin America inequitable inter national policies have negatively affected the stability of national economies. Structural reforms to deregulate market s privatize industries, and curtail spending on public programs, have increased the social divide (Escobar 1995; Green 1998; Hammill 2005; Woodward 1999) As the populations of men, women and children. (1998:146) research on irrevocable harm to children in the region. Local elites and private interests have profited considerably i n the processes of market adjustments However, a s centralized (dominant) powers emerged within several countries, marginalized (domi nated) communiti es became increasingly excluded (Cardoso and Faletto 1979; Chambers 1983; 1997; Edelman and Haugerud 2005; Escobar 1995; Foxen 2007; Hammill 2005; Smith 2001; Woodward 1999; World Bank 2003) D espite benefit the majority of citizens As Hammill notes: Latin America has the highest levels of income inequality of any region in the world [and] Central Latin America suffers from some of the lowest levels of social development with high poverty rates, high intransigent social inequality and a majority of the populations in each country living in conditions of social exclusion and vulnerability. (Hammill 2005:9)


40 In Honduras, one of the poorest na tions in the Western hemisphere, the poverty rate stands at nearly 60 percent, and over a third of their citizens are either unemployed or underemployed (CIA.gov 2010b; Hammill 2005; Reichman 2006) The country is 9 0% Mestizo (CIA.gov 2010b) The remainder of the population incorporates several oth er ethnic groups including Amerindians (7%), peoples of mixed African descent such as Afro Caribbeans, Garifuna and Miskitos peoples chiefly of European origin (1%) (CIA.gov 2010b) Hondura and agriculture s ectors employ the majority of workers (39.2% and 39.8% respectively), while industrial jobs account for nearly 21 percent of the labor force (CIA.gov 2010b) E ig hteen percent (18%) of the population lives below the international poverty line on less than $1.25 per day Based on the most recent statistics, f ifty two percent (52%) of the population live in rural areas and 48% is urban (UNICEF.org 2010b) In Belize, over a third (33.5%) of the population lives below the poverty line (CIA.gov 2010a) Like Honduras, Belize has a mix of ethnic groups. C ensus figures compiled in 2000 by the Belizean government shows that almost three quarters of their popula tion is Mestizo or Creole (a combination of European and Black descent) Those groups constitute 48.7% and 24.9% of the population respectively (Statistical Institute of Belize 2008) The rest of the population consists largely of ethnic minorities including Maya ns (10.6%), Garifuna (6.1%) Mennonites (3.6%) East Indians (3%) Chinese (0.7%), and others (2.1%) (CIA.gov 2010a; Statistical Institute of Belize 2008) The opposite of Honduras, their rural population comprises 48% while 52% is urban (UNICEF.org 2010a) heavily on tourism, which employs over 70 percent of the


41 wage service jobs. The agricultural industry emplo ys over 10 percent of the labor force, and almost 17 percent work in the industrial sector. About 10 percent of the population liv e s chronic poverty which is characterized by their inability to afford even the ir basic food needs. Like Honduras, t he m ajority of the disadvantage is concentrated in rural areas and underserved in urban centers (CIA.gov 2010a; Gonzalez 2007) A major factor that contributes to income inequality is the limited access to education, which directly influences one s employment options. UNICEF statistics indicate that, in (UNICEF 2007:15) Comparisons of global and regional data indicate that the lowest levels of secondary school enrollment are in the poorer households in rural areas (UNICEF 2007:15) mposite families are more likely to have over 50% with (Hammill 2005:34) Moreover, Hammill also states : When considering each factor alone, it is clear that educational factors, urban or rural distribution and employment in the informal an d agricultural sectors are most important determinants for the level of inequality in each country E ducational, regional and labor market factors [are shown] to be the most important differences in explaining income inequality for individuals. (Ham mill 2005:37, 46 47) For those at the bottom, among the most severely affected have been ethnic minorities (Foxen 2007; Green 1998; Hammill 2005; Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Matthei and Smith 2008; Reichman 2006; Smith 2001) Decades of restricted access to financial educational, and material resources ha ve led to diminished capacity and social vulnerability across societies and within indigenous enclaves (Cardoso and Fale tto 1979; Escobar 1995; Frankema 2009; Hammill 2005; World Bank 2003) The authors of a report


42 describe their deepening concerns about the lack of empowerment evident among indigeno us populations. Th ey assert : One topic which deserves additional work is the relationship between indigenous populations and poverty. In many LAC [Latin American] countries, poverty is more prevalent among the indigenous population than among the n on indigenous population C ontrolling for other variables, being indigenous increases the probability of being poor. (World Bank 2003:122) The g enus of the conflicts that ensu ed for decades in El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua were due, in part, to frustrations born from unbearably un just authoritarian sys tems that were supported by U.S. interests (Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Smith 2001; Woodward 1999) I do not have time to elaborate here on the many revolutionary and counter revolutionary conflicts that raged th roughout Central America from the 1960s to the 1990s. However the links between socio economic under development and conflicts as contributors to increased migration across societies are clear (England 2006; Smith 2001) The influence of the U.S anti communism foreign policy agenda perpetuated decad es of violence in the region which caused massive internal displacements and refugee outflows to neighboring countries and to the United States (Smith 2001:134) Although Honduras did not suffer the extent of civil conflicts seen in other states, England (2006:55) the main catalysts for out migration among Hondurans especially in more recent decades, w e re economic inequity, d ownturns in the job market, and fallout s from d evastating environmental events most notably, Hurricane Mitch in October 1998 experienced major losses


43 due to the hurri cane, especially in the highly productive a griculture and manufacturing s ectors (Krause 1998; World Bank 2000) In the years after Mitch further economic and environmental as saults le ft major exports struggling to rebo und D eclines in the prices of coffee and other pr oduce saw revenues plummet. A large segment of the already underserved population lost their jobs, necessitating increased migration to find work New migrants tapped into already established networks in the north where they found sanctuary and employment. Consequently, as England describes: The picture that is drawn of immigrant Hispanics i n general and Honduran Garifuna specifically in the 1980s and 1990s is a population of the working poor who tried to stay employed but whose incomes were declining Although before Hurricane Mitch the number of Hondurans migrating to the United Stat es had been eclipsed by migrants from the war torn countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, after 1998 there was a notable increase in the number of Hondurans entering the United States. (England 2006:54, 57 58) For other Central Americans, underemployment also remained high as gradual shifts from a griculture towards the service sectors drastically changed employment patterns and pushed people to migrate farther, and for longer periods in search of opportunities (England 2006; Hammill 2005; Smith 2001) Moreo ver, within indigenous enclaves, encroachment on lands by plantation owners government sales of lands to foreigners forcible removal from traditional territories, a long with restriction s on legal titles limited the abilities of communities to accommodat e growing populations who wished to remain, or others who may have wanted to return (Chnier, et al. 1999; England 2006; Foxen 2007; Noe 2001; The Inspection Panel 2006) N ear the end of the last century dramatic ec onomic shifts coupled with unbridled debt, u njust land distribution and tenure policies, social unrest, and natural disasters, among other concerns triggered an increase in regional and south north migration that is still evident today (England 2006; Foxen 2007;


44 Green 1998; Klasen and Nowak Lehmann 2009; Reichman 2006; Smith 2001) In assessment of Central American and Caribbean migration he concluded : U.S. foreign policy helped cause migration and contribu ted to the creation of the current inter American migration system [due to] high population pressures, an unequal distribution of land organized on a plantation model and repressive, often US backed governments that defended this order. (Smith 2001:130) Regionally, economic migrants now exceed political refugees, and national economies as well as families have be come dependent on the inflows of remittances for survival (Aguinas 2006; Cantor 2005; England 2006; Foxen 2007; Gonzalez 1988; Matthei and Smith 2008; Palacio 1991; Smith 2001) Statistics from the Inter American De in 2005 demonstrated: In all but three Central American countries, remittances are equivalent to at least 10 percent of GDP, suggesting a heavy dependence on remittances as an engine of economic activity. Figures from Nicaragua [17.8%], El remittance flows [were 6.8%]. (Aguinas 2006) Instead of creating environments t hat dis courage population outflows, Smith (2001:134) lations with their emigrant populations largely for political and economic gain. A s transmigration I question how the impacts are changing cultures in the process including their abilities to care for orphaned children. For most native groups, t hat question remains unanswered. What is known is that t he global evolutions have produced complex cultural shifts that have weakened societal cohesion, increased the spread of diseases and other ailments, and li capacity to respond effectively to the needs of vulnerable groups. I discuss the specifics of Garifuna migratory practices and societal changes later in Chapter three.


45 Relevant Literature, Gaps and Guiding Themes Despite the overwhelming su rge in the global orphan population, so far, no accurate estimates exist about the numbers of orphans worldwide, or the main causes and consequences of orphaning within many cultures One of the reasons for the dilemma is that there are no universally acce pted criteria to determine who exactly is an orphan. This makes the body of literature on orphan populations somewhat difficult to correlate, since the research may have focus ed on a mixture of biological, social or economic factors in determining their target groups. However, recent developmental research into the cumulative population of orphans and other vulnerable children helps to shed some light on the extent of the global orphan crisis (UNICEF, et al. 2004; USAID 2009) The 2009 USAID Congressional report to which I referred in Chapter one, estimated (COs) who they define d as children (0 17 years old) who have lost their mothers, fathers, or both parents (USAID 2009) The lculations of orphans (MOs) children 0 aternal 17 whose fathers have died due to any cause; minus, 18.3 17, both of whose parents have died due to any cause (USAID 2009:9) The formula employed in the USAID report (2009:73) to calculate th e global orphan populations are outlined as follows: + = Along with the orphan estimates, the report also presented the most up to date and comprehensive information about the requir ements of larger categories of OVCs worldwide (USAID 2009) In this effort, the document provided a conservative global


46 assessment of several sub are di sadvantaged due to poverty, and other ir (USAID 2009:65) Those groups encompass a 14 in developing countries who live on less than $1.25 per day) and 14 in de veloping countries who live on less than $0.50 per day) (USAID 2009:9) Their figures of HVCs include 218 million who are engaged in some form of child labor, 150 million girls who have experienced sexual abuse, 2 million children w ho live in institutional care, and 1.8 million children who are involved in prostitution and pornography (USAID 2009:9 10) The total also incorporates millions of other children who live with disabilities, and face major food insecurities, substandard medical care, abuse and other threats to the ir survival (USAID 2009:9, 65 72) The numbers of orphans and other HVCs that fall into several categories of vulnerability are staggering, and substantial enough to be worthy of international attention and action. According to authors: Th e magnitude of the orphans and vulnerable children crisis remains deeply distressing, and the situation for children is likely worsening due to the global economic crisis. (USAID 2009:7) A program development expert with USAID also stated his concerns that: The world is ill prepared to respond to the needs of over 4 0 0 million OVCs who are not being educated effectively, and who are living in increasingly vulnerable conditions. In countries throughout Africa, the Americas and Asia, significant portions of their popula tions are under 14 years of age (CIA.gov 2010b) In Honduras and Belize, the percentages of children under 14 are 37.4% and 37.3% respectively. A significant number of those children are o rphans who live in poverty. Honduran national statistics estimated that, in 2007, there were 17,000 orphans (0 17 years of age) (UNICEF.org 2010b) In


47 Belize, the estimate of children orphaned due to all causes was 5,500 in 2007 (UNICEF.org 2010a) Given the troubling statistics, for countries facing dire population and economic challenges, the internal unrest created by increasing numbers of disenfranchised youth is all but guaranteed to increase without decisive interventio n. As for the causes of orphaning, the vast body of research into t he impact s of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in some countries may imply that the scope of the global orphan population is uniquely attributable to the disease. It is not. Certainly, i n select count ries the traditional causes of orphanhood including poverty political upheavals, and armed conflict have been replaced by AIDS. Nevertheless for the majority of nations, AIDS is just one of many factors that are responsible for the escalation in the nu mbers of orphans (UNICEF 2005c; UNICEF and UNAIDS 2006; UNICEF, et al. 2004; UNICEF, et al. 2009; USAID 2009) Notwithstanding the fact that the causes and consequences of orphaning within a society may vary widely the majority of studies about orphanhood especially in the African Diaspora, focus largely on HIV/AIDS (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aspaas 1999; Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Bicago, et al. 2002; Case, et al. 2004; Foster, et al. 2005; Guest 2001; Subbarao and Coury 2004; UNICEF 2002; UNICEF and UNAIDS 2006; UNICEF, et al. 2009; WHO 2005a; WHO 2005b) Although AID S is clearly a major contributor to orphaning worldwide o f the more than 1 63 million documented orphans only (UNICEF, et al. 2009:52; USAID 2009:9) Th e vast majority of children were not orphaned due to the disease A 2007 study of Ethiopian orphans also foun percent AIDS orpha (Abebe and Aase 2007:2059) Their findings were similar to results of my


48 research in Garifuna communities where only 28.8 percent of the maternal deaths are due to HIV/AIDS (see Chapter s ix). Additionally, t he few published studies available about orphans revealed that much of the past research either concentrated narrowly on specific categories of orphans and other vulnerable children, such as children of war children affected by the AIDS virus, children in institutional care, and on orphanages and adoption; or, they expanded to b road discussions of the psychological, bio medical and socio economic effects of parental loss on children (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Coombe 2004; Foster, et al. 2005; Henderson 2006; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Siaen s, et al. 2003; Stansbury and Sierra 2004; Turner 2005) Many publications also broadened orphan to include children in a variety of vulnerable circumstances, and did not necessarily focus on children whose biological mothers or fa thers are deceased. Th os e children fell into the categor ies of They included children who were abandoned or neglected by their parents, such as children of divorce, children in abject poverty, or children whose par ents had abdicated their parental roles or lost their parental rights (Csaky 2009; UNICEF, et al. 2004; USAID 2009) Although development reports indicate that the majority of orphans reside in Asia, the literature available about these children is scant (UNICEF 2002; UNICEF, et al. 2004) A dearth of data exists about the multi ple causes of orphaning within global societies, or about the disparate factors that may have contributed to parental death. I nformation about the systems of orphan care in indigenous and Afro descendant cultures in the Americas, or in other regions worldwide is also lacking


49 Research into systems of childcare in Garifuna culture also proved limited. Although seminal work by J. Palacio (1991; 2005b; 2007) Kerns (1989) and Gonzalez (1969; 1988) provide detailed descriptions of kinship and family organization, marriage, and household construction in Garifuna societies, there are few references to the role s of children, and only brief mention about parental death I do not suggest that the omission of orphans was an oversight in previous research but rather that the concep orphans did not exist in Garifuna societies at the time of their studies More recent works by Buszin, et al. (2009) Matthei and Smith (2008) England (2006) and Stansbury and Sierra (2004) discuss the impacts of disease and migration on Garifuna family networks. However, none of the ir studies refer to the resulting effects on the raising of orphaned children. Even articles by Cohen (2006) and Jackson ( 2002) that present ed settlements throughout Central America, barely reference the capacity of households to respond to the crisis, and failed to mention the care of children left orphaned (or otherwise parentless ) as a result. Consequently, gap, but a vast chasm that I had to bridge in order to conduct my dissertation study. During my literature review I discovered that among the predominant sources for orphan research we re unpublished works investigative reports from the broadcast and print media. Although the work provided vital background data, t he majority of those features we re not peer reviewed and few we re published in social science or other scholarly journals.


50 The refore, to bridge this research gap, the social and demographic transformations occurring in select populations in Africa and the Americas w as consid ered in framing my work (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aspaas 1999; Crdenas, et al. 2009; Ellis Brown 2005; England 2006; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Stansbury and Sierra 2004; Thorlindsson and Bernburg 2009) Fortunately, a f ew studies of community capacity, household stability, and orphan care provided sufficient analysis for comparison with Garifuna culture (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Bicago, et al. 2002; Coombe 2004; Farmer 1992; 200 5; Foster, et al. 2005; Guest 2001; Henderson 2006; Rutter 1972; Stansbury and Sierra 2004; Tolfree 1995; UNICEF 2004; 2005c; 2008a) In several articles, the systemic influences that predicated major deterioratio ns in family capacity, point to poverty in duced economic migration and urbanization as among the root causes (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aspaas 1999; Foxen 2007; Gonzalez 1988; Guest 2001; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Palacio 2005b; Palacio M. 2002; Stansbury and Sier ra 2004) Recognizing the existence of innumerable fractured families amidst modernization in Central America I established my research plan to investigate the shifting approaches to orphan care among the Garifuna. Dominant themes included : T he transiti on from temporary to permanent migratory patterns among family members; T he growth of women headed households and female out migration ; T he rapid rise of orphan populations due to disease and other medical and social factors; C ommunity instability leadin g to a weakening of kinship networks and family capacity; and, T of orphans that was also prevalent in many cultures (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aliber and Walker 2006; Aspaas 19 99; Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Nyambedha, et al. 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005)


51 Additional issues broached in those reports focused my attention on the need s to : D efine the word orphan from a culturally appropriate perspective ; I dentify the primary reasons for parental death ; and A ssess the overall societal impact of labor migration and poverty on kinship ties as well as the resulting effect on the support of orphaned children (Abebe and Aase 2007; Guest 2001; Olek e, et al. 2005) In their report on AIDS deaths and increased orphan populations in Kenya, Nyambedha and his colleagues (2001; 2003) established a basis that I was able to utilize for making striking parallels to some of the curre nt transformations occurring within Garifuna culture. Ethnographic and quantitative studies conducted among the Luo people of Kenya and Uganda, and in other communal Afro indigenous enclaves throughout Zambia, Malawi, Ethiopia, and across the continent, re vealed that an increasing number of traditional cultur es are showing signs of erosion (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aliber and Walker 2006; Aspaas 1999; Atwine, et al. 2005; Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Coombe 2004; Foster, e t al. 2005; Guest 2001; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005) The parallels with Garifuna communities are significant (indigenous, poor and marginalized people from the African Diaspora) and make past research on other traditional, African pe oples important case studies for analyzing the impending cultural changes, and resulting effects, within Garifuna communities. In Honduras and Belize, reports from government and university led initiatives that focused on stemming the spread of HIV/AIDS i n Garifuna communities provide d substantive insights into many of the root causes for transmission (Buszin, et al. 2009; Honduras 1998; Sabin, et al. 2008; Stansbury and Sierra 2004; UNICEF 2005b; WHO 2005a; WHO 2005 b) Although none of the researchers focused their inquiries on specifically assessing the cumulative impacts of the disease on orphans, some reports


52 demonstrated the limited capacit ies of local and national support systems to address the ir needs (Catzim 2008; UNICEF 2005a; UNICEF 2005b) However I found no current studies that investigate d the expansive orphan condition which include d the limitations faced by Garifuna children who are orphaned by AIDS, and espec ially those whose parents had succumbed to factors unrelated to the disease. The Essential Roles of Kinship and the Family The family unit is the key to survival within many cultures worldwide. As Foster (2005) notes, in Garifuna cult consanguineal relations, especially those of matrilineal kinship are of special importance for Garinagu As noted above one of the significant factors affecting orphan care in Garifuna societies is the erosion of family and kinship networks. Throu ghout the past century, as the body of anthropological inquiry expanded to include diverse societies ar ound the globe, the concept of kinship became widely recognized as a foundational discipline in the field of socia l science. Indeed, kinship systems are socio political mechanisms family, and provide its members with the resources required to adapt to changing circumstances over time (Ferraro 2008; Miller and Wood 2006; Nanda and Warms 2007) However, the magnitude of current medical and s ocio economic c rises makes one wonder whether the ties that bound traditional cultures together are strong enough to withstand the onslaught of modern emergencie s. Have people's ways of configuring their families within traditional kinship systems become f ractured concept s in today's splintered societi es? Moreover, how do th eir new realit ies affect the millions of orphaned and abandoned children in crisis hotspots around the world?


53 The prevailing view within modern anthropology recognizes that social organi zation doe s exist, in large part, to provide groups with the flexibility required to maintain cohesion, to adapt more effectively to shifting circumstances and to mitigate threats from outside forces. In times of peace and conflict, such kinship systems act as a shelter from the proverbial storm. Some organization may take the form of familial or fictive kinship. Since blood and marriage are integral components of kinship, clearly biology plays a role ; however biology is not a lways the major determinant of how people inter relate within kinship groups, or in how they are classified. In fictive kinship (as in the case of a godparent or an adoptive parent ) relationships are b ased primarily on ritual rites or legal rights, that can expand beyond one s bloo d relations (Ferra ro 2008; Miller and Wood 2006; Nanda and Warms 2007) E ssentially, within kinship networks, people organize into explicitly defined roles each imbued with its share of responsibilities and privileges within families, and to other members of the larger gr oup (Ferraro 2008; Miller and Wood 2006; Nanda and Warms 2007) Relative Terms Kinship systems are generally defined as relationships by common ancestry, one s blood relations ( consanguineal ) or by marriage (affinal). Depending on the society, o nes functional ties to the members of each group varies along biologically and cultural ly prescribed processes. For instanc father mother (genetrix) parent ; as in matrilineal societies th at pay casual respect to the genetic father fatherhood role to the mother's brother (Nanda and Warms 2007:236) Similarly, the mother could refer to a variety of people who are not one's biological mother.


54 For decades, social scientists like H.R. Radcliffe Brown, Bronislaw Malinowski, Emile Durkheim and Claude Levi Strauss espoused their notions about the physical, mental, spiritual (symbolic) and social reasons why people organize and relate as they do. Throughout the field, major points of dissention involved the influence of biology on cultural organization, as well as how best to classify and interpret available data. Although most experts recognized the importa natural component of kinship, they strongly disagreed about its impact on determining cultural variation. As cited in Barnard and Spencer (2005:311) Good asserts that kinship is more of a social rather than biological relationship, and that socially defined roles of ten su persede genetic ties Thus, within many global cultures, biology is not the key determinant factor in how societies are constructed, or in how people inter relate. According to Nanda and Warms (2007) social interactions and expectations related to interactive behavior, respect, titles and various material components differ greatly based on organization They also argue that cultural rules often eclipse biological links to one s parent s, siblings and other blood relations. For those people, blood is not thicker than kinship. Indeed, modern science confounds this issue further when one considers factors like surrogate births, adoption, and same sex parenting. For tho se groups and their and kin biology need not apply. When considering the parental roles of men, in their debates about kinship, both Needham (1960) and Barnes (1961) went to great lengths to elaborate on the complex dilemma of paternity and descent which was complicated by this kaleidoscope of kin relations. A s Needham wrote :


55 B iology is one matter and descent is quite another, of a different order. The y will usually be concordant to some degree, but the defining character of descent systems is social. (Needham 1960:97) Barnes (1961) went a step farther by making a distinction between types of physical paternity, or the pater ( the man who assumes the social role father in raising a child) a s opposed to the genitor (the presumed biological sperm contributor). assertion, the social role of the father is more important than who impregnated the woman. With specific insights into the roles of fathers or male inter relations within Garifuna families as Kerns (1989:124) points out Indeed, I found only minor references to the contributions of G arifuna men as husbands or as fathers in the rearing of their children D iscussions centered mostly around their migratory work practices, or their contributing labor or finances to the domestic household Citing the case of absent fathers, Gargallo (2005:146) Earlier work by Kerns (1989) and Gonzalez (1969; 1988) spoke of trends in Garifuna culture that saw men (and fathers) as irregular members of their households. They note d Western style legal marriages we re rare which I also observed common law unions we re abundant. In those cases, men in the households contribute d financially to raising the children in residence whether they were their biological children or not (Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989) As Kerns asserts: Most children grow up in households with a man in residence, although he is not necessarily t heir natural father or present on a daily basis. (Kerns 1989:119)


56 However, in the cases where the mother has died, the role of the biolo gical father or t available in the literature. I share my observations about male participation in the raising of orphans in Chapter s ix. It Takes a Village: Kinship and Extended Families in Crisi s the impacts on kin and community relations during processes of crisis and recovery parallel s the emergency conditions now faced by numerous societies worldwide. He argues that: Disasters sometimes have the potential for destroying t he sense of communality that holds people together, for killing the spirit of neighborliness and kinship that is so important a part of their world. 9 (Erikson 1985:xvi) As overwhelming case studies attest, for the most at risk p opulations, the real disaster occurs as families attempt to c onfront unexpected crises that test the resil ience of even the most stalwart kinship networks (Abebe and Aase 2007; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; Shkilnyk 1985) The triggering event s are merely catalyst s physical location, meager possessions and supportive relations. Of course, I recognize that one event did not cause the current global orphan problem. F o r many traditional societies facing AIDS 10 development induced displacement 11 and other assaults from man and nature, these events compound already 9 For entire quote from K. Erikson see, Foreword, in A. Shkilnyk, A Poison Stronger Than Love: The Destruction of an Ojibwa Community. New Haven: Yale, 1985. (p. xvi). 10 According to Dr. Paul Zeitz of the Global AIDS Alliance (2004), "currently, AIDS creates a new orphan every 14 seconds." 11 According to the UN, "at the end of 2004, roughly 48 percent of all refugees worldw ide were children" (UNICEF, 2005, p. 38).


57 vulnerable conditions, especially for poor communities 12 In locales where kin ties establish inter generati onal cohesion and continuity, and where individual resources are simply insufficient to meet daily needs, interdependence is the only means of survival. Within close knit communities, shared talents and experience reflect in their divisions of labor that a llows for the collective be nefit of individual efforts. Therefore, although under normal circumstances socio economic necessity may force major familial adjustments, community and kinship supports would ensure that all members received the required resou rces and care to mitigate the survival challenges. Despite decades of divergent situational vie wpoints, one thing is certain. The vast body of research provides undeniable evidence that a society's inter relational structure is broadly defined and cultura lly relative. After analysis of the component aspects of kinship, it is clear that, much lik e the human body, the multiple cells that sustain these organisms are inextricably linked and mutually dependent. In Matrifocal cultures as are the Garifuna the b uilt in flexibility to external forces exists within one s collective network. At times, depending on the nature of the crisis, divisions of labor and responsibilities could extend to the wide st reaches of one's kinship support system including help from godparents and other fictive kin for purposes of child rearing and dependent care (Abebe and Aase 2007; Foster 2000; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005; UNICEF and UNAIDS 2006) D etached from the group, each family becomes virtuall y impotent to control its fate. This is especially evident in households that now consist primarily of single women and children. 12 The UN reports the existence of economically induced cultural shifts occurring in Latin American, African, Asian (and other societies) where mostly poor orphaned and/or abandoned children are "placed in margi nal positions within other families...to exploit [their] labor both within and outside the home" (UNICEF, 2005, pp. 43 & 50).


58 Their conditions are akin to trying to run without legs. Without assis tance, it is difficult to provide for one s family or to move forward successfully. As noted in a report by the International Women's Rights Action Watch (IWRAW 2003) 13 in Honduras limited public service programs necessitate reliance on private arrangements by the majority of the population T he conditions for women and children among the Garifuna, and in other cultures, have drastically deteriorated due the erosion of valuable kinship and communal networks (Abebe and Aase 2007; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989; Palacio 1991; 2005b; World Bank 2003) Indeed, both women and men rel y heavily on informal networks to maintain their horticultural and fishing lifestyles in the villages Networks are also vital in their abilities to access employment, advanc ed education and other opportunities in the urban areas which have virtually evaporated amidst consistent environmental and economic upheavals in their home countries Despite the vast dependence on intra familial support systems especially within traditi onal societies, according to Hammill among the countries included in his study of Central America and the Caribbean : The Dominican Republic, Guatemala and Honduras experienced the largest decreases in the proportion of extended families [and, today] extended families are generally over represented in the bottom 20% of per capita incomes (Hammill 2005:29) Once set in motion, the conspiracy of factors that spur declines in the capacities of kinship networks, render families incapable of providing for even their m ost basic human needs. A t a time when most households are financially strained and headed by women who are often unable to help themselves, let alone each other the needs of orphaned 13 To view entire IWRAW report (2003) see, Honduras Country Profile at http://iwraw.igc.org/publications/countries/cescrhonduras.htm


59 Peter Cie go, the curator of the Gulisi Garifuna Museum in Belize confirms that the expanding burden on families to support orphans may pose great difficulties. The extended family was and is so important. [But] there is so much need now. Many families have their ow know how able they will be to reach beyond their own families to help other reach beyond that. It is a similar deterioration as Erikson (1985:xvi) describes of the deve lopment induced displacement suffered by the Ojibwa of Grassy Narrows, wherein "they...lost both the physical and spiritual health that comes from being in communion with kinsmen and neighbors who can be counted on to care 14 The result now mirrored in tr aditional societies across continents worldwide is that "marriages break up, friendships dissolve, the bonds of kinship weaken, and, at the outer edges of human despair, parents lose the ability to care for their own children 15 hildren (Erikson 1985:xviii) A s kinship ties start to disintegrate, the breakdowns in the structure of family and society are most readily apparent by a sharp rise in violence 16 infectious disease, malnutrition, orphans 17 and abandoned children (and other dependents). For example, in Honduras, over a decade after Hurricane Mitch, violent crimes and illness are epidemic and the country now houses one of the fastest growing AIDS infected population s in Latin America. Child welfare agencies report a n increase in the numbers of 14 See Erikson (p. xvi). Foreword in Anastasia M. Shkilnyk (1985), A Poison Stronger Than Love: The Destruction of an Ojibwa Community. New Haven: Yale University Press. 15 Ibid. ( p. xviii). 16 Violence includes domestic disputes, gang activity, internal armed conflict and regional warfare. 17 million 'declared' orphans in 2003, and es timates hovered in the "tens of millions" for "undocumented orphans" and abandoned children (pp. 39 41).


60 orphans and street children throughout urban and rural areas 18 A ccording to one a nthropologist violence against children whether perpetrated by adults or by each other has become "routine 19 My source attributed the increased hostility t o public frustrations due to a lack of access to the education, social supports or economic opportunities that would equip vulnerable populations to thrive in their societ ies 20 As this report shows, many orphans and their families are current ly unprepared to meet household and personal needs without external assistance from their kin and larger communities. Unfortunately, the wide scale displacement that seems to accompany an increasing number of crisis situations now prove s to either strain or entirely sever c ritical commun al networks; and there is no end in sight. Recognizing the deplorable state of global affairs, social scientists and relief organizations now acknowledge a gradual disintegration of support networks throughout communities on most every continent. The resulting abandonment and orphaning of tens of millions of children is but a symptom of larger societal disruptions that point to the critical need for increased cultural understanding and assistance. In light of c urrent global conditions, as sustained threats overwhelm traditional support systems throughout Africa, the Middle East, Latin Ameri ca, and even in the West, poverty induced institutional care for children, the elderly, and the disabled, may continue to replace the nur tures of kinship (Csaky 2009; Leinaweaver 2009; Subbarao and Coury 2004) 18 Personal communication with SOS Children's Villages, Honduras (November 10, 2006). 19 Personal communication with an Anthropologist at East Michigan U niversity, about post Mitch resettlement and child vulnerability in Central America (November 3, 2006). 20 Ibid.


61 Perhaps further kinship stud ies will aspire to unite the most plausible theories and then impart these insights to practitioners within vari ous disciplines Hopefully, a better understanding of kinship dynamics will result in more practical and comprehensive solutions to global events. Indeed understanding the structures and functions of other societies is imperative to ensuring that developme nt efforts are relevant to the communities they target. In addition, recognizing alien peoples together would most certainly guarantee that international aid would go farther in accomplishing the goals of alleviating the tra uma of catastrophic events, and averting the further destruction of communities and disarticulation of families Research Purpose and Questions The purpose of this research is to understand the lived experiences of orphans in Garifuna culture, and to gaug e how cultural transformations due to external pressures are impacting t he internal stabilities of families and communities. This project was guided by several comprehensi ve questions that examined the orphan phenomenon from structurally culturally and individually relevant perspectives. T he principal questions this dissertation aspires to answer are: 1) How has the legacy of out migration altered the capacity of Garinagu families and influenced their decisions and methods for raising orphans; and, 2 ) What are the major challenges that orphans face in their societies as they grow up? All subsequent research questions below supply the required background to determine if, how, and why, the patterns for orphan care within Garifuna society have changed o ver time. 1) Is the term orphan as defined by global processes compatible with the definition utilized regionally (within Honduras and Belize) and as compared to the local level within households? What are the conflicts to the establishment of a universal de finition for the term?


62 2) What are the principal causes of parental death in Garifuna communities; and, are the major causes of orphaning perceived to be similar at the regional (Central America) and national levels (Honduras and Belize) compared to perceptio ns at the household level (within families)? 3) How has parental loss influenced household stability in Garifuna culture over time and place? 4) Do the majority of households share similar, or vastly different, approaches to the rearing of orphans across famili es and communities in Honduras and Belize? 5) Do Garifuna orphans enjoy the same levels of access to available goods, services and supports as non orphans in their communities? 6) Does the global HIV/AIDS crisis pose any unique challenges for Garifuna orphans, o r do their experiences parallel those of other children whose parent(s) died from other causes? Conflicting Definitions of Orphans in Politics and Policy Presently, there are no unifor m criteria to define who is an orphan. The inconsistency among policy ma kers and researchers muddies the ability for agencies to effectively target the children they are charge d to assist. Accepted ages for childhood and adulthood vary across agency and cultural lines In addition, the current definition being employed by the Unit ed Nations and its partners d oes not appear to translate successfully across societies Today, there are as many conflicts as agreements about what criteria to incorporate in the design and implementation of international policies targeting orphans. T he confusion arises largely because there is no global consensus about whether to focus specifically on children who are paren tless based on biological or social factors. The debate also center s on conflicting cultural views, and on historic kinship practi ces that recognize the roles of consanguin e al family members (aunts, uncles and grandparents) and external relations, such as fictive kin (godparents, adoptive parents) as participants in the rearing of a child. The positive trend, in recent years, sees social scientists now consulting with communities to define the word in accordance with local perceptions, as the most effective


63 method to correctly identify the subject of their studies (Abebe and Aase 2007; Guest 2 001; Harber 1998; Nyambedha, et al. 2003) As Guest (2001:63) asserts, Non governmental organizations r facts and figures and progressive ideas I share that view. Indeed, universal acceptance implies universal input, and that can only be achieved through open dialogue with local governments, populations and especially the children themselves. Along with the definition, the context and usage of the word orphan has changed across time and space. The word continues to e volve in present day. The term orphan is both a biological and a social construct imbued with legal, cultural and religious connotations (Foster, et al. 2005) Abebe and Aase (2007) proposed that the condition of orphanhood is both socially an d culturally distinct. In their view, since the phenomenon (Abebe and Aase 2007:2065) Much of the current confusion about how to empl oy the word orphan has arisen because of the rapid growth of parentless children due to natural and man made crises, the differing national and local priorities in response to parentless children, and the culturally relative perceptions of who is, or is n ot, orphaned. From the Greek word orphanos ( ) an orphan is described as a child whose biological parents are dead or absent, and unavailable to provide care. Merriam Webster (2004:510) defines orphan American Heritage (1997:964) are dead; (2) a child who has been deprived of parental care and has not been adopted; or, (


64 partners currently define orphan as: (1) a child under eighteen years of age whose mother, father or both parents have died from any cause; (2) a child who has lost one p arent (single orphan); or, ( 3) a child who has lost both parents (double (UNICEF 2006) A lthough the current definition employed by UNICEF considers children less than eighteen years of age, much of previous research focused only on children 0 15 years old. Unfortunately, t his conflict affects t he ability to seamlessly compare data across time since previous definitions did not include children up to 17 years of age (UNICEF 2008a) In numerous studies, the definition of orphan includes children whose mother s or both parents are deceased, or whose whereabo uts are unknown, while others focus on children who have lost either parent (single orphan) or on those who have lost both (double orphan) (Case, et al. 2004; Guarcello, et al. 2004; Guest 2001; Nyambedha, et al. 200 3) Some researchers elect ed to define the term based on local perceptions and kinship rules (Abebe and Aase 2007; Nyambedha, et al. 2003) (Barnett and Whiteside 2006:214) 21 The issues are complex, but need to be addressed rapidly, as countries continue to be inundated with parentless children. The confusion over the term, and the associated responsibilities it engenders, has proved difficult. In one example, t o facilitate the growing international adoptions process u nder United States immigration law, an orphan is classified broadly as : ( 1) a child, ( 2) under sixteen years of age at the time a petition is file d on his or her behalf, ( 3a) who does not have parents due to the death or disappearance of, 21 The central role of mothers in Garifu na culture, and the other criteria utilized to identify the orphans included as the Target Group for this study, are outlined later in this chapter in the section entitled Garifuna Orphans: Defining the Target Population


65 ( 3b) abandonment or desertion by, or ( 3c) separation or loss from, both parents [double orphan]; or, ( 4) whose sole or surviving parent is incapable of prov iding proper childcare, and has irrevocably released the child, in writing, for emigration and adoption (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services 2010) This detailed list of criteria is intended to encompass a broad cross section of the orphan population, based on biological, social and legal factors. However, clearly, tho se i nternational adopt ion criteria for orphans are specific to the immigration laws of the United States. Undoubtedly, without uniform domestic or global criteria about orphanhood agencies and organizations may utilize vastly differing standards in their dealings with orphans. O orphan and how it is applied (UNICEF 2008b) Their statement was noteworthy when one recog nizes that their definition of b remains the standard used by hundreds of their global partners. For millions of children, that designation directly influences how each child is perceived and potentially supported. The term also targets the implementation of programs that imp and may direct certain provisions to those included within the orphan designation to the exclusion of other needy children in the society. In my view, the UNICEF definition is a biologically based and legal use of the term tha t is meant to prescribe specific policy directives for the identification of a particular group. However, their definition does not incorporate the culturally relative meaning of the word that may be prescribed within a non West ern society, nor does it tak e into consideration that many traditional cultures may not have a definition for orphan at all.


66 For example, children in Garifuna culture were perceived to be orphaned due to family abandonment (social) and not parental death (biological) C hildren who h ad lost their biological parents were believed to have other kinfo lk to assume the parental responsibilities However, as traditional cultural practices continue to erode under external pressures, this is changing. Perhaps, for the first time, many traditi onal societies, l ike the Garifuna, are confronting the new existence of orphans, even by their own cultural standards. By this, I refer to children whose biological parent(s) are deceased who although they may find refuge in the homes of community members or in institutions may also face abandonment or neglect by their familie s and kinfolk I provide more insights into the specific concepts of orphaning in Garifuna culture later in Chapter s even Is a Universal D efinition O P ossible? As nation s struggle to cope with their respective populations of orphans, the definition is frequently adjusted to accommo date the objectives of policy makers and practitioners (Abebe and Aase 2007; Barnett and Whiteside 2006 ; Guest 2001; Subbarao and Coury 2004) Indeed, a t erm such that was employed widely, is now being r ejected out of concern that the label may prove to stigmatize children and lead to their neglect (Guest 2001; Subbarao and Coury 2004) not differentiate between children orphaned by AIDS, and bio logically orphaned children with AIDS. 22 Given the dispa rate conditions throughout regional societies, agencies alleged that the working definition of orphan and restrictive funding guidelines blocked their ability to help other children whose needs may b e equal to or exceed those of biological orphans 22 Research findings about the im pact of HIV/AIDS on parental death, and its effect on Garifuna families and orphans are presented in Chapters six.


67 (Foster, et al. 2005) I n response, the terms OVCs (orphans and other vulnerable children), CABA (children affected by AIDS) HVC s (highly vulnerable children) and CEDCs (children in especially difficult circumstances) were developed to allow more flexibility in the field (Foster, et al. 2005; Guest 2001; Subbarao and Coury 2004; USAID 2009) Other agencies ha d the opposite problem. One childcare organization Francoix Xavier Bagnoud (FXB), a Swiss Ameri can Foundation, reported that based on the volume of children reflected in the current definition, it was unable to help all the orphans in Luweero, Africa. In response, the staff devised their own system to decide who qualifies for assistance (Guest 2001) In their plan, they organized a parish orphan committee which developed lists of needy orphans ; and, i n joint meeting s staff they [ decide d] t (Guest 2001:98) International di sagreements over the age of an orphan also lead to policy and statistical conflicts (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Subbarao and Coury 2004) In the past, the United Nations definition of an orphan was a child (0 15) who has lost his mother or both parents. O ver time, the organization adjusted the age limit to eighteen years which as I mentioned before, makes it difficult to compare data across time. In establishing its population of orphans, the Government of Malawi defined its target group as children with mother or both parents missing. According to Barnett and Whiteside (2006:213) by updating the definition to any child under 15 missing either one or both parents [the government ] increased the official number of orphans and at the same time identified a wider range of children in need


68 Certainly, there are no simple fixes for this dilemma. But, despite the difficulties, establish ing the factors that determine orphanhood and th e types of support that will be made available to orphans (within a range of ages) is imperative, as the numbers of orphans and other vulnerable children continue to increase. According to Francoix Xavier ly needed and must be the (Foster, et al. 2005:248) Others believe that agencies must also investigate local definitions of orphanhood (Harber 1998) Where there is agreement is that uniformity is required in the structure and proper use of the term (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster, et al. 2005; Guest 2001) However, is uniformity in the definiti on and application of the term orphan across cultures and societies a realistic goal? As discussed earlier, UNICEF has aggressi vely pursued a redefiniti on of orphan in recent months. This suggests that the organization believe s that a universal standard is not only possible, but vital. The difficulty in developing t his all encompassing definition is that any overarching term for orphan has to incorporate the requirements of internationa l, state and local communities. The term also needs to be exportable across cultures when employed in broad policy contexts. T he destabilizations occurring across global societies continue to generate overwhelming pop ulation s of parentless and highly vulnerable children. A mong them are millions of orphans. I should note here that the category of parentless child is a broader and more encapsulating term. A child may become parentless for a variety of biological, social and legal reasons. Howev er, although some parentless children may indeed be orphaned a parentless child may not necessarily be an orphan.


69 Notwithstanding the evolving conditions that affect which children are truly orphaned, even within specific cultures, required Additionally some overarching criteria must be established that serve to target specific populations of children I contend that a major s ource f or the conflict in identifying orphans versus non orphans across societies is that the term is over used to include a combination of biological and social criteria. T herefore, the term is misunderstood. I ndeed, the death of a biological par ent, the physical abandonment by a biological parent, and the functional life experience of the child in relationship to other fictive (non biological parents or guardians ) are employed to varying degrees across societies to establish who is an orphan In my view, each of those scenarios identifies differing groups of vulnerable children who are both orphans and non orphans Therefore, other terms besides orphan m ust be developed to classify children based on their specific circumstances For instance, i home outside parental care (with a guardian f a child is abandoned by his or her biological parent(s) and has n o designated guardian to provide full time care the child may be classified as an A bandoned Parentless C (A P C) or their whereabouts are unknown and the child is also homeless and living on the streets he or she wou ld be parent(s) are dead, and he or she is If a child is adopted and his or her fictive parent die s, then the child would b rphaned A (OA) From my examples I clearly contend that the only children that should be classified


7 0 children should be classified under different catego ries that enable their effective identification across societies. Therefore, in development practice, even or which combine biological and social criteria in their concepts of orphanhood, the population would still be able to understand the criteria attached to each target group. Another issue for debate is whether the age of 1 5 or 17 years should be a key standard employed to determine the official cut off point for who is a child within a society Indeed should those ages be used exclusively to determine who is an orphan, or which orphans are eligible for support? Here, I suggest that although the cut off point for societal recognition of who is a child may be 15 or 17 year s old, age should not be the pivotal (or absolute) factor in determining orphanhood. Rather, the biological and so cial absence of the primary care giving p arent must be considered along with the age of the child. I also argue that once a child is orphaned before the age of eighteen certain services and supports (like education scholarships, housing, and food programs) that may be available to assist orphaned children should remain ac cessible to those individuals. Focusing exclusively on the current age of an orphan (who is now over eighteen ) as opposed to considering the age at which the child lost his or her parent may prove to underestimate the number of orphans in a society. Indeed, just because individual s ha ve increased in age from seventeen to eight een years old if they were orphaned before their eighteenth birthday they may still be incapable of providing for their needs This is the case especially in societies where private kinship networks are either strained, or unavailable, and where public a ssistance is limited. Therefore, I posit that even after an


71 orphan matures child young adult his or her access to assistance should be based fundamentally (but not exclusively) on the availability of social service programs and financial need. In fact, throughout this research, I spoke with several older Garifuna orphans (over eighteen years old) who faced unique challenges to accessing the educational and social supports that they needed to ena ble them to achieve successful adul t lives as productive members of their societies. I provide a more in depth discussion of the challenges faced by young adult orphans in Chapter s even For practitioners in the field, and for poli cy makers alike, establishing working defini ti on s to identif y versus other vulnerable children across cultures is desperately needed. Certainly, universal acceptance of any established criteria will require respectful consultation among stakeholders within specific cultures A ssembling input from g overnments, organizations, communities, and individual children is necessary to form a consensus and to ensure that the term is understood Input from children is especially important because as I discovered during my research in Garifuna commun ities the inter generational differences between the perceptions of many adults and children have produced vastly different views of who is an orphan. Many adult Garifuna still cling to fictive parent being able and willing to assume the care of children with deceased parents when, in practice, they may no longer exist across all kin groups. Garifuna Orphans: Defining the Target Population At the onset of the research process, identifying and locating my target population of orphans prove d challenging. Narrowing the focus of my research was critical and required the development of a specific definition of who exactly I was looking fo r. Similar to the dilemma faced by other social scientists in the field, it was clear that to overcome this


72 problem necessitated a thorough understanding of the culturally specific perspective within which the terms child and orphan are defined (by the Garifuna) ju xtaposed against any definitions employed by social development agencies at the domestic and in ternational levels. Indeed, the ideas of childhood and orphanhood are not fixed across societies. (1973) study on the anthropology of child hood asserts that there is no universal concept of childhood based on the results of cro ss cultural and comparative analysis (James and Prout 1997) Similarly, c onsiderations of cultural as well as temporal factors were required to accurately esta blish my research population and to determine which children would be in cluded in this study. In my view, as Garifuna culture adapts to changing realities orphans as a sub population, is an emergent concept that has prompted inter generational conflicts between older and younger members. Indeed, as I was to find, there was no universal concept of orphanhood or of childhood. Based on one on one interviews and group discussions with adult residents and parentless children from Garifuna communities in Honduras, and later in Belize, I identified conflicting perceptions of whom th e term orphan represented. Extensive reviews of the available literature also revealed major conflicts in the use of the term. This is an issue that I discussed in detail earlier in this c hapter. Indeed, p ublished research suggests that for Afro native cu ltures, like the Garifuna, the loss of a biological parent did not automatically mean that a child was an orphan F rom their culturally relative view, the death of the mother, or both parents, did not automatically render a child orphaned However, at the level of the s tate, and based upon definitions related to the welfare of the child, the death of parents, at least by West ern standards carried an implicit definition of an orphaned child.


73 Anthropologists like Gonzalez (1969; 1988) and J. Palacio (1991; 2005b) have documented major transformations in Garifuna family organization and cultural practices Yet within my research communities, despite obvious cultural chang es, the prevailing belief s of the majority of adults w ere that the traditional systems of childcare were still intact. Accordin g to the adults, there were no orphans living among them. However, the children with whom I spoke had different point s of view. T hey recognized the presence of orphans and s ome even identified themselves and others they knew as living proof that orphans indeed exist ed I realized that the cultural and inter generational conflict s in how to define the word orphan presented me with three dilemmas that I needed to resolve in order to establish my target group. First, I considered the role of the biological parent(s) and the societal recognition of who is the parent with primary responsibility for providing childcare. According to A va Pennill, a Director in Belize Ministry of Human Development the mother is dead, based on our culture here A rural health nurse and caregiver in Belize also stated: I think a child is orphaned when they are left without a mother. In Belizean Garifuna society, the man hardly plays a role most of the time, except financial help. Very few [men] are dedicated to their families. I n my review of the scant literature available that described the specific cultural patterns for c hildcare among the Garifuna (Black Caribs) Kerns noted that: Women bear ultimate responsibility for their children...On a daily basis, women must see that their children are adequately fed and clothed. They are also responsible for care when their childre (Kerns 1989:108) For con firmation of the principal role s of mothers in modern child rearing I also solicited input from key sources from the Garifuna community in Honduras, Guatemala,


74 Belize, New York and California. Given the matrifocality of Garifuna families, and based on the recognition that the mother is the primary provider of childcare, I determined that the role of the biological mother is more significant in child rearing Therefore, maternal death would most impact the quality of nurturing afford ed to a child. Second, I needed to understand who exactly was a child as recognized by the Garifuna, based on the legal standards of the countries within which I intended to conduct my research, and the established criteria employed by global development organizations. (1989:94 103) from pre bi includes her distinction that the range from birth to puberty includes, infancy (birth to 1 year), childhood (1 12 years), and adolescence (12 16 years). As Kerns (1989:94) to country (15 in Honduras, and 16 in Belize) and, at times, the cla differs from the legal distinction. Given the conflicting age ranges, in order to establish consistency in the identification of my target group, I consulted with key informants from the Garifuna community who overwhelmingly supported the use of eighteen as the transitional age from child to young adult. I also relied on the international standard outlined in Article 1 of the Un s Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) 23 human being below the age of eighteen years employed by gl 1 7 years old as minors 23 The Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted by the United Nations on November 20, 1989, and ratified by all member countries of t he United Nations, except for Somalia and the United States.


75 Third, I investigated the culturally relative idea of who the term orphan represents Notwithstanding the fact that many cultures from the Africa n Diaspora do not use the term I determined that the issue within Garifuna society was not that the people did not know what the word meant Indeed most did. the Garifuna word for orphan (m te u) living (Cayetano 2005:67) Another Garifuna dict (Sabio, et al. 2005:83) However in my conversations with adults, the word clearly held pejorative connotations that cast a negative shadow on them and their families and suggest ed issues of child neglect or abandon ment In Garifuna culture the idea of child abandonment takes on heightened significance. According to Kerns (1989:108) unfortunate, child neglect, like parental assault or neglect, is one of the few singled out as During the course of my study, I surmised that I needed to determine if the care of Garifuna children after the death s of their mother s (or both parents) still conformed to traditional practices, and if not, if the current approaches now render some children truly orphaned bas ed on the Garifuna perceptions of the word (i.e., a child who is abandoned, neglected, or otherwise unsupported by family or kin folk ). The results of those three assessments facilitated my determination that in researching Garifuna culture, orphanhood sho mother, or both parents. I argue that the death of the primary care giving parent and the culturally recognized definition of who is a child are the seminal criteria that affect the quality of childcare, and the refore, also determine whether or not a child is officially


76 orphaned. Also, based on the cultural practices within Garifuna society, I argue that biological maternal orphans are among the most vulnerable of the vulnerable groups after the loss of their maj or care giving parent (mothers) Consequently, for the purposes of this study, orphans are defined as a child ren (under eighteen years of age) whose mother s or both parents, are deceased. Additionally, since my interviews also include d older orphans I se parated the category to reflect those who we re child orphans (under age eighteen ) from the adult orp hans (who we re over eighteen years old but who were orphaned before their eighteenth birthday). we re abandoned or neglected by their living biological parent(s) and orphaned children from outside the Garifuna culture Th us, in this research, parentless children we re viewed as a separate category from my f ocus group. Thi s separation provides clarity in later discussions since parentless children and other children in my study sites, are assessed in com parison to my target population. In the Orphan Access Assessment outlined in Chapter s ix I sought to determine if the li ved experiences of Garifuna orphans differed greatly from their peers including other parentless children Garifuna Culture: Selection Criteria I selected t he Garifuna for this research, b ased on the ir rich traditional foundations and their African and Am erindian h eritage, and because their communities display the full range of cultural cha nge under the influence of socio economic medical and political upheaval (Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989; Palacio 1991; 2005b) Thei rs is a culture that still attempts to embrace many traditional customs and practices (see Figure 2 1) Y et the evolution of their communities has left many families vulnerable, stressed and fragmented


77 from the pressure s of global market forces and other d estructive influences (Balboni and Palacio 2007; Gonzalez 1988; 1997; Palacio 1991; 2005b; Palacio M. 2002) Figure 2 1. Garifuna boys dance jonkonnu at the National Garifuna Council convention in Belize, March 7, 2009 Indisputably, t he transition from temporary to semi permanent, or permanent, out migration is wide ranging and profound. Over centuries, issues of poverty and disenfranchisement have fueled a long legacy of systemic shocks followed by reintegratio n of the Garifuna people as they learned to adjust and adapt over time. In the past, despite all the economic, environmental, physical, and socio political challenges, ancestral Garifuna societies were always able to rebound by remaining cohesive against t he onslaught. E ven in the face of disease and marginalization, the s olid networks of support enabled generations of families to respond effective ly to the needs of the most defenseless members of their society including orphans However, their newest enem ies, such as global market forces and medical crises, have begun to prove deleterious to thos e traditional foundations. As a stakeholder in Belize recalls :


78 We were a depressed people, so we wanted to we needed to make in land without machinery, or so we began to think. So we got caught up in debt but once you get dependent Similar to populations in the Americas and other Afro descenda nt cultures r esearch shows that as out migration disrupt ed the cohesion of family structures, the process g a ve rise t o new diseases as people returned (Buszin, et al. 2009; Guest 2001; Sabin, et al. 2008; Stansbury and Sierra 2004) For instance, i n assessing the factors that played a role in the spread of AIDS in Africa, Guest (2001:2) includes poverty and mi grant labor among the contributors. As Guest asserts: Too many men have to travel far from home to seek work Such displacement destabilizes sexual relationships and helps spread the virus. (Guest 2001:5) In Latin America, the links between migration and disease prevalence are also regional concerns, with national and local consequences. A public health official in Belize expressed her concern that HI V /AIDS and other illnesses are growing national problems that are largely unaddressed. In the rural areas, we are seeing an increase in HIV/AIDS cases in the Maya communities What is happening now is that the Maya men are leaving their villages to work and they are bringing the disease back. We also see an increase in hypertension because they are not planting as much, they eat more processed foods, have more high stress lives, and less family support. So, the Garifuna are further along in the proce ss, but now the Maya are coming closer and closer behind. While specifically addressing the impact of migration on the spread of HIV/AIDS in the communities, she goes on to state: The numbers of HIV cases are still going up. Just in this month, I alone h ave tested two new people who are positive nineteen year old girls. One used to live here, went to work in one of the resort islands, and came back with HI parents that are being affected wi th HIV, from late teens to mid thirties. We have a few who are older, but not much.


79 Unfortunately, th e cultural shocks brought about by migration are occurring a longside debilitating ailments that strike at the center of famil ies who are largely unprepared O ften the diseases target the strongest and most viable members of each group. With insufficient access to effective medical care, many of those affected either become incapacitated and unable to work or die leaving orphaned children behind in already weakened environment s As Garifuna communities continu e to adjust to the new stressors I sought to understand how orphans were enduring the effects of transitioning cultural system s The findings outlined in this study are designed to enable a big pictur e perspective of the experiences of Garifuna orphans and their communities To provide needed context, a discussion o f the impacts of migration on Garifuna families is presented in the next chapter.


80 CHAPTER 3 THE HISTORY AND EFFECTS OF GARIFUNA OUT MIGRAT ION Ethnographers still focus on the Garifuna in rural communities, when in reality large numbers have relocated to urban areas within the past thirty years. (Palacio 2005a:15) Background: Migratory Practices of the Garifuna People The Garif una (also known as the "Garinagu" or "Black Caribs") have a unique cultural heritage that originated on the Caribbean island of St. Vincent. Since their exile by the British o n the Honduran island of Roatan in 1797, the people have dispersed across several countries in the Americas, from Belize in the north, through Guatemala, Honduras and as far south as Nicaragua. Descended from African and Amerindian heritage, the very lifeblood of Garifuna culture is grounded in a cooperative spirit that has sustained t heir language and cultural traditions for generations. Although the Garifuna are most clearly bonded by a common heritage, their culture is by n o means homogeneous or static. Each settlement contains distinct nuances that affect the individual life experie nces of its members. To date, no accurate and comprehensive census data is available for all Garifuna populations in the Americas, or worldwide. Broad inaccuracies exist in the current demographic estimates. Possible explanations include the facts that cen sus counts are often unavailable for many rural villages, and constant coming and going of people due to steady migration makes establishing accurate numbers difficult to near impossible. In her explanation of the difficulty with population counts Gonzalez (1988:178) found that, stay behind in the In his analysis of the statistical discrepancies found in Honduras, Ruiz (2008:36)


81 become an official instrument for the exclusion and deletion of the Garifuna people from Moreover, on a global level, Garifuna who migrate to other countries may elect to self identify under different racial or ethnic classifications, such as African American or Hispanic in the United States (England 2006) The inconsistency in population estimates is also exemplified in a 2001 census by the Honduran government (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica 2001) that reported a total of 4 9 952 Garifuna in the country (Anderson 2007) Their estimate con flicts with figures issued by Jackson (2002) who described that "some 100,000 Garifuna populate the northern coastal departments of Honduras, making them the country's largest minority." In Belize, the Abstract of Sta tistics estimates the national population in 2007 at 311,500, with the Garifuna constituting about 6%, or approximately 18,600 people (Statistical Institute of Belize 2008) Palacio (2005c:46) estimated that the Central American population was Cantor (2005) assessed the Garifuna population in the United States at between 100,000 to 500,000 people Despite the substantial discrepancies one thing is certain; the Garifuna population i s large and widely dispersed For ce nturies, the Garifuna perfected the art of cultural and physical adaptation to various environments from the beaches of Central America, to the concrete jungles of New York, Los Angeles, London and other major cities (Buszin, et al. 2009; Cantor 2005; England 2006; Gonzalez 1969; 1988; Matthei and Smith 2008; Palacio 2005b; Palacio M. 2002) What makes the Garifuna story unique is that despite their strong cultural adherence to th eir language, traditional lifestyle, and customs, most families held simultaneous connections to the cities and the global community (England 2006; Gonzalez 1988; Palacio 1991; 2005b) As Gonzalez notes:


82 The Caribs savored their independence and their distinctive cultural patterns at the same time, they were comfortable visiting and working in the white world. (Gonzalez 1997:205) Indeed, it is common for Garifuna households in Central America to have one, or more family members living in oth er cities or countries (England 2006) Their culture is as connected to the global village as its residents are a part of thei r rural villages or home towns. J. Palacio themselves across many geographical landscapes. Contextual multiplicity is appropriate for the Garifuna, sinc e extensive traveling, settling, and moving again have been historical characteristics associated with them. (Palacio 2005b:106) The Garifuna have always thrived in a dual economy bas ed, in part, on subsistence farming fishing and trade in the rural settlements and on the cash derived from wage labor. As history shows, Garifuna men routinely departed in search of economic opportunities in the merchant marines, in logging camps, on fi shing boats, or agricultural plantations, while the women remained home to maintain the household, work the fields, and raise the children (England 2006; Gargallo 2005; Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989; Palacio 2005b) Giv en the limited employment options available in most rural enclaves, out migration has been a necessary part of life for the Garifuna and other marginalized peoples Most m odern Garifuna have learned to survive, by embracing the knowledge that one must be able to live successfully in many worlds. According to J. Palacio : The Garifuna struggle for cultural survival takes place within different cultural spaces, and often simultaneously The first is one of their home villages The second is urban ar eas [and] the third is the global level. (Palacio 2005b:105) A lthough relatively poor by Western standards the ability of the rural populations to farm and fish guaranteed a st able diet. Land tenure patterns and divisions of labor in


83 which enabled the society to adapt to changing conditions (Atwine, et al. 2005; England 2006; Foster 2005; Gargallo 2005; Gonzalez 1969; 1988; Kerns 1989; Matthei and Smith 2008; Palacio 2005b) At the village level, their societies thrived due to their reciprocal inter relations, and the redistribution and trade of available resources. Also, a lthough people were devoid o f access to major medical care their local healers were able to treat common ailments and birth their children without external assistance (Cohen 1982) Due to t heir Africa n ancestry which malaria] their populations grew amidst conditions that had wiped out [other] indigenous (Gonzalez 1997:205) Therefore historically, despite facing multiple challenges to their survival, families were able to persevere. S tudies by England (2006) J. Palacio (2005b) Kerns (1989) Gonzalez (1988) and the results of my fieldwork confirm that throughout m igration, traditional networks enabled numerous working parents to foster their children with kin folk in their home communities Indeed, it was common practice for parents to leave children with kin while they explored distant economic opport unities Orphans were also afforded care within the extended family safety net. What all the above examples clearly show is that, for over 200 years, the Garifuna new into the traditional (Gonzalez 1997:205) Bolland (2005:17) also noted that although in the midst of migration, the Garifuna to isolate themselves in small ethnic enclaves identities by flexibly incorporating elements o erefore, recognizing the


84 difficulties of internal mechanism s to adapt in the face of current crises is poignant Given the observed transformations occurring at the core of Garifuna society and with the numbers of orphans on the rise an important question to ask is what collusion of socio economic factors precipitated familial and cultural struggles to respond ef fectively to their needs? Essentially, what changed? Indeed, traditional in Garifuna society? Economic Under Development and Societal Vulnerability What the evidence shows is that, for generatio ns, the lives of marginalized populations, including the Garifuna, have been manipulated by many systems beyond their control and la rgely without their awareness. Those processes have determined where they lived, how they interacted with one another, thei r patterns of employment, and ultimately, the health of their people. S everal reactive choices among Garifuna families especially in recent decades, clearly reflect a lack of agency in decision making on multiple levels. The results o f their adaptive prac tices illustrate an established trend among marginalized populations who are forced to respond quickly to system wide conditions. Indeed, the decision of a family member to migrate in the first place is partly in reaction to the lack of employment and educ ation opportunities within his or her communit y or home country Indeed, the current crises befalling Garifuna communities stem, in part, from their migratory patterns, and their immersion in the external market system often at the lowest economic levels (Cantor 2005; England 2006; Gonzalez 1988; Matthei and Smith 2008; Palacio 2005b) Similar to other native populations, the dearth of economic opportunities closer to their settlements compelled people to migrate ou t (England 2006; Foxen 2007; Green 1998; Smith 2001) Over time, the perpetuation of long term out migration and


85 under development has affected the capacities of many families to respond effectively to newly emergin g socio economic and medical crises. Although Boserup (1970:178) indicative of evolution that the shift from subsistence and trade activities (which they largely controlled) to employment in mode rn industries (outside their control) has disrupted their abilities to maintain many of the core principles and practices inherent in Garifuna culture In my view, as they have remained in those reactionary, adaptive modes, the process has continue d to yie ld newly evolv ed social stressors This indicates that their current conditions stem, in large part, from the unjust systems that govern their lives and influence their cultural cohesion In effects of Garifuna migration (progress or disintegration) for Garifuna communities, she shares that: migration has brought individuals and the village into modernity [However] sufficient local economy of cultivation and fishing within the bounded moral community of the village This has been ruptured by the increasing connection to and dependence on the U.S. labor mar ket and a transnational culture of consumption as opposed to production. (England 2006:151) As Gonzalez (1969:44) t ime As the migratory patterns of family members shifted from cyclical ( those who depart home communities temporarily to work and then return) to unidirectional ( those who depart home communities permanently to settle in other areas) their approaches to how they reared their offspring also had to change. Today, the history of migration and reintegration after long absences has produced differing versions of Garifuna culture even in the rural


86 areas. A Garifuna educator who returned to his village in Honduras after years in the United States shared his observations of the cultural adjustment s that have occurred among his people. There are two kinds of Garifuna cultures now. There are those who were born in the village and left to go to the cities after sixth grade, some after ninth grade. So, they met their relatives, made friends, and kept ties to the village. Then there are others who were born in the city and grew up there. but their culture is Ladino For me, I think the older people left to make money and ret urn home. But the younger kids get swept up in the larger culture Opportunities for a better life [are] obtained often at the expense of community closeness. In his review of changing household structures among populations across Central America, Ham mill concluded : The gains from increased labor market participation appear to trade off against the losses in traditional forms of household structure and to the broader cultural structure. (Hammill 2005:20) For the Garifuna, cultural adjustments led to i ssues o f family abandonment as several men who immigrated (sometimes illegally ) for work did n ot or could not return. Out of economic necessity, some chose to stay in other cities or countries to retain their employment and send money back home, while others a ssumed new families and elected to ignore their former responsibilities. England (2006:86) also found that the U.S. requirement of legal marriage to justify sponsorshi p impacted the reunification of families ; although B ased up on my conversation s with families I was also told that several men simply could not afford the costs of traveling home, except on special occasions. This has resulted in an increase in single parent households, with fatherless families as the norm (Gonzalez 1969; 1988; Kerns 1989; Palacio 2005b) Unfortunately,


87 as I discuss in the following section, f or many single mothers the economic strain from a dearth of male support has propelled their own extended migration s while leaving their children in the long term care of relatives. T he current condition of Garifuna communities reveals a society in transition, the results of which are brought about by their being forced to participate in a market system that has taken its toll over time. Foxen also speaks about amidst their post war migratory process from Guatemala to the United States over the past two decades : an be highly paradoxical and wrought with problems. On the one hand, the transmigrant process is dependent on the family bonds of cooperation On the other hand, the distance, uncertainty, lengthy separations, and the expectations related to remittanc es can lead to increased mistrust, fragmentation, and a disintegration of family bonds. (Foxen 2007:136 137) A s Escobar (1995:205) share d in his discussion of traditional Afro Columbian to opt for conventional development significant populations of native peoples are already entwined in the vortex of the global economic mechanisms W ith so many poor households relying on remittances from family wo rking in regional cities, or in global centers the culture s may now be unable to extricate themselves from the development machine (England 2006; Foxen 2007; Woodward 1999; World Bank 2003) Indeed, the current cri ses exhibited within traditional cultures worldwide may indicate global economic under development at its most destructive, as indigenous societies continue their deleterious shifts from stationary to migratory processes, communal to individual ownership, I postulate that the pivotal shift for Garifuna societies occurred when, instead of


88 many b egan to regard D espite the higher wage earning potential and other noted benefits of migration f or most Garifuna, the rural to urban transition is never truly complete. For the majority, the legacy of out mig ration has proved to usher in difficult lifestyles in the urban areas, where they work hard for low (England 2006) Yet several of my informants in Central America still viewed migration as their only option to escape the cycle of poverty. A s England observed periphe ry of the core (England 2006:136) Those who leave their natal c ommunities usually return when they: (1) are unemployed; (2) bec ome ill and need care; (3) visit during special occasion s; or, (4) are ready to develop businesses or build retirement homes. Despite dreams of any never return. Out migration and its Effect on Garifuna Female Headed Households In their struggles against poverty, the initial transformation of the rural Garifuna household left women juggling their responsibilities in an effort to maintain their homes and families, with out the daily input of their men. Within the communities I observed, the protracted legacy of colonization and capitalism has translate d to an increase in economic hardship for the women and children who have remain ed in the settlements. Shiva argues that when horticultural societies have been colonized : M en [start to] participate in life destroying activities or have had to migrate. The women meanwhile usually continue to be linked to life and nature through their role as providers of sustenance, fo od and water. (Shiva 1997:62) Deere et al. (1997) point to the impact of economic crises on marginalized women and families, that often results in growing hunger, reduced health, and a marked shift in living and consumption patterns For Garifuna women, a combination of socioeconomic


89 pressures prove d to increase the numbers of females who have jumped into the migration stream. At this point, no one is certain about the extent of the effects of female trans migration on the systemic foundations within Garifuna communities Research by Gonzalez (1988) Kerns (1989) and England (2006) confirm that women h ave been involved in migratory flows for decades although at much lower levels than men However, since Garifuna societies are matriarchal and matrifocal the effects of protracted female outflows on their culture may be significant (England 2006; Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989) With migration, a lthough men provide d financial support to their families, they were not the social anchors in the household. That role was held by women M others assumed the primary responsibility for running the ho me tending the family farm, and providing childcare. W hile younger women shouldered the household responsibilities, and as many joined in the migratory out flows, the matriarch (usually the maternal grandmother) pr ovided children with stability (England 2006) Even in the event of parental death, and despi te historic fosterage patterns that temporarily separated siblings in to the homes of local family members or kinfolk children enjoyed the security provide d by the m atriarch who was the central figure Roy Cayetano, an educator and former president of the National Garifuna Council in Belize says that in the past: who commanded respect. The family depended on the mother who was respected for her wisdom. Her opinions were valued. The en tire family revolved around the grandmother. It was not unusual for grandmothers to help to raise the children, even when the parents were still alive. As a researcher, I believe that once one identifies the categorical heart of a culture ( in this case, it is the women ) one can then begin to glean why disruptions in the availability or capacity of those social anchors may precipitate conditions that cause cultures to dr ift away from traditional underpinnings Beyond their reproductive roles in the


90 biolo gical preservation of the population, Garifuna in cultural preservation. With female migration, a long with the physical loss of central m embers of family units, many cultural traditions and practices are also being jeopardized Historically, a ccording to Gonzalez (1997:205) Garifu na family organization points to the powerful, and pivotal, roles that women hold in their families and communities (Gargallo 2005; Gonzalez 1969; 1988; Kerns 1989; Palacio 1991; 2005b) A mong Garifuna villagers, an d on a more limited scale in the towns, the redistribution of available resources was common. For female heads of household, their reciprocal inter relations provided vital safety nets, despite the constant absence of their men (England 2006; Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989) To a certain degree, this practice, i n its most skeletal form still exists today. From my observations, although the vestiges of the se relationships still endure, the current global economic condition, along with other c rise s further weakens the capacities of women, and female headed households (Buszin, et al. 2009; Matthei and Smith 2008) Also, f or a people used to physically supporting one another to sustain all levels of family and communal life, I contend that the constant out mi gration of women strikes at the foundation of Garifuna culture. Although remittances may provide famil ies with financial support, the absence of physical support may require more purchasing and less production of foods and other household goods. Within native societies, it did indeed take a village to raise their children and support their women while the men labored outside the community. Beyond the daily


91 requirements, family networks remained critica l links in emergency situations. Those relationsh ips were built for times such as these. In fact, several relief agencies noted that throughout rural areas, community based reciprocal networks often share the c ollective responsibility for the housing, feeding and dependent care necessary to withstand maj or crises (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster 2000; Subbarao and Coury 2004; UNICEF 2005c) As Blumberg (1995) suggests, s ince female headed households have increased vulnerability to the vicissitudes of larger systemic structures, they are critically dependent on community and kinship networks for their health and survival. After speaking with dozens of Garifuna women and m en, over the course of 10 months, I found that they are just beginning to realize that many of the kinship networks on which they depend are no longer stable They were also beginning to recognize that many orphans now exist ed in their communities as se veral parentless children now reside d outside the care of their families I use the analogy of lobsters boiling in a progressively heated pot of water, where the change s are so gradual that they are often indiscernible. Therefore, what I see in Garifuna so adaptive responses to continuous crises, and on multiple levels that have begun to rupture the communal structures on which they stand As a cultural group, the Garifuna (Black Caribs) have succes sfully overcome slavery, genocide, exile, alienation, economic stagnation, dispersion, discrimination, migration, racism, marginalization, disease and now, global economi c and intra household instability. Functionally, from whatever perspective one views t he Garifuna condition, these people have been in a literal fight for their lives f or centuries Indeed, the birth of Garifuna culture occurred due to the merging of two peoples, African and Amerindian (Arawak Carib) in an


92 alliance for survival (Foster 2005; Gargallo 2005; Gonzalez 1988; Kerns 1989; Palacio 2005b) However, after generations of adaptive processes have dispersed weakened or killed many of their most viable m embers, their populations are confronting n ew socio cultural realities. The c onstant tearing apart of their communal fabric now leaves many chasms through which women and other vulne rable groups continue to fall. Mr. Ciego said that he recognized the cultural changes as they occurred over time, and says that the effects on females and their dependents are significant: Single women have always been the heads of household. The men would work away, but the women would stay home and raise the kids. When the Western culture began to challenge the traditi onal culture, things began to deteriorate. As home life suffered, the kids including orphaned kids also suffered. Unfortunately, for the most vulnerable Garifuna (including poor, single, females from rural areas) gender and economic equality often remain beyond their reach. The jobs available to many women who out migrate ( i.e., domestic help, resort cook, teacher, nurse, bank clerk, government worker, etc.) pay a fraction of the salaries earned by men (England 2006) The low wages do not offset the costs of purchasing, rather than growing, one s food, or sustaining o wn living expenses whil e also trying to send remittances that: The sexual division of labor in the patriarchal Central American labor market means that women do not have the same earning potenti al as men. Many women prefer to stay in Garifuna villages where they can get by with the help of female kin, sporadic contributions from the father(s) of their children, and cultivation. (England 2006:75) Despite the difficulties finding lucrative employment opportunities females, many of them single mothers, continue to mig rate. During this study, I spoke with several women in


93 the communities who recalled seeing their children Juanita, islands shared her concerns. Every time I leave my c hildren, and I have to go on the small boat I get fear we not going to make it over. But, I have to go work. A me one [it is me That participant made it clear that, although her ex husband was alive, he only sent but that is not enough, and he has other children with e were injured or killed numbers of households have no male contributor, other women will continue to migrate for longer durations, unless they too are provided with e facing the fallout of a legacy of discrimination over land, and other resources. Moore asserts that: R ace, ethnicity, class [and] re ligion all affect the ways in which women ente r into relations with the state and work together to reinforce and r eproduce dominant ideologies (Moore 1988:130) These realities are especially true for Garinagu women who, for centuries, have labored within two dominant cultures, at the traditional village level, and within the broader national systems under which they live with mixed re sults (Gargallo 2005; Gonzalez 1988; 1997; Kerns 1989; Palacio 2005b) For many cultures, these kinds of external based power structur (Moore 1988:131) A s reports on Africa and Latin America demonstrate, these cultural changes are now in process across societies with few answers about what will happen to women, and their dependents, in the long run (Blumberg 1995;


94 Deere, et al. 1997; Foxen 2007; Green 1998; Hammill 2005; Shiva 1997:66; UNICEF 2006; World Bank 2003) In rural Ho nduras, unlike villagers in Belize few families have established titles to land, and their internal economies are facing their greatest challenges at a time when the communities are at their weakest. Perhaps one approach to understanding where the Garifun a will proceed in the future begins by looking at what worked for them in the past. Evidence supports the empowerment and stability of women to successfully fulfill their roles as the mothers, household heads, caregivers, healthcare workers, teachers, and central cores of their families and communities. Research findings confirm that female capacity building translates to positive outcomes in national health and stability as reflected by increased family planning, educational attainm ent and child welfare st andards. Furthermore, overwhelming empirical evidence from other cultures suggests clearly, that the most effective method to help orphans and vulnerable children succeed is to strengthen the capacity and health of families, and of women (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aliber and Walker 2006; Aspaas 1999; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Green 1998; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005; Pfeiffer, et al. 2001; Stansbury and Sierra 2004; Sub barao and Coury 2004; UNICEF 2004; UNICEF 2005b; USAID 2009) Therefore, given the present global economic condition, any initiatives to establish effective long term development for orphans, the expanding elderly populations, and other dependent groups m ust also consider securing the stability of women especially as their other networks of support continue to diminish. The following Case Study describes one s working abroad and the impact on her family in her home village.


95 Case Study: Yo Yolanda (as I will call her) is a young mother of four small children. She to work outside the village over three years ago, an d except for sporadic visits, he seldom communicates with his family and stopped sending back remittances. Yolanda feels that he met another woman but, after a casual comment, she stops talking for a moment then changes the subject. She did not want to tal k about why she thinks that he left his family behind. For three years, Yolanda has worked outside the village as a hotel maid as part of the tourism industry in Belize. When she leaves her village for three to four months at a time she leaves her childre says that she works outside the village because she has no choice. She says that she sends back money, clothes, shoes and other gifts regularly, leave it s that knowing another language, especially English has given her opportunities to work in Belize children the same chances [to find work out side the village], so I have to leave. But, I have a plan to send them to get more school in La Cieba when they leave school here [in the village] ith whom I spoke in asked Yolanda if she ha d made any permanent arrangemen ts for the care of her children if she died unexpectedly for any reason. She pause d for a while clearly un sure of how to respond to the question, and then said at was the belief of many women with whom I spo ke, who fe lt that their kinfolk we re capable and willing to foster their children if they died. But, the impact of economic out migration on family stability and resilience is profound. s on subsistence farming to provide staple foods for her family, and depends heavily on money sent by her daughter for the care of her grand


96 real probability exists that her children will be split up, and sent to live with whatever family members have the desire, and the financial ability to provide for their care. Although village suggest that she may not be abl e to fulfill that desire. Yet, none of the women who shared their stories with me had made any type of will, or had even discussed any permanent arrangements with family for the care of their children in the event of orphaning. Unfortunately, w omen like Yo landa have limited options but to continue to depend heavily on the availability of family support systems to foster their children. However for many women, these networks may no longer exist at sufficient capacities to foster their children together in th e same households, communities or even countries Schmalzbauer (2004) describes the separation of transnational families, and the she found that the impact of Honduran transnational families. In her view: T ransnationalism is a response to structural inequalities that make it impossible for families to sustain themselves in their countries o f origin. It is a means of optimizing security by maintaining a resource base in two places, and by diversifying family income by tapping into two labor markets (Schmalzbauer 2004:1319) For Garifuna women like Yolanda, shouldering an increasing financial burden for her household and childcare precipitated their decisions to migrate. However, as more females depart their home communities, the care of children and orphans will continue to change. Another critical factor to impact family stability and orphan care in recent years is the destructive effect of HIV/AIDS.


97 Trends in Community Responses to AIDS and Orphaning in African and Afro Descendant Populations: Possible Implications for the Garifuna Around the gl obe, the HIV/AIDS pandemic continues to devastate families, communities and entire nations with no end in sight. Of the more than 33 million people living with HIV, 2.5 million are under age 15 (UNAIDS 2007) The most heavily affected area is sub Saharan Africa with 67% of the popul ation living with the disease (UNAIDS 2008) Global trends also indicate that HIV/AIDS is now a generalized epidemic in parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean, which mea ns that more than one percent of those regional populations is now HIV positive (UNAIDS 2007) A ccording t o a U.S. Congressiona l Report on the impact of HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean and Central America: The countries with the highest prevalence or infection rates are Belize, the Bahama s, Guyana, Haiti, and Trinidad and Tobago, with rates between 2% and 4%; and Barbados, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Jamaica, and Suriname, with rates between 1% and 2%. (Sullivan 2008:2) In several nations throughout the Americas, including the countries investigated in this study, one of the principal factors contributing to community disarticulation is the rise in HIV/AIDS. Over 1.6 million people in Latin America and 230,000 in the Caribbean were (Sullivan 2008:CRS 1) A more recent publication causes of death among those aged 25 44 and that y oung people, especially young women, continue to be at disproportionate risk (Kaiser Family Foundation 2009:1) The implications for the stability of societies are extreme, and many communities across the Diaspora are already showing marked destabi lizations due to the disease (Abebe and Aase 2007; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005:17; Guest 2001; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005)


98 Evidence is mounting that several traditiona l Afro descendant communities are in trouble (Aliber and Walker 2006; Farmer 2005; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Kaiser Family Foundation 2009; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; Oleke, et al. 2005; Stansbury and Sierra 2004; Sullivan 2008; UNICEF and UNAIDS 2006) The changes are readily observed at the household level, with a rise in female and child headed households and increasing female out migration (A bebe and Aase 2007; Aspaas 1999; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Guest 2001) For the Garifuna, a lthough male transnational migration is not a new phenomenon, the added pressures left by economic shortfalls, HIV/AIDS and other burdens have prompted lar ge contingents of women to also out migrate to earn a living (Schmalzbauer 2004) This process leaves an even heavier burden on households to care for orphaned and non orphaned youth. While traditional systems for orphan care remain intact for more well to do families, growing number s of child orphans from poorer families now find themselves in the homes of distant kin or in other non traditional care arrangements (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aliber and Wal ker 2006; Aspaas 1999; Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster, et al. 2005; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; Oleke, et al. 2005) Also, for many orphans, as extended families and especially as women no longer reside within close proximity, siblings may become as dis persed as the distant locations of their kinfolk. Other observed changes documented across the Diaspora include inter generational conflicts and intra household instability, property appropriation by family members that erodes the inheritance rights of o rphans, along with escalating alcohol and drug abuse, teenage pregnancy, and increased violence (Aliber and Walker 2006; Ellis Brown 2005; Guest 2001; Palacio M. 2002; Subbarao and Coury 2004) Several studies also suggest


99 that th e increase in HIV/AIDS that results in the loss of the major breadwinners or other productive adults, has left countless families struggling to access adequate food, medical care, housing and other critical resources (Aspaas 1999; Foster, et al. 2005; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; UNICEF 2005a; UNICEF 2005b) Unfortunately, the extensive research on the socio cultural disintegration of many African and Afro descendant societies in th e face of desperate socio economic conditions may foretell a disturbing trend on the horizon for Garifuna communities in Central America without mitigative intervention In many African and Afro Caribbean cultures the impact of the disease is becoming inc reasingly apparent as countless communities are now strained, leaving many with limited options for support (Abebe and Aase 2007; Foster 2000; Foster, et al. 2005; Guest 2001; Kaiser Family Foundation 2009; Nyambedha et al. 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005) The effects are vast and multi generational. Although "members of the extended family usually assume responsibility for orphaned children when both parents have died or when the surviving parent is unable to look after [their] children," for many families, AIDS has proven to decrease or eliminate their capacities to respond (Foster, et al. 2005:17) Despite their weakened capacity, as Guest (2001:10) remains the only safety net for orphans. The state often has no money to offer In Uganda, Zimbabwe and throughout Sub Saharan Africa, the overwhelming numbers of orphaned childr en have led some aunts and uncles the traditional first choice as alternate caregivers to refuse to foster children. Their decisions were based largely on their inability to assume the additional financial burden, and their reluctance to impact their

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100 own children's welfare (Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Foster, et al. 2005; Subbarao and Coury 2004) Studies of rural communities in Africa also hint at other aspects of how the disease may articulate throughout traditional communities in the America s For example, Nyambedha (2001; 2003) and his colleagues found clear markers that indicated a seismic shift in the Luo community's capacity to effectively respond to current social stressors. Results showed that households fostering orphaned children obtained limited support from community based groups, and faced marked disadvantages in their ability to "afford sc hool fees food, [medical care] and clothing" for orphaned children (Nyambedha, et al. 2003:83) Nyambedha's research and other studies paint disturbing picture s of societal collapse in action, as they all suggest that HIV/AIDS is threatening several indigenous populations with extinction (Abebe and Aase 2007; Aliber and Walker 2006; Aspaas 1999; Nyambedha, et al. 2001; 200 3; Stansbury and Sierra 2004) Allen (1997:197) also notes in her analysis of the impact of AIDS on Caribbean women and primarily within the more productive and reproductive 25 35 age group that, "AIDS [has begun to] upset the balance between fertility and mortality, with unforeseen long term consequences for population dynamics. The legacy of HIV/AIDS has proven to "disrupt social roles, rights and obligations and affected families often endure major deficiencies to their health and livelihoods as they assume greater responsibility for their own care without sufficient suppo rt ( Barnett and Whiteside 2006; Guest 2001; Subbarao and Coury 2004) Reports on AIDS deaths in Kenya, and an analysis of the impact of orphanhood in 40 countries in Sub Saharan Africa, provide a basis for comparison to the current crisis occurring across pop ulations in Latin America and the Caribbean (Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2003)

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101 Studies also reveal trends that highlight possible areas of intervention with the Garifuna in Honduras and Belize (Aliber and Walker 2006; Aspaas 1999; Monasch and Boerma 2004; Nyambedha, et al. 2003; Oleke, et al. 2005; Pfeiffer, et al. 2001; Stansbury and Sierra 2004) The Reality of HIV/AIDS in Honduras and Belize a nd the Effects on the Ga rifuna UNAIDS (2006) and WHO (2005a; 2005b) assert that among the most pressing problems for the Garifuna remain their struggle to control the scourg e of HIV/AIDS. In (1992; 2005) work in Haiti, recent studies suggest that the Garifuna are a population at disproportionate risk for HIV infection (Buszin, et al. 2009; Jackson 2002; Sabin, et al. 2008; Stansbury and Sierra 2004) In Honduras and Be lize, home to the largest populations of Garinagu in Central America, the disease is recognized (Buszin, et al. 2009; Sabin, et al. 2008; UNAIDS/WHO 2006:54; WHO 2005a; WHO 2005b) The effect of the disease on Garifuna communities is acute According to an article published by the P an American Health Organization in Honduras : The cumulative rate of AIDS cases among these desce ndants of Africans and Amerindians is nearly 15 times the national rate; [and currently], more than 8 percent of adult Garifuna test positive for HIV, four times higher than the national average. (Jackson 2002) A study by Stansbury and Sierra (2004:458) Garifuna [ in Honduras] have ranged from 6.8% 8.0% Their figures are lower than the estimated 8% 14% published by UNAIDS/WHO (2006) that sourced their data to a report from the Honduran Health Sec retary in1998. In comparison with national data, recent statistics fo r Honduras and Belize compiled by UNICEF, estimate the national HIV prevalence rates among all people aged 15 49 at 0.7% and 2.1% for each respective

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102 country (UNICEF.org 2010a; UNICEF.org 2010b) UNICEF data also showed that the number of people (of all ages) living with HIV in 2007 ran ged from a low of 18,000 to a high of 44,000 in Honduras and, a low of 2,200 to a high of 5,300 in Belize (UNICEF.org 2010a; UNICEF.org 2010b) T he concern about the effects of HIV/AIDS on Central American communities is not limited to Honduras. Belize has surpassed Honduras as the count ry with the highest per capita HIV prevalence rate in Central America HIV (Catzim 2008; Sullivan 2008; UNAIDS 2006) In fact, a s USAID reports, t hroughout the Central Am erican region the consequences of this disease on the lives of orphaned children are overwhelming. HIV/AIDS has orphaned an estimated 73,000 children in Central America. As parents die, the effects on children cannot be overstated. Many children orphaned by HIV/AIDS lose their childhood and are forced by circumstances to become producers of income and food or caregivers for sick family members. They suffer their own health problems related to increased poverty and inadequate nutrition, education, housing, clothing, and basic care and affection. (USAID 2010) Recognizing the size of the orphan population in Central America and i n light of the estimated AIDS prevalence rates among the Garifuna, I aimed in this study to determine the significance of HIV/AIDS in the extent of the ir orphan population. Responses from a majority of my informants reflected their concerns that HIV/AIDS i s a growing and silent, problem in their communities. Given the discrimination encountered by those who are known to be infected or affected by the disease, the climate may force many into hiding. A lthough national and grassroots programs for HIV/AIDS edu cation, testing, and treatment are available in Honduras and Belize, few take advantage of the services. A UNICEF assessment of children and HIV/AIDS in five Central American countries found that:

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103 Women from remote areas have difficulty accessing services and people are reluctant to access these specialized, AIDS specific, institutions for fear that they will be subject to stigma. (UNICEF 2005b) I n both countries, Garifuna and other c ommunity leaders wo rr ied that the numbers infected we re increasing as people unknowingly infect ed their partners. It is a pattern many fear ed would contribute to an increase in numbers of orphans. As one rural health worker in Belize asserted: There is an 11.3% prevalence ra te of HIV/AIDS in [this district]. There are a lot of children that will be orphaned if this continues, and it does not look disease seriously. Most reports lump everyone together but t he Pan American Social Marketing Organization did a report that breaks down the Garifuna numbers with regards to AIDS, and they are high. Similarly, a stakeholder from the Ministry of Human Development in Belize stated that nationwide: We have a huge prob lem with HIV/AIDS here, and there is an even greater confidentially, so people shy away from testing and treatment. So, the full numbers of AIDS cases is unknown and the spread continues So, the numbers of orphans will continue to go up. In Inebesi and Siene villages in Honduras the locals insisted that for years, the problem of HIV/AIDS had been contained within a few pueblos to the fortuitous exclusion of others. However, since Garif una populations are highly migratory, travel between villages increase the risks of spreading the disease to even the most remote enclaves. B y all accounts, this is a problem that requires swift and decisive intervention if there is any hope of mitigating the continued growth of cases throughout native communities. In the next chapter, I describe the methods I employed to investigate the causes and the consequences of orphaning in Garifuna society.

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104 CHAPTER 4 DATA GAT H ERING AND ANALYTICAL METHODS This dis sertation is a mixed methods study that was undertaken in two phases. Phas e one involved a two month pre dissertation project in Honduras (June and July 2007). That research provided the insights and data required to complete Phase two, which comprised eig ht additional months of fieldwork in Honduras and Belize (November 2008 t hrough July 2009). The key objectives of this research were: 1) To listen to, and to understand the experiences of orphans in Garifuna culture 2) To request the direct input from communit y members, families and the orphans themselves about what each child w ould need in order to achieve successful independent lives as young adults. 3) To inform government agencies, international organizations, academic institutions and local community leaders that are focused on protecting OVCs about the scope of the problem, and to provide them with the information needed to help the most at risk children their families and the broader society. To accomplish those goals, and to structure and guide the invest igative process, my study employed an inductive method using Participatory Action Research (PAR) and Ethnography (Bernard 1998; Chambers 1997; Cheek 2002; Guba and Lincoln 2005) Additionally, to a dvance understand ing about the predominant issues facing orphans in Garifuna society, I focused my study on child orphans, ( under eighteen years of age whose mother s or both parents, were deceased ) and adult orphans (over eighteen years of age whose mothers, or both paren ts, died before their eighteenth birthday) I contend that a full understanding of this unfamiliar topic required a approach that incorporated traditional and focused ethnographic interviews, participant and non participant observation, along with descriptive statistical analysis, and national demographic data as required, to quantify and validate the qualitative results (Bernard

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105 1998; Creswell and Clark 2007; Denzin and Lincoln 2005; Patton 2002; Richards and Morse 2006) This combined approach began with an emic focused inquiry, using the first hand accounts of stakeholders and the orphans themselves (Agar 1980; Bernard 1998; Denzin and Lincoln 2005; Patton 2002; Richards and Morse 2006; Spradley 1980) Recognizing the logistical complexity of this investigation, and given the limited existing data with which to pre establish any definite hypotheses, I structured this project in an exploratory design. Essentially, ethnography provide d an effective tool for discovering hidden aspects of the culture (Bernard 1998) (1973) paradi gm on childhood (James and Prout 1997) Using ethnographic methods to compile case histories and other qualitative data facilitated my examinati on of the protracted effects of cultural change on the lives of orphaned Garifuna children. The methodology also allowed orphans to speak directly about their lived experiences, and to participate as active agents, rather than as passive bystanders, in dat a collection (Hardman 1973) Throughout all phases of research, et hnographic techniques produced new knowledg e about the experiences of Garifuna orphans and allowed for the development of semi structured interview guides, assessment criteria, and other templates required to conduct my fieldwork This method also facilitated the collection of focused contextual and broader historic data, through open ended individual, and group based, conversations with several key informants in the community. With a strong history of use in Latin America, the PAR method was uniquely suited to accomplishing the objectives of this project. The method allow ed for the development of a cooperative investigation with the target group (orphans) and community under study

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106 (Chambers 1997; Richards and Morse 2006) PAR is a proven applied, collaborative approach to socio cultural, community based inquiry, which focuses on knowledge production for the purpose of identifying priorities and plans for future action. The method involves the establishment of long term partnerships to detect and ad dress issues of shared interests or concerns. The techniques used in the PAR process are also designed to adapt to changing situations in the field. The act of collaboration, where the researched often act as researchers, and the scientist at least tempor arily becomes the student, allows for the extraction of new insights into complex issues that would otherwise remain provided opportunities for understanding the cultural processes at work in my selected communities (Chambers 1983; 1997) This research aspired to do more than mer ely assemble new data but sought to make the information accessible and practicable. Using the PAR model and ethnographic methods, this project combined dozens of life histories to generate a multi leveled understanding of the orphan condition The stud y also provides a broad analysis about how this culture is adapting to the changes that have occurred at the local and national levels over time and how this has influenced each g of orphans Moreover, from the onset, the me thodological plan of this dissertation was and continues to be service oriented By this, I mean that m y approach to the design and execution of this research was grounded in the missions and methods of Applied Anthropology to solve pressing societal p roblems Initial consultations with stakeholders at the local and state levels revealed that limited information about the numbers and conditions of orphans country wide significantly hampered their abilities to assist the children or their families effect ively. It is hoped that

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107 this study will produce socially relevant and useable data, for the purpose of building household capacities and providing direction to the stakeholders charged with the protection and care of orphans (Bernard 1998:693) Study Site Locations: Countries and Communities Figure 4 1 Distribution of Garifuna Settlement Territory throughout Central America wit h Selecte d Study Sites Indicated Map created by Author For the first and second phases, fieldwork was carried out in several rural and semi urban Garifuna communities along the Atlantic corridor of northern Honduras and southern Belize. The names of the communiti es and the identities of most participants, have been replaced with pseudonyms for the purposes of this dissertation. The selection of each settlement, as indicated in Figure 4

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108 size, population density, i ts location (both coastal and inland), and the availability of some form of transportation to access, and maneuver within, the most remote areas. Also important was ensuring that each community contained rich concentrations of Garifuna orphans and stakehol ders who were willing to participate in the study. Each site depicts distinct Garifuna communities that are undergoing great social and cultural adjustments. Also, based on the fairly compact sizes of these communities and the shared population characteri stics, initial research determined that these sites were accessible to me, and perfectly suited to: Identify the numbers and the needs of orphans; Document the impact of emigration on local households and families; Assess the effects of cultural change o n the care of orphans; Establish dialog ue and partnerships among key stakeholders; Determine the levels of access available for orphans to the resources and supports they need; Develop subsequent interventions based on research findings; and, Implement community focused programs with the collaborative participation of the populations and stakeholders at the local and national levels. In Honduras, the semi urban settlement o f Agua Azul was selected based on its history as a Garifuna enclave dating back t and their arrival in Honduras in 1797. Additionally, the villages of Inebesi and Siene were chosen due to their rural locations, their recognition as ancestral Garinagu settlements, reliance on wage labor while maintaining their horticultural and fishing traditions Within each community, the ethnic constitutions of the current populations are primarily if not exclusively Garifuna. At the onset of my initial study in the summer of 2007, I originally maintained a narrow focus as I documented the systems of

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109 care for orphans who lived in rural Honduran villages. During the research process, I was led to question by focusing on a few remote villages in one country. Several findings from my first study precipitated my decision to expand this research to include Belize. My initial observations in Inebesi and Siene villages revealed that orphan siblings were cared f or in multiple households, m aking it difficult to locate in tact families of orphans in the communities. In Inebesi village, where I conducted a door to door population assessment, it was problema tic to find any orphans at all. W ith a resident population of over 550 people I located only six orphans who had lost their mothers or both parents. When I inquired about the low numbers, I was told that several of the younger orphans were sent to live with family outside the community who offered to foster them, a nd possessed the financial abi lity to provide for their care. Older orphans, over eighteen years of age, were e specially difficult to locate. Although many were initially raised in the villages, once they graduated from the local educational systems most chose to migrate to larger cities and towns. Those with family connections and financial support went in search of higher education or job opportunities that were not available inside their natal communities. Although the Honduran cities of La Ceiba, San P edro Sula and Tegucigalpa were identified as the current homes of several young adult orphans, I determined that financial and logistical constraints would prohibit my ability to conduct research effectively in those areas. Also, the lack of physical or el ectronic mail services, or regular telephone access from the villages, prevented many family members from contacting the orphans who had departed the settlements. Several informants admitted that they had no idea where the

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110 orphans ended up. After weeks of effort, I concluded that the distance, time, and travel costs made seeking out additional orphans in Hondura n cities unfeasible. Furthermore, for many Honduran families, the outside world sounded like the eams were made. As I continued to speak to local residents I learned that som e orphans were sent to Belize. Those orphans and the children sent to live in the United States and other countries were seen as the fortunate ones. The decision to split up orp haned siblings was their own good To establish whether the beliefs of family members were valid, I decided to expand my research to Belize. In Belize, I also selected two villages (Echuni and Wayunagu) and one semi urban site ( ) Al l three settlements were located in Stann Creek District Characteristic of the majority of Garifuna settlements, two of the selected sites are located on the coast. However, Wayunagu on Gari relocation project after the coastal village of Seine Bight suffered hurricane damage in (Kerns 1989; Noe 2001) or do most families rely on farm ing to supply their major dietary needs Gaining Acc ess to Communities in Honduras and Belize My field research in Honduras and Belize encompassed 10 months, during 2007 through 2009. Prior to my departure for each phase of fieldwork (Phase 1: Summer 2007, and Phase 2: Fall 2008 to Summer 2009), I obtained Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval and designed some preliminary interview guides to organize the investigative process. I also consulted with several researchers who had worked in Central America,

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111 and who had conducted studies into Garifuna cultur e in the region. On the advice of one of my professors, I made an important connection with a Director at the Honduran Ministry's Office of Indigenous Education (Nacional de PROEIMCA Honduras Educando Desde y para la Interculturalidad) in Tegucigalpa. That relationship provided me with entry into the Garifuna communities throughout Honduras, since the Director who is Garifuna expressed interest in my research topic and immediately offered his support. The Director also recruited a local Garifuna college stu dent who participated as my principal Research Assistant, bi lingual Translator (Garifuna/Spanish) and field gui de for the duration of m y initial project in Honduras in 2007, and my follow up study in 2009. Including a Garifuna student on my research team greatly facilitated my fieldwork in Honduras as he understood the terrain, knew the rural communities, and provided me with immediate acceptance into the remote s ettlements. Because my Research Assistant was an educator who was familiar with the culture, k new the people, and wa s fluent in Garifuna and Spanish, I felt the children would become comfortable more quickly and display more natura l behaviors with him The plan was to have him interact with the adults and children directly whil e I observed their ac tivities. In exchange for his help, I offered him the opportunity to learn field research techniques while providing him with the mentorship he time Research Assistant, I also worked with a l ocal translator from one of the villages, who assisted with transcribing my field interviews from Garifuna and Spanish into English. Both of my Research Assistants were native Garifuna who received their college educations in Cuba and the United States, an d who had returned to Honduras to live and work in support of their people. I also established critical connections with UNICEF Honduras and with

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112 who had officers in the field who worked directly with orphan s and vulnerable children In Belize, although I was able to conduct research without the need for field assistants or translators, I obtained access to my study sites with the help of key contacts in the Garifuna comm unity. Fortunately my informants in Honduras provided me with direct introductions to the Garifuna leadership in Belize who were aware of my research, and offered their participation. Prior to my arrival, I connected with a respected local teacher who was a well known member of the community. Living with Miss Ann (as I will refer to her) provided a home base from which I could reach out to other community leaders. An introduction by Miss Ann to the directors of the National Garifuna Council in Belize allow ed me to quickly begin my fieldwork from the onset of my arrival. Other key contacts included a noted Garifuna radio personality and officer at the Ministry of Education who traveled with me to several villages I was also fortunate to have the support of a distinguished Garifuna a nthropologist who provided insight into Garifuna family organization and about the modifications in response to childcare occurring throughout the culture. Those connections facilitated my access to all segments of Garifuna societ y in Belize, and fostered connections throughout the country at the local and national levels while I conducted my research. Initial Study in Honduras: Phase One (2007) Vast omissions in the literature made it difficult to determine exactly what issues I w ould confront in the field, and prompted my decision to conduct a pilot study in six Garifuna communities in Honduras during the summer of 2007. At the onset of my pre dissertation research, I went into the field with several misconceptions that I modified throughout the investigative process. For instance, I assumed initially that orphans would

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113 be an easy group to locate. As I explained in Chapter t wo, they were not The word orphan was not even a part of the common vernacular I also believed that as a Jamaican woman of color cultural similarities would enable a smooth adaptation to their communities and thus make fieldwork easy to accomplish Again, although I felt welcome in the settlements, I also realized quickly that I needed to modify my appr oach to not become so familiar as to jeopardize my objectivity in the collection and later analysis of my data The r esearch employed a progressive methodolog y that began with informal conversations with area residents to id entify the orphans and other key stakeholders in the area. With the help of my Research Assistant and Translator, my team conducted background interviews with several orphans (under eighteen years old) about their experiences within the village after the loss of their mothers, or bot h parents. Fieldwork also included conversation s with local elders, NGOs, government officials, and other sources that were familiar with th e research population. Those narratives helped to establish a descriptive timeline to explain the systemic processes at work once a child is orphaned in his or her society, as well as the obstacles they faced when trying to access the supports they need ed for their successful development in the long term. Analysis of initial interviews w as used to identify the paramo unt concerns of Garifuna orphans including their perceptions of risk and family and the quality of their c are once they became orphaned. The project sough t to determine if the orphans possessed any un identified obstacles to their effective psychosocial adju stment, as an effect of parental loss. Th is study also sought to lay the groundwork to establish if orphan s confront ed any

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114 major hindrances to their accessing the resources necessary for their successful transition s i nto adulthood when compared to other c hildren in their communities For a representative analysis of a traditional Garifuna settlement, I selected Inebesi, a small rural village as my initial study site. The community is located on the Atlantic coast compact size, secluded location, concentration of Garifuna people, and traditional subsistence practices provided a perfect starting point. Since there were no available statistics on population size, or the locations of households caring for orphans, I be gan by conducting the first door to door demographic census ever performed in the community. The process aimed to quantify the total residents, the children (under the age of eighteen), the numbers of orphans, and the cumulative numbers of children enrolle d in the two local schools (from kindergarten through grade nine). I also initiated institutional mapping of the village (and the surrounding area) to assess what services and resources we re avail able to the residents This included an evaluation of their access to suitable housing, food, potable water, healthcare a nd other necessary resources. The study also attempted to quantify the actual numbers of children that fit my official classification of Garifuna orphan s During this phase, I also sought to de term ine if any children in the villages were abandon ed thereby relegating them to the Additionally, I selected that rural community as the site to perform educational exercises designed to engage childre n individual ly and in group setting s in order to view their levels of social adjustment including literacy language skills (Garifuna, Span ish and English) confidence creativity, d ecision making, and teamwork. Because this was my first visit to a Garifu na settlement, I also wanted to elicit shared trust and comfort between my

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115 research team and the local population Groups of students (in grades two through nine) participated in select exercises, including co ed football matches and coloring and writing a ctivities. Since these exercises were conducted primarily in Garifuna language, I maintained an observational role, while one of my Research Assistants implemented each activity and provided an evaluation of student performance. Each project was designed t o allow me to observe how orphans interacted with one another, and with their peers, when they were required to organize themselv es and share limited materials. As the pilot study developed, and as I analyzed the results of each exercise, old ideas disappe ared and new questions emerged. Throughout this process, several blind alleys necessitated rapid in field methodological adjustments and made regular consultations with my informants a priority. At the conclusion of all exercises, an evaluation of student performance was completed by one of my Research Assistant s That paper was incorporated into a comprehensive assessment of the impacts of economic disparities, out migration and the growing infiltration of HIV/AIDS and other socio cultural changes on the care of orphans in select communities. As a gesture of good faith, a follow up Indigenous Education in order to provide initial insights about the experiences of orphans in the communit y, and to gain support for continued fieldwork throughout the dissertation process. In addition to the Ministry, the pilot study involved coordination with humanitarian organizations, community based groups (schools, churches), and select orphans (a nd othe r parentless children) who collectively ensured their participation and assistance for future research. Based on the insights and evidence I gleaned from Phase One, I developed my plan for Phase Two of my fieldwork.

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116 Sample and Sampling Techniques in Belize and Honduras : Phase Two (2008 20 09) I arrived in Belize in the fall of 2008 and began Phase two of my field work in a d istrict with a high concentration of Garifuna people During this Phase, some of the sampling techniques that I developed in 2007 were mo dified as needed to fulfill the research requirements within my new study sites. In one major adjustment, I redesigned the spreadsheet and techniques t hat I employed to identify the Garifuna orphans in the semi urban communities. S ince the towns in Beliz e ( and in Honduras ) contained mixed ethnic populations I needed to differentiate my target group from other populations of orphans and other parentless children. To combat this problem, and to help me to assemble more accurate data I developed a census g categorized by ethnicity, gender, age, and grade level From there, I could decide which children were old enough to be interviewed, and I could also gather data from a blend of male and female Garifuna orph ans. Within days of my arrival I was prepared to conduct my study. To locate my target group, I held conversation s with the school principals to obtain their permissions for me to speak with the teachers. In my meetings with the teachers, I described the p urpose of my study and also received their support for me to proceed. Once they had informed the families and caregivers about my research, I was allowed to work on school premises and to speak with the students directly. Schools in the villages ranged fro m kindergarten to sixth or ninth grade. Educational institutions in the towns offered instruction through Junior College in Belize and ninth grade in Honduras. After deciding on my sampling approach, I selected participants in the schools based on specific characteristics a Garifuna male or

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117 female, whose biological mother or both biological parents had died from any cause, while the child was under eighteen years of age. D uring my initial conversation s with the educators, I noted their limited recollection s of which children had deceased parents. My preliminary counts of orphans, based on their feedback, were extremely low. Instead of relying on their recollections, or on inaccurate school records I was allowed to conduct class by class polls of all childr en in the schools The discrepanc ies between the figures first reported by the principals, and th ose I obtained using my spreadsheet s and my class counts method, proved substantial. Based on student feedback, I identified all the children who indicated tha t their mother, father, or both parents were deceased. Interviews were conducted with select child orphans (between 8 and 17 years old) and young adult orphans (over eighteen years old ) who fit the criteria of my target group. To locate orphans outside th e school system, I consulted with key informants to determine how I would sample other group s. Since the field sites made controlled sampling extremely difficult, I focus ed on nominated (snowball) sampling, rather than random sampling (Richards and Morse 2006) I n addition to guidance from teachers and students, I identified households caring for orphans with help from local clergy, social service directors, and public health officials who were familiar with the families The characteristics of the child and adult orphans I located in the community included those who were too ill or too young to attend sc hool, those who had aged out of the educa tional system, and those who had dropped out of school for other reasons. D espite extensive canvassing in the c ommunities I located very few adult orphans. Interviews with household heads revealed that many young ad ults who had aged out of the local school

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118 system and were unable to go on to college routinely depart ed their home settlements in hopes of finding work or other opportunities. Participant Sample in Honduras and Belize (Village and Semi Urban Sites ) My stu dy population of Garifuna orphans in Honduras and Belize included child orphans and adult orphans. I also spoke with a small sample of fatherless children in both countries to gauge if their extended family network s provided vastly different levels of care and access than the children who had lost their mothers. This sample needs to be expanded for future research. A dditionally, interviews with caregivers and other stakeholders were obtained within in the four villages and two sem i urban sites, as well as w ith members of the larger society at the local and national levels For my Household Stability Assessment (HSA), I evaluated households that were providing shelter and care for all the participating orphans. The sample for my Orphan Access Assessment (OAA ) included the results of interviews conducted with orphans and stakeholders in both countries. An Orphan Care Assessment (OCA) was also conducted to establish and analyze the living arrangements of orphans in each community Data Collection and Classifica tion Data collection incorporated several ethnographic methods, including extensive participant observation in the schools and with families, along with non participant observation in rural and semi urban field sites With the help of two trained, multi li ngual Research Assistants in Honduras, I created three interview guides (Appendices 4 6 below) with open and closed questions for use in all my study communities for the duration of my fieldwork. To increase mutual comfort and establish trust with the orph ans, the Children and Young Adult guides used in Honduras were translated into Spanish, which allowed me to ask questions directly. Although the Stakeholder guide was not translated, my

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119 Research Assistants provided direct Garifuna/Spanish/English translati ons (as required) for all interviews in Honduras. I focused on the household as the unit of analysis and utilized a modified version of the coping capacity of each unit. Additional fieldwork involved individual interviews detailing the lifestyles and life cycles of orphans and their guardians. To provide insights into the cultural changes occurring in each study site, I held focus group di scussions with local businesses ow ners and women who had previously out migrated and returned to their home communities to retire. I als o implemented various group activities with orphans to gauge their perceptions of family, and their levels of integration into the ir households a nd communities In several research sites I lived in or alongside, the homes of single mothers who we re fostering orphans or other vulnerable children Using this approach, I obtained first hand insights about the dai ly interactions within these types of households. During my home visits, I spoke with orphans and their guardians in order to assess the effectiveness of childcare and the ability of each family to provide for the needs of their dependents. Additional conv ersation s with key informants provided context about the shifting cultural responses to the care of orphans, the coping mechanisms employed by households and children, and the current socio economic climate in which these families exist. To validate th e r esults of my interviews and a ssessments with orphans and their guardians I conducted several informal and spontaneous meetings with a broad cross section of stakeholders within, and outside, Garifuna society. Participants included local residents, religio us clergy, Garifuna spiritual ists (buyei) educators, public health workers,

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120 social service groups, local officials, national Ministry experts and international child development workers. Each informant was advised about the purpose of the interviews and I obtained verbal and written consent from each participant. I also developed codes and pseudonyms to protect the identities of specific informants. Although I brought a video camera and voice recorder to each individual and group meeting, the expressed di scomfort by a majority of my informants prevented the recording of interviews. The lack of informed consent for video or audio recording s necessitated my keeping a detailed computerized interview journal as well as hand written field diaries. I also extend ed the time dedicated to each interview by one to three hours, which allowed sufficient time to effectively document informant responses. Additional field equipment employed during my study included photographic and video cameras to compile a visual diary of my field locations and select study subjects as permitted Models Developed for Fieldwork: #1 Household Stability Assessment (HSA) model (2007) that they utilized in their analysis of orphan care in Ethiopia, I de signed a Househo ld Stability Assessment (HSA) to gauge the capacities of households that were raising orphaned children in Honduras and Belize I n refining my approach, I also considered the differences in the definitions of employment within a village as opposed to a s emi urban setting. This assessment of household stability therefore, provides meaningful insight into the ability of each unit as it strives to care effectively for all resident members. To complete each HSA, I conducted home visits with the women and men who were providing for th e orphans In cases where a guardian was unavailable, I completed the HSA with the help of the orphan(s) residing in the household, a member of their kin group,

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121 or a knowledgeable community resident. While borrowing from the opera tional classi fication system presented by Abe be and Aase ( 2007) the HSA gathered information familial obligations. The essential criteria I used to assess each level of stability are further defined as follows: (1) = the best case scenario, where the household possesses viable material and social capabilities even with no outside remittances; 2) = where the household has relatively stabl e possessions and the head of household is employed; 3) = where the household lives in relative poverty with declining living conditions, and there is no principal adult breadwinner and the family relies on remittances from family, or on other external support ; and, (4) = where the middle generation dies, leaving the household in financial hardship with no external support. To complete each assessment, each interviewee w as asked how the relations among social and economic factors in fluenced their I sought to establish: The number of household residents and who they are; The number of children living in the household who are under eighteen years old; The number of orphans under eightee n years living in the home; The number of orphans over eighteen years in the home; If the orphans had siblings living in different locations (and if so, why); Who wa s the head of household; If the household head work ed for money and the type of job held; W ho wa s the person responsible for paying the household expenses; If the household ha d other financial support (either from kin or outside sources); Who wa s the person primarily responsible to care for the children in the home; If the head of household own e d or rent ed the home; and, If the head of household own ed or lease d the land.

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122 Models Developed for Fieldwork: # 2 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA) This assessment template focused on identifying the cultural approaches to orphan care. Methods to establish my list of eight possible Orphan Care Approaches (OCA) included individual and group discussions with child and adult orphans, caregivers, local and non participant ob servation. Several stakeholders shared stories about the living arrangements of orphans within their families and communities, some of whom reside d in major cities and other areas not included in my study. Therefore, the following categories outline the li ved experiences of Garifuna orphans based on direct observation and upon the accounts of stakeholders either within, or outside, specific families caring for orphans. Garifuna famili es as well as four method s that this report includes approaches to childcare that were formerly employed as temporary or limited use options, but which h ave become permanent arrangements in response to mounting social, economic and lturally inappropriate and loyed the OCA to assess the living arrangements for each of the orphans, using the following eight classifications. Sanguine Kin (A) sister or brother, with all siblings fostered in one househo ld Sanguine Kin (B) sister or brother, with siblings separated into many households

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123 Orphan liv es with grandparent(s) or older sibling(s), with some siblings fostered together, although in most instances, siblings are separated Orphan lives with godparents, family fri ends or others in the community. Siblings may or may not be separated based on the number of children, and the financial and social capacity of the caregiver to provide for their needs as an in tact sibling unit Orphan(s) live with father who is either a single parent or remarried. Siblings may or may not be separated Child Orphan either wholly or largely, for his or her daily provisions. Siblings m ay or may not be separated home based arrangement. Siblings may or may not be separated, but the numbers of siblings, their ages, genders and legal status (as a ward of the state fo r example) may influence their placements within specific facilities home, and provides for his or her daily provisions without the regular support of family or kin. Siblings most likely separated Models Developed for Fieldwork: #3 Orphan Access Assessment (OAA) During my pilot study in Honduras I also developed an Orphan Access Assessment (OAA) model with the help of key sources from the Garifuna villages. The categories th at stakeholders determined were the supports a Garifuna child would need to access in order to develop successfully into young adulthood expanded from a list of 13 to 21 variables after conversation s with my informants. I finalized the questionnaire in 20 08. Throughout select resources and services when compared to other children in their communities. The categories outlined in the OAA provide a comparative outline o Housing; Food;

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124 Safe Water and Sanitation; Clothes; Shoes; Education (includes seven categories, from access to traditional education in Garifuna language and customs, to standard education access to pre school, primary school, seconda ry school, high school, junior college, university and vocational programs); Medical Care (includes seven categories, from access to traditional healers, conventional doctors and facilities, disease prevention and physical health materials, dental services optical care, and psychiatric counseling); and, Spiritual Teaching (includes two categories to assess access to traditional spiritual practices as well as other religious teaching). Analytical Methods The process of data analysis was performed throughout the du ration of Phases one and two E xamination of Phase one data proved foundational for the design and execution of the second research phase. Using Microsoft Word along with Excel spreadsheets, initial analytical methods included transcribing and organ izing all qualitative data to establish codes and identify significant themes (Bernard and Ryan 2003) I used content analysis to discover consistencies and establish patterns of association across all field notes and interviews. Analysis of informant interviews led to the creation of a Divi sion of Labor table (for men, women and children in rural villages), graphs and figures assessing Garifuna and supports. Also, the results of the demographic census cond ucted in Inebesi allowed me to plan effectively for the selection of my subseque nt research sites Ethnographic information was mined to gather socio demographic statistics for two geographical subsets (rural and semi urban settlements). I also employed de scriptive statistics to facilitate quantitative inquiry in order to summarize and cross check my

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125 qualitative evidence. I used Excel software to develop spreadsheets and to organize and calculate all data for secondary levels of analysis. Tests of each d ata set consisted of univariate analysis to measure variable frequency, distribution, dispersion, and central tendency. Frequency distribution tables and charts were used to visually depict the data results from the Household Stability Assessment (HSA), Orphan Care Approaches (OCA), and Orphan Access Assessment (OAA) models. Other visual methods of analysis included the use of my photographic diary, and the development of f igures and g raphs to describe the d to provide for orphaned children. Cyclical Communications Strategies and Feedback Mechanisms The process of Participatory Action Research (PAR) necessitates effective lines of communication between the s cientist and all stakeholders. Cyclical Communicati on strategies facilitate d this process by establishing continuous feedback between my informants and me The mechanism also allowed for periodic fact checking throughout all phases of research, a long with the incorporation of new knowledge as it bec a me ava ilable. During the cours e of my fieldwork several participants expressed deep interest in my dialogue that solicited the free input, and outflow, of information expanded the degree of trust among all participants while generat ing opportunities to raise local and national awareness about this research. In Honduras, I employed a fairly direct approach to communication and feedback. I conducted several one on one and small group meetings with community residents and government officials to share mutual knowledge and to discuss local concerns. The dialogue heightened awareness about the existence of orphans in local communities and

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126 after a few weeks, families began to approa ch me to talk about the problems they were facing with trying to care for the orphans in their households. I provided all participants w ith my contact information to enable unrestricted feedback. Al so, at the request of several villagers and townspeople I hel d periodic public lectures about my research, and allowed them to share their input during my on site fieldwork. In Belize, the communications mechanisms were more expansive. I delivered several institution wide lectures to educators and students at t he local high schools and the junior college. Initial presentations outlined the purpose and plan of my study and allowed residents to ask questions and become better informed about the scope of the orphan problem in Belize Residents were also invited, an d many volunteered, to participate in the study. Feedback from audience members also produced vit al leads about the locations of orphans in the community. News of each talk drew growing numbers of interested participants, who expressed their commitment to helping me to conduct the study. Since my return to the U.S., I have received updates from several orphans, g rassroots agencies, and other stakeholders in Honduras and Belize.

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127 CHAPTER 5 GARIFUNA LIFESTYLES WITHIN VILLAGES AND TOWNS: A BALANCING ACT BETWE EN THE TRADITIONAL AND MODERN As an outsider, entering a Garifuna community may seem like a journey into another world. Access to some of the more remote communities necessitates traversing unkempt and very isolated dirt roads M any settlements extend mile s beyond established transportation systems. Based on initial observations, the remote locations may suggest that these populations are cut off from the outside world. However casual impressions would be deceptive. In the process of population dispersal a nd growth, throughout the Americas and worldwide, the Garifuna have become adept at combining their traditional techniques with modern methods and technologies. Even i n the most remote countryside families with the access and financial means readily embra ce the use of products that ease the burden of maintaining the ir household s. Clear evidence of this cultural and economic duality is demonstrated by the existing layouts and infrastructures of their villages and semi urban settlements. On closer inspection remnants of the old culture exist side by side with clear signs of the intrusion from the outside world As the following sections demonstrate for Garifuna people life is an exercise in extremes from rural to urban, primitive to modern, poor to afflue n t, and everywhere in between. The Village Lifestyle Garifuna villages in Honduras and Belize share many common characteristics. For example, i n both countries, each of the rural sites contained predominantly Garifuna populations, who lived in relative iso lation with limited access to public services. Ro ads into the countryside remain largely unpaved, making transportation to and from many rural areas extremely difficult.

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128 In the Honduran villages of Inebesi and Siene the population lives in relatively remo te enclaves through out the northern coastal regions. The isolation has allowed the people to maintain a measure of seclusion from outside societal influences. Indeed, much of their traditional language and culture remains very distinct from most other Hon durans. That is not to say that their pueblos are entirely insulated from the benefits and drawbacks of associating with the global village On the contrary, Western influences abound. But despite the outside intrusion, villagers still manage to maint ain distinct ways of life. Garifuna is still the primary language used in daily interactions, although the people are also fluent in Spanish. A few residents who have worked in other countries also speak rudimentary English, as do children who were taught the language in school. On arrival into the villages in both countries, one is struck by the activity of the people as they attend to their daily duties. As I traveled throughout the rural areas, the busyness of the locals was an interesting juxtaposition against the overall calmness of the communities. The residents were very friendly, and often wa ved to each other and extended greetings like buiti binafi (good morning), buiti rabanweyu (good afternoon) or buiti guoun (good evening) as people walked by. Laughter was often in the air, and there was a general ease in how peop le interacted with one another. Traditional family homesteads were typically built in groups of three structures, with the living quarters, kitchen, and out house latri ne located i n close proximity. Family units were primarily female headed (often by an older woman or younger mother with children). A majority of the households had no major wage earning breadwinner, although some women sold baked goods or other products to supplemen t the household income. Family sizes differed widely but, as I discuss later in this chapter, the poorer households caring for

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129 five residents in both Honduras and Belize. Some hous ed as many as ten or more people, with both orphaned and non orphaned children under eighteen years old comprising the majority of the family members. As I was to experience, p ersonal space and privacy were at a minimum in the villages. People often stoppe d by each other omes without any warning, and visited for long periods without feeling rushed It was also common to see large extended families l iving together in small houses. My assessment of the households found that families lived in a mix of exten ded family compounds (comprised of a single parent, or both parents, their children and grandparents), or in nuclear units (comprised of either a female headed or two parent household with children). The majority of the larger communities consist of a netw ork of direct or extended kinfolk related by blood or marriage, along with a wider circle of relationships with friends whose blood conn ections are distant or unknown. Historically, as it is today, villagers engage primarily in horticulture and fishing, wi th some family members migrating back and forth to locations outside their communities for employment. An exception to the fishing economy was found in Wayunagu village in Belize which is located inland, and qu ite a distance from the coast. The l ocation prevented many men from participating regularly in fishing, although I was told that some made occasional treks to the coast in order to fish. More prevalent in Honduras than Belize, families still preserve their subsistence agricultural practices, by growing much of the food required to meet household needs in small family farms located close to the main settlements (Figure 5 1 A and B). In rural Belize, farming is steadily becoming more of a

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130 recreational, than a required, practice. Even in househo lds that grow subsistence level crops, a considerable amount of food wa s purchased from local vendors at the outskirts of th e villages, or from towns that we re easily accessible by bus This indicates that Belizean villagers held a greater reliance on the money market rather than the subsistence, economy A B Figure 5 1. Examples of subsistence horticulture in Honduras A) Family farm with coconuts and cassava adjacent to the household cassava farm located a 20 minute walk fr om their village Purchasing manufactured goods and other supplies was more difficult for villagers in Honduras, due to their remote locations. Locals relied on deliveries from Ladino vendors, who traveled into their communities to sell their products and to trade. On regular intervals each week, I observed vendors driving into Inebesi and Siene with supplies, and converting their vehicles into taxi services on outbound trips. As the photos in Figure 5 2 A through C show, both vendors and visitors traveling to and from the villages drive up the treacherous coastline, using specially outfitted 4x4 pickup trucks. At times when the tides are too high to traverse safely, drivers pay local men with makeshift ferries to pull their vehicles across deep water flowin g from crested rivers and lakes towards the ocean.

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131 A B C Figure 5 2. Examples of the difficulties faced by locals driving to and from rural Honduran settlements. A) With no road access to many rural areas, a vendor drives along the coastline to deli ver supplies to remote communities B) Villagers hitch a ride to town on the back of a pickup C) A make shift barge pulls a pickup across a flooded beach. Throughout the rainy season, and at other times when the beaches are impassable by truck, the transp ortation options are limited to canoes or motor boats that shuttle locals through interior river passages or on the open ocean ( Figure 5 3 A and B). Most residents do not have access to private transportation, and many rely on horses to travel between vill ages or into town (Figure 5 4 A). Some households now own bicycles or motorized bikes. However, those options are expensive and take years of savings for families to afford. For domestic tasks, including collecting firewood, farming, and to accomplish othe r

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132 A B Figure 5 3. A) Woman rows canoe down river B) Motorboat journey to a very rural Garifuna settlement in Honduras. household activities, most people simply walk. Figure 5 4 B shows Garifuna men walking along the roadside in Inebesi transporting large fire logs and farming tools with the assistance of their horse. A B Figure 5 4. A) A man rides his horse between villages in Honduras B) Men transporting freshly cut firewood with the assistance of a horse. Village Households and Community Infr astructure House construction varied slightly between Garifuna villages in Honduras and Belize. In both countries, a lthough some homes have more modern conveniences like indoor plumbing and propane cooking stoves for many residents, in home tap water and conventional bathroom and kitchen facilities are sparse. In most houses, potable water is

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133 not piped directly inside, alth ough villagers have ready access to water stations, or hand pumped wells that provide clean drinking water within the communities For the average resident, homes were constructed largely using some form of wood (Figure 5 5 A and C). For wealthier households, concrete expanded into wider use after severe storms, like Hurricanes Fifi and Mitch, hit Garifuna communities hard in recent deca des With increased remittances during the boon economic years of the West in the flowed into rural areas ( Figure 5 5 B and D). Even in the most remote countryside settle ments, I found many structures that were built either entirely with concrete blocks, or with a combination of cement at the lower level and wood at the top. A B C D Figure 5 5. Examples of community housing and construction styles in Honduran an d Belizean villages. A) Family compound in Honduras, built from Yagua (a hardwood palm) and other woods with thatch and zinc roofs. B) A modern concrete block home under construction in a Honduran village. C) A homestead in a Belizean village, with wood co nstruction and thatched and zinc roofing. D) Modern concrete village houses in Belize.

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134 During my visits to even the most distant Garifuna villages, I found that families with higher income lived in more solid structures that were built from cement, or a co mbination of concrete and wood. Those houses were owned primarily by those who obtained remittances, worked outside the community, or who ran small businesses. The homes of the poorest residents stood in stark contrast to the homes of the most affluent. As more families enjoy the fruits of out migrated labor, community networks have become less stable as unequal distributions of wealth tug at the threads of the societal fabric. My Research Assistants and I discussed our astonishment that, no matter how remo te the village, homes with indoor plumbing, gas stoves, satellite dishes, and other modern conveniences were located alongside households that still utilized outdoor hand driven water pumps and pit latrines. I n Belize, the development of a growing tourist economy in Garifuna communities and the expansion of permanent expatriate populations have significantly altered the landscapes of formerly traditional settlements. While the infusion of tourists has produced more economic stability and employment opportun ities, many locals argue that their communities are developing at the expense of their traditional cultural identity. For example, a growing portion of the local population now works in wage labor in the tourism, education, or other sectors. Few still par ticipate in subsistence, or supplemental, farming or fishing. Some bemoan the increased economic stratification among local households, and the major alterations in the racial and ethnic demographics that now challenge the concept of the Garifuna village In those sites, large concrete houses built by new foreign residents and returning Garifuna retirees feature more modern appointments and infrastructure. Golf carts, SUVs

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135 and speed boats owned by expatriate families conspicuously display levels of affl uence beyond the reach of most locals. In those expanding communities t he majority of businesses are not Garifuna owned and sell products that are prohibitively expensive for residents to afford. Some foreign owned villas and resorts have begun to restric t locals from accessing portions of the beachfront. As many sources confirm, those settlements have quickly evolved from being exclusive Garifuna enclaves, into mixed tourist communities, with potentially devastating impacts to the traditional culture. Ind eed, a passing comment by a long time resident indicated that he fear s the Garifuna one day In Honduras, the rate of change is slower in the most secluded villages. In relative isolation, the communities remain almost 100% Garifuna wh ich reflects their societal practices and construction styles. Although family members who live in those areas also migrate for seasonal work, most return home regularly. The lack of a steady income from agriculture, tourism or other industries requires the populations to largely fend for themselves. In those areas, the houses of many poorer families are still built with hardwoods, like Yagua, which are readily available on adjacent farmlands. Those houses also have distinct thatched roofs, although some have begun to install corrugated metals and zinc roofs which are more durable. Other structures on the home sites of less affluent families are built using wattle and daub ( clay ) that is affixed to a building formed of wood, reeds and other materials ( Figure 5 6 A and B). A similar technique using adobe blocks is also employed to build their traditional wood fired stoves and ovens

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136 A B Figure 5 6. A) Traditional kitchen houses at a family compound in a Honduran village, construct ed with adobe bricks and a thatched roof, and wood with a zinc roof B) An other traditional kitchen house built from adobe blocks with a wood and zinc roof. In my other assessments of village infrastructure I found several churches of various denominatio ns including Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, and other faiths all practiced wi thin the communities. C hurch attendees consisted mostly of mature women and children, although a few men were also seen in the pews. Public electrical services were non existent i n most rural areas. However, families with more disposable income used private gas powered generators or solar panels to supply a few hours of electricity after sunset. Regardless of the size of the rural communities, family owned stores and guest lodges w ere found in all villages. Schools, from Kindergarten to either sixth or ninth grades depending on the size of the settlement, provided free education to all children who lived in the area. Telephones and other forms of communication have been expanding th roughout the rural communities at an alarming rate. I was astonished to observe that from 2007 (during the Pilot study) to my return to Inebesi and Siene in 2009, villagers in Honduras had evolved from using central phone house s (Hondutel s ) to individual cell ular phones. In Belize, cellular phones were also wide ly use d although I saw a publi c phone available on

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137 the roadside in Echuni village. For several rural households in both countries, the use of satellite dishes had greatly expanded, and residents p roudly shared their excitement at being able to access the internet In Honduras, I was told that communication with family and friends via electronic mail filled a vital gap since there was no evidence of any postal service when I worked in the villages i n 2007 or 2009. Entertainment consisted primarily of small, family run restaurants, and bars which played a large selection of reggae music and modern punta rock in Garifuna language. (which were only used on on e occasion while I conducted my research) featured residents of all ages enjoying traditional punta dances and songs. Divisions of Labor: An Example within Typical Garifuna Village In the remote Honduran villages, my observations of the divisions of la bor were similar to many of the historic patterns described by Gonzalez (1988) J. Palacio (1991; 2005b) and Kerns (1989) T ab le 5.1 below illustrates the provisioning the household and in external labor functions Their duties included carrying a long with participat ion in extra (Spring 2000:4) The sections also outline the vital roles held by men in their households and communities, as well as in the participation of male vil lagers in larger labor force. The table help s to exemplify the reasons why major destabilizations may occur community wide when due to absence, illness, or death either the female or male residents are physically unable to contribute to the maintenance of their households and settlements Historical descriptions of the Garifuna people connote a sense of solidarity operating throughout the culture. According to many of the locals, team work is important to Garifuna

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138 life. Moberg (2005:91) Caribs. Although both males and females took part in working the agricultural fields with few exceptions the men wer e seen fishing, hunting, carving boats and building homes, while the women worked in their houses, cooked, cleaned, collected firewood, and took care of the children. Men and older male children worked in teams on construction projects, tending to livestoc k, or while fishing (to increase the potential size of their catch). Men also cleared land together, (or with the help of females), and prepared soil for planting. Both adults and older children worked together to maintain the gardens and animals. Larger l ivestock, such as cows and horses, were cared for primarily by men and boys, while women and girls looked after smaller animals like pigs, chickens and other domestic pets. Indeed, women and girls held central roles in running the households and in the car e of all dependents. Processing cassava was a family affair. The long and arduous task involved many hours of work over several days to convert the root into the round flat bread. Men, women and children from extended family groups shared the labor to harv est, peel, wash and grind the cassava in a covered outdoor building called an ereba (Figure 5 8 A through D).

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139 Table 5 1. Garifuna Di visions of Labor by Gender Rural Village s (2007 2009) Females Males Agriculture ( includes farming and fishing for subs istence and domestic market) 1) Principally focused on subsistence agriculture for the home and sale to the d omestic clientele. 1b) C u ltivate crops (till soil, plant, weed, harvest, transport produce for local processing, and sell from home bas ed market s tands. 1c ) Grow mainly yucca, yam, plantain and other subsistence foods including orange, mango, and coc onut, as well as a variety of medicinal plants like lemon grass and aloe. 2 ) Carry out most farming tasks but when avail able they often rely on male family members and friends to perform more difficult household tasks. 3 ) and female family and friends to weed, harvest and process crops. 4 ) Perform p ost harv est crop productio n of main food staples such as: (a) yucca roots (converted to edible cassava flour for bread ; and (b) coconut ( used to make semi sweet coconut bread ( pan de coco ). 1) D irectly involved in all phases of domestic farming (clear and till l and, dig holes, plant crops, weed, and plume dead leaves ). 2) Participate in direct harvesting, and post harvest food production of cassava alongside women (harvest and transport crops, clean and process produce). 3) Net Fish or dive for shellfish such as lobster and conch (catch, clean, and process fish, including salting and drying for future use). 4) Hunt (catch, clean and process turtle, and other small game), and produce meat for household use and sale (slaughter chicken, pig, goat, and other dome stic animals). 5) Sell excess goods in local market and home based bodegas. 6 ) Construct dugout canoes (c ut tre es, strip bark to dry wood, carve boat) and maintain motorboats 7 ) Weav e and repair fishing nets. 8) to help with bush clearing and soil preparation. Non Agricultural Labor in Villages (includes local wage labor) 1) Owners and operators of local bodegas (stores). 2) Owners and operators of local/family run hotels. 3) Some involved in washing clothes, co oking and other domestic support for other local villagers. 4) Several hired as teachers in local villages. 5) Assist in the birthing of children (often in the absence of other medical personnel). 6) Own and oversee chicken coops to pro duce eggs and meat f or local market. 6b) Maintain small animals (pigs, chickens, cats, dogs). 7) Gather and transport firewood for cooking. 8) Groups of women assigned to cook, transport and serve lunch and mid day snacks to school children. 9) Artistic construction of tradit ional mahogany and stone graters ( eg i), woven squeezers ( ruguma ) used in cas sava production, as well as feathered masks, rites (i.e., the wanaragua celebrations). 1) C onstruct and maint ain houses, ch urch es, schools, medical clinics animal pens/coops and other i nfrastructure. 2) Local mechanics (for maintenance of generators, community electric g raters for cassava production, water pumps and small appliances). 3) Owners and operators of local bodegas (sto res) 3b) Often employed as local wage laborers to assist in serving c ustomers in local shops, restaurants and hotels 4) Several hired as teachers and/or education directors. 5) Local medical caregiver s basic medicat treat other minor medical conditions. 6) Often r ecruited to fell trees, chop wood and collect lumber for cooking, construction and other functions. 7) Artistic painting and construction ( artisanea ) of tradi tional drums, cabinets and other furniture for domestic use, along with masks and costumes for ritual celebrations 8) Feed, water and herd cows, horses and other large animals.

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140 Table 5 1. Continued Females Males Wage Labor in regional and internationa l markets 1) Limited consistent involvement in regional or international export market. 2) Some depart home for intermittent periods to sell coconut and casaba bread, as well as a variety of excess produce (including plantains, bananas, mangoes, oranges) t o adjoining villages or in the port cities. 3) A growing number involved as wage laborers in regi onal and international tourism in Central America, the Caribbean and the United States (cooks, domestic help, clerks ). 4) Several work as teachers, nurses and in other educational and healthcare roles. 5 ) Many employed in the national service sector and as professionals in government agencies and local businesses. 1) Heavily involved as wage laborers on plantations (including banana and sugar cane) with goods cultivated for export or for sale on t he regional market. 1b) Agricultural activities include labor to clear land, prepare bunches w ith plastic bags, pack and/or bundle harvested crops, and carry packed/bundled crops from plots to the roads, transport produce to export or to factory for secondary production. 2) Work in logging camps for domestic use and export markets. 3) Many work on fishing boats and tourist ships that travel throughout the Americas and worldwide 4) Several work as educators across regional school districts. 5) Some also work in the national service sector and as professionals in government agencies and local busines ses. Other Domestic Responsibilities 1) Principally responsible for childcare, cooking, household maintenance, washing clothes, and other domestic tasks. 2) Many assume care giving role for orphaned children in the event of maternal death among family members, friends, or community residents. 1) Often work alongside women to maintain the physical integrity of the home. 2) Will assume childcare responsibilities in the absence of an adult female in the home who departs intermittent ly for wage labor in other cities and countries. 3) Some also assume care of orphaned children in the event of maternal death. Land Tenure and Control 1) Although most land is communally owned rare women have control over household plots and over the cultivation of crops in their fields (i.e., determine planting and labor patterns). 2) Some men have obtained official titles to their village land with purchases less common in female headed ho useholds than homes headed by males. 2b) Males own and/or control more land than female holdings and maintain control over their planting and labor patterns. 3) Most lands involved in mixed use functions as homesteads, bodegas (stores), hotels, and small animal pens are often located in the same general area, while croplands are within a mile or two from the home sites. 4) Families typically own and maintain livestock along with crop production.

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141 Table 5 1. Continued Females Males Control of Income Maintain control over the production and income derived from the sale of food crops throughout the local communities. Maintain control over their income from any domestic or export level crop production. Children (Household Contributions) 1) Both male and female children involved in farming and other household activities. 1b) Time on farm devoted to bush clearing, digging holes for pl anting crops, weeding, harvesting, transporting and processing crops. 1c) For older male children, househo ld help ranges from assisting in the construction of homes and other local buildings (mix cement, paint, fetch supplies, clean sites), to fishing, hunting small game, and working in the fields. 2) Older female children also help with preparing meals, cle aning, washing clothes, cooking, and other household tasks while their parent(s) and family work in the fields. 3) Chi hapiar (cut grass by hand with machetes), run errands, and tend small animals. 4) Some o lder teenagers assume roles as heads of household as they remain in the village and tend to younger siblings while parents pursue wage labor in the cities. 2009, and from discussions of Garifuna labor patterns and lifestyle pres ented by J. Palacio (1991, 2005), Gargallo (2005) Gonzalez (1969, 1988, 1997) and Kerns (1989).

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142 A B C D Figure 5 8. Cassava harvesting and processing. A) Extended family of men, women and children working together to pe el cassava B) Young man washing cassava C) Women grinding cassava D) Ground cassava readied for squeezing and drying. Once the roots were finely ground, women loaded the wet paste into a long, woven, snakelike strainer ( ruguma ) that was hung from the ra fters to be drained overnight (Figure 5 9 A). The next day, the clumps of dried cassava flour w ere then sifted through a large woven sieve ( hibice ) in preparation for baking on the round wood fired oven ( comal ) (Figure 5 9 B through E). The finished produc t is stacked and covered for household use, or for sale to other local residents

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143 A B C D E Figure 5 9. Cassava processing and food preparation. A) Woman loading ground cassava into a ruguma (a traditional snake like basket used to squeeze and dr y cassava) B) Woman sifting dried cassava flour in a woven sieve ( hibice) C) Baking cassava bread on a comal (a wood fired hearth) D) Woman flipping over trimmed cassava bread by hand E) Baked cassava bread cut in half and stacked on a wood tray. Men of all ages in the villages and a few in the towns participated in daily fishing as their main sources of income. Even before daybreak, men gathered their fishing gear and

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144 light equipped with buckets and coolers to preserve their catch during their long hot day. By late in the afternoon, men were seen walking back on shore with their nets and buckets of fish in hand, selling their fresh catch to local families, and repairing torn nets for the next day at sea (Figure 5 10 A through D). A B C D Figure 5 10. Examples of fishing activities in Honduras and Belize. A) Fisherman returning home with his catch B) Vendors sell ing fresh fish by the shoreline in a Belizean town. C) Boy cleaning shellfish for sale D) Man repairing fishing net in a Honduran village Throughout the day, men were also observed clearing the land, tilling their fields in preparation for planting crops, and chopping grass and firewood with axes and machete s

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145 (Figure 5 11 A through C). Women also took part in tilling the soil, planting seeds and tubers, and weeding crops (Figure 5 11 D). For women, their domestic routines in the households often began after they returned from working hours in the fields. A B C D Figure 5 11. Subsistence horticulture and yard work in Garifuna communities. A) Man B) Man cutting grass with a machete C) Man chopping firewood for cooking D) Woman planting crops. As early as 4:00 in the morning, well ahead of the punishing midday sun, I was often awakened to the voices of multi generational groups of women heading to the fields to tend to their crops. Women often shared in the labor required to complete their household duties. Toge ther, women washed clothes, farmed crops, cooked and baked, and cared for children. With few exceptions, cooking for the households was performed almost exclusively by the women (Figure 5 12 A and B ).

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146 A B Figure 5 12. A) Young girl cooking on a tradi tional wood fired stove B) Woman fr ying plantains on a wood hearth. My recent assessments of households caring for orphan s showed that female heads of homes either assumed many of the tasks formerly held by men, or sought out the assistance of male kin (a nd older children) to perform more difficult jobs (like clearing fields and preparing land for planting, or for transporting produce from the fields for processing). Undeniably, the responsibilities of Garifuna women have expanded considerably in recent ye ars. Unfortunately, their duties are increasing at a time when socio cultural changes have constricted their networks of support. The Semi Urban Towns Unlike the villages where the residents are primarily Garifuna, the semi urban towns were characterized b y mixed ethnic groups. With an estimated population of around 2,000 people, t he seaside town of Agua Azul in Honduras is largely Garifuna, although groups of English speaking Creoles are also found in the area. In Belize, the majority of the townspeople in are also Garifuna. However, with a population of over 11,000 the area is also home to several cultural groups including Creoles, Asians and Mennonites, as well as vendors from India, the Mayan communities, and the Middle East who live in nearby enc laves within the district (Statistical Institute of Belize 2008)

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147 Generally the towns in both countries shared several characteristics. For example, the settlements were accessible by paved roads off main highways, and public transportation was available between the towns and bigger urban centers. The economies were largely non agrarian, with the majority of the residents involved in some form of wage labor as teachers, as service staff in the tourism industry, or in public and private establishments withi n, and beyond, the communities. In Honduras, the public services and the economic options were somewhat limited in Agua Azul With no major retail shops, utility companies or other industrial enterprises, people traveled outside the town regularly to work, pay bills, and conduct other business. Instead of farming, families purchased the bulk of the ir food. Only a scant minority still maintained small stands of fruit trees and other crops for household consumption. The community featured a small central supermarket, several bars, and lodging establishments. Local schools provided free education from kindergarten through ninth grade. Other infrastructure included a neighborhood clinic, churches, and an internet caf. Small family run shops sold everything from produce and packaged goods, to local arts and crafts. Although private vehicles were not avai lable to most families, several residents owned cars or small vans with the help of family remittances, higher paying jobs, or with savings amassed after years working overseas. The majority of houses in Agua Azul were constructed from concrete block, wood or other durable materials. Similar to the villages, a fter Hurricane Mit ch and other storms devastated Honduras, families who could afford to upgrade their homes in Agua Azul r ebuil t with concrete As I observed families had largely abandoned the tradit ional Yagua or adobe structures of the past (Figure 5 13 A and B ). Unlike the family compounds

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148 observed in the villages, most houses were single family dwellings of one or two levels, with water tanks and ready access to potable water. Newer homes featured indoor plumbing for bathrooms, kitchens and laundry facilities. For others, latrines, showers and washing basins were conveniently located in small buildings in close proximity to the main living quarters. For the townspeople, public electricity powered m odern conveniences like televisions and stereos, which could be heard playing country and reggae music as one walked through the community. A few young people were seen with iPods, computers and cellular phones that, as I was told, were gifts from family w orking abroad. A B Figure 5 13. A) Single family concrete dwelling in Honduras. B) Houses along the main road The town of in Belize was considerably larger than Agua Azul and possessed a wider range of infrastructure and economic opportunities. The large central outdoor market remained abuzz from dawn to dusk. Merchants traveled into the town from across Belize, to se ll fresh produce, meats, fish and an array of manufactured items. Around the market, dozens of male and female vendors set up makeshift stalls to sell cooked food, used clothes, school supplies and other goods (Figure 5 14)

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149 Figure 5 14. Female street vendors selling used clothes and other items on the roadside The community featured one main business district on the central roadway. The area boasted three national and multi national banks, a regional bus station for long distance transit, a fire stati on, a large furniture outlet, several supermarkets, a pharmacy, and other shops, restaurants, hotels and clothing stores (Figure 5 15 ). small size, several district and national governmental agencies and utility companies are also l ocated near the town center. Eighteen schools offer instruction to students district wide, from kindergarten through high school. The one Junior College in the area offers two year degrees and professional certificates in business, education, tourism and o ther fields. Most of the educational institutions ar e privately run by churches of the Methodist, Catholic, Anglican and Seventh Day Adventist faiths.

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150 Figure 5 15 Main business district in the Belizean town At the edge of town, a Garifuna heritage mus eum and school offer visitors an opportunity to hear about Garifuna history and to view a collection of traditional household artifacts. An adjacent community medical center provides treatment facilities to respond to minor traumas and other emergencies I ndustrial businesses located within, or near, the town include a major beverage distributor, several agricultural operations, a citrus processing plant, a wood furniture manufacturer, and an international petrol and auto service station. Although several e conomic opportunities exist in the area, the community is still suffering from a scant supply of high paying jobs, especially for laborers who are younger and less skilled. The shortfall of available employment forces people to leave the community in drove s each morning by bus e n route to the cities for work.

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151 Widening Social and Economic D isparities in Garifuna C ommunities Locals lamented that in recent years, the fenced in houses of more prosperous residents have begun to dot the formerly communal Garifu na landscape. In the villages, modern homes now sit alongside thatched huts, and motorbikes are replacing horses as a growing option in transportation. I n the towns, the contrast between the more and less affluent residents is very apparent S everal multi story and modern concrete buildings overlooked ramshackle wooden homesteads devoid of electricity or indoor plumbing (Figure 5 16) Figure 5 16. Homes in the Belizean town demonstrat ing the growing stratification of the society As observed throughou t countries specific gender dimension favoring males ; a trend that

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152 the disparities that result from i ncreased privatization (Beneria 1997:328) Meurs (1997:333) uses t place in [these] former centrally planned [economies, that is] accompanied by rising Although women working outside their communities also sent money back to support their households, in both rural and urban areas, most of the owners of the businesses and larger homes were men who labored outside the economic confines of their communities. Since the majority of the households caring for orphans are female headed, and relatively poor, I questioned whether the access of orphans to higher standards of housing, education, and other necessities wa s significantly different than for other groups I discuss the findings of the Orphan Access Assessment in greater depth in Chapt er six The growing economic disparities have begun to exact extreme social consequences within communities and families. In villages and town settlements, I observed that the widening gap between the haves and have nots has produced some friction. Acc ording to Mr. Ciego: There never used to be fences. Everyone shared everything. Now, we go to the [United] States to work. but, when we come back, we are a changed people, and we put up fences. People are paranoid to protect their stuff. They now sleep behind fences when we used to sleep with our doors open. Neighbors no longer share their goods or time as freely as in the past. My sources admit that the modern lifestyle demands that they focus more on their own children and families, with limited time or resources to give to others in their community. Roy Cayetano also described in recent years : We have become more urbanized. Even though [communities like these] the lifestyle was essentially rural. The

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153 were more agrarian. We have now shifted to a wage economy, and we are dependent on the dollar, and it is more expensive to be generous today. E ducator and author Fabian Cayetano also spoke of major cultural changes that now find families separated, and children and the elderly in increased risk of abandonment. The western influence promotes the individual over the community, and that is conflicting in the culture. The community is now challenged and eroded, but with individualism as the alternative, that does not work within our communal beliefs and practices. Our communal lifestyle centers around the extended family, the dg, the ances tors, the grandparents Now, the dropping off children at orphanages is seen as ungrateful and sad. We look As Garifuna f amilies adapt to the effects of global conditions on their local communities, the growing emphasis on the nuclear family versus the communal family may prove to decrease the health and viability of communities, households, and individuals in the proces s. Indeed, the current social trend sees the steady erosion of reciprocal exchanges of goods and labor in the towns, and more recently, even in the rural areas. According to Roy Cayetano: the reciprocal relationship. You were assured that you would be taken care of as you take care of others. Now, everything we have is bought. So, as it applies to orphans, or older people, or non relatives, the dependence on the wage economy is messing us u p. Despite the glaring evidence of the cultural changes in process, many Garifuna villagers and townspeople are still working to maintain their cultural traditions and inter relational practices as best they can. The following chapter reveals the extent of the societal changes and demonstrates how families and orphans are coping in the process. The results show clearly how prolonged adaptive responses to socio economic pressures

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154 have affected how Garifuna families interrelate, and how orphans are currently nurtured and protected as they grow up.

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155 CHAPTER 6 RESEARCH FINDINGS Introduction This chapter provides the most comprehensive evidence available about the lived experiences of Garifuna orphans in Central America Although I collected extensive data in the field, I did not attempt to include every aspec t of my findings That will take a body of work to complete. Instead I concentrated on what I believed were the most important factors to understand what led to the orphaning of Garifuna children and to illu strate the challenges of their situation. Throughout the research process, I invited the orphans to speak openly about their experiences after the deaths of their parents. In this chapter, the voices of the orphans are heard, as they shared their hardshi ps, goals, dreams, and other aspects of their lives. Their statements, and those of other stakeholders, provide cl ear pictures of who Garifuna orphans are, the coping strategies they employ, and their short and long term needs as they mature into adults. Due to the relatively small sample size of orphans in this study, I include feedback from stakeholders across the society, along with comparative national statistics (as required), to cross check and validate my findings. Using the results from my intervie ws and assessments, I answer the remaining research questions To establish the basis for my analysis I also: 1) Assessed the causes of parental death (maternal and paternal) among child orphans who had lost both parents, and, compared the causes of matern al death among child orphans and adult orphans to demonstrate the changes over time; 2) Calculated the numbers of orphans who had the same two parents as their siblings, the total siblings of each orphan interviewed, and the numbers of orphans who are separa ted from one or more siblings;

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156 3) Analyzed the results of the Household Stability Assessment (HSA) and organized the data based on the four Typologies to assess the competence of each household caring for orphans; 4) Categorized based on the results of the Orphan Care Assessment (OCA) the multiple approaches to the rearing of orphans after parental death ; and, assessed comparative changes in orphan care methods over time, using data from adult orphans versus child orphans; 5) I as the major participant in the raising of orphans; and, 6) Enumerated the results of my Orphan Access Assessment (OAA) to evaluate similarities and differences in the access of orphans, versus other youth to vital resources and services I n the next section, I begin by describing the informants whom I interviewed. Their responses are the foundations upon which this dissertation is based. Participant Profiles For this research, I interviewed a total of ( n= 80) Garifuna orphans (children an d adults who had lost their mothers, or both parents, while they were below eighteen years of age). Among the participants, in Honduras, I conducted private conversation s with 28 total orphans; including, 26 child orphans under eighteen years of age, and 2 adult orphans who are currently over eighteen years old but whose parent died before their eighteenth birthday In Belize I interviewed 52 total orphans; including, 37 child orphans and 1 5 adult orphans. Of the ( n = 80) total o rphan participants, I select ed 10 key informants for in depth ethnographic interviews. A portion of the data derived from those discussions were used as case studies of orphans whose life stories represent similar experiences and challenges of other children in their communities. Although I do not pr esent all the case studies in tact, I have inserted substantiating quotes from those (and other) orphans to give voice to the issues of greatest concern to this target group.

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157 To confirm the insights derived from my conversation s with th e orphans, I also interviewed a total of ( n= 61) stakeholders; 23 in Honduras, and 38 in Belize. As I discussed in Chapter f our, these contributors included the local clergy, Garifuna spiritualists, district officials, educators, medical professionals, gras sroots organizations, national government officers, international NGOs, as well as the caregivers of orphans and other vulnerable children. Of the total ( n= 71 ) households raising orphans, I conducted Household Stability Assessments (HSA) in 15 village and 9 semi urban households in Honduras, and 5 village and 4 2 semi urban households in Belize. The selection of households was not random. Since the available populations of orphans varied between the villages and towns, the assessments of household stability were determined by the available pool of orphans, and their guardians, in each community. Due to time constraints, comparative HSA data on other houses not caring for orphans in the selected communities were not obtained Each interview was conducted conf identially, either in the orphan s places of resid ence, at school, or at work. As I interpreted my data in the field, I used those interviews to fact check my findings, and to hone my methods, as required, to enhance the quality of the data collected. Thos e discussions also led me to identify an additional sub population of potentially vulnerable children that was previously not included in this study. Based on their requ ests to have their voices heard I held conversation s with ( n = 14) fatherless youth (child ren under age eighteen whose fathers were deceased, but whose mothers we re alive). Those participa n ts included 3 females in Hondur as, and 5 males and 6 females in Belize. Although funding and time prohibited any in depth research into the lives of f atherless youth I assembled some preliminary data about this population to

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158 determine if the insights warranted consideration for further study. Therefore, until a broader s tudy of fatherless youth is conducted the data from their interviews are includ ed exclusively to provide background to this discussion Thus, the 14 fatherless C ontributors to Garifuna Orphanhood : Main Causes of Maternal and Paternal Death Certainly, th ere are valid concerns about the rates, and continued spread, of HIV/AIDS throughout Garifuna populations. However, in the population sampled, as Table 6 1 demonstrates, although the disease is one of the principal factors responsib le for maternal death ( 2 8.8 %) the cumulative majority of women ( over 71%) were reported to have died due to other causes. V arious forms of cancer (23.8 % ), strokes (8.8%), homicides (7.5 % ) and vehicle accidents (5%) also co ntributed substantially to orphaning among the population s under study Within the category 5 percent of orphans stated that their mothers either died in childbirth, from Multiple Sclerosis (MS), a burst appendix, or succumbed to pneumonia The remaining one fifth ( 20 %) of mothers As a point of comparison with national data Maternal and Child Heal th Unit reported that from 2004 2006, the leading causes of death for women 15 t ranspo rtation accidents, unspecified cancers, homicide and p urpose ful injury, and liver c irrhosis (Catzim 2008:40) I could not locat e any comparative national data on the leading causes of maternal deaths for Honduras. 2 separates the responses among the 63 child orphans (8 17 years of age) and 17 adult orphans (18 48 years old). Given the statistically small sample of adult orphans, I include this assessment primarily to determine if any major changes have

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159 occurred in the patterns of maternal death in past years, versus today. Findings indicate that the percentage of reported maternal deaths due to AIDS is almost double among child orphans (31.7%) versus adult orphans (17.6%). Table 6 1 Re ported Causes of Maternal Death : Mortality among Garifuna Women in Honduras (n=28) and Belize (n=52 ) Cause s of Death Honduras (#) % Belize (#) % Totals (#) % AIDS (10) 35.7 % (13) 25.0 % (23) 28.8 % Cancer (5) 17.8 % (14) 26.9 % (1 9 ) 23.8 % Stroke (0) 0.0% (7) 13.5 % (7) 8.8 % Heart Attack (1) 3.6 % (0) 0.0% (1) 1.3 % Murder /Homicide (3) 10.7 % (3) 5.8 % (6) 7.5 % Vehicle Accidents (0) 0.0% (4) 7.7 % (4) 5.0 % Other Causes (1) 3.6 % (3) 5.8 % (4) 5.0 % Unknown (8) 28.6 % (8) 15.4 % (16) 20.0 % Total (#) % (28) 100% (52) 100% (80) 100% Column totals rounded to 100% 2009 C umulativ e figures based on responses from (n= 80 ) total participants of child orphans (n=63) and adult orphans (n=17) in Honduras and Belize Table 6 2 Reported Causes of Maternal Death : Changes in the Patterns of Mortality among Garifuna Women Over Time Causes of Death Adult Orphans (#) % Child Orphans (#) % AIDS (3) 17.6% (20) 31.7% Cancer (4) 23.5% (15) 23.8% Stroke (1) 5.9% (6) 9.5% Heart Attack (1) 5.9% (0) 0.0% Murder/ Homicide (0) 0.0% (6) 9.5% Vehicle Accidents (3) 17.6% (1) 1.6% Other Causes (3) 17.6% (1) 1.6% Unknown (2) 11.8% (14) 22.2% Total (#) % (17) 100% (63) 100% 2009. Cumulative figures based on responses from (n=63) child orphans and (n=17) adult orphans Among child orphans homicide is responsible for almost ten percent of maternal deaths (9.5%) compared to zero for adult death has increased nearly two fold from 11.8% among adult orphans to 22.2% among child orphan s. Other significant findings include the following:

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160 Reported deaths due to various cancers are similar between child orphans (23.8%) and adult orphans (23.5%); and, Vehicle accidents were responsible for almost eighteen percent (17.6%) of maternal deaths among adult orphans, versus less than two percent (1.6%) among child orphans. Among all the data, the results show that AIDS, violence, and stokes have contributed to an increase in the percentage of maternal deaths over time; while, the rate of deaths due to heart attacks and vehicle accidents ha ve declined. With regard to HIV/AIDS, this temporal change was expected, as the disease has spread throughout the region, and worldwide, in recent decades. As far as the homicide rate, findings by M. Palacio (2002) and England (2006) provide some possible explanat ions Both authors described the increased risks that ha ve resulted from the deportation of gang members from the U.S. in to Garifuna communities, and the rise in drug trafficking through remote areas across the region One of my informants (who I will refe r to as Olivia ) also confirmed the growing prevalence of gang and drug activity that, she says, was mostly concentrated in the urban areas, but is spilling over into peripheral communities. We also have quite a few deportees from the U.S. who come back an d are influencing our youth here. Probably in the 1980s we started to see gangs start to form here. But the low government control of the organized groups makes it difficult. We do have some Crypts and Bloods here because you see the rags in their back poc pretty bad here too. O rphan s and fatherless youth in both countries reported that (n=9) of their parent(s) poison ed ( 3 mothers, and 2 fathers ) ( 2 fathers ) or under other suspicious circumstances ( 2 mothers ) However I seriously caution readers not to jump to any conclusions unti l more research verifies if the parental homicide s were attributable in any way to gang activity or drug trafficking.

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161 Regarding the c auses of paternal deaths, u nfortun ately, comprehensive statistics are unavailable S ome orphans ( n = 18 ) did not know their fathers, and had no knowledge of where their fathers were or about their mortality O thers had fathers who were still alive, although their mothers were deceased (n=31) However, Table 6 (n=31). This figure includes (n=25) children and (n=6) adults whose mothers and fathers were both deceased, and whose parents died before the ir eighteenth birthdays. What the table shows is that the main cause of paternal deaths was AIDS (45.2%), with more than half (56.3%) of fathers in Honduras and a third (33.3%) in Belize reported to have succumbed to the disease. Homicide (9.7%) and liver disease (6.5%) were also responsible for a significant percentage of paternal deaths. Additionally, cumulative results for almost a third of fathers (29%), indicated that the reasons for their deaths were perform an analysis to determine if any major changes in the causes of deaths among fathers had occurred over time. Table 6 3 Reported Causes of Paternal Death: Mortality among Garifuna Men in Honduras (n=16) and Belize (n=15) Honduras (#) % Belize (#) % Totals (#) % AIDS (9) 56.3% (5) 33.3% (14) 45.2% Stroke (0) 0.0% (1) 6.7% (1) 3.2% Heart Attack (0) 0.0% (1) 6.7% (1) 3.2% Murder/Homicide (2) 12.5% (1) 6.7% (3) 9.7% Liver Disease (0) 0.0% (2)13.3% (2) 6.5% O ther Causes (0) 0.0% (1) 6.7% (1) 3.2% Unknown (5) 31.3% (4) 26.7% (9) 29.0% TOTAL (#) %* (16) 100% (15) 100% (31) 100% 2009. Cumulative totals ble orphans and (n=6) adult orphans.

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162 Household Stability Assessment (HSA) (2007) what they term as that reflects va rying dimensions of care available in each household condition Using a modified version of their methodology, Table 6 4 presents the results of my Household Stability Assessment (HSA) compiled in the four villages and two towns under stud y The data outl ines the financial capacit ies of the 24 households in Honduras and 4 7 households in Belize that are currently providing care to o rphans. Table 6 4 Household Stability Assessment (HSA): Caregivers Fostering Garifuna Orphans in Honduras (n=24) and Belize (n=47) TOTAL HOUSEHOLDS DEGREES OF STABILITY [Stable] (Best) [Relative Stability] [Relative Poverty] [Chronic Poverty] (Worst) Honduras Villages (15) 0 6 6 3 Honduras Town (09) 1 4 4 0 Belize Villag es (5) 1 2 1 1 Belize Town (42 ) 15 17 6 4 Total ( # ) % ( 17 ) 23.9% ( 29 ) 40. 8 % ( 17 ) 23. 9 % ( 8 ) 1 1 3 % *Column totals rounded to 100%. sments of interview responses from ( n = 71 ) total households in Honduras ( n = 24) and Belize ( n = 47 ) from 2007 to 2009. The four Typologies outlined bel ow reflect the ability of each household d to respond to the needs of all people living in the home, includ ing the orphans in their care Households fe ll under one of the four general categories : the worst case scenario, when the middle generation dies increasing economic hardship Primarily the ver y old and very young cohabitate without any out side support

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163 the household lives in relative poverty amidst declining living conditions and with no principal adult breadwinner (typically female child or grandparent headed) the household maintains relatively stable poss ession of its household resources and livelihood assets (typically male headed and/or aided by outside remittances) the best condition, wherein the household possesses viable material and social capacities even without external support As the data in Table 6 4 shows, a cumulative major ity of the caregiver households in both countries ( 40.8 %) are among t These households e njoy ed some measure of socio economic stability, although they rel ied heavily on ou tside financial support to maintain their standards of living. Adaptive households ranged in size from one, to as many as fifteen people. The one person residence belonged to a 17 year old orphan who chose to live alone after the death of his mother. The 1 5 member household (which was the largest unit assessed) consisted of a family compound with two homes and one major breadwinner a father who worked as a mechanic. Other larger households in the Adaptive category stated that they obtained (and often relied upon) outside financial help from family members or from public service agencies, to provide for the orphans in their custody Overall, l ess than a quarter of households (23.9 %) were reflected high levels of financial stability. As T able 6 4 shows a lmost all households in the Belizean town enjoy ed superior standards of living compared to their counterparts in Honduras. In addition to the majority having at least one but sometimes several wage earning adu lts in the home many of thes e families also received a combination of outside

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164 supports from surviving father s other kin folk or from the government. In addition to those funds some of the retirees also contribute d their pensions to the household budget. Several of the careers enjoyed by the heads of household in this group included plant operators, restaurant owners, teachers, and government workers. Family sizes var ied widely from two to nine residents Contrary to my previous assumptions, I found that the majority of the households were female headed, although some benefitted from financial contributions of men who resided in and outside the home. There were zero and only one in the town Th e one in Agua Azul had an employed male wage earner who owned his home, land and other assets. Additionally, in Belize, with the exce ption of one household that was loca se guardians owned their home s, land, and other tangible property (furniture, equipment etc.), while a few also owned vehicles, livestock and other assets. about a quarter of households (23.9 %) fell under the y. In the majority of those households grandparents and aunts were the primary caregivers for orphans At the time this data was collected, none of tho se guardians were employed in full time wage earning careers although a few indicated that they we re re tired professionals who depended on their pensions to maintain the ir home s Other caregivers rel ied on farming and fishing, and on the informal sector to sell surplus crops, used goods, raffle tickets and other products Although some households reported t hat they received remittances or other forms of outside assistance they also stated that the help was inter mittent, and usually came in the form of gifts once or twice each year. Household sizes ranged from 3 to 10 people al th ough the family uni ts in th e villages

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16 5 tended to be larger than in the towns. households in both countries the majority of guardians who owned their homes and land lived in the towns. The one exception was a female caregiver who owned her land in Wayunagu village in Belize. All of the rural households in Honduras were on communal land. : Households At the worst end of the spectrum, 11 3 percent of households were identified as which are primarily headed by older gran dmothers or other women, there wa s no major breadwinner in a full time, wage earning career Many of the roadside stalls, and cleaning houses or washing clothes in the neighborho od. Some cultivated family farms or fished to supply food for the table. Others said that they relied on the kindness of their kin folk to help to feed and provide other necessities for their dependents. Of this group, none of the households received remitt ances or any other form of external financial support. I n the Belizean town, although several caregivers reported that they bought or inherited their properties the small wooden houses that I visited were seriou sly decay ed. The dangerous conditions of som included collapsing front steps, rotten floors, leaning walls and other problems that residents had no resources to rectify. The remaining caregivers rented their properties, and in Honduras, they lived on communal land. C omparison of Household Stability by Country and Community Location To gauge differences in the capacities of households by country and across communities (villages versus towns) I conducted a comparative assessment of all sample household s in Honduras (n=24) and B elize (n= 4 7 ) An assessment of household stability based on their locations revealed the following:

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166 Honduras Villages (n=15) : Combined results from all households in the two villages (Inebesi and Siene) showed that 20 percent of the ho useholds ing, 40 Honduras Town (n=9) : Results from all households in Agua Azul showed that zero and 11.1 Belize Villages (n=5) : Combined results from all households in the two villages (Echuni and Wayunagu) Belize Town (n=42) : Results from all households showed that 9.5 percent These results indicate that households in the towns, i n both countries, had higher levels of stability than in the villages. Findings also show that overall, households in Belize were more stable, and benefited from superior access to material resources from kin and public assistance programs than those in H onduras. For instance, over 75 percent of the households in the Belizean town were a s well as over 60 percent in the villages Whereas while over half of the households in the Honduran town were also over 60 percent in the villages were classified as either Orphan Care Assessment (OCA): Family Approaches to the Rearing of Orphans Figure 6 1 illustrates the available safety nets for Garifuna orphans that are employed thr oughout their extended kinship networks and into the larger society. The

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167 graphic reflects the traditional and alternate approaches to the rearing of orphans as families adjust to increased economic and social pressures. The figure also demonstrates the sta ges of care alternatives within the network. A more in depth discussion of how each within each arrangement, is presented below in Table 6 5 In this analysis, I acknowle dge that some orphans, who now reside in the cities, may have fallen outside family care, and may face risks that are not documented in this report. However, until further research establishes the conditions of those children, this report only includes the findings identified during the course of this study. Figure 6 Table 6 5 outlines the eight options for orphan care that were identified or observed during my fieldwork. The data reveal that the extended family remains the primary custodians for orphans. At a cumulative 38 percent (57% in Honduras and 26.9% in Belize) the primary custodians for orphans are their maternal or paternal grandparent(s),

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168 along with aunts or older siblings who may also co reside in several of th e homes. In those households, the majority of the heads of household were older, single, and un or under employed, women. Since large numbers of orphaned s iblings were not fostered together in one household, the table separates those living with their aunts and uncles into two categories As the table shows, although both g roups of orphans lived with aunts or uncles, the 23 or permanently, from one of more of their siblings. Additionally, 16 percent of orphans lived with non sanguine (or fictive) kin. Of this group, the primary guardian was either a godparent, a friend of the deceased mother, or a member of the community (i.e., a local teacher or nurse) who was not related to the child. One orphan I met in Honduras during my initial study in 2007 found refuge living in a small back house with the parents of his friend. He had lost both of his parents, had no siblings, and had no family available to foster him. Although he had no blood ties to the family with whom he resided, his caregiver e after maintaining a long term relationship with his biological mother. (See Case Study of Leon below). Father head ed households comprised 10 percent of the orphan care arrangements. Although, throughout the communities, the majority of fathers were either absent or intermittently involved in the lives of orphans, in a strongly matrifocal culture, the fact that 10 perc ent of fathers had assumed full financial and social responsibility for the rearing of

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169 Table 6 5 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA): Cumulative Results from Honduras and Belize Current Approaches Permanent Care Method Honduras (#) % Belize (#) % Total (#) % 1 [Aunt and/or Uncle] Yes (Historically Ideal) All siblings t ogether (2) 7.0% (7) 13.5% (9) 11.0% 2 [Aunt and/or Uncle] Yes (Modified Approach) Some siblings s eparated (6) 21.0% (12) 23.1% (18) 23.0% 3 [Grandparent or Older Sibling(s)] Yes (Formerly in Limited Use as a Permanent Arrangement) Most siblings s eparated (16) 57.0% (14) 26.9% (30) 38.0% 4 [Godparent, Family Friend Community Member ] Yes (V ery R are. Previously used for Temporary Child Fostering ) Most siblings s eparated (1) 4.0% (12) 23.1% (13) 16.0% 5 [Fathers] No (Increasingly Employed Care Approach) Some siblings s eparated (2) 7.0% (6) 11.5% (8) 10.0% 6 "Child O rphan Headed Household" No (Currently in Limited Use) Most siblings s eparated (1) 4.0% (0) 0.0% (1) 1.0% 7 "Institution/Orphanage" No (Currently in Limited Use) Most siblings s eparated (0) 0.0% (1) 1.9% (1) 1.0% 8 "Street/Abandone d Child No No data a vailable on sibling separations (0) 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) 0.0% Total (#) %* (28)100% (52)100% (80)100% 2009. Cumulative totals based on responses from 80 orphan participants in Hondu ras (n=28) and Belize (n=52).

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170 their children after maternal death is a noteworthy, and positive, condition. That finding suggests that more research into the role of the modern Garifuna father is certainly warranted. Finally, only 1 percent of the househo lds were headed by child orphans; and, an additional 1 percent lived in an institutional facility. For further clarification on family participation in the rearing of Garifuna orphans, I found that almost three quarters (71.4%) of orphans in Honduras and nearly half (46.2%) orphans, 10.7 percent in Honduras and 28.8 percent in Belize reported that they were A comparative temporal assessment between the orphan care methods afforded to adult orphans (18 48 years of age) versus child orphans (8 17 years of age), in Honduras and Belize, revealed some interesting insights. As Table 6 6 demonstrates, the percentag households with maternal aunts and uncles with all siblings together) has declined slightly (in households with maternal aunts and uncles with some siblings separated) has declined dramatically (from 35.1% among adult orphans to 19% among child orphans). Today, the r siblings, has increased about ten percent, from (29.4%) among adult orphans, to (39.7%) among child orphans. Another noteworthy finding is that the percentage of orphans being raised among adult orphans, to19 percent among child orphans. Moreover, the percentage of fathers participating in orphan care has actually decreased slightly over time, from 11.8 percent

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171 who participated in raising orphans in the past, to 9.5 percent currently raising child orphans Other adjust ments in orphan care include a slight increase in child headed households (1.6 percent among child orphans versus zero percent of adult orphans), and a slight decrease in orphans in institutional care (5.9 percent among adult orphans versus zero percent of child orphans). No orphans were found to be homeless or living on the streets in any of the communities. Again, with this data, I caution readers that until a wider sample of adult orphans are interviewed; no concrete c onclusions can be determined. Indeed, informants throughout Honduras and Belize spoke of siblings and other family members living in orphanages and include Garifuna in the cities, the insights derived from this data on trends among child headed households and the numbers in institutional care are inconclusive. The comparison among older and younger orphans in this section does suggest that several important changes h support live with maternal caregivers. The changes are also reflected by the increased percentages of orphans w ho live permanently with grandparents or older siblings. Findings This is demonstrated by the fact that fictive kin and other guardians throughout t he communities have increased their roles as permanent caregivers of Garifuna orphans.

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172 Table 6 6 Orphan Care Assessment (OCA): Comparative Results of Changes in Orphan Care Methods Over Time Between Adult Orphans (n=17) and Child Orphans (n=63) Curre nt Approaches Permanent Care Method Adult Orphans (#) % Child Orphans (#) % Total (#) % 1 [Aunt and/or Uncle] Yes (Historically Ideal) All siblings together (2) 11.8% (7) 11.1% (9) 11.0% 2 [Aunt and/or Uncle] Yes (Modified Approach) Some siblings separated (6) 35.1% (12) 19.0% (18) 23.0% 3 [Grandparent or Older Sibling(s)] Yes (Formerly in Limited Use as a Permanent Arrangement) Most siblings separated (5) 29.4% (25) 39.7% (30) 38.0% 4 [Godparent, Family Friend, Community Member] Yes (V ery Rare. Previously used for Temporary Child Fostering ) Most siblings separated (1) 5.9% (12) 19.0% (13) 16.0% 5 [Fathers] No (Increasingly E mployed Care Approach) Some siblings separated (2) 11.8% (6) 9.5% (8) 10.0% 6 "Child Orphan Headed Household" No (Currently in Limited Use) Most siblings separated (0) 0.0% (1) 1.6% (1) 1.0% 7 "Institution/Orphanage" No (Currently in Limited Use) Most s iblings separated (1) 5.9% (0) 0.0% (1) 1.0% 8 "Street/Abandoned Child" No No data available on sibling separations (0) 0.0% (0) 0.0% (0) 0.0% Total (#) %* (17) 100% (63) 100% (80)100% work 2007 2009. Cumulative totals based on responses from (n=80) orphan participants in Honduras and Belize, including (n=17) adult orphans and (n=63) child orphans.

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173 Orphan Access Assessment (OAA) Results of data related to children's level of access to se lect resources and supports in Garifuna communities are delineated in Table 6 7 The results are an average of interview responses from orphans, their caregivers, community residents and other stakeholders Informants were asked to assess the levels of ac cess provided to Garifuna orphans, compared to other (non orphaned) children in the communities. The assessment s were based on a scale that evaluate d levels of access from Excellent (4 .0 ) to No Access (1 .0 ). A complete explanation of the ass essment scale is outlined below and all interviewees provide d their appraisal s based o n the specific ranges d escribed in the scale. Excellent Access = 4 .0 (the resource or service is readily available to all children at levels that provide effectively fo r and often exceed their basic needs); Good Access = 3 .0 (the resource or service is available to children at levels that provide adequately for their basic needs); Some Access = 2 .0 (the resource or service is available at levels that are limited, and are often lacking in sufficient amounts to meet basic requirements); and, No Access = 1 .0 (the resource or service is not available). Housing Averaged results revealed that, in both countries, orphans have slightly lower access to adequate housing than oth er children in their communities. The findings in Table 6 7 Honduras and 3.0 in Belize) although the housing arrangements for several orphans were below the levels of comfort e xperienced by their peers who generally obtained As several families expanded unexpectedly to accommodate new members into their homes, I observed that some less affluent

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174 caregivers were limited in their capacities family members. Other children stated tha t even in households where non orphaned children had private quarters, they shared a room with one, or more, people. However, it bears noting that despite the hardships, all orphans were provided with a place to live, either within, or outside, their kinsh ip networks. Also, with only one exception, where a young boy was removed from the home of his abusive father, those who lived with their Food Availability of sufficient amo unts of food posed difficulty for a few orphans. Overall, access to food (3.6 in Hon duras and 3.1 in Belize). I noted that many orphans relied on school feeding programs to provide their main meal for the day. Some also stated that they routinely shared food with friends at school, and frequented the homes of people outside their househol of foods they liked. Foods on their preferred lists included hamburgers, bottled drinks, chips, cookies, and other packaged goods that, some guardians acknowledged, were just too expensive to provide to the children on a daily basis. Safe Water and Sanitation Within this category, the average assessment range of 3.0 to 3.7 for all children indicates that both orphans and non

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175 Table 6 7 Orphan Access Assessment (OAA): Cumulative Results from Honduras and Belize Resources and Services Hondura s Orphans Honduras (Other Children) Belize Orphan s Belize (Other Children) GENERAL ASSISTANCE 1 Housing/Shelter 2.6 3.4 3.0 3.4 2 Food 2.8 3.6 2.9 3.1 3 Safe Water & Sanitation 3.0 3.7 3.3 3.5 4 Clothes 2.4 3.5 2.9 3.3 5 Shoes 2.1 2.8 2.6 3.1 EDUCATION 6 Traditional/Cultural 2.9 3.3 2.5 2.8 7 K indergarten 3.7 3.7 2.8 3.2 8 Primary 3.8 3.8 3.4 3.4 9 Secondary (High Sch ool ) 3.6 3.8 2.8 2.9 10 Tertiary (J unior College) 2.1 2.4 2.3 2.4 11 University 1.5 1.6 2.2 2.2 12 Vocational Ed. 1.8 2.3 2.5 2.7 MEDICAL CARE 13 Traditional Healer 2.5 2.5 2.7 2.8 14 Major Medical (Doctors & Hospitals) 2.4 3.0 2.9 3.1 15 Physical Health Maintenance & Disease Prevention 2.8 3.2 3.0 2.9 16 Dental Care (Traditional)* ----17 Dental Care (Conventional) 1.9 2.4 2.3 2.4 18 Optical Care 1.6 2.3 2.7 2.9 19 Psychological Counseling 1.0 1.0 2.2 2.4 SPIRITUAL TEACHING 20 Traditional Rites & Rituals 2.5 2.7 2.5 3.0 21 Church/Orthodox Religions 3.5 3.9 3.3 3.3 2009. *Insufficient data was available about the current were omitted from this report. potable water and adequate sanitation Homes without indoor plumbing were still able to obtain water eithe r from wells, rain catchment systems, water tanks, or other sources. Sanitation facilities varied from outdoor latrines, and external bathhouses with flushable toilets, to indoor bathroom facilities depending on the relative affluence of

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176 each fami ly. Regardless of the remoteness of the village, I noted no human waste at all in any Garifuna community, and only the occasional waste from domestic and farm animals that w as lef t where i t fell to degrade naturally. One issue I observed that raised concer n were the piles of garbage s trewn throughout all the settlements. With i ncreased use of manufactured products in non biodegradable packaging those who do not bury or burn their trash leave the paper, plastic aluminum and Styrofoam containers along with batteries, glass and other debris scattered beside homes and on the beaches. I acknowledge that since I did not conduct soil and water tests it was impossible to gauge the impacts of that garbage on the environment or the people in the communities. Howe ver, in the rural settlements where families cultivate small gardens adjacent to their houses, and pump water from underground wells, ground contamination from leaching waste products pose possible risks that justify more in depth studies. Clothes and Shoe s As Table 6 7 outlines, orphans in both countries required for daily wear and for school, although at substandard levels in comparison to non orphans who overall Adequate shoes were especially difficult for wear by their peers I noted that p roviding new shoes for growing children was difficult for many families whether they were raising orphans or not. The major difference betwe en the accesses of the tw o groups of children wa s that orphans stated that they routinely wore hand me down items that were outgrown by other children in the household or second A shortage of money for u niforms and shoes for school w as the biggest concern expressed by orphan s and their

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177 guardians Some children showed me their faded thread bare uniforms and torn shoes en (both orphaned and non orphaned) wore flip flops or they went to school with bare feet. In th os e communities, even if the children d id not have the appro priate clothes and shoes, they we re not prohibited from attending school. In the towns, schools mai ntained a stricter dress code, and I observed children receiving demerits and detention for dress violations such as wearing tennis shoes instead of black loafers. Both orphans and other n my consultations with school principals they stated that if they are aware of the student situation they are will ing to work with families to ensure that child ren are not penalized academically because of their disadvantage Education determine the types, and levels, of education that were required for a Garifuna child to succeed in their culture, and in their larger societies. Respondents spoke abo need to be exposed to their history and to the time honored skills that fostered the adaptive success of the Garifuna for generations My assessment shows that orphans, in both countries, to Good ac cess to traditional education which involved lear ning the Garifuna language and cultural practices. Caregivers insisted that children who were being raised in predominantly Garifuna communities have opportunities to learn about their heritage, to embrace their ri tuals, and to speak the language if they so desired. They also stressed that exposing orphans to the culture was the responsibility of each family.

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178 With regard to conventional West ern ized to Excellent a ccess to public institutions from Kindergarten throu gh Primary school. Institutions within all the settlements provided education to either the sixth or ninth grade levels depending on the community. The only exception wa s the town in Belize which offer ed instruction fro m Kindergarten through Junior College. Unfortunately, as Table 6 7 Illustrates, entr y to Tertiary and other advanced education poses difficult y for all Garifuna youth in both countries regardless of their status as orphans or non orphans A ccess to the hi ghest levels of academic and vocational training is slightly lower in Honduras than it is in Belize. to Some ccess reflects the hardship confronted by many youth s in realizing the ir academic goals. The shortfall was especiall y problematic for older orphans who expressed their dis t r ess that the curtailed access to higher education will significantly limit their abilities to secure job s in the public and private sectors Medical Care Access to adequate m edical care was difficult at all levels of Garifuna society. Table 6 7 reveals that both orphans and non orphans faced similar limitations ; however, overall access was slightly lower for orphans than for other children in their communities. At the most bas ic levels families in the Hondura n settlements receive d services at local clinics that operated largely with the assistance of Cuban doctors At equal level s treatment from traditi onal healers who resided within, or near their communities. A s I was to experience traditional remedies for physical ailments involved d rinking herbal teas, and using salves made from local plants to treat internal and external ailments D ental interventions in the v illages were limited to pulling teeth, rinsing the mouth with warm salt water, and taking p alliative

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179 medicines to relieve pain. and major dental care outside their communities. However again, acc ess was slightly lower for orphans than for their peers. For major medical interventions, h ospitals and other emergency facilities were located in citie s several hours away from the most remote settlements As a result, unless a health crisis arose, the t ransportation hassles and high costs prohibited several orphans from seeking treatment in the cities. Informants reported that orphans were provided with care orphans. I propose t hat the reduced access for orphans result ed in part from the financial constraints of many caregiver s who were raising orphans in addition to their own children. In poorer households, the access of all members may be equally restricted, while families with fewer dependents, or higher income, hav e greater access to treatment. H owever more research is required to determine to what extent this is the case. Although some women stated that they gave birth with the help of local midwives none of the orphans in H onduras had mothers who died in childbirth, compared to four orphans in Belize. In the Belize an town access to free (or reduced rate) services was available to villagers and townspeople at the one medical center in the district Orphans with Social Securi ty or other public assistance received health care, o ptical testing, minor dental interventions, a nd obstetric and gynecological (OBGYN) care at the facility However s ome informants decried the limited availability of services and insuf ficient training of some medical professionals As one public health official stated : and the others become statistics.

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180 ealt h maintenance and d isease p revention was available to children in all study sites. At local clinics and medical centers, v oluntary HIV/AIDS screening, condoms, and other preventative support s w ere readily available to all youth under eighteen ( with the per mission s of their guardians ) and to all adults Since the prevalence rates of HIV are highest in Belize and Honduras among all nations in Central America both countries have policies to provid e antiretroviral therapy to anyone in need. However, r elative few people took advantage of the services and supplies due to the lack of confidentially, and fear of stigma and ostracization. Mental health counseling was also lacking overall. In Honduras I found t o facilities or trained counselors in any of the communities. In Belize, available through counselors on staff in one village high school and in the two high schools in the town However all counselor s acknowledged that attending to the psychological needs of orphans was beyond t heir scope of expertise. A public health n with Social Security benefits, or on other public assistance programs, were able to access counseling services at their facility, for free, or redu ced cost. However again, the quality of specializ ed mental health professionals wa s severely lacking. Spiritual Teaching Garifuna s ources within all communities, as well as other informant s familiar with the culture emphasized that awareness of Garifuna spiritual traditions was vital for orphans to understand buyei (a Garinagu priest healer) in Belize, Garifuna children need to be exposed to the ceremonies and rituals t hat are central to the c ulture. These include the d g (a placatory rite of the dead celebrated with the sharing of food, dancing, and chanting) and other ceremonies

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181 that show reverence for their ancestors Since many of the rituals are organized by or practiced within families orphans had to tr aditional spiritual instruction versus other children, However, access to o rthodox religion s was available to all children n the settlements I noted a mix of c hurches from the Catholic and Protestant faiths and other local faith based support groups in some communities Local clergy with whom I spoke in Belize said that they regularly offer ed spiritual counseling to orphans and other vulnera ble res idents They also stated that they aspire d to provide more practical support to orphans and th eir families. According t o church leaders, when money was available they offered scholarships to at risk orphans to help them stay in school. In their views, b eyond the social benefits to be derived from we re associated ha d increased their coping skills, sense s and access to socioeconomic supports. Other Consequences of Orphaning on Garifuna Childr en: Their Lived Experiences in Their O wn Words and Sibling Separations As I presented earlier in this chapter, a majority of orphan s (57 percent in Honduras and 65 percent in Belize) stated that they are currently separated from one or more of their siblings. Comparative assessments of the living situations of adult orphans versus child orphans also show that the separations of childr en even after parental death, are increasingly common and are in many cases permanent. The effects of those conditions on the emotional wellbeing of the children, and on their perceptions of being orphaned, may be more profound than adults recognize. Of the child informants who considered

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182 candidly about t he i r experiences after their parents died In Belize, Ynez, a fifteen year old girl who was separated from two of her siblings and lived with her de ceased mother s friends exp ressed th e reasons why she was an I feel like an orphan sometimes because I am away from my sister and one. Gitana, a thirteen year old girl from spo ke about the reasons why she felt orphaned. I feel like an orphan when people are bad to me and I miss my ma. Children with my pa before, and I will go back when he builds his home. .I did not want to live with anyone else. According to Carmen, a nineteen year old adult orphan in Belize who lost both her parents: [I have] three brothers and one sister. The older ones work a nd live on their own. The baby went to live with my aunt while my dad took care of me until me. I feel alone here. Roxanna, a sixteen year old girl in Honduras also said: My par ents died ten years ago. I have seven sisters and brothers, older and younger. Four are here [in this village]. I live with my older sister, and my other sisters live with my grandparents. I feel lik e I am an orphan with a family. The importance of the bon d between Garifuna siblings is documented extensively throughout the literature of leading scholars. In her discussion of family relationships within Black Carib society, Gonzalez wrote: The most enduring relationships are, first, that between mother and c hild and, second, that between siblings It is noted that there is an extremely

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183 strong affective bond between mothers and children which lasts throughout life. There also appears to be a strong tie between brothers and sisters. (Gonzalez 1969:68, 111) s later study of Garifuna male students, also found that: The single most im portant relationship for growing boys was with their older siblings, especially brothers, but sisters as well. (Mertz 1977:20 21) Additionally, in her analysis of the important relationship dynamic between Garifuna children and their siblings, Kerns asserts that: Siblings h ave a lifelong obligation to share and to help each other financially most distantly related as well as between siblings. (Kerns 1989:112) The current transformations that continue to rupture sibling relationships especially after parental death may yield significant psychosocial consequences for orphans in late r years. For orphans, the death of their parent(s), coupled with disconnection from their siblings, may produce a dual loss that translates into feelings of social isolation, and therefore orphanhood. Some children expressed their doubts of ever being re united. The following responses encapsulate the emotions of several orphans who faced long term, or permanent, separations from their siblings Raeka, a fifteen year old orphan in Belize s poke about the loss of her siblings There are five of us, four girl s and one boy. Because we [my two sisters and I] are a little older, my younger sister and brother are with my In Honduras, Isidro an eleven year old whose parents died from AIDS told me that the loss of his siblings has been difficult. He was especially concerned about his youngest brother who was ill, and who he had not seen for some time His aunt stated that th e family the children after his parents died, since no single household could afford to keep all the siblings together. As Isidro shared:

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184 I have a sister and four brothers seen my brot hers for four years. Esteban an eighteen year old orphan in Belize spoke about this long term separation from his siblings We all have the same mother and different fathers. Since my mother died, They live with their Elisa, a twelve year old orphan from Belize who lived with an aunt who she described he explained how, s ince her mother died she had been has not been able to either speak with her regularly or to see her, although she live less than an hour away. As Elisa shared: Sometimes I feel like an orphan. Sometimes I feel lonely. I h ave two sisters. Similar sentiments of loss we re expressed by children who now reside w ith non traditional caregivers (i.e., family friend, community member, etc.) Others who were forced to live on t heir own, or whose siblings resided in an institution also spoke of feeling orphaned As Diego, a twel ve year old orphan in Honduras explained: I am an orphan. [I have] five brothers and sisters, but I only see one. The others live with a Catholic orphanage. After hearing feedback from the children, I ascertained that a ny combination of the experiences th ey described may have influence d thei r perceptions of orphanhood Indeed, m any orphans asked for assistance to reestablish contact with their brothers and sisters I believe that with heightened public awareness, and the expansion of

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185 communication techno logies throughout Garifuna communities, th eirs is a request that may be possible to fulfill Vulnerability to Physical, Sexual and/or Emotional A buse Throughout this investigation, although the majority of orphans state d that they felt orphans who ranged in age from 8 to 48 years old reported incidences of mental, physical or sexual abuse at some time in their lives. The experiences that were described occurred at th e hands of family and non family members, and took place within and outside their households. Vittorio, a ten year old orphan in Agua Azul said he feared for his life after being repeatedly harassed by older bullies in his community. He stated that his late mother left He also shared to Belize. He was adamant that he did not trust anyone in the community to help him, and insisted that a lthough adults routinely saw the bullying in process so far, no one had intervened. He goes on to s ay : I am afraid people might kill me I t is dangerous here. People have threatened me and held me by my neck at times they call me names, and want to hit me. I need more protection Tierra, a nine year old orphan in Siene village described her abu se at the hands of her cousins My cousins treated me bad. They yelled at me and beat me all the time. I died. Santos, a n eight year old boy in Belize also spoke about experiencing physical violence at the hands of his alcoholic father after his mother died

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186 Dad used to me a lot. I wish my mom was still alive. Cumulatively, over forty percent (43.8%) of the orphans spoke of experiencing some form of physical, emotional or sexual abuse in the past Among child orphans, reports of abuse were much lower in Honduras (28.6%) than in Belize (48.6%). The sample of adult orphans in Honduras was too small to provide conclusive comparisons with those in Belize. Additionally, a l ack of trust in adults was a recurring sent iment among abuse victims Both child and adult orphans who recounted their abuse spoke candidly about their inability to tell anyone for fear that they would not be supported. This is an issue I discuss in further depth in the section on psychological support below. In the Belizean town Ruth, a forty eight year old adult orphan shared her experiences living with an abusive aunt after the death of her mother: My mom died when I aunt kept me as a slave in the house. I became a mom to my siblings. We In Belize, interviews with social service providers responsible for the care of children officials spoke of domestic violence, rape and incest as among the various forms of physical or emotional abuse affecti ng children country wide. They also made it clear that this was not just a problem for the Garifuna, but in all c ultures A maj or concern for one public official in Belize was that much of the abuse that occurs in the homes or communities goes unreported. Sexual exploitation is a problem that takes on different methodologies depending on the culture. I have seen examples with Creo

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187 Hispanics. with the Maya. .and the Garifuna. It is really hard to track the kids who are being exploited within the home because people tend to keep those things secret. It usually does not come out until something major goes wrong, like the girl gets pregnant or the child gets seriously hurt. But, most of the abuse goes under the radar. A Garifuna woman, who pulled me aside at the end of a group discussion in Belize shared her distress about what she saw as a s ilent crisis of sexual abuse. You need to look more into the incest problem. When I lived in [one of the villages] it was a huge, huge problem. Now, it is a national epidemic B ut there ar e legal interventions now. I t is a major problem here and could be an issue for orphaned kids who end up with people who touch them. Another Garifuna info rmant in Belize also voiced his concerns He spoke about the scope of the problem from what he states, were his personal observations. As he spoke, he affirmed the statements m ade by others in the community. There are people who perpetuate slavery under the guise of fosterage rampant in the Spanish culture. and now in the Garifuna culture. Everyo ne is doing it. I never thought that it would be in our culture, but it is rampant I see it. There is no barrier. There is no taboo. Additionally, orphans who were infected or affected by AIDS described episodes of neglect after and sometimes even before the death of their parent(s). Some discussed various forms of mistreatment by their guardians or emotional abuse from members of their communities Others spoke of stigma from being infected with HIV/AIDS or having one or both parents identified wi th the disease. Daisy a twenty six year old adult orphan in Belize whose mother succumbed to AIDS describes her experiences in her community I was seventeen when my mom died. Mom died of AIDS. Because of the stigma and discrimination that my mother expe rienced, I am still seeing stigma and discrimination. It affected me negatively to see the treatment my away.

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188 Raeka, who lost both parents to AIDS d in Belize explained: love from other people that you get from your parents. Silenced wi thout P sychological S upport whom they could speak about personal problems. Even in households where children stated that they received the material support they needed, I was s truck by how many orphans wrestled with emotional withdrawal and expressed the ir inabilit ies to trust adults. Several sought supportive confidants with whom they could feel comfortable expressing their emotions or asking for help. As Felipa, a twelve year I need lots of things, like people to talk to who I can trust. Juan, an eighteen year old in Belize who lost both his parents and dreamed of owning his own agricultural business one day, expressed his unmet need for confidan ts. He shared: I have no one to tell anything to. I need more people to talk to. Wilma, a fifteen year old girl in Belize s poke about some of the unresolved issues t We need help sometimes with school problems and home problems. I Nobody no anyone. Carlos, a fourteen year old who lives with an elderly grandmother in Honduras also described his feelings of isolation. anyone an orphan with no family. Sometimes [children] call me names. No one helps me. Every day at school it happens

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189 m to help me. .Most [adults] are good, but some are not good to me. They ignore me and sometimes, they tell me my mom is dead Jose, a sixteen year old orphan in Belize said that although he wished to confide in his father, or in another trusted adult, he Lourdes, a thirteen year old orphan in Belize, spoke candidly about how th e deaths of her mother several family members and friends, along with the long term separation she s till felt that she had no adult with whom she could spe ak about her concerns. I need more support and more people to talk to about my mom passing. Beyond issues of trust, orphans talked about from the death of their parent(s) Without any prompting, orphans readily discussed problems they faced with being apart from their siblings and with adj usting to new households where they were placed, often witho ut their consultation parents, versus the reduced attention and care they currently receive from their caregivers. Amato, a soft s poken and mature seventeen year old boy in Belize rec ounted how the they died I felt so devastated. Both of them died from AIDS. She [my mom] had a blood transfusion, but the blood was infected. I fell into a state of depression. I saw a psychiatrist for six months. I wish I had more people to support me. Love (he pauses to sigh) eno ugh. You can never have enough love.

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190 Lola, a fourteen year old girl from a Belizean village also discussed the impact of the deaths of her mother and four siblings in recent years. When my ma was alive, it was a happy home. My brothers and sisters were close. We are still close, but some a we no [ some of us do not ] see each other much. I see my sister but not a lot, even though she is only one hour away. The last time I saw my pa was last year August. We are not unloved sometimes. People treat me bad a lot, and I feel my aunt and uncle becoming ill themselves. The following responses from the orphans highlight their pleas for emotional and physical security. Maria, a fifteen year old orphan in Belize, recalled the stress of losing her mother when she was two years old and of not feeling close to her father who works away in the city She says her mother was buried in a distant village and since she can only provide her with shelter a nd other grave Except for one brother who lives in the same household, she feels cut off from her siblings. Her greatest fear she said, is to lose her only support system, her grandmother. W h en my grandfather died I got scared I am afraid my grandmot her will pass before I grow up Sometimes, I dream about my mom, and I miss her I sometimes wish I died with my mother. Carlos, in Honduras, also spoke about his fears. I am scared to get in an accident and there is no one to help me, or get help Raeka, also shared how the deaths of her mother and several family members had heightened her fears that she w ould be left alone.

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191 I am afraid when people get hurt. First, I lost my mom, then my dad, then my grandpa and my aunt. So I felt that all the people I love were dying. So, that scared me. Liani, a thirteen year old girl in Belize, also shared her experience fac ing the death of her former guardian. The lady, who took care of us after my ma died, also died. I saw her die I want to get big so I can take care of myself. Orphans of all ages spoke about the challenges of living in financial hardship, and their inabilities to take care of themselves. Financial insecurity and fear of the unknown permeated many of our discussions. However, w hile I expected, and received, several requ ests for financial help when I asked participants the loss of their parent (s) the overwhelming response was that they need and I share the examples below of t wo orphans from different generations of Garifuna society, who expressed similar experiences o f feeling un der loved and un suppo rted. They also stated their hope s that by raising awareness of this issue other orphans would not have to suffer the same fate s that they endured As Ruth explained: too tire needed a guardian to lead me, to give me love. Kids need that. Orphans need that. After my mom died, at 13 years needed support. Juan, in Belize al so stated that although he received financial support from his family who lived in the U.S., he needed more emotional support. love support from their families and respect If I ha d the chance to talk to my need their love as a community. Of orphans also require more tangible assistance to meet even their most basic ne eds. A ch ild development expert at USAID

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192 warned that the international crisis of orphans and other vulnerable children is likely to increase, and at a time when economies are receding, environments are deteriorating, and the base of available resources is contracting. H e also expressed his concerns about the future for orphans and other highly vulnerable children, in light of the global economic downturn The really scary part is in the upcoming years. The challenge is no longer just about AIDS. As pressing as that issue is, the life issues and vulnerabilities facing those kids are that much more basic needs are not being met. The economic turmoil that we are in is seriously affecting African countries and other nations around the globe. When there is a prec ipitous the countries have no reso urces to invest in their society. Stakeholders throughout Honduras and Belize expressed the need for more psychological counseling for orphans and oth er vulnerable children in their communities. Carla Thompson, a school principal in the Belizean town shared her view that psychological services for orphans is vital. She also noted that families raising orphans need guidance to help them provide the best possible care. Unfortunately, for the majority of orphans and caregivers, psychological services remain out of reach in all communities. Counselors are available in high schools for free, but the services need to be offered to every child that loses a par ent. Kids need a confidant to speak with who they can trust. That is lackin g [Families] who are raising these kids also need someone to help [to] know how to balance emotionally between how to discipline the kids and still make them feel loved and to trust the relationship. Lack of Stability and the Revolving Doors to Home A nother major issue c ommunicated by orphans and stakeholders is the lack of stability in living arrangements. After parenta home and caregiver may change multiple times as he or she mature s and as circumstances change.

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193 In her findings, Gonzalez speak s about the periodic movements of Garifuna children throughout the homes of relatives as they grow up. Sta rting in early childhood most Garifuna shuttle among houses belonging to other people Garifuna tend to live out their lives as individuals who become attached to, then detached from various other persons and/or households for varying peri ods of time. (Gonzalez 1988:156) However, although the custom of Garifuna children moving around is not new, the reasons for their movements differ, and the effects of those practices on children after parental death are substantial. T oday, t he shuttling of orphans through a number of households occurs as guardians migrate become ill, or die, or as f inancial pressures a nd other domestic issues affect sources from the clergy in Belize explained: A typical Garifuna child has hundreds of relatives, but who he or she ends up with is a craps hoot. There are no guarantees that they will end up in a Some end up being placed in good situations and end up doing well. But s. One of the things we do with orphans if [their mother s] are going to die .we try to see what provisions are made with the kids, so they are not batted around from place to place, and so they end up in a safe environment. A local educator in B elize (who I will call Miss Sanchez) shared her observations of movement. Kids often get moved around when they get orphaned with an aunt. Then the y go to a grandmother. Then, if she dies, they end up with another family member. The younger they are when their mother dies, they may end up in a more stable arrangement than the older ones, because the more well to do family or kin want them, the babies But, the older ones are up for grabs One child I know ended up in an orphanage. That never used to be.

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194 Orphans in Beli ze and Honduras also described their experiences of having to move from one unstable living situation to another including privat e arrangements and public institutions Lola, in Belize s hared her feelings of instability after moving continuously throughout her life. As she said: my ma had AIDS and my pa drank a lot. So they [child protective services] took us away. We were in childcare at one time, and my aunt moved me they [the authorities] said that my uncle molested me. The girls went to live with my granny who got money from the government but that was not enough money, so we ended up getting spilt up. We moved around a lot. So, my living situation is not quite stable, and I am tired of moving around. Diana, a nother fourteen ye ar old girl who lived in a Honduran village explained how, after the deaths of her parents, she and her siblings moved among several households. She recalled: I lived here [in the village] with my grandmother, but her house was old and my grandmother move again. Ernesto, a thirteen year old orphan from Belize, also shared: When I was small, we had to move, but it got better. I have been here two months now. I was living with my auntie before that, my fath Twelve year old Elisa, in Belize, goes on to state: then I was sent to live with that she will. She said I could stay with my next aunt if she left she does ecause she will worry. ne extremely positive finding was that I did not locate any orphans living on the streets. The lack of Garifuna street children in my study sites indicates t hat, whether or not families are willing

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195 or available to foster orphans, other members in the community and wider public and private facilities are providing them with shelter although granted, the circumstances may not be ideal. One orphan who has found homes through the revolving doors of multiple caregivers was Leon: Case Study: A Home and Help for Leon I first met Leon (as I will call him) in June 2007, while visiting a community school in a small Honduran town. He was a tall, good looking and affable young man, with a maturi ty that defied his tender age. At seventeen he had experienced more trials and pain than most children will face in a lifetime. When Leon was ten years old, he suffered a mild stroke. At the time of our meeting he had been fightin g a kidney infection for about a year and had fought previous bouts of tuberculosis (TB). A few years ago, both his teachers loudly interjected. His parents were young when they died, a nd but both lived and worked in the cities. Although he lived for short periods with his uncles over the year s, neither assumed the responsibility of raising him full time. But with the support of his community, Leon wa s not He showed me his meager possessions stacked neatly on a shelf near his bed. d we are happy to give him what we can Leon fut ure. As I was leaving, he pulled me aside. He showed me a stack of school papers that he had written, a long with his report cards. He pointed out that his g He said he wanted to be a lawyer one day and spoke of his fear that onc e he graduated from the local school, he w ould be unable to access higher education or to secure a stable home As it turned out, he had no reason to worry. When I re visited the community in 2009, Leon had relocated to another town where he lived with a new guardian and was attending high school. He said that with the help of his teachers a nd other caring supporters, he wa s trying hard to achieve his goals although he was unsure of where he would live next At the time of this writing, Leon now lives wit h one of his uncles (his teacher called to report). I am sure that this is not the last move that Leon will make but I suspect that the Garifuna people will continue to ensure that he is never homeless.

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196 Young Adult Orphans a nd their Challenges to Independence In both countries, although most of the guardians with whom I spoke had the best of and to achieve their independence, higher education remained beyond the reach of the m ajority of children. For young adult orphans, opportunities to attend college or vocational programs are rare, and prohibitively costly, even for children who have excellent academic records. Several older orphans shared their frustrations that their dream s for academic and employment opportunities may never become a reality. Adrian, a sixteen year old orphan in a Honduran village, spoke about her dreams for the future: I want to study to be a secretary and work with computers. I graduated ninth grade last year. I got high marks. I want to study in [the city] and live with my aunt, but there is no money. I need all my books, notebooks, uniforms, everything. Amato in Belize, also expressed his desire to continue his education. I hope I can finish school. I want to get a Masters or Ph.D. in the States and become a forensic doctor. Then I want to return to Belize and help the get a scholarship. Karena, an eighteen year old in Be lize whose mother and father are both deceased, said that she needed help to continue her studies. She spoke about her desire to have a career that will allow her to remain in her community. She states: I wish to be a teacher primary school and higher. I want to be by myself and not have to depend on anyone I want to finish my education and help teach kids in my community We need education and someone to help us become independent. My granny only works two days a week because she is older, and our family needs support. Findings indicate that despite the existence of several programs that could assist older orphans with scholarships for college tuition and supplies, most of the orphans and

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197 their families are either unaware of the programs, or th ey were ill equipped to connect with those services. Many stated that although they needed help, they did not know who to contact for social services, or they felt intimidated by the process of completing the required documents. Even orphans who had record s of good grades through secondary or high school were forced to stop their educations early due to lack of counseling and assistance with finding scholarships for them to matriculate to an advanced institution. Given the difficult road to higher educati on faced by many young adult orphans some have managed to find alternatives to formal institutional training. Apprenticeships with established trades people within families and communities have provided opportunities for orphans to learn skills that can l ead to future careers. The sentiments of the orphans, who have found professional mentors, stand in stark contrast to other youth who continue to feel trapped by their circumstances. As their responses show, access to alternate opportunities to make a liv ing was essential to their wellbeing, and boosted their confidence that they could achieve independence in adulthood. Wallace, a seventeen year old orphan in a Honduran village felt that with the support of hi s family he has the access to the training he needs to develop a career as a carpenter. My grandfather works with wood [here in my village] and will teach me the trade. I want to go to trade school. I tried to live in the city for one year, but I did not l ike it so I came home. Esteban, said that his decision to contact a local business allowed him to learn a trade that will equip him I do mechanic work part time. I just went and talked to the owner and asked him for a job. I want a stable life, to look after myself, and to help others. My mother did not leave anything, and I see my dad but he is not a good example. I see myself working a good job and helping myself. If I could not take care of myself

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198 Paulo, a seventeen year old boy in Belize felt confident that, w ith the help of his father, he will be able to own a business and remain in his community. As he shared: My dad is an electrician. He is training me. I am good at it. I want to finish school to get the best education and be the best electrician Stateless O rphaned C hildren A n additional population which raised concern w as stateless orphans some whom I encountered during my fieldwork. Of this group, t he six stateless orphans with whom I spo ke in Belize were all born in Honduras. O rphans who are sent across inter nation al borders and whose legal immigration status remains unresolved a re among the most vulnerable children in the communities More than other groups, stateless orphaned children and especially those who liv e outside the care of their families may face even greater long term risks than other orphans According to the Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) : Among the more than 15 million stateless persons around the world, stat eless children are among the most vulnerable of all .The consequences of statelessness among children are numerous and severe. K ey consequences of statelessness for children include greater likelihood of growing up in extreme poverty, restricted fr eedom of movement, arbitrary deportations, social exclusion, and in some cases greater vulnerability to trafficking and exploitation. (Child Rights Informat ion Network 2010) Devoid of the basic human rights afforded to citizens, children who experience abuse in these circumstances may be reluctant to seek help for fear of being deported. A lthough none of the stateless orphans in Belize spoke of being abused, they all said that they had lost contact with siblings who remained with family in Honduras. All we re ineligible for social, medical, educational, and other public assistance and the two oldest children were concerned that they w ould be barred from at ten ding high school without the proper legal documents As I confirmed, their fears were correct.

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199 Restricted A ccess of O rphans to P aren tal Land and A ssets Although several orphans stated that their mother s and fathers left nothing for them to inherit when t hey died, others shared that any available after parental death. Manuel, a n eighteen year old orphan live d with his older brother in the Belizean town He s ays that none of his siblings received any of his assets whi ch has prevented him from returning to his village. back to the village I would love to go back. It was sold to someone outside the family. To take ove r what the parents left b ehind why leave the kids to feel abandoned and lonely ? Raeka, also added that she and her siblings have seen none of the death benefits that their caregiver received Social Security give s the family $2,000 for each child for the death of each paren t. So, each one of us should get $4,000 for our care. But my brother, who lives with my granny, got none of that. She tek it [she took it] families of orphaned children o f the 80 orphans interviewed in both countries only one (in Honduras) resided on the property of his deceased mother, and his was a child headed household. I also observed that communal lands and homes previously owned by deceased parents were occupied b y family members, or distributed to others in their community. According to Mr. R amos a n educator in Inebesi village in Honduras : The land is communal land Orphans have rights to their land, but once they leave they may lose their cropland to someone else. For some children, the family may put a fence around the land to protect it F or others no. Mr. Fuentes, a school principal in Belize also stated: [It is] very rare that parental assets are left to the kids. Family take the assets most of t

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200 dem pickney [their children] have nothing. For parents who die leaving m eager assets, l and appropriation restricted access to his or her inheritance may leave some young adult orphans with limited options to remain in, or return to their home communities A s my sources explained, the decisions to sell or use pa rental assets usually occur as families struggle to finance the long term care of the children. Of course, it is unclear whether or not this justification expla ins the use of parental assets throughout all families However, since the resources of many fam ilies who are raising orphans are limited the redistribution of parental assets may be unavoidable The fact remains however, that few orphans will have the f inancial ability to establish stable adult lives without external support. M ore research into thi s process is needed to gauge to what degree withheld inheritances impact the lives of orphaned youth in Garifuna society, and whether similar practices are occurring within other groups in the region

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201 CHAPTER 7 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS Introductio n : Addressing my Assumptions At the onset of this investigation, I set out to understand the causes and consequences of orphaning in Garifuna societies, with specific inquiry into the effects of the phenomenon on the orphans themselves. My assessments we re the first steps in the process towards helping orphans, their guardians, and other stakeholders to establish and implement workable plans for action. The previous sections have outlined the extent of the problem. The next step is to analyze what we have l earned from the data. I began with some initial assumptions that I sought to either prove, or disprove. First, I thought that similar to other Afro descendant and native cultures, migration for employment was a major factor that influenced the cohesion a nd capacity of Garifuna families I also assumed that migratory processes would have lead to changes in cultural methods for rearing orphaned children. I found that migration has indeed impacted the cohesion of several communities and influenced cultural a pproaches to orphan care Pa rticipant responses and regional data confirm that over time, social and economic pressures have sustained the movements of people from rural to urban locations, and from intra national to transnational destinations. These migr atory patterns have also included shifts from temporary to permanent outflows As this study has shown, the economic benefits of migration (in terms of remittance in flows to communities) have been offset significantly by the sociocultural costs of populat ion dispersal Over time, t hese trends have n ecessitated continuous adjustments within Garifuna culture about how, where, and with whom, orphaned are raised. Data on other societies within the region, and

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202 internationally, show that due to socioeconomic, me dical, or environmental stressors similar modifications in orphan care approaches have occurred. Notwithstanding my reviews of the literature on other Afro descendant cultures, my second ass umption was that biological a recognized group in Garifuna communities t hey were not. Contrary to my hypothesis, I found that the majority of adults children whose After much frustration, when I realized that the word was associated with child abandonment or neglect and not parental death I modified my approach from asking for ly understand who I was looking for, and to begin to assist me in identifying my target population. I provide a complete analysis about this issue Third based on previous research about AIDS in Centra l America, and the high prevalence rates in Belize and Honduras I had assumed that the disease w ould be the main reason for maternal mortality in my study sites it wa s not. Cumulatively, c ancers, strokes, homicide, and other known and unknown factors, we re responsi ble for the majority maternal death s. A dditionally, a lthough AIDS wa s clearly a major factor in the deaths of fathers, homicides, strokes, and other known and unknown factors we re also deeply impacting the male population. N otwithstanding the impact of the other factors however the numbers of parental deaths due to AIDS and its increasing prevalence as a contributor to maternal mortality over time, is worrisome Unfortunately, concerns about social stigma and discrimination continue to affect the levels of testing and treatment. Therefore data about the actual numbers of children orphaned due to AIDS across

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203 potential orphans from parents already ill from the disease remain s unknown. However I argue that even if all the cases of maternal mortality were factored among the group reported to have died from AIDS, the majority of deaths that have contributed to the orphan population would still be due to factors other than AIDS. A regional UNICEF (2005b) assessment supports this finding. illness, but within the foreseeable future AIDS should not be high on the lis t of causative factors (UNICEF 2005b:20) Therefore, notwithstanding the significant impact of HIV/AIDS on the Garifuna and other regional populations I emphas ize the critical importance of expanding research and interventions to assist wider populations of youth who are orphaned due to other causes. My fourth assumption was that the public perceptions of what led to parental deaths (and therefore orphaning) amo ng the Garifuna w ould be similar at the regional national, and local levels they were not. At the national levels, the perceptions of stakeholders in causes for pare ntal death among the Garifuna Their views were influenced in part, by their suspicions that sizeable segments of the population w ere refusing to be tested due to fear s of stigma Given the depths of concern reflected in regional and national reports, I h ad assumed that local populations would have displayed scale reflected in the published studies. I fo und that communities we re indeed concerned about the disease, and that educa tion, tes ting and treatment are available to varyi ng degrees throughout communities in both countries However households that we r e experiencing the deaths perceive d AIDS as one of many crises that are affecting their

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204 families and societies. In fact, w hile I was conducting fieldwork in Belize, caregivers pointed to the deaths of several parents that occurred during my time in the settlements as concerning for them as AIDS in the creation of orphans. F ifth I assumed tha t children whose parents died from AIDS would face unique challenges compared to children whose parents died from other causes they have. U ndoubtedly AIDS has had a significant psychological impact on the lives of the orphans who lost their parent(s) due t o the disease, compared to children whose parent(s) died from other causes Beyond the loss their mothers or both parents to AIDS, fear of stigma ha d prevented the majority for wanting to speak openly about the impact of th eir loss. Despite those concerns, a few orphans ha d elected to share their stories privately with family members and friends, and publicly with their communities. However, the majority ha d not, and continue d to suffer in silence. The notable psychological pressures on orphans who lost th e ir parents due to AIDS heightens the necessity for counseling services for children who are affected by, or infected with, the disease. Their situation also warrants expanding public awareness programs to mitigate an environ ment of stigma and discriminatio n that foster s conditions that may lead to increased orphan populations. Finally contrary to my previous assumption that fathers were entirely absent as primary caretakers for orphaned children, I found that several ha d assumed th at function at similar ra te s traditionally (11.8 %) as in present day (9. 5 %) though with a slight decline Again, the comparative sample of adult orphans needs to be expanded to permit more in depth analysis; however, if further reductions occur in paternal care giving, children who lose t heir mothers, may be less likely to find refuge in the households of their

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205 surviving parent Conversely if the population of orphans expands substantially, and if fathers reverse current trends and begin to increase their roles as resident care takers for orphans their need for external social supports may also grow. Future research in this area is definitely needed as the construction of Garifuna families rearing orphans continues to evolve. Assessments of Additional Results The following sect ion provides an overview of the additional results of this study along with m y assessments of the findings. They include : Household Stability: In both countries, and across all Garifuna settlements, t he majority of households caring for orphans are female This means that although families are under intense pressures (as breadwinners and caregivers), those with the highest capacities are recipients of remitta nces, or they obtain other assistance from their kinfolk or the larger societ households are so heavily reliant on outside assistance to sustain their standards of living, any major disruptions in income may reduce their capacities substantially A dditionally, a bout a quarter of household were found to be capacities T hose household s tended to either have full time wage earners as the heads of household or had access to other sources of income. S households were either male heade d, or had male contributors to the household budget. Comparative assessments between villages and towns in Honduras and Belize showed that Belizean households had a higher capacity overall, than those in Honduras. Al so, in Honduras, the majority of the hou located in the village s. Th ose households had caregivers with less wage earning capacity limited to no financial support from kin or their communities, and few tangible assets.

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206 M any of those homes were headed by older grandparents or single women including aunts and adult siblings of younger orphans However, across all communities in both countries, the fact that relatively despite overwh elming odds the Garifuna support networks, although fractured are not destroyed. Orphan Care: Women, and especially maternal kin, assume d the bulk of the care and respo nsibility for orphans. To a lesser degree, several fathers and paternal kin also participated in orph an care. However, the fact t hat so many orphans are now being separated from their siblings and that others are being raised outside of the care of their families and kinfolk are noteworthy developments The shifting patterns lend support to my prev io us assumption that Some of the methods currently employed are recent developments in response to emerging conditions. However although a growing number of families are stressed beyond their capacities t o foster in tact groups of orphaned siblings the fact that the children are not homeless speaks volumes about the determination of the Garifuna people to protect their own Below, I include further analysis to explain why so many orphans are being separated after pa rental death Orphan Access: The access of many orphans to most resources was only slightly lower than for other children Their access to traditional teaching depended largely on the practices within individual families. Access to primary and secondary ed ucation was similar to other children; however, higher educational opportunities al though difficult for all groups, were lowe r for older orphans than other youth. Similar to all other children, orphans were availed of instruction in physical health care a nd disease prevention

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207 Chur ches and religious instruction we re also widely available to all children in their communities. Access to optical and dental care proved difficult for all children. Psychological counseling was largely inaccessible except to a fe w children in Belize. Overall, my analysis is that the access of orphans to resources and services were not drastically different compared to other children in their communities Certainly there are may have more deficienc ies than their peers For those orphans who are identified as being at high risk, or in grave need for specific supports, targeted assistance may be required. About half of the children described themselves on a combination of biological and social factors. Since Garifuna cultural traditions assigned the roles of orphan care to the family, the belie f of my adult informants was that the practice was still in process. As I discussed in the section on Orphan Care, t o a large extent I found that it still is. Most orphans are indeed in the care of their immediate and extended kin networks However, the me thods for how orphans are being raised are changing and consequently, so are perceptions of orphanhood Abuse: Over forty percent (43.8%) of child and adult orphans shared their experiences of physical, emotional or sexual abuse at some poin t in their lives. Some also stated that their distrust of adults compelled them to keep the abuses quiet. Government officials and other stakeholders in Belize confirmed that domestic abuse and sexual ecting all ethnic groups. Certainly, these are not problems that are exclusive to the Garifuna, although this study focused on

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208 the experiences of orphans in their culture. In Honduras, although private discussions with ims of physical abuse, I received no national confirmation that the problems were as widespread in that country. There was also no data to indicate that abuse was more prevalent among orphans than non orphans. Although legal protections are said to exist i n both nations, whether those laws are being properly enforced to protect orphans facing abuse is debatable. This is a concern, especially for children who live in remote areas beyond the recognition of authorities. Based on this research, it is apparent t hat additional investigations are needed to determine how many orphans are affected and the levels of risks they face, so that appropriate interventions are developed to address their needs. Psychological Help: The lack of mental health counseling for orp hans is a major problem in both countries, and in all study sites. Although orphans shared their desires for guidance, and for someone with whom to speak about their losses and concerns, currently the majority had no available options for psychological hel p. I view this as a major issue that needs to be addressed at the community levels. For many children, the per ceived inability to confide in adults, and the lack of counselors to address the ir stated issues may prove problematic for some orphans in later years. This is not to suggest that the orphans are ticking time bombs for violence, drug use, gang activity and other dysfunctions notorious in other societies However, effective counseling would enable the identification warning signs and t he formulation of plans to address conce rns before they become crises. Th e majority of orph ans were eager to speak and comfortable sharing their life stories These actions indicate that they are looking for outlets to communicate and obtain gui dance

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209 Instability in Living Arrangements : Findings show that the constant relocations of several orphans have affected their senses of belonging, and heightened their fears of abandonment. Instabilities in their housing arrangements after and sometimes b efore parental death have prevented some orphans from feeling secure in their households Although the use of institutional care was rare among my sample population, concerned stakeholders spoke of children who were in orphanages in the cities According to one of my informants, the idea of Garifuna children living in orphanages is a new concept that began just a few years ago. This practice suggests the beginning of new adaptive strategies that differ drastically from Garifuna cultural traditions, and may reflect the depth of cultural change. Ol der Orphans: As orphans mature, findings suggest that their challenges may incr ease as they strive to reach their full potential Results revealed that the ir a ccess to advanced levels of edu cation and vocational training wa s restricted by the financia l incapacity of many families However, a few older orphans who face d impediments to formal education ha d organize d informal apprenticeships with local trades people and on the job training in businesses. I see this as a testament to the coping mechanisms imbedded in the Garifuna culture, which prompted those orphans to overcome their problems by adapt ing to survive. I believe that expanding the availability of informal training opportunit ies, and internships in loca l and national businesses may assist older orphans to establish the skills required to build future careers. Without alternative options to gain marketable experience, o rphans who are unable to establish homesteads in their home communities may also encou nter impediments moving forward successfully in the urban centers.

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210 Stateless Orphans: Although I only identified six orphans whose immigration status was unresolved, I suspect that there may be many others. Given the complexity of their situation, I argu e that th eir levels of vulnerability may be more dire than for other children. The reduced access and potentially increased risks that they may encounter as they mature, are worthy of serious attention. By assisting these children to gain legal asylum in their adopted countries while they are still minors would facilitate the provision of supportive services that are available to other orphans Legal status would also provide them with the freedom necessary to unite with siblings and other family left beh ind in their home countries Although t his study did not focus on stateless orphans, knowledge of their existence heightens the urgency for f urther research to assess the actual numbers, and conditions, of these undocumented children. Restricted Access to Parental Assets: S everal orphans, especially older youth spoke about the appropriation of parental assets by their caregivers. In this research I could not ascertain whether the loss of access to parental assets (i.e., land) may hinder the ability of any orphans t o establish households in their native communities once they mature. I will not speculate. However additional research is required to determine the underlying reasons for those decisions, as well as the impact on the lives of orphans No Orphans Here? Population Within group. The reasons for this phenomenon vary widely. Given the difficulty I initially encountered with fi nding my target population during my fieldwork, I endeavored to understand guidance, I began by looking into similar phenomena within other cultures.

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211 (1965) research on the Baganda of Uganda, he found that the people believed that no African cultures also indicates that: Traditionally, there [was] no suc h thing as an orphan in Africa, since orphan resources to care for existing members. (Foster 2000:56) My research within Garifuna culture also found that the traditional responsibilities of members within their kinship networks, provided for the care of orphans and other parentless children. As Mrs. S Education maintained: Garifuna children are part of a larger family even if their parents die. Family takes care of them. During my initial discussions with adults in the Honduran villages, all denied t he existence of orphans. Although the Garifuna have a defined term for orphan (mteu), the ( there are no orphans here ) was the prevailing sentiment, especially among older residents. My interviews also revealed some inter generational conflicts with the use of the term as I spoke with adults versus children in the communities. Despite the insistence Some possible explanations for this inter generational conflict may be bas ed on the traditional kinship structure as it relates to the care of children with deceased parents.

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212 Historically, in the event of maternal death the children were fostered together as a group, as long as the sister(s) or the mother of the deceased still l ived in the village, or in nearby grandmother) was also an active participant in the lives of children. Despite historic fosterage processes that saw children moved throughou t the homes of their kinfolk, the Thus, before, and even after maternal death, children were afforded a sense of stability. However, notwithstanding the process of separ ating siblings while their mothers were alive, children were traditionally fostered together, or in close proximity, in the event of maternal death. According to Mr. Blanco, a resident in the Honduran town of Agua Azul, unless it was completely unavoidabl e, family members would make it a priority to keep all the children together. Well, in the past, the nearest family, usually the dead mother's sister would take care of them, and they would all stay together unless there was no choice The Garifuna have bi g families then, so family size was never the problem. Family values were more important, but not today. Mr. Ramos, a local businessman in a Honduran village added: Today, for girl orphans, the sister of the dead mother will usually take them and help them go to school. Many girls go to the city with family, and often siblings are separated with boys going to one family and girls to another. What is clear therefore is that in Garifuna culture, the adult concept of the term only result within families that have fallen short of their responsibilities. One of my goals was to find out if this was occurring. I began by assessing Similar to the gener al adult population, I found that the concepts of orphanhood among child orphans were not based solely on the death(s) of their biological parent(s). As

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213 I outline below, several social and emotional factors also played a role. However, when I asked all chi definitions. In fact, in a major deviation from the views of other adults, over half (52.9%) of the adult their mothers at a young age had impacted their lives negatively. Additionally, although lings of orphans who had lost their mothers or both parents. Among the sample group of child orphans, their views of orphaning were based on several factors beyond parental death. Among their stated issue s were: (1) separation from siblings after parental death; (2) permanent fostering outside kinship networks; (3) the lack of care without love and guidance; (4) no one to help support them; (5) feelings of loneliness; (6) having no trusted confidants with whom they could speak about their problems; and, (7) enduring abuse or neglect by members of their households. Several of orphans. Henderson (2006:307) research s responses of the orphans versus other residents in their communities, it is cle ar that a definite gulf exists between the awareness of the two groups about the lived experiences of children with deceased parents. The responses from the children provide strong y is a reality that has, so far, escaped the recognition of many residents.

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214 Given the various reasons described by participants about why they felt orphaned, I also investigated some of the possible reasons why others stated that they did not share those v iews. This assessment is based on the cumulative responses of child orphans and adult orphans who stated that they did not feel orphaned (51.25%). I analyzed the ir interviews to identify any observed differences in their life histories and statements to sp ot some common themes. The findings showed that again, a combination of biological and social factors may have helped to lessened feelings of orphanhood among some of my informants. General themes included the following: Having contact with their surviving parent This was important to several maternal orphans, whether they saw their fathers regularly or not. Maintaining close contact with siblings Again, even if orphans were physically separated into different households the ability to communicate with thei r siblings was important. Experiencing quality in their levels of care Orphans who resided with family members, extended kin or community members who, they said, treated them well, ip to the caregiver. Having a trusted confidant The ability to communicate openly with a family member, guardian, or adult friend who provided guidance was very i mportant to several orphans in biological terms to keep the definition consistent across societies ; the concepts of are both biological and social. In this case, t he general Garifuna population rather than biol ogical However, the orphans themselves, even the adult orphans who experienced the deaths of their mothers or both parents at an early age conceptualize their loss in both biological and social terms With regard to policy as I discussed in Chapter two the effective identification of specific groups of children is vital This is necessary especially in complex

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215 emergencies where interventions need to address differing vulnerabilities and target specified populations (or collective groups) of beneficiaries Also vital are the need s to : (1) educate communities about the existence of orphans and the size of the orphan population (biological) ; (2) determine the culturally relative concept of the parent whose loss most significantly impacts t ; and, (3) recognize and respond to amidst cultural change (biological and social) Examining the Factors that Contribute to Sibling Separations The responses from orphan s in the previous section confirm that their perceptions of influenced significantly by the dislocation from their siblings after parental death. This is a pivotal issue which begs the question w hy are so many orphans being separated ? Unqu estionably, long distance migration and the fragmentation of family units have caused major disruptions in how orphans are housed and nurtured. However, i n addition to out migration, my findings point to other factors decision to place orphaned siblings into different households. First, as Table 7 1 shows, of the 80 orphans interviewed, 42.5 percent had 5 or more siblings, 30 percent had 3 or 4 siblings, and 22.5 percent had 1 or 2 siblings. Very few orphans (5 percent) were the only child. With a few notable exceptions, the households surveyed did not possess the financial capacity to provide effectively for entire groups of orphaned siblings. So, large family sizes, coupled with limited resources, definitely influence d famil y decisions in their approaches to fostering orphans. Second, multiple parental deaths in one family may be overwhelming the existing kinship networks. Some of the orphans who participated in this study lived in the same community, or in the same household with cousins who had also lost their parents. In a

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216 Table 7 1 Sibling Totals for Garifuna Orphans Countries # of Siblings Honduras (#)% Belize (#)% Total (#)% 0 (2)7.0 (2)4.0 (4)5.0 1 2 (7)25.0 (11)21.0 (18)22.5 3 4 (7)25.0 (17)33.0 (24)30.0 5 o r more (12)43.0 (22)42.0 (34)42.5 Total (#) % (28)100% (52)100% (80)100% 2009. Cumulative totals based on responses from 80 orphan participants in Honduras (n=28) and Belize (n=52) few households that relied heavily on external support to meet their basic needs, orphaned first cousins were being cared for by their maternal aunts, an elderly grandparent, an older sibling, or a family friend. Here again, the deaths of multiple wa ge earning adults within one family may produce weakened and overburdened support systems. This may necessitate the separation of siblings among several households within, and outside, their communities. Third, a high percentage of orphans did not share th e same two biological parents. In Honduras, 68 percent of orphans and 58 percent in Belize have the same mothers and fathers. The remaining orphans have one or more siblings from an external parental relationship. Among those children, after maternal death I found some orphans in the care of their biological fathers, or living with paternal kin, to the exclusion of their siblings. Fourth, the deaths of mothers versus fathers, may contribute to the decisions to separate siblings. Although the numbers of f atherless youth a relatively small sample, of the 14 children interviewed, 57 percent were living with their biological mothers and siblings after the deaths of their fathers versus the10 percent of maternal orphans who resided with their biological fathers. Also, fatherless youth who were separated from one or more siblings stated that those siblings were either adults who lived on their own, or

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217 they were from outside paternal relationships and lived with their own mothers or maternal relations This suggests that c hildren who lose their mothers a re more likely to be separated from their siblings th an children whose fathers alone are deceased. Finally, results showed that a majority of adult siblings (over eighteen years of age) had migrated outside their home communities, and away from their siblings, to work or attend school. In those cases, periodic and extended separations from younger siblings were common, especially when adult siblings lived in distant cities, or in other countries. However, ma ny older siblings continued to maintain intermittent connections to their brothers and sisters throughout the holidays, at funerals, or during other reunions. Permanent separations between older and younger siblings occurred frequently among orphans who di d not share the same mothers and those who were fostered in different cities or countries Ultimately, as a result of migration, large networks of extended families are no longer in the same physical locations. Therefore, the residences of orphaned sibli ngs have become as distant as the increasingly vast expanses between the locations of their kinfolk. Decisions to separate siblings from each other, or to remove them from the familiar environment of their home communities, may rob those who have already l ost their parent(s) of the remaining stability that they could obtain from their networks of kin and friends. Concluding Analysis The reasons for migratory practices among the Garifuna and the resulting cultural impacts mirror trends documented within o ther regional and global societies. P opulation flows from rural to urban areas and across transnational borders reflect longstanding strategies employed by marginalized people in their fight to overcome deepening poverty

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218 and powerlessness In Latin Americ a, the effects of inequitable economic policies and unstable sociopolitical and environmental conditions created population movements of millions throughout the region and northward to the United States. Gunder Frank (1969) argued in his assessment of under development in Brazil, that the power of the market economy and capitalistic expansion compelle d systemic inequalities to arise in Latin America. Those changes, he contends, led to major modifications in subsistence economies. In addition to the unequal relations between Latin American nations and lso saw elite populations and urban zones benefiting at the expense of disenfranchised cultures and rural areas. The Garifuna people are among those who suffered deepening disparities due to public policy failures in their home countries. The perpetuation of under development amidst changes in regional economic systems, have necessitated increased shifts to longer periods of out migration that continue to produce notable cultural adjustments. As native people continue their migratory trends, opportunities f have produced new concerns about community stability and cultural cohesion Questions also loom about the effects of migration as a factor in parental death and orphaning and of cultural changes on the processes for nurturing and prote cting orphaned children. Within the Garifuna communities under study the consequences of migration we re evident a t the household levels, not only in the semi urban towns (where non traditional adaptive strategies were expected) but also in the villages. F or the poorest families access to appropriate social services and other life sustaining resources wa s limited. To mee t their needs, those families are forced to rely on what wa s left of their communal

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219 networks. d simultaneou sly increased as their networks of support ha d constricted. Presently, several households are challenged as women are torn between their desires to raise their families themselves, and being forced to migrate for work. Even though most caregivers continu e to supply orphans with the basic supports, economic and other personal needs. Those factors, coupled with the restricted access to counseling and advanced training, lea ve many orphans struggling to cope including a growing cadre of young adult orphans. However, in as much as communal relationships have diluted substantively due to migration, immediate and extended family remain the first lines of support for orphans. At this point, though men and women continue to migrate from the villages, f amily members who remain in the settlements attempt to coexist in an atmosphere of cooperation and teamwork. In the towns, families are forced to be more self reliant, or to seek help from sources within, and beyond, their communities. Unquestionably, it is impossible to cover all aspects of these complex issues in one dissertation. However, w hat I trust that readers take from this study is the ext ent of the impacts of parental loss amidst cultural adjustments on the social and mental wellbeing of orphaned children. By including their voices, there is no need to speculate about wha t the effects of orphaning are on their lives. The orphans have communicated clearly about their individ ual experiences. They have also expressed their challenges in the hopes of being understood and assisted to tra nscend their obstacles. Findings signify that a majority of the orphans shared similar challenges, regardless of the locations or sizes of their

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220 communities. Any s ignificant differences were influenced greatly by the depth and especially the quality of care provided by each kin and community Indeed, the indications are that both family and community support matter a great deal to the heal th and wellbeing of orphaned and other parentless children. Mrs. Sanchez, shares this view : It depends on the family. All the kids are cared for well if they have a good family. If they come from a dysfunctional family, then all the kids do poorly i n that since they are the ones that feel the hardship. As I have shown in this study, f or those without effective support system s, the loss of their parent(s) leaves many orphans educationa lly and economically deprived, others emotionally isolated or physically abused and some in socially destructive environments. Unfortunately despite the availability of assistance through public and private institutions, many orphans and families who may qualify for social services fail to access those resources. Lack of knowledge among caregivers about the comprehensive needs of the orphans, or about the existing supports available at the local and national levels, perpetuates the disconnections between families and assistive resources. Therefore, on an immediate level, informing caregivers about the available programs that are in place to help them will expand their access to vital services which may reduce or reverse some of the migratory trends. It is not certain however, whether those supports alone will be enough to stem population outflows, without other increases in social and economic stability Frankly, a s long as inequitable policies continue, migration of disenfranchised people will also cont inue. For millions of transnational migrants, including the Garifuna, the trends reflect that although some families who achieve success may strengthen economically from migratory processes, the larger society weakens culturally as their communal

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221 objective s are slowly invaded by individualism. Also, as native groups disperse, diminishing populations struggle against encroachment onto traditional homelands from foreigners and local elites. Currently, public officials in the Americas may be of the opinion tha t there are fewer drawbacks, than incentives (economically and politically) to allowing t he out migratory processes to continue Undeniably the probability of further social unrest does exist, as do es the growth of other medical and social stressors, not t he least of which is an increase in vulnerable children. However, history will tell whether those concerns are sufficient incentives to prompt the development of more equitable policies that keep people at home. For the sending nations, a ny major declines in population pressures and resource requirements would mean less competition in the job market and less money required for social programming. Also t he more people that leave their native countries, the more money that is sent back (in the form of remi ttances ) which for many countries, accounts for high percentages of national GDPs. Also, as Smith (2001) argued, larger migrant populati ons abroad, especially within the U.S., may increase the political influence of home countries as migrants become citizens and lobby for more equitable trade policies. As populations continue to constrict, there are also less ince ntives for governments to protect the land rights of native peoples. So, what does this mean for the long term viability of traditional cultures? At this point, no one is certain. But, if native peoples continue to increase their reliance on the moneyed economy and on migration the their most vulnerable members including orphaned children.

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222 Research Limitations Throughout the research process I encountered several signifi cant limitations that impacted the scope of this investigation. Those difficulties included the following: Scant Data Availability: No statistical or demographic records were available about orphans in Garifuna communities. Neither was I able to locate an y previous institutional assessments about the structures of modern settlements. The deficiency of preexisting data limited the scope of this research. Additionally, finite time and resources did not permit me to generate more extensive statistics about wi der, and potentially more vulnerable sub populations of orphans (i.e., young adult orphans, stateless orphans, fatherless youth). Language: During phases one and two of fieldwork, the language barrier proved difficult in the most remote villages in Hondura s. Although my research assistants were Garifuna, and included two multi lingual field guides and translators (Garifuna/Spanish/English), I felt limited by the inability to speak to the orphans directly, and in their native language. In addition, during m y pilot study, since my field assistants were men, problems initially arose with interviewing female orphans who, I discover ed required a greater amount of privacy than the males, before they felt comfortable sharing personal issues. I felt somewhat limit ed by my inability to pose sensitive questions to females in the presence of male interpreters. On my return visit to Honduras, I worked with a female translator, which resolved this issue. Transportation throughout the Remote Locations : Lack of public tra nsportation to most communities often necessitated the use of rented 4x4 trucks in order to negotiate the difficult terrain. The extremely remote locations of many villages (especially in Honduras) and unpaved or non existing roads often restricted vehicu lar access. Therefore, some areas either remained off limits entirely, or logistics prevented my returning to collect additional data. I have determined that, for any follow up studies, accessing the more remote communities efficiently will require arrang ing for the use of a truck (and/or boat) for extended periods. Privacy and Confidentiality: Community residents in all study sites showed extremely high interest in this research. Therefore, at times it was difficult to maintain privacy during the interv iewing process Often groups of people would gather by the windows and doors and attempt to overhear the conversations. Due to privacy concerns, I modified my techniques by periodically changing the locations of interviews, and conducting them at times wh en the majority of adults were working and children were in school. Security: Due to the tense financial and political climates, conflicts over indigenous lands, and clandestine drug trafficking throughout remote areas, traveling through Honduras and Beliz e required careful maneuvering. Being robbed during the course of my fieldwork in Belize City reflected the extent of the

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223 predatory element in the urban areas. At times, security concerns made data collection difficult. The June 2009 coup in Honduras also prevented my returning to collect important demographic reports, statistics, maps, and other data that I had requested from government and private institutions. This data would have enabled me to form a better understanding about specific populations of o rphans in Honduras and to gain additional information about ongoing support programs for orphans, or about any that were in development. Problems with Sustained and Long term Feedback: Maintaining continued feedback has been difficult, especially with sta keholders at the local levels. As Dr. people, and I have a difficult time maintaining contact even though I am here. It is extremely difficult to create lasting change, unless a r esearcher makes a commitment to work with the people face to feedback, I included my contact information and invited sustained input from orphans and stakeholders throughout both countries. Although many of the participants co ntinue to provide periodic updates about their communities, I have not been able to maintain consistent feedback. Communication difficulties, especially in the villages, make it impossible to maintain regular dialogue, and it is clear that implementing any sustainable interventions will necessitate partnering with researchers on the ground who are able to maintain direct contact with the populations long term

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224 CHAPTER 8 DISCUSSION Global Initiatives: Critical Responses to Assist Orphans and other Vulnera ble Children (OVCs) Recognizing the complexity and scope of the global orphan crisis, creative solutions are required. Farmer (2005:78) observed that despite the scale of the problem, many publication, a child development official with Save the Children acknowledged th at new approaches are needed to address the growing orphan population. She emphatically shared that: Children who are separated or orphaned are a concern. We need new guidelines for how to help provide for these kids. (Personal communication May 20, 20 10) Fortunately, positive trends in response to the growing crisis of orphans and other highly vulnerable children are that many national leaders are beginning to listen. This is exemplified by evolutions in global and domestic policies that strive to cont ribute, both directly and indirectly, to the healthy development of orphans and other vulnerable children. Currently, some successful interventions are being developed and tested at the grassroots and national levels. Several of the most promising programm ing initiatives are families attempt to respond to these latest population emergencies ( (UNICEF, et al. 2004; USAID 2009) Recent policy and program initiatives in developing countries reflect that, for them, necessity has become the mother of invention. In states throughout Africa, like Kenya, Zambia and Malawi, the extent of the orphan crisis is of such profound proportions, that they are among the countries at the forefront in the development of workable interventions.

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225 Globally, government policy makers and practitioners a mong all segments of society, now partner readily with the private sector, grassroots organizations and international development agencies. Their collaborations are focused on producing a clear picture of the global condition for highly vulnerable children and creating appropriate responses to meet the societal and economic needs of their societies. In countries with high populations of OVCs, some interventions including many financed by the U.S and other international partners focus directly on increasing investment in data collection, project development, and in enhancements to social welfare services (such as academic scholarships, medical assistance, and food distribution programs) (Catzim 2008; UNICEF 2005b; USAI D 2009; WHO 2005a; WHO 2005b) Other projects seek to improve the access of children and their families to available public and private supports from government agencies, NGOs, Faith Based Organizations (FBOs) and even from the larger kin and community ne tworks (Catzim 2008; UNICEF 2005b; USAID 2009) For example, to assist children affected by the HIV/AIDS crisis, Namibia instituted a National Plan of Action for OVCs that includes the establishment of an Orphans an d Vulnerable Children Permanent Task Force (Namibian Ministry of Gender Equality and Child Welfare 2008) In collaboration with the Zambian gove rnment, military, and international NGOs, the country continues to install counselors to provide shelter, food and other social services in communities with large populations of orphans and vulnerable children (Project Concern International 2009) Other nations are also working to provide orphans and other at risk children with the psychological support and practical guidance they need to develop effective coping strategies after parental loss or aban donment. Those developments are certainly steps in the right direction and, if successful, provide

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226 reveals increasing news accounts, and scientific research, on the topic. The stories exemplify a growing trend, both in the existence of large numbers of orphaned and vulnerable children (OVCs), and the deepening concern among global leaders of the impen ding societal crisis that is yet to unfold. In recognition of the explosive volume of vulnerable youth worldwide, U.S. Public Law 109 95 (PL 109 95) was created in 2005, to provide Assistance for Orphans and other Vulnerable Children in Developing Countrie s (USAID 2009) The Law, and the $1.86 billion in assistance to developing countries, demonstrated the and commitment to understanding and addressing the issues directly Currently, there is awareness at the highest levels of the U.S ., and international governments, that OVCs are a population that can no longer remain ignored or unaided. Through the coordinated efforts of seven U.S. government agencies, 24 the nation committed to assist 113 countries to increase their levels of response to their OVC crises (USAID 2009:4) A major condition in the allotment of these funds was that the participating countries agree to: unity and government capacity to identify and respond to their most vulnerable children, and conduct research and evaluation to identify the most effective interventions to care for and protect children. (USAID 2009:7) 24 The U.S. government agencies partners that are focused on addressing the needs of orphans and other highly vulnerable children include: USAID, the State Department, the Department of Health and Human Services, the Peace Corps, and the Departments of Labor, Agriculture, and Defense

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227 By providing comprehensive statistics and insight s, the USG report forebodes that the complexity of the current global condition will either compel the human race to collectively contribute to a positive outcome for tens of millions of vulnerable children, or societies should prepare to withstand the int ernational impacts of massive populations of under educated, ill equipped, and vulnerable adults. Moreover, there is growing recognition that the unprecedented and overwhelming extent of the OVC population is at a scale that demands the development of new the world are confronting challenges at a magnitude that most have never faced before. Undoubtedly, new problems require novel solutions. However, whether countries rise to overcome their crises will depend on t heir willingness to innovate. These new methods must embrace the participation of citizens at all levels of society. It will also require that them powerless to help th eir own people. Indisputably, these globalized and market driven systems are pathological, powerful, and difficult to change. Indeed, these are the very systems that have ushered in much of the problems that have destabilized families including those cari ng for orphans. Certainly, decisive measures have to be taken to ensure that international and national initiatives translate effectively to helping families and orphans on the ground, at the local levels. National and Local Level Interventions to Assist Orphans and other Vulnerable Children (OVCs) in Belize and Honduras In an effort to address the needs of orphans who live in Honduras and Belize, I and other requ ired supports. As I discovered, although specific programs are in place that target specific groups of orphans, there are no comprehensive efforts to address the

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228 needs of their general orphan populations. In fact, from my observations, the majority of assi stance programs originated from international and domestic NGOs and faith based organizations. Government initiatives were administrated largely in partnerships with NGOs, although programs like Social Security were government run. However, any goals of su pplying effective assistance to orphans would entail effective coordination among the multi and long term needs. In consultation with stakeholders within national and local agencies, I i dentified a few targeted initiatives that may provide immediate assistance to Garifuna orphans and other at risk youth. Although additional research is needed to document all the available programs of support for OVCs, some examples include: Fostering: Inf ormal arrangements to provide residential care for orphans are available within Garifuna communities throughout Central America, and among larger kinship networks in the United States. For children who fall outside kin and community support systems, privat e orphan facilities administrated by NGOs and faith based Emmanuel) are located in both countries, along with government run institutions for orphans and other vulnerable c hildren. 25 For the Garifuna, however, institutional options are considered a last resort for orphan care. Food: Throughout Garifuna communities, residents routinely provided meals to orphaned children from poorer households. Informal school feeding program s are available to children in Garifuna villages. In the towns, formal school lunch programs are 25 The Institute of Childhood and Family (IHNFA ) in Honduras, and the Ministry of Human Development in ing institutional shelter to orphaned and abandoned children, as warranted.

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229 provided to children from all ethnic groups who are registered as being in financial hardship. Education: Currently, schools in Garifuna communities provide a ccess to basic education for all children. Educators in both countries also spoke of providing private grants for tuition, uniforms and supplies to several orphans based on academic merit, and reek District, a local literacy program run by the Progressive Organization for Women in Action (POWA) provides tutoring services to children with the help of volunteers. Also, according to Ava Pennill in the Ministry of Human Development, public assistanc e for education is accessible to youth (including orphans) who are registered with social service programs Educational assistance up to university [is available] for kids who are wards vu lnerable child, depending on their family situation, we still have a wide variety of assistance available. We are reaching out to county high schools and they identify the most vulnerable of the vulnerable. If they [the children] made it to high school, th ey have already overcome a lot to get there. So, we give them educational assistance [in the forms of] fees, shoes, supplies, food, etcetera, to get them through school. Social Services: In Belize, children who are registered with Social Security, and who quality for financial assistance, may be eligible for stipends to assist caregivers in providing for their care. I located no similar national program in Honduras. However, more research is needed to identify if any public or private services exist. Medic al and Social Support for Orphans Affected by HIV/AIDS: Multi sectoral programs to address the prevention, testing and treatment of children affected by, or infected with, HIV/AIDS are available through public health agencies and non governmental organiz ations in both countries. However, access to the services comes with the risks of possible public disclosure of private information. Thus, inadequate assurance

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230 of confidentiality may keep many families who are raising orphans from participating in the prog rams. General Medical Services: Orphans and other children who are registered with social services in Belize are granted access to medical and optical services through the local health centers. In Honduras, clinics within or in reach of the communities pro vide basic medical care to all residents. According to stakeholders, optical testing and eyeglasses are available through mobile clinics that visit the communities once or twice a year. The Contributions of this Study to Orphaned Children Undoubtedly, Ant hropologists hold leading roles, along with other social scientists, in documented (Fiske 2008:114) T hese under researched populations include tens of millions of orphans, and other youth, who often face extreme vulnerabilities, beyond the views of their societies. I believe that Anthropologists are uniquel y qualified to conduct research among these groups and to contribute extensive knowledge about the causes and consequences of orphaning in under documented populations Our work can ensure that decisions made based on what is perceived to be in the child best interest do not conflict with reality when viewed scientifically to reveal the outcome of those choices. I am confident that this research fills in preexisting gaps, and provides answers to some pressing questions about the lived experiences of orphans. Throughout the process of fieldwork I also began to glean that the study was yielding some positive outcomes for orphaned Garifuna youth in their communities. The contributions of this research to orphaned children included: Defining orphans as a target group: Locating orphans in their communities is a critical first step in being able to assist them. Cross cultural variations in the concept of orphanhood present

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231 target group. In this research, co nflicting perceptions among the different generations of residents regarding the existence of orphans in Garifuna culture, challenged me to develop criteria that identified the specifics of my target population from biologically culturally and sociall y relevant perspectives. My definition destigmatized the word by focusing on the death(s) of the parent(s), and the age of the child, instead of on the culturally negative concept of the word which implied negligence of the family in provid ing appropriate care. Those critical adjustments enabled clear communication between the Garifuna people and myself and in time, facilitated their ability to identify additional orphans in their communities. Giving orphans o pportunities to speak and be heard: The orph ans with whom I spoke were very clear about their reasons for participating in this study. The overwhelming response was that if their families and communities were aware of their needs, they would help them and give them more support. Some indicated t hat this was the first time they were asked about how losing their mothers, or both parents, impacted them. Without outlets for psychological counseling, and especially for those orphans who felt distrust or stigma speaking to adults in the community, the abil ity to speak and be heard was an important contributor to their peace of mind. This was especially evident with orphans who were infected or affected by AIDS, who embraced the opportunity to speak about losing their parent(s) to the disease, and about thei r experiences Raising awareness locally and nationally: For the first time in Belize and Honduras Garifuna orphans and those in other ethnic groups became a visible population within their communities and to national agencies. Through participating in this research, e ducators in the communities heightened their awareness about the numbers of orphaned children in their schools and larger societies. I also observed that the class by class counts helped teachers to be more cognizant of the orphans in their classrooms, and to offer increased assistance to students who faced financial and emotional challenges. This study also stimula ted the participation of local counselors and public health providers, who expressed their commitment s to consult with orphans and, whenever possible, to help them to address major educational, medical, and emotional needs. t onditional cash t cari Including f amily participation: Guardians in all six communities expressed deep interest in this research, and cooperated fully with interviews, observations and household visits whenever they were r equested. Households that were identified with significant financial short falls were willing to accept help if it meant that more opportunities would be provided to the orp hans. In some instances, family members who had migrated to other cities or countri es called me to express their desire to know the results of the study, in an effort to improve their responses to the needs of the orphans in their care.

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232 Identif ying other groups of orphans and parentless children: Although this research focused on interv iewing Garifuna orphans, the class by class surveys also allowed me to identify o rphans from other ethnic groups and other populations of parentless and vulnerable children ( i.e., fatherless youth stateless orphans, etc.) throughout the communities The Contributions of this Study to Applied Advocacy Research The benefits of social research in influencing social reform are certain. Indeed, no effective and sustainable socio cultural interventions are possible without informed decision making. Establishing interventions that are targeted to the needs of specific populations is essential. Policy makers and development practitioners must also ensure that the proposed measure s are culturally relevant, and prioritized to address current crises and that they es tablish solid foundations upon which to build towards lasting change. Applied advocacy research provides many of the tools that can be used to construct those new foundations. The objective is to develop real world solutions to solve real world proble ms in view of real world contexts For this study, Participatory Action Research and Ethnography were undoubtedly the best methods for accomplishing my objectives One principal aim was to work directly with communities and families to uncover the cr ux of their circumstances and concerns. At the same time, I also worked towards educating the larger societies about the existence and requirements of the Garifuna and wider, orphan populations. The ability to collaborate with multiple levels of society and to speak directly with orphans, enabled me to obtain a comprehensive picture of the many factors which influence the ir lived experiences The techniques also enabled me to identify the p otential supports available to orphans from the household, local c ommunity, national, and international arenas One of the lessons that I quickly learned was that raising public awareness about the current populations of orphans and bringing the topic and the children out of the shadows was foundational to all

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233 proposed interventions. I feel confident that expanding the visibility of orphans within their communities will increase their chances of being protected and assisted in the long term. During my fieldwork, I observed several national, public service initiatives to raise awareness about select orphan populations (such as children suffering incest and domestic abuse, and children infected or affected by AIDS). Each campaign resulted from successful collaborations across the public and private sectors including govern ment agencies, businesses, the academic and development communities, grassroots organizations, and the media. This signifies that if issues are critical enough, peop le will collaborate effectively Given the extent of the o rphan populations, a priority pub lic service initiative should involve raising awareness about these growing, and vulnerable groups. Before I left meeting organized by development officials at UNICEF. The three hour work shop allowed me to share some of my preliminary results, and provide several recommendations to facilitate the creation of Action P lans to address the immediate needs of orphans at the local levels. I was encouraged by the composition of the audience and the ir expressed interest. The group consisted of a UNICEF M anager and Adolescent Development Officer, school principals, public health workers, leaders from the National Garifuna Council, representatives from the Ministry of Human Development, the Ministr y of Education, the Council, a radio journalist from the national media, and even orphans and their guardians who participated in my study. At the conclusion of the meeting I was asked to provide a follow up report to assist educators and other stakeholders with some guiding recommendations for how to move forward. That conference was subsequently broadcast

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234 on radio programs across Belize and heightened awareness about the si tuation for orphans and other vulnerable children (OVCs) country wide. Upon the completion of my field research I extracted select data and compiled preliminary Status Reports, which I submitted to key stakeholders in Honduras and Belize The results of m y pre dissertation study on the condition of orphans in rural genous Education in Fall 2007. In 2010, I presented reports to Belize Ministry of Human Development and to local educators that i ncluded recommendations to help them identify and assist the neediest orphans in the Stann Creek District to access any available sources of support. The Contributions of this Study to Influencing Domestic and International Policy The associations betwee n orphaning and poverty are clear. The majority of orphans live in societies where the needs often exceed available material and human resources. Although governments may now recognize the scope of their orphan populations, financial deficits force many to rely on the international community to provide vital social services. Given the global economic crisis, policy makers are beginning to recognize that they will need to rethink their use of Band Aid approaches to address gaping wounds. Indeed, major paradi gm shifts are needed in countries where orphaned and other disadvantage d youth constitute significant percentages of their populations. At this juncture, s ome important questions to ask are: 1) will development funds remain at the organizational levels on ce they are disbursed to countries or will they be distributed effectively to the people who are in need; and, 2) who is ultimately responsible for ensur ing that the programs that are developed at the local levels are effectively constructed and implement ed? Clearly, the answers to both those questions are it

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235 depends Whether proposed initiatives accomplish assigned objectives depends on the success of multiple tiers of decision making and action at international, domestic and grassroots levels. The o bjective is not just to fund programs, but to monitor them so that funded initiatives actually accomplish their stated goals. As we have seen from the reports on Haiti and Katrina relief the majority of the money never trickled down to the designated beneficiaries. Therefore, greater vigilance is required so that such discriminatory policies will be modified at appropriate levels to ensure sustained capacity building for marginalized families. Indeed, to do otherwise would be criminal. With respect to Garifuna orphans supporting the stability and cohesion of households that are caring for orphans is paramount. For the majority of families, this can only be accomplished with coordinated and consistent access to critical material and financial resources. However, the success of any intervention would involve assembling the required data on which government agencies and supporting organizations can prioritize, fund, and execute appropriate strategies. In this effort, increasing segments of the policy and r esearch communities have begun to solicit the input of a wider array of stakeholders throughout multiple segments of society, including the OVCs themselves. A Senior Researcher and expert on OVCs at UNICEF shared his view of the importance of this developm ent in constructing effective policies: We have to listen to the people. We need to do more youth assessment to better understand the OVC issue from their perspective. I want us to talk to people in their communities to understand their needs. In my view address, the OVC crisis with a new dialogue with governments, the private sector, communities and proposed beneficiaries P eople across nations must commit to work ing together respectfully if we have any hope of proposing workable solutions that help each

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236 partner group to address the current needs of OVCs, and to stem the growth of their populations. In the development of effective interventions, imperative questions for international dono rs to ask are: local levels? Are sufficient mechanisms available to efficiently provide required services to the neediest orphans, and other at risk children? Are programs in place to effectively match beneficiary groups with the services that are available to them? Based on the answers to those questions researchers and policy makers will be able to determine whether current national infrastructures need to be strengthen ed and prepared to carry out the required functions. Data will also help to determine how best to train local professionals (educators, medical workers, counselors, and others) so that they are equipped to identify, and respond effectively to, the disparat e needs of OVCs. By sharing new knowledge, this study contributes to the effort of influencing domestic and international policies in several ways: By speaking directly with the orphans, the study provides empirical evidence about the multiple impacts of p arental death on the children themselves, and about the pressures on households. Those findings provide critical insights about the specific gaps in current orphan care arrangements, and can be used by governments and NGOs to construct targeted programs t o address those shortfalls (i.e., education, medical care, psychological counseling, etc.). By c o nsulting with other social scient ists who have been working towards similar goals solutions can be developed that increase the probability of quickly eliminat shari sustainable programs. By raising awareness about the causes of parental death, new national initiatives may be constructed to tackle many of the root factors that lead to orphaning in the first place.

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237 By u sing proven Participatory Action Research and Ethnographic met hods, the design of this study is applicable for use in researching orphans in other ethnic and social environments By consulting with international and domestic stake holders at all levels of society and by incorporating their expressed concerns the study was developed, from the onset, to provide information for the creation of interventions to assist orphans, at the community and national levels. By defining the wor d orphan based on culturally specific criteria, my work adds to the body of research that demonstrates the need for sensitivity in conducting research with this formerly invisible and newly emerging population. Additionally, since m any of the problems orphans face are poverty related older orphans need to be placed on the priority list for international and national interventions Without a doubt, t he needs of older orphans will increase significantly as they pursue opportunities to provide for themse lves in adulthood Given the gravity of the situation, what older orphans cannot afford is the construction of interventions such as training programs that are incongruent with the capacities of local infrastructure s or with national priorities Infrast ructural investments must be targeted to effe ctively train OVCs, and to provide them with the life skills and psychosocial counseling they need to become contributing members of their societies. Policy makers must ensure that current systems are able to su ccessfully absorb the young adult orphans so that, once educated they are able to locate gainful employment, and socio economic stability Furthermore, older orphans may be the perfect group to be train ed to fulfill some existing service deficits required by younger orphans, including peer counsel ing academic tutor ing public health assistan ce and other supports. The likelihood exists that, if effectively constructed, training programs such as these may garner the support of donors and governments, as we ll as academic institutions that are poised to spearhead these initiatives. W ith hundreds of millions of orphaned and other vulnerable youth worldwide, increasing the capacities of

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238 orphans may be tied ultimately to supporting national economic growth and b y extension, international security

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239 CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION AND RECOM MENDATIONS Conclusion Suppression of local cultures, women, identities, and histories, these regimes of representation are originary sites of violence Development has been linked to an economy of production and desire, but also of closure, difference, and violence. (Escobar 1995:214) In Central America, d isparities between weal thy and poor countries, and between elite and poor groups within nations, continue to perpetuate negative effects on disenfranchised peoples. The legacy of dominant/dependent systems has taken a tremendous toll on traditional kinship networks, and altered practices for how families within native cultures interrelate. As research focuses its lens to reveal the consequences of unjust policies on societies, one finds that among the mos t vulne rable populations are orphaned and other parent less children. Currently, millions of children are forced to reconstruct their lives after losing their parent(s) to natural and man made events In recent times, scientists, statesmen and policy makers around the globe have become acutely aware t hat the population of orphan This dissertation focused attention on the impacts of parental loss on Garifuna children, and the coping mechanisms employed by orphans and their families as they adapt ed to complex crises. By com bining the results of my discussions with orphans and other stakeholders in Garifuna society with insights about trends in other regional and global cultures, I have tried to construct a cohesive picture that facilitates a generalized understanding of the ir situation. What the evidence shows is that the reasons for orphaning are diverse, as are the needs of orphans across societies and cultures. Therefore, blanket solutions cannot address the specificities faced by disparate cultures that are challenged wi th protecting and raising orphans.

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240 Substantial literature has made it clear that top down, imposed programming does not work. To understand and address pressing societal issues require s the support of proposed beneficiaries, to meet their specific objecti ves. Incorporating the views of the orphans themselves would also help to assure that programs are structured to be congruent with cultural practices and priority needs. A critical balance in the development of i mmediate and long term interventions is to i ncrease capacity while limiting dependency. The objective is not to develop perennial crutches on which societies can lean. Rather, the goal s must be to strengthen the current foundations on which households depend, and to structure capacity building oppo rtunities which assist poverty stricken populations to rise. In recent years, significant advances have been made to expand the collection of data about orphans, especially in under researched communities. Unfortunately, given the scale of the global orph an populations, the volume of studies continues to pale in comparison to the need. Moreover, initiating research is merely a first step in this complex process of assessing the conditions of orphans, and translating proposals into effective policies and p rograms takes time. Of critical importance is the demand for actionable insights about the socio economic and psychological challenges faced by orphans, especially as they mature into young adults. Based on m y research with Garifuna orphans, it became cl ear that the most vital component i n restoring normalcy into y remain in close contact with their family members, especially their siblings and any surviving parent. The goal e For several orphans, their concepts of orphanhood arose from feelings of isolation, abandonment and concomitant

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241 social, as well as biological factors. Very rarely did the y emphasize material possessions when defining their hierarchy of needs. The younger orphans were largely satisfied with the basic supports that would enable them to survive and attend school; while, the older orphans expressed a strong desire to access higher education and become professionals. However, the prevailing sentiment am ong all age groups w as the need for stability, love, respect and a sense of family. In fact, reports from child development experts support the belief that increasing the stability of families and communities are among the most important methods to ensure the success of any interventions on behalf of vulnerable children. Raising awareness is also important. U ncovering populations of orphans and heightening their visibility in their societies becomes a critical step towards ensuring elevated levels of care and protection. Minimizing the compound effects of parental death on orphans will also require sustained commitments from scientists and stakeholders, to uncover the complex factors that affect the coping capacities of children and their households and to address them. The international and domestic initiatives outlined above are major steps in the right direction. However, it is imperative that the commitments to research and financing, at the very minimum, remain at the levels requir ed to assure that interventions are sustainable once they are put in place A chief concern should be to effectively address the complex socio political, economic and ecological issues that are at the root of the global orphan crisis. To produce meaningful and lasting change, governments would need to aspire beyond tackling child vulnerabilities as they arise. Instead, they should strive towards developing solution s that prevent the threats that lead to orphaning, and which put children and families at risk in the firs t place. If th e current trends continue the distinct possibility

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242 exists that even the most ambitious programs could be quickly overwhelmed by escalating needs. As far as one can tell, amending the inequitable systems that created the current crises is par amount if societies have any hope of averting the massive societal costs of orphaning. Indisputably, all organizations are forced to establish parameters under which they operate, along with criteria to determine the eligibility of select beneficiaries. H ence, agree upon precise working definitions for the groups they endeavor to help. I have (i.e., parental death), with specified age ranges (0 17 years) to avoid the hazards of data incongruity in research and policy. I have also shown how, when working within disparate cultures, synergizing the criteria that orp hanhood, with defined sub categories of vulnerable children based on their specific circumstances, would facilitate a more precise understanding and identification of target populations, including cultures, I have discussed the importance of identifying the biological parent with primary responsibility for childcare. In the case of the Garifuna, and in othe r matrifocal ( Therefore, maternal deaths most critically influences the nurturing process for orphaned Garifuna children. Hence, in broad fieldwork contexts, researchers and practitioners must identify and understand the biological and social factors that determine how the word orphan is employed.

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243 Recognizing the severity of the situation for Garifuna orphans and their families, the next question to ask is, how do we move forward? Indeed, what does one do with all this infor mation? Clearly, my goal as an Applied Cultural Anthropologist is to facilitate the movement of this data from research, into action, and on multiple levels. This process involves stimulating continued dialogue among stakeholders, including the caregivers, to ensure that orphans remain visible, and th erefore increase the probability that their specific needs can be identified and addressed. I trust that t his study, and the corresponding recommendations, will provide the Garifuna people and national agencies with some of the new knowledge required to be gin to attend to these concerns. Recommendations will have strong impacts if it cannot be sustained by the community and (Weisner 2009) 26 T he following recommendations w ere drafted to assist stakeholders to address the identified and unmet needs of Garif una families, orphans and other vulnerable youth In view of the findings of this research, I divided the list to include several immediate and long term strategies The proposed initiatives considered the locations of the people (urban and rural), the ex isting infrastructures of the communities, resource availability (financial, human, and environmental) and the cultural practices of the residents. I also considered the governmental and non governmental programs that are in place to support orphans and o ther vulnerable children. Consequently, I propose that the following recommendations are achievable, sustainable, and potentially exportable 26 Weisner, Thomas S. 2009 Childhood and Adolescence in African Societies and Cultures. In The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion. T.R. Bidell, A.C. Dailey, S.D. Dixon, P.J. Miller, and J. Modell, eds. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

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244 to other communities that are confronting similar circumstances They include the following: Short term Programmin g and Objectives: separated regionally and internationally, to reestablish communication with each other; (2) increasing the access of orphaned children to the available coun selors in the schools and medical centers; (3) fostering dialogue with guardians so that they are aware of the needs of the orphans in their care; (4) maintaining or restoring communication with surviving parents and family members whenever possible; and, (5) assisting orphans to connect with established public and private programs that are already in place to provide financial and social support. Conduct additional research to obtain evidence based statistics on the extent of the local and national orphan populations. This will require initiating further group discussions with local partners and communities to develop a shared understanding of criteria to identify populations of biological orphans, along with Establish mechanisms to increase communication between policymakers and beneficiaries (orphans and caregivers) in order to identify and address critical requirements. Institute policies to increase the level of coordination across local and na tional agencies to reduce duplication of services and hopefully eliminate wasted financial, physical, and human resources. supports for orphans at the local and nationa l levels. T he aps would also identify the jurisdictions of the various national government agencies, local institutions, and non governmental o rganizations (NGOs) that function to support orphans in their resident communities nationwide. This list of pa rtners would help to coordinate supportive programming by describing the major responsibilities of each institution and by identifying the main contact people within each group. Develop policies that strengthen grassroots programs that are already working effectively to assist orphans and other at risk populations, and help agencies to increase their strength and scope to meet the needs of wider groups of beneficiaries. This may include expanding any current tutoring or mentorship programs to help academic ally at risk students to increase their performance in school. The programs could also be extended to other members of the community especially women to assist them with completing their educations, and to increase their skills and employment options. In e xchange for broadening their reach, grassroots programs may benefit greatly from additional donor funding that supports their abilities to become more financially independent while

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245 strengthening their missions to serve their communities. Local organization s could also be assisted in their efforts to develop business based approaches that may help them to become more economically self sufficient. This could include assisting groups 1) to write grants for foundation or government support, 2) to effectively so licit corporate sponsorship for their programs, and/or 3) to establish projects that generate other types of income. Long term Programming and Objectives: Execute follow up studies that continue to generate new perspectives about the conditions of orphan s on the ground, in order to develop and tailor programs as required. Also, e Develop and implementing sustainable interven tions in collaboration with international child development NGOs, and national and local stakeholders (including families and children). Institute mechanisms within educational institutions and with the support of grassroots NGOs that help to identify newl y orphaned children, and to monitor existing populations within communities. This may be accomplished by working with school principals and directors to assist them in updating their f orms so that orphans and other vulnerable children in sel ect regions are identified, and can be monitored. These confidential documents would ask questions that determine which children have lost one or both parents to death, and also solicit information about the living situations of each child. Household infor mation would establish how many adults and children live in their home, identify the heads of the household, and determine what public or private benefits the child currently receives (if any). Based on the results, any child who is identified as being in special hardship would be directed to local counselors who can help each child (and his or her guardians) to document what their current living situations are, and forward the important information to the relevant agencies and organizations to help meet th ose needs. Coordinate more effectively across all levels of the national educational systems to help orphans who maintain stellar grades to obtain scholarships to high schools, local colleges and vocational institutions. Foster partnerships with local and multi national businesses to support capacity building projects for older orphans and other vulnerable children (including offering internships and jobs to students and recent graduates). Establish a (CACW) in a regionally appropriate private). The predominant role of the CACW would involve helping children and their families to maneuver through the process of seeking and obtaining any available pu blic and/or private assistance. The CACW would also facilitate the

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246 collection and transfer of important data about the numbers and needs of orphans (and other highly vulnerable children) in their local areas and network with the relevant partners to help c hildren with critical needs to access the resources they require to move forward. Additionally, t o enhance the success of the CACW, the national Ministries (or other appropriate national agencies) would be called upon to provide administrative su pport in the coordination of relevant data between the governmental and private partners that are charged with providing assistance to orphaned and other vulnerable youth. Recognizing that the proposed CACW position is yet to be established, if there are S ocial Workers, Child Advocates, or other professionals already in place that perform similar roles within government agencies or non governmental groups, this report suggests that the prescribed duties of the CACW be directed to those organizations for con sideration. Physically reunite orphans that have been separated from their siblings for extended periods. This will require establishing regional and international connections among key partners who have data about specific orphan populations in their resp ective areas. Help families, especially women, to obtain economic opportunities that reduce the distance and time spent apart from their households. Programs would need to focus on increasing the capacities of caregivers with demonstrated economic needs to learn marketable job skills of value to local businesses Address inequitable national land tenure and ownership policies that affect the stability of indigenous communities. Eliminating e ncroachment on territorial lands is one mechanism that may reduce internal conflict and reduce the need of rural populations to migrate to urban areas. Coordinate the efforts of key partners to facilitate cyclical communication and feedback about vital data, along with collaborative responses to the needs of orphans and other beneficiaries. Conduct periodic Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) studies that review the successes and limitations of the efforts to help orphans and other vulnerable children in locations where intervention programs are established. These reports wou ld enable all participants to learn from mistakes, to modify any approaches in the development and implementation of future projects. Major stakeholders and key partne rs in Honduras and Belize T he major stakeholders and key partners that are poised to contribute assistance to orphans are outlined below:

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247 Families and Caregivers (e.g., Household level support from direct and extended kin); The Local Community (e.g., A rea level support from the residents of villages, and towns); Local Educators (i.e., Principals/Directors, Teachers, Counselors, School Staff); Local Government Officials (i.e., Village Leadership, Members of Town Councils Local NGOs and Grassroots Organizations (i.e., OFRINEH Honduras, National Garifuna Council Belize, Progressive Organization for Women in Action Belize, Hosanna House Belize); Religious Clergy and Garifuna Spiritual Leaders (Across all denominations who maintain direc t and often culturally specific relationships with communities at the local and national levels); Medical Providers and Public Health Officials ( i.e., Local and National levels); National Government Agencies (i.e., Ministries of Education, Human Developmen t, Social Security administrations, etc.); International NGOs Friends of the Orphans, etc.) Business Leaders (i.e., Local and national businesses and international corporations); The Media ( i.e., L ocal, National & International journalists who can raise awareness about and maintain focused attention on the numbers and needs of orphans and other vulnerable children wherever they exist).

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248 APPENDIX A INFORMED CONSENT PRE INTERVIEW SCRIPT (IC PS) **IMPOR TANT NOTE #1: This form will be used for pre interview approval from ALL participating groups including: 1) Unaccompanied "Street" Children of various ages (under NO parental or other supervision); 2) Orphans/Unaccompanied Children (in Institutional/Age ncy or Family care); as well as, 3) NGOs, Honduran Government Officials and other stakeholders **IMPORTANT NOTE #2: This ICPS will be read for ALL participants (as needed or requested). Project Title: "No Child Left Behind?: Investigating the Long Term Potential for the Effective Psycho Social Adjustment of Orphaned and Unaccompanied Children in Honduras." Researcher: Camille Feanny, Ph.D. Student, University of Florida, Anthropology Department Good Morning/Afternoon. My name is Camille Feanny and I am a doctoral student in the University of Florida's Anthropology Department. I am in the process of gathering background information for my dissertation research focused on the long term impacts to the societal adjustment of orphaned and abandoned children, and I am conducting this interview to learn more about the successes and rehabilitative limitations faced by this vulnerable population. The results of this interview will be used to supplement other research data about the physical risks and psycho social effects on orphaned and abandoned children. I would like to ask for your assistance by responding to a few questions. The interview will take approximately 20 minutes, and there is no compensation for participating. To minimize any possibl e risks, please be aware that during the interview your voice will not be recorded (unless I am given permission to do so), and you may refuse to answer any of the questions at any time during our discussion. If you prefer, yo ur name, title and/or exact l ocation will be kept completely confidential, but the results of the interview will be available for access by my supervising professors, and possibly by others in the academic community. Please also be aware that I will be taking notes during our conve rsation and, as we proceed, I will periodically read back some of your answers to ensure accuracy. If you choose to participate in this study, the benefits include renewed insight about: 1) the long term effects of abandonment on children; 2) the forms of assistance required to improve their survival and societal adjustment; 3) the systems currently employed to care for orphaned/unaccompanied children; 4) community based views about abandoned children; as well as, 5) the progress made, limitations faced and specific lessons learned about this issue. Once the dissertation is written, I would be happy to forward you a copy. I can be reached either by email at camille.feanny@gmail.com or directly by cell p hone at 678 570 5329. If you have any additional questions about this paper, please feel free to call my Supervisors, Dr. Elizabeth Guillette (352) 392 2253 and/or Dr. Allan Burns (352) 392 2230; or the UF Institutional Review Board at 352 392 0433 Do I have your permission to proceed with this interview? ______________________________________________ ____________________________ Volunteer Approval [Print Name and Title OR Initials] Date ______________________________________________ Volunteer Appr oval [Signature OR Initials] ______________________________________________ ____________________________ Researcher (Camille Feanny, Ph.D. Student) Date and Time

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249 APPENDIX B INTERVIEW GUIDE (CHI LD ORPHAN) Interview Date: Location: ____________________________________________ Background Stats: Coded ID: Project Title: Afro Indigenous Orphans in Central America: Parental Death and Survival Strategies in Garifuna Communities in Honduras and Belize Researcher /PI: Camille Feanny, Ph.D. Candidate, University of Florida, Anthropology Department 1a. What is your nick name OR what do people call you? What do your friends call you? Como te llamas o por cual nombre te conocen tus amigos? 1b. How old are you?_____ _______ Cuantos anos tienes? 1c. Dnde viven la familia de tu mama y papa? 1d. What languages do you speak (English, Spanish, Patois, Creole, other language)? Que lenguajes puedes hablar (Ingles, Espaol, C riollo o idioma)? 1e. __________Do you have many friends? Where? Tiene muchos amigos? Donde? 2a1. __________Do you feel that you have a family? Who is part of your family? Te siente tu tiene una familia? Quien es parte de tu familia? 2a2. __________D o you ever feel like you are independent? Why? Te siente tu es indipendiente? Por que? 2a3. __________Do you ever feel like an orphan? Why? Te siente tu es un huerfano? Por que? 2a4. When someone mentions the word orphan what does tha t word mean to you? Cundo alguien menciona la palabra hurfano qu significa aquella palabra por ti? 2b. _________Do you have brothers or sisters? How many?___Where are they? Tu tienes hermanos o hermanas? Cuantos tiene? De donde esta? 2c. ______ ___Do you remember where you lived when your mother and/or father was alive? What do you remember about it? Tu recuerdas a donde vivas antes? Donde? Que recuerdas de ese lugar? 2d. _________Do you know why your mother (or both your parents) died? Tu conoces como tu madre (or los dos de tu padres) se murio? 3a. Where do you live now (with kin/family, in an institution, with a gang, alone on the streets)? Dnde vives ahora (con parientes / familia, in una institucin, con una pandilla, o solament e en la calle?

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250 3a2. If you live with your family Si usted vive con su familia es la familia de esta su madre o la familia de su padre? 3a3. If you do not live with your family why not? Si ust ed no vive con su familia por qu no? 3b. Do you have a room of your own (Where do you sleep? Tiene una cuarto solo? Dnde tu duermes normalmente? 3c. What is it like to live there? Que es lo que te gusta donde vives? 3d. How long have you been livi ng there? Cuanto tiempo tienes viviendo all? 4a. How do you get food to eat (family/kin, church, strangers, theft)? Como tu obtienes alimento para comer (parientes, iglesia, desconocidos / extranjeros, o robada)? 4b. What kinds of foods do you lik e? Que tipo alimento a usted le gusta? 4c1. __________Do you get enough of the foods you like to eat every day? (re: Selection) Tu obtienes bastante alimento de el tipo te gusta para comer todo los dias? 4c2. __________In general, do you get enough foo d to eat every day? (re: Quantity) Generalmente, tu obtienes bastante alimento para comer todo los dias? 4d. What did you eat today? Que tipo de comida tienes hoy? 5a. If you had a problem, who would you talk to about it? Si tu tienes un problema, co n quien usted habla? 5b. Who do you turn to if you need something (clothes, school supplies, etc.)? Con quien tu hablas cuando neciecitas algo? 5c. __________Do you feel you have enough people who support you? Tu piensas que hay personas que te pueden apoyar? 6a. Who is the closest person to you? Quien es la persona que le brinda cario a usted? 6b. How often do you see them? Con que frecuencia tu la ves? 6c. When will you be going to see them again? Cuando es tu prxima visita a verla? 7a. ____ ______Who taught you how to read and/or write? Que persona te enseo a leer y/o escribir? 7b. __________Have you ever read a whole book? Tu puedes leer todo un libro? 7c. __________Do you remember the last thing that you read? Recuerdas el titulo que leste?

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251 7d __________Do you like to read? Te gusta leer? 7e. __________Do you have enough books to read? Tiene suficiente libros para leer? 8a. __________Do you go to school right now? Where? Tu vas al esquela ahora? 8b. What are your favorite thin gs to study? Que es lo que te gusta estudiar? 8b2. Are there any classes that you are having problems with? Who do you know that can help you? Tiene problemas con classes particular? Quien conoce a ayudarte? 8c. How often do you go? Cuanto tiempo tu l levas? 8d. When was the last time you went? Hace cuanto tiempo atendiste la escuela? 8e. If you are not in school, can you explain why you don't go? Si no atender escuela, porque no fuiste? 9a. __________Have you ever gone to the doctor? Tu has visit ado un doctora? 9b. What kind of doctor did you go to?___________________________ What was wrong? Que tipo de doctor? Para que? 9c. When you are in pain, when you feel sick, what do you do? Cuando te duele, cuando estas enfermo, que tu haces? 9d. When was the last time you felt sick? Cuando fue le ultima ves que te enfermaste? 9e. How do you feel today? Como te sientes hoy? 10a. If you could wish for anything, what would it be? Si es posible para tu obtener cualquier cosa, que tu anhelas t ener? (una familia, una educacin, cual)? 10b. What do you dream about for your future? Que tu suenas por su futuro? 10c. What do you want most right now? Que es lo que tu quieres mas ahora mismo? 11a. What do you like to do for fun? Que es lo q ue te gusta para bromear? 11b. When was the last time you felt that you did something fun? Cuando fue le ultima ves tu participantes en una diversin? 12a. ____________Have you ever worked for money? If yes, where do you work? Tu trabajas? Si verdad, donde tu trabajas?

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252 12b. If yes, at what age were you when you started to work? Que ano comenzaste el trabajo? 13a. ________Even if you do not work, do you get the things you need? Si tu no trabajas, es posible para tu consigues lo que tu necesitas? 1 3b. __________Is there anything you have done for money that you did not like? What? Tu haces cual quier cosa para obtener dinero a un que no te gusta ese trabajo? Que? 14a. __________Do you feel safe? Tu te sientes protegido? 14b. __________Do you fe el you can take good care of yourself? Tu te sientes capas de conseguir algo bueno que te gusta para ti mismo? 14c. _________Do you ever feel scared? Why? Tu te sientes asustado? Por que? 14d. _________Do you feel you have someone to protect you and keep you safe? Who? Tu te sientes que tu tienes una persona para tu proteccin? Quien? 15a. What do you want to be when you grow up (career goals)? Que tu quieres ser cuando crezcas? 15b. __________Do you think you will be able to do that? Tu piens as que es posible obtener esa profesin? 15c. __________Is there anyone you know who can help you to do that? Who? Tu conoces una persona para ayudarte con esa profesin? Quien? 16. __________When you deal with other children, are they good or bad to y ou? How so? Cuando tu interactuaras con otros nios, es bueno o es malo contigo? Explica por favor. 17. __________Wnen you deal with adults, are they good or bad to you? How so? Cuando tu interactuaras con los adultos, es bueno o es malo contigo? Explic a por favor. 18a. What grade are you in now? Que grado tu tiene in escuela? 18b. Where will you go to finish your education? Donde vas para completar su educacion? 19. _____________Are you good in school? Tu estas bien in su escuela? 20. ___________ __Do you have what you need for school? Tu tenias que tu necessitas para su estudias?

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253 APPENDIX C INTERVIEW GUIDE (ADU LT ORPHAN) Interview Date: Location: ____ ________________________________ Background Stats: Coded ID: Project Title: Afro Indigenous Orphans in Central America: Parental Death and Survival Strategies in Garifuna Communities in Honduras and Belize Researcher/PI: Camille Feanny, Ph.D. Can didate, University of Florida, Anthropology Department Background Data: 1a. What is your nick name OR what do people call you? What do your friends call you? Como te llamas o por cual nombre te conocen tus amigos? 1b. How old are you? Cuantos anos tienes? 1c. Dnde viven la familia de tu mama y papa? 1d. What languages do you speak (English, Spanish, Patois, Creole, Garifuna, other language)? Que lenguajes puedes hablar (Ingles, Espaol, Criollo, Gari funa, otra idioma)? 1e. _______Do you have many friends? Where? Tiene muchos amigos? Donde? Household, Interpersonal Relationships & Kinship: 2a1. How do you describe yourself (as an orphan, independent with a family)? Usted mismo puede describi r (hurfano, independiente, con familia)? 2a2. When someone mentions the word orphan what does that word mean to you? Cundo alguien menciona la palabra hurfano qu significa aquella palabra por ti? 2b. _________Do you have any brothers or sisters ? How many? Tu tienes mas hermanos y hermanas? Cuantos tiene? 2c. _________Do you remember where you lived when your mother and/or father was alive? What do you remember about it? Tu recuerdas a donde vivas antes? Donde? Que recuerdas de ese lugar? 2d. _______Do you know why your mother (or both your parents) died? (**Many kids told death due to black magic not AIDS) Tu conoces como tu madre (or los dos de tu padres) se murio? 3a1. Where do you live now?_______________________ Why do you live th ere? Dnde vives ahora? Porque tu vives aqu?

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254 3a2. If you live with your family Si usted vive con su familia es la familia de esta su madre o la familia de su padre? 3a3. If you do not live wit h your family why not? Si usted no vive con su familia por qu no? 3b. Where do you sleep (in a room alone or with others)? Dnde tu duermes normalmente (en un quarto solo or con otros)? 3c. What is it like to live there? Que es lo que te gusta do nde vives? 3d. How long have you been living there? Cuanto tiempo tienes viviendo all? 4a. How do you get food to eat (family/kin, church, strangers, theft)? Como tu obtienes alimento para comer (parientes, iglesia, desconocidos / extranjeros, o r obada)? 4b. What kinds of foods do you like? Que tipo alimento a usted le gusta? 4c1. __________Do you get enough of the foods you like to eat every day? (re: Selection ) Tu obtienes bastante alimento de el tipo te gusta para comer todo los dias? 4c2. __________In general, do you get enough food to eat every day? (re: Quantity ) Generalmente, tu obtienes bastante alimento para comer todo los dias? 4d. What did you have to eat today? Que tipo de comida tienes hoy? 5a. If you had a problem, who would you talk to about it? Si tu tienes un problema, con quien usted habla? 5b. Who do you turn to if you need something? Con quien tu hablas cuando neciecitas algo? 5c. __________Do you feel you have enough people who support you? Tu piensas que hay perso nas que te pueden apoyar? 6a1. Who is the closest person to you? Quien es la persona que le brinda cario a usted? 6a2. How often do you see them? Con que frecuencia tu la ves? 6a3. When will you be going to see them again? Cuando es tu prxima visi ta a verla? Education: 7a. __________Who taught you how to read and/or write? Que persona te enseo a leer y/o escribir? 7b. __________Have you ever read a whole book? Tu puedes leer todo un libro?

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255 7c. __________Do you remember the last thing that y ou read? Recuerdas el titulo que leste? 7d. __________Do you like to read? Te gusta leer? 8a. __________Do you go to school right now (university or vocational school)? Where? Tu vas al esquela ahora (universidad o escuela profesional)? Donde? 8b 1 What are you studying? Qu ests estudiando? 8b2. How often do you go?_When was the last time you went? Cuanto tiempo tu llevas? Hace cuanto tiempo atendiste la escuela? 8b3. If not can you explain why you don't go to school? Porque no fuiste a la escuela? 8c. __________Do you want to go? Tu quieres ir? 8d1. Who helps (or helped) you to pay for your to get your education? Quin ayuda a (o ayud a) un pago para su para obtener su educacin? 8d2. If not in higher education what prevented yo u from getting the education you wanted? Lo que les impidi obtener la educacin que quera? 8d3. Do you think that your race, or your being Garifuna (or indigenous) helped or prevented you from getting the education you wanted? Why? Cree usted que su r aza, o el hecho de ser garfuna (o indgenas) o ayuda les impidi obtener la educacin que queras? Access to Medical Services: 9a. __________Have you ever gone to the doctor? Alguna vez has ido al mdico? 9b. What kind of doctor did you go to?_______ ____________________ What was wrong? Que tipo de doctor? Qu fue mal? 9c. When you are in pain, when you feel sick, what do you do? Cuando te duele, cuando estas enfermo, que tu haces? 9d. When was the last time you felt sick? Cuando fue le u ltima ves que te enfermaste? 9e. How do you feel today? Como te sientes hoy? Dreams and Diversions: 10a. If you could wish for anything, what would it be? Si usted puede desear para nada, qu sera? (una familia, una educacin, cual)? 10b. What do y ou dream about for your future (general goals and desires)? Que tu suenas por su futuro?

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256 10c. What do you want most right now? Que es lo que tu quieres mas ahora mismo? 11a. What do you like to do for fun? Que es lo que te gusta para bromear? 11b. Wh en was the last time you felt that you did something fun? ________________What did you do? Cuando fue le ultima ves tu participantes en una diversin? Que tipo de diversin? Employment: 12a. ____________Have you ever worked for money? If yes, where do you work? Tu trabajas? Si verdad, donde tu trabajas? 12b. What age were you when you started to work? Qu edad tena usted cuando empez a trabajar? 12c. __________Do you like to work? Why/Why not? Te gusta trabajar? 12d. With your work, are you doing what you wanted to do when you were growing up? Con su trabajo, ests haciendo lo que quera hacer cuando se crecen? 12e. If not, what prevented you from getting the job you wanted? Qu les impidi conseguir el trabajo que queras? 12f. Do you th ink that your race, or your being Garifuna (or indigenous) helped or prevented you from getting the job you wanted? Why? Cree usted que su raza, o el hecho de ser garfuna (o indgenas) o ayudado a les impidi conseguir el trabajo que queras? 12g. Who h elped you to get your job? Quin le ayud a conseguir su trabajo? 13a. ________Even if you do not work, do you get the things you need? Si tu no trabajas, es posible para tu consigues lo que tu necesitas? 13b. __________Is there anything you have done for money that you did not like? What? Tu haces cual quier cosa para obtener dinero a un que no te gusta ese trabajo? Que? Land and Property Rights: 13c1. Por qu no v iven en su familia de la aldea? Quieres volver algn da? 13c2. Do you have access to your parents property, farmland, or house in the community or village? Tiene usted acceso a la propiedad de sus padres, tierras de cultivo, o casa en la Vila? 13c3. Cmo conseguir la tierra? Su familia lo guardar hasta que usted despus de que su padre muri? 13c4. If not, why not? Do you know who is living on that land now? Por qu no? Usted sabe quin est viviendo en la tierra que ahora?

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257 Safety and Security: 14a. ________Do you feel safe? If not, why? Tu te sientes protegido? Si no, por que? 14b. _________Do you feel you can take good care of yourself? Tu te siente s capas de conseguir algo bueno que te gusta para ti mismo? 14c. _________Do you ever feel scared? Why? Alguna vez siente miedo? Por qu? 14d. What are you frightened of the most? Qu ests asustado de los ms? 14e. _________Do you feel you have s omeone to protect you and keep you safe? Who? Se siente usted tiene a alguien para protegerlo a usted ya mantener a salvo? Quien? 15a. __________When you deal with other Garifuna people, have they been nice to you? Cuando tu interactuaras con otros pe rsonas Garifuna, es bueno o es malo contigo? 15b. __________When you deal with other people who are not Garifuna, have they been nice to you? Al tratar con otras personas que no son garfunas, han sido agradable para ti? Future Goals and Wrap Up: 16a1. What do you want to do in the future (career goals)? Qu quieres hacer en el futuro? 16a2. __________Do you think you will be able to do that? How? Crees que ser capaz de hacer eso? Cmo? 16b. __________Is there anyone you know who can help you to do that? Who? Hay alguien que sabe quin te puede ayudar a hacer eso? Quin? 17a. Is there anything you need right now that you do not have? What is it? Hay algo que usted necesita ahora que no tiene? Qu es esto? 17b. ___________Do you feel like y ou need more support to be successful in your life? What kind of support? Se siente como que necesita ms apoyo para tener xito en tu vida? 18a1. Is there anything you felt that you needed while you were growing up that you did not receive? Hay algo q ue usted considera que usted necesita mientras estaban creciendo hasta que usted no recibi? 18a2. Do you think that made a difference in where you are today? Cree usted que hizo una diferencia en dnde usted est hoy? 18b1. What do you think that child ren need the most after the loss of their parents? Qu piensa usted que los nios necesitan la mayora despus de la prdida de sus padres? 18b2. Did you receive that? From whom? Recibi usted que? De quin? 19. If you could speak directly to Garifuna people about what you needed most after your parents died, what would you say? Si usted puede hablar directamente a su pueblo garfuna sobre lo que necesita la mayora de los padres despus de su muerte, lo que le dices a ellos?

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258 20. Is there anything that I did not ask you that you want me to know? Hay algo que yo no pido que me quieren saber?

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259 APPENDIX D INTERVIEW GUIDE (STA KEHOLDER) Interview Date: [ ] Location: _______________ _____________________ Coded ID: Project Title: Afro Indigenous Orphans in Central America: Parental Death and Survival Strategies in Garifuna Communities in Honduras and Belize Researcher/PI: Camille Feanny, Ph.D. Candidate, University of Florida, Anthropology Department i. When someone mentions the word orphan what does that word mean to you? ii. Are there any orphans living in this community? iii. Do you know any Garifuna orphans and/or orphans from other ethnic groups? iv. What is a child in your opinion, and at what age is a person no longer a child? 1a. What type of child/children do (or does your organization) you help? (Check all that apply (if any) Orphaned (Loss of mother, father, or both parents) Orphaned Children and/or Ba bies with HIV/AIDS Children and/or Babies with HIV/AIDS Parental mortality unknown Unaccompanied Minor Parental mortality unknown, citizenship unknown OR refugee Refugee ONLY Documented/Official refugee status Internally Displaced ONLY (IDP) Parent al mortality unknown, Honduran citizen Abandoned Parental mortality unknown, Honduran citizen Street/Homeless Child Parental mortality unknown, citizenship unknown Children of Divorce or Parental/Family Instability (Due to poverty or domestic violence) 1b. How many children do you help (or does your facility presently house)? 2. Within what category are most of the children you help? Unaccompanied Citizenship unknown Internally Displaced Citizen of Honduras or Belize Refugee Citizen of a countr y other than Honduras who claims official "refugee" status. 2b. __________Do you have birth certificates for the children you care for? If not, why? 3a. If a child loses his/her parents in your community, where do they typically go to live? Immediate Fam ily (Grandparent, Sibling) Extended Family (Aunt, Uncle, Cousin) Godparents (Legally or Spiritually established arrangement) "Kin" (Distant relative from same blood line or clan group) "Fictive Kin" (Friends, non relative) Church (Short or Long Term care f acility) Foster Home (Temporary or Permanent placement with non kin who live in community) Local Institution (Orphanage within the community) Non local Institution (Orphanage outside the community) No provisions are made for these children

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260 3b. ___________ ________ Are there any child headed households in your community? How many do you know about? 3c. What is the age of the oldest child/children in the households you know about? 3d. ________Do the orphans/children you care for have children of their own? If yes, how many? 3e. At what age did she become pregnant OR did he become a parent?______________ 4a. If a child loses his/her parents in your community, how would you rate their access to: Scale: 4 (Excellent); 3 (Good); 2 (Some); 1 (No Access) 1. Housing: 12. Vocational Training: 2. Food: 13. Medical Care (Traditional = Native Healer): 3. Safe Water/Sanitation: 14. Medical Care (Physician/MD and Pharmaceuticals): 4. Clothing: 15. Physical Health Training and Disease Preve ntion: 5. Shoes: 16. Dental Care (Local Dental Interventions): 6. Schooling (Traditional = Cultural Knowledge): 17. Dental Care (Dentistry and Surgical Interventions): 7. Schooling (Preschool = Kindergarten): 18. Optical Care: 8. Sch ooling (Primary = Infant 1 to Standard 6): 19. Psychological Counseling: 9. Schooling (Secondary = 1 st to 4 th Form): 20. Spiritual Teaching (Traditional): 10. Schooling (Tertiary = 6 th Form Jr. College): 21. Spiritual Teaching (Organized Religio n): 11. Schooling (Higher Ed. = University) 4b. What about the other children in the community who have their parents, how would you rate their access to: Scale: 4 (Excellent); 3 (Good); 2 (Some); 1 (No Access) 1. Housing: 12. Vocational Traini ng: 2. Food: 13. Medical Care (Traditional = Native Healer): 3. Safe Water/Sanitation: 14. Medical Care (Physician/MD and Pharmaceuticals): 4. Clothing: 15. Physical Health Training and Disease Prevention: 5. Shoes: 16. Dental Care (Local Dental Interventions): 6. Schooling (Traditional = Cultural Knowledge): 17. Dental Care (Dentistry and Surgical Interventions): 7. Schooling (Preschool = Kindergarten): 18. Optical Care: 8. Schooling (Primary = Infant 1 to Standar d 6): 19. Psychological Counseling: 9. Schooling (Secondary = 1 st to 4 th Form): 20. Spiritual Teaching (Traditional): 10. Schooling (Tertiary = 6 th Form Jr. College): 21. Spiritual Teaching (Organized Religion): 11. Schooling (Higher Ed. = Unive rsity) 4c. ___________Do all children in your community have access to education (or just some kids)? 4d. What would you say are the TOP 3 greatest needs of orphaned and/or unaccompanied children? 1. Housing: 12. Vocational Training: 2. Food: 13. Medical Care (Traditional = Native Healer): 3. Safe Water/Sanitation: 14. Medical Care (Physician/MD and Pharmaceuticals): 4. Clothing: 15. Physical Health Training and Disease Prevention: 5. Shoes: 16. Dental Care (Local Den tal Interventions): 6. Schooling (Traditional = Cultural Knowledge): 17. Dental Care (Dentistry and Surgical Interventions): 7. Schooling (Preschool = Kindergarten): 18. Optical Care: 8. Schooling (Primary = Infant 1 to Standard 6): 19. Psy chological Counseling: 9. Schooling (Secondary = 1 st to 4 th Form): 20. Spiritual Teaching (Traditional): 10. Schooling (Tertiary = 6 th Form Jr. College): 21. Spiritual Teaching (Organized Religion): 11. Schooling (Higher Ed. = University)

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261 5. Wit h regard to the orphaned/unaccompanied child/ children you help how would you describe his/her/their health? 1 Excellent (No Illness in over 1 year) 2 Very Good (Mild Illness in under 1 year) 3 Good (Mild Illness in under 6 months) 4 Fair (Currently recove ring from recent mild to severe illness) 5 Poor (Currently suffering from severe to chronic illness) 6. With regard to the child/children you help, what type of illness did they suffer from most recently ? **Indicate if Mild, Moderate or Severe Cold/Fev er [ ] Ear Infection [ ] Diarrhea [ ] Malaria [ ] Sprain [ ] Broken Bone [ ] HIV/AIDS [ ] Surgery [ ] What type of surgery?____________________ Other Illness [ ] What type of illness?______ _______________ 6b. What is the most common illness suffered by the child/children you care for? 7. With regard to the orphaned/unaccompanied children in your community ( who you don't take care of ) how would you describe their overall health? 1 Excellent (No Illness in over 1 year) 2 Very Good (Mild Illness in under 1 year) 3 Good (Mild Illness in under 6 months) 4 Fair (Currently recovering from recent mild to severe illness) 5 Poor (Currently suffering from severe to chronic illness) 8. What criteria d o you use to decide what child/children you help? 9. _________Is there a minimum or maximum age limit to the kids you help? What is it? 10. _________Does gender matter to the kids that you help? 11. _________Does any agency monitor the kids in your car e? Which one(s)? 11b. _________Is there any follow up with the children once they leave your care? By whom? 11c. If so, what are the main findings with regard to their health______, work___, and adjustment into society? 12a. _________Do you know if the child/children in your care have a family? 12b. _________Do you attempt to contact and/or involve the family? Why/Why Not? 12c. _________Does the "family" have to officially sever their rights to the child/children for you to render help? 13a. ________ _If a family is too poor to care for a child, do you offer alternate support to keep kids with their family? 13b. What type of supports do you offer? 14. _________Once a child is in your care, are families still welcomed/encouraged to visit? If not, why ? 15. _________Are there children you do not help? Which ones don't you help and why? 16. Are children able to be adopted out from your community/facility?_ 17. ________Does a child have any input in their care? If not, why?

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262 18. ________Do you coordi nate with other agencies/churches for the children you help? Who? 19. Do any of the children you care for have a job outside this home and/or facility? 20. How old is this child? 21. If under 16, why do they work instead of attending school? 22. Do f amilies in this community own their land (with titles) or is land communally owned? 23. What happens to parental land once they die? 24. What is the process of inheritance; does land (or other parental provisions) go to the surviving orphan(s)? 25. In your view, do children who grow up without their parents have the same access to school, land, and other resources as children who are raised by their parents? Why or why not? 26. __________Do you know any orphans who are now adults? 27. If so, do you know where they are now and what they are doing? 28. Do most orphans leave their local community or do they stay? Why or why not?

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263 APPENDIX E The Orphan By Muhammad al Maghut Oh! The dream, the dr eam! My sturdy gilded wagon Has broken down Its wheels have scattered like gypsies everywhere. One night I dream of spring And when I woke Flowers had covered my pillow. I dreamt once of the sea And in the morning My bed was full of shells and fins of fish es But when I dreamt of freedom Spears were surrounding my neck Like the morning halo. From now on you will not find me In ports or among trains Falling asleep over the maps of the world (As the orphan sleeps on the pavement ) Where my lips touch more than one river And my tears stream From continent to continent. In the poem "The Orphan," Muhammad al Maghut, describes an orphan who dreams of finding freedom through literacy and travel. "The Orphan," translated by May Jayyusi and John Heath Stubbs, from Modern Arabic Poetry: An Anthology, edited by Salma Khadra Jayyusi. Copyright 1987 by Columbia University Press.

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264 LIST OF REFERENCES Abebe, Tatek, and Ashbjorn Aase 2007 Children, AIDS and the politics of orphan care in Ethiopia: the extended family revisited. Social Science and Medicine 64(10):2058 69. Agar, Michael 1980 The professional stranger : an informal introduction to ethnography. New York: Academic Press. Aguinas, Dovelyn 2006 Remittance Trends in Central America. http://www.migrationinformation.org/USfocus/display.cfm?ID=393 accessed October 30, 2010. Aliber, Michael H., and Cherryl Walker 2006 Impact of HIV/AIDS on Land Rights: Perspectives from Kenya. World Development 34(4):704 727. Allen, Caroline 1997 Daughters of Caliban: Caribbean Women in the Twentieth Century. In Women, Health and Development: The Commonwealth Caribbean. N. Visvanathan, L. Duggan, L. Niso noff, and N. Wiegersma, eds. Pp. 171 212. Indiana: Indiana University Press. American Heritage 1997 The American Heritage Dictionary. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Anderson, Mark 2007 When Afro Becomes (like) Indigenous: Garifuna and Afro Indigenous Politics in Honduras. The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology 12(2):384 413. Aspaas, Helen Ruth 1999 AIDS and orphans in Uganda: geographical and gender interpretations of household resources. The Social Science Journal 36(2):201 226. At wine, Benjamin, Elizabeth Cantor Graae, and Francis Bajunirwe 2005 Psychological distress among AIDS orphans in rural Uganda. Social Science and Medicine 61:555 564. Balboni, Barbara S., and Joseph O. Palacio 2007 Taking Stock: Belize at 25 years of indip endence. Belize City: Cubola Books. Barley, Shanta 2010 Haiti's earthquake was 'long overdue'. In Short Sharp Science: Cutting edge science, cut up: NewScientist.com.

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265 Barnard, Alan, and Jonathan Spencer, eds. 2005 Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthr opology. New York: Routledge. Barnes, J. A. 1961 Physical and Social Kinship. Philosophy of Science 28(3):296 299. Barnett, Tony, and Alan Whiteside 2006 AIDS in the Twenty First Century: Disease and Globalization. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Beneria, Lourdes 1997 Capitalism and Socialism: Some Feminist Questions. In The Women, Gender & Development Reader. N. Visvanathan, L. Duggan, L. Nisonoff, and N. Wiegersma, eds. London: Zed Books, Ltd. Bernard, Russell 1998 Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthro pology. Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press. Bernard, Russell, and Gery W. Ryan 2003 Techniques to Identify Themes. Field Methods 25(1):85 109. Bicago, George, Shea Rutstein, and Kiersten Johnson 2002 Dimensions of the emerging orphan crisis in sub Saharan Afr ica. Social Science and Medicine 56(6):1235 1247. Blumberg, Rae Lesser 1995 Gender, Family and Economy: The Triple Overlap. London: Sage. Bogdanich, Walt, and Jenny Nordberg 2006 Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/29/international/americas/29haiti.html?_r=4 &pagewanted=print accessed July 10, 2010. Bolland, O. Nigel 2005 Keynote Address: Overview of th e Historical Patterns of Colonisation, Immigration and Cultural Change in Belize and Honduras. In The Socio Economic and Cultural Impact of Migration Between the Anglophone Caribbean, Belize and Honduras: Seminar Series on Intra Regional Migration. L.A. C. Centre, ed. Pp. 10 19. Kingston: Latin American Caribbean Centre. Borenstein, Seth 2010 Haiti history: A disaster prone nation. http://ww w.3news.co.nz/Haiti history A disaster prone nation/tabid/417/articleID/137257/Default.aspx accessed February 6, 2010.

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278 UNICEF, and International Soci al Service 2004 Improving Protection for Children Without Parental Care: A Call for International Standards. UNICEF. UNICEF, and UNAIDS 2006 http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/Africas_Orphaned_and_Vulnerable_G enerations_Children_Affected_by_AIDS.pdf accessed November 22, 2007. UNICEF, UNAIDS, and USAID 2004 Chidren on the Brink: A Joint Report of New Orphan Estimates and a Framework for Action. United Nations. UNICEF, et al. 2009 Children and AIDS: Fourth Stocktaking Report 2009. United Nations. UNICEF.org 2010a Belize Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/belize_statistics.html accessed October 13, 2010. 2010b Honduras Statistics. htt p://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/honduras_statistics.html accessed October 13, 2010. USAID 2009 U.S. Government and Partners: Working Together on a Comprehensive, Coordinated and Effective Response to Highly Vulnerable Children. USAID. 2010 HIV/AIDS He alth Profile: Central America. USAID. Washington Post 2005 disasters. W. Post, ed, Vol. 2008. Weisner, Thomas S. 2009 Childhood and Adolescence in African Societies and Cultures. In The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion. T.R. Bidell, A.C. Dailey, S.D. Dixon, P.J. Miller, and J. Modell, eds. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Whetten, Kathryn, et al. 2009 A Comparison of the Wellbeing of Orphans and Abandoned Children Ages 6 12 in Institutional and Community Based Care Settings in 5 Less Wealthy Nations. PLoS ONE 4(12):1 11.

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280 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Camille Feanny is a dedicated s ocial scientist and consultant with extensive exp erience in the media and academic industries. She obtained her Ph .D. in Applied Cultural Anthropology from the University of Florida where h er dissertation investigated the socio economic implications of the orphan crisis in the Americas Her research in Afro native communities in Honduras and Belize, explored the impa cts of migration induced cultural changes on the capacity of households to rear and protect orphans, and to suppor t their long term development. Her significant exposure to a spectrum of global emergencies as a journalist propelled her deep concern for oft en overlooked, yet deeply vulnerable, populations. Dr. Feanny served as the global Environment Producer with CNN's Science and Technology division for over nine years, before assuming an Editorial role for network shows and special programs with CNN Gues t Bookings. She was a principal producer on significant issues including the Asian tsunami tragedy, the September 11 th attacks, the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and the restoration include multi media productions, as well as featured print reports in academic journals, on CNN.com, network newswires and other media. By blending her anthropological and journalistic expertise, Dr. Feanny hopes to raise awareness about the plight of orphans and other vulnerable groups by educating society directly via professional and academic lectures, and through t he print and broadcast media. Her ultimate goals are to assist in the development of sustainable national programs, to influence public policies, and to increase social action to a level that improves

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281 the capacity of at risk youth populations in the Americ as and worldwide. A Jamaican national with citizenship in the United States, Dr travel and cultural exposure that sensitized her to the needs of diverse populations around the globe. In addition to her Ph.D. in Anthr opology from the University of Florida, Dr. Feanny holds masters degrees in Marine Affairs and Policy an d in International Studies from the University of Miami, and is a graduate of Florida International University with a bachelor's degree in Environmental Studies. She also obtained a post graduate Diploma in International Development and Humanitarian Assistance (IDHA) from Fordham University. Her professional successes include an Emmy Nomination, two Genesis Awards, a DuPont Award Commendation, and numerou s other awards, grants and fellowships with institutes throughout the U.S. and abroad. She has also participated as a judge for professional awards including the News and Documentary Emmy Awards (NATAS). She is actively involved in a variety of community development programs, and has served on the boards of organizations including the Metcalf Institute for Marine and Environmental Reporting at the University of Rhode Island. Dr. memberships in the American Anthropological Ass ociation, the Society for Applied Anthropologists, the Royal Anthropological Institute, and other professional organizations.