In the Name of Utopia, the Case Study of Putrajaya, Malaysia's Planned Administrative Capital

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041815/00001

Material Information

Title: In the Name of Utopia, the Case Study of Putrajaya, Malaysia's Planned Administrative Capital
Physical Description: 1 online resource (123 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Tran, Levu
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010


Subjects / Keywords: administrative, capital, development, malaysia, msc, planned, planning, putrajaya, success, utopia
Urban and Regional Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Urban and Regional Planning thesis, M.A.U.R.P.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of its fourth Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, has embarked on an ambitious refashioning of the nation called Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020) in pursuit of its goal of becoming a ?developed country? by the year 2020. Malaysia set out to build the new federal administrative capital, Putrajaya, to replace congested Kuala Lumpur as the government seat, the country nerve center to represent and to guide the ?new? Malaysia forward on this endeavor. The new administrative capital of Malaysia is located twenty five kilometers south of the current capital city Kuala Lumpur, and twenty kilometers north of the country new airport, the Kuala Lumpur International Airport- another highly acclaimed project undertaken by the Mahathir?s Administration. Named in honor of Malaysia?s first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Putrajaya also has another important meaning in Malay- the country main language, the ?glorious prince?. ?Putra? means ?prince? and ?Jaya?, the common suffix for cities in Malaysia can be translated as ?successes? or ?victory?. Putrajaya is built not only to represent the new Malaysia in the era of globalization but also to demonstrate the country?s determination to create a success model city. By establishing the new administrative center in a new site, the development of Putrajaya has opportunities to create a well-planned urban center suitable for its intended function, as well as ?to provide a more conductive and integrated working environment? (Perbadanan Putrajaya, 1999). Through the study of the planning and developing of the city, I attempt to evaluate its success based on its role, Administrative Capital.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Levu Tran.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.U.R.P.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Macedo, Joseli.
Local: Co-adviser: Zwick, Paul D.

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Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041815:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041815/00001

Material Information

Title: In the Name of Utopia, the Case Study of Putrajaya, Malaysia's Planned Administrative Capital
Physical Description: 1 online resource (123 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Tran, Levu
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010


Subjects / Keywords: administrative, capital, development, malaysia, msc, planned, planning, putrajaya, success, utopia
Urban and Regional Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Urban and Regional Planning thesis, M.A.U.R.P.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of its fourth Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, has embarked on an ambitious refashioning of the nation called Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020) in pursuit of its goal of becoming a ?developed country? by the year 2020. Malaysia set out to build the new federal administrative capital, Putrajaya, to replace congested Kuala Lumpur as the government seat, the country nerve center to represent and to guide the ?new? Malaysia forward on this endeavor. The new administrative capital of Malaysia is located twenty five kilometers south of the current capital city Kuala Lumpur, and twenty kilometers north of the country new airport, the Kuala Lumpur International Airport- another highly acclaimed project undertaken by the Mahathir?s Administration. Named in honor of Malaysia?s first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Putrajaya also has another important meaning in Malay- the country main language, the ?glorious prince?. ?Putra? means ?prince? and ?Jaya?, the common suffix for cities in Malaysia can be translated as ?successes? or ?victory?. Putrajaya is built not only to represent the new Malaysia in the era of globalization but also to demonstrate the country?s determination to create a success model city. By establishing the new administrative center in a new site, the development of Putrajaya has opportunities to create a well-planned urban center suitable for its intended function, as well as ?to provide a more conductive and integrated working environment? (Perbadanan Putrajaya, 1999). Through the study of the planning and developing of the city, I attempt to evaluate its success based on its role, Administrative Capital.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Levu Tran.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.U.R.P.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Macedo, Joseli.
Local: Co-adviser: Zwick, Paul D.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041815:00001

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2010 by Levu Vincent Tran 2


To my wife Van-Anh; and to my sons, Dzuy and Khoi 3


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This master thesis is the result of ov er five years of work whereby I have been accompanied and supported by m any people. It is a pleasant aspect that I have now the opportunity to express my gratitude for all of them who gave me the possibility to complete this research. My deepest thanks go to the Chair of my committee Dr. Joseli Macedo. Over the past five years, she provided me help, stim ulating suggestions and encouragement in conducting research and the final writing of this thesis. At the same time, I would like to express my appreciation to the other memb ers of my committee who monitored my work and took effort in reading and providing me with valuable comments. My special thanks go to Dr. Paul Zwick for hi s constant support and assistance. I also want to express my gratitude to all faculties and staffs of the Urban and Regional Planning department for mentoring me and assisting me during my time in the University of Florida. I would like to thank Mr. Roland Lau, my great Malaysian friend, who is always on my side whenever I am in his beloved countr y. He and I also accompanied me on all my walks on Putrajaya streets. Because English is not my first language, I am in debt of my friend and colleague Mustafar Hussain for editing t he entire book, making it readable. And, finally, I would like to thank my wife and sons who are always on my side providing encouragements and endless loves. 4


TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDG MENTS..................................................................................................4 LIST OF FI GURES..........................................................................................................7 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S AND GLO SSARY................................................................9 ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUC TION....................................................................................................13 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE....................................................................................15 The (Administrative) Capital: the Nerve of a Nation................................................15 The Identity Factor of Capital Cities........................................................................17 The Garden Citie s Conc ept....................................................................................18 Putrajaya: Location, Theme and Concept ...............................................................18 3 METHOD OLOGY...................................................................................................25 Literature Review:...................................................................................................25 The Designate Role as Gove rnmental Nerv e Cent er.......................................25 Putrajayas Identity as Na tional Repres entation...............................................26 The Garden City Factor of Putrajaya..............................................................26 Examine Putrajaya Master Plan and its Implem entatio n.........................................26 The Designated Role as Gove rnmental Nerv e Center.....................................27 Putrajayas Identity as Na tional Repres entation...............................................27 The Garden City Factor of Putrajaya..............................................................27 Summary ................................................................................................................28 4 PUTRAJAYAS MASTER-P LAN AND DISC USSION.............................................29 Putrajayas Ma ster-pla n..........................................................................................30 The Early Stages..............................................................................................30 Putrajaya, the Master Plan ...............................................................................36 Urban Planning: Organizati on Structure and Layout ........................................37 Layout ........................................................................................................41 The Core Area: the concentration of power and the representational identity of Pu trajaya................................................................................42 The neighborhoodsthe Peripheral Area...................................................48 Discussio n..............................................................................................................53 Putrajaya is a Nerve Center for Ma laysia .........................................................55 5


Putrajaya as Malaysian Represen tation...........................................................57 Putrajaya: a Ga rden Citie s...............................................................................59 5 CONCLUS ION........................................................................................................62 Recommendat ions..................................................................................................64 Suggested Further Research..................................................................................66 Final Thou ghts........................................................................................................66 APPENDIX A UNDERSTANDING MALAYSIA..............................................................................68 Geography ..............................................................................................................69 Demograp hic..........................................................................................................70 Governmental Structure..........................................................................................72 Economy .................................................................................................................72 History .....................................................................................................................74 Ancient Malaysia (before 100BC) .....................................................................75 Hindu Kingdoms (100 BC 1400 AD)...............................................................76 Golden Age of Malacca and the Islamic Adaptation (1400 AD 1511 AD).......78 Colonial Malaysia ( 1511 AD 1957 AD)...........................................................82 The Portuguese Conquest of Melaka (1511 A.D. 1641 A.D. )...................82 The Dutch ( 1641-1824) ..............................................................................83 The British (1824-1957 ).............................................................................84 Independence to the Pres ent (1957Now) .......................................................90 Transforming t he Econom y.....................................................................................91 B KUALA LUMPUR AN D THE KL MA........................................................................95 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysi as Mega city.......................................................................95 Kuala Lumpur Metropo litan Area (K LMA)...............................................................99 C THE MULTIMEDIA SU PPER CORRIDO R...........................................................103 Wawasan 2020..................................................................................................... 103 Regional Planning, the MSC.................................................................................106 Kuala Lumpur Internat ional Air port.................................................................112 Cyberjaya The World' s Intelligent City..........................................................115 LIST OF REFE RENCES.............................................................................................119 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ..........................................................................................123 6


LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Malaysia, regi onal m ap......................................................................................19 2-2 Putrajaya te rritory...............................................................................................20 2-3 The Quiblat Axis diagram...................................................................................21 2-4 The Multimedia Super Corridor (M SC)...............................................................24 4-1 Putrajayas timeli ne............................................................................................29 4-2 The first sketch (Kun Li m, December 20 1993) ..................................................30 4-3 Putrajayas winning entry by BEP Akitek S dn. B hd............................................31 4-4 Stage 1 of the master plan by KPKB..................................................................33 4-5 Rendering of the Stage 1....................................................................................34 4-6 Stage 2 maste r-plan...........................................................................................35 4-7 Putrajayas ma ster pl an......................................................................................38 4-8 View of the Putrajaya Boulevard from the Co nventional C enter.........................39 4-9 Diagram of t he Bumi........................................................................................40 4-10 Putrajaya fact......................................................................................................41 4-11 Diagram of the Core Ar ea...................................................................................42 4-12 Prime Minister office...........................................................................................43 4-13 Putra Mos que.....................................................................................................44 4-14 Ministry of Financ e buildi ng................................................................................45 4-15 Palace of Ju stice................................................................................................44 4-16 Ministry of Plantation I ndustries and Comm odities .............................................47 4-17 Putrajaya Convent ion Center..............................................................................47 4-18 Diagram of the Pe ripheral Area. .........................................................................48 4-19 Typical high-rise residential comp lex..................................................................49 7


4-20 Townhouse in Pr ecinct 19..................................................................................49 4-21 Bridge diag ram...................................................................................................50 4-22 Putra Br idge. .......................................................................................................51 4-23 Tensioned cabl ed brid ge....................................................................................51 4-24 Major highway and rail wa y................................................................................52 4-25 The Putra Mosque with the PM offi ce complex in the backg round.....................54 4-26 The Palace of Justice.........................................................................................54 4-27 The National Mosque, under construction..........................................................58 4-28 Typical materials of buildings alon g the Putrajaya B oulevard. ...........................60 A-1 Official flag, .........................................................................................................68 A-2 Malaysia map.....................................................................................................68 A-3 Malaysia Ethni c groups......................................................................................70 A-4 Malaysia map.....................................................................................................71 A-5 Historic map of t he Sri Vija ya..............................................................................77 B-1 KLMA population growth..................................................................................101 C-1 The Vision 2020................................................................................................103 C-1 MSCs development strategy ............................................................................111 C-2 Diagram of Cy berjaya.. .....................................................................................115 C-3 MSC companies as of 2006 ..............................................................................117 8


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND GLOSSARY ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations Bangsa Malay for nationality and/or race Bumiputera (also spelled Bumiputra) the term associate with the ethnic group of Malays and indigenous peoples; literally mean sons of the soil. CMP (also MCP) the Communist Party of Malaya Dataran square, place ERL (also called KLIA Ekspres) Expr ess rail Link, the high speed train connecting Kuala Lumpur, Putrajaya and Kuala Lumpur International Airport FDI Foreign direct investment FMS Federated Malay States GDP gross domestic product ICT Information and co mmunication technology IT Information technology Jalan Malay for road, street Kampung Traditional Malay urban settlement KL Kuala Lumpur KLCC Kuala Lumpur City Center KLIA Kuala Lumpur International Airpot LRT Light Rail Transit system MCA Malay(si)an Chinese Association MAVCAP The Malaysian Venture Capital Management Malay the term for the Malay race (Ma layu) in Malaysia, and their language 9


Malaya Former name of Malaysia Malayu see Malay MCP Malayan Communist Party Merdeka Independence Meleka Also Malacca, a prominent city/state of Malaysia Menara tower MDC Multimedia development Corporation MIC Malay(si)an Indian Congress MIMOS Malaysian Institute of Micro-electric Systems MSC Multimedia Super Corridor NDP Natioal Development Policy NEP New Economic Policy Orang Asli original people, typically the aborigines of the inland jungles Petronas Petroliam Nasianal Bhd (N ational Petroleum Corporation) PM Prime Minister PNB Permodalan Nasional Bhd (National Investment Corporation) PUTRA Projek Usahasama Transit Ringan Automatik (LRT system) RM Malaysian Ringgit (national currency) Sdn Bhd Sendirian Berhad (Private Limited) STAR Sistem Transit Alir an Ringan Sdn Bhd (LRT system) UMNO United Malays National Organization UTC (French) Temps Universel Coordonn, Coordinated Universal Time 10


Abstract of Thesis Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfil lment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Urban and Regional Planning IN THE NAME OF UTOPIA, THE CASE STUDY OF PUTRAJAYA, MALAYSIAS PLANNED ADMINIST RATIVE CAPITAL By Levu Vincent Tran May 2010 Chair: Joseli Macedo Cochair: Paul Zwick Major: Urban and Regional Planning In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of it s fourth Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, has embarked on an ambitious refa shioning of the nation called Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020) in pursuit of its goal of bec oming a developed country by the year 2020. Malaysia set out to build the new feder al administrative capital, Putrajaya, to replace congested Kuala Lumpur as the government seat, the country nerve center to represent and to guide the new Mala ysia forward on this endeavor. The new administrative capital of Malaysia is located twenty five kilometers south of the current capital city Kuala Lumpur, and twenty kilometers north of the country new airport, the Kuala Lumpur International Ai rportanother highly acclaim ed project undertaken by the Mahathirs Administration. Named in honor of Malaysias first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Putrajaya also has another important m eaning in Malaythe country main language, the glorious prince Putra means prince and Jaya, the common suffix for cities in Malaysia can be translated as successes or victory. Putrajaya is built not only to represent the new Malaysia in the era of globalization but also to demonstrate the countrys determinat ion to create a success model city. By establishing the new administrative center in a new site, the development of Putrajaya 11


12 has opportunities to create a well-plann ed urban center suitable for its intended function, as well as to provide a more conductive and integrated working environment (Perbadanan Putrajaya, 1999). Through the study of the pl anning and developing of the city, I attempt to evaluate its success bas ed on its role, Administrative Capital.


CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION Since the 1980s, Malaysia has gone aboard on the raging globalization. Malaysias global gateway, Kuala Lumpur, h ad grown at an unprecedented pace taking on the role as the countrys principal commerc ial and financial hub. The rapid growth of the capital city had imposed a severe strain on infrastructure, housing and other urban amenities. The planning and building of the new administrative capital Putrajaya, the central premise of this thesis, is not only to respond to Kuala Lumpurs intensification, but also to release the citys federal admin istrative function. Pr ime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, seen by many as t he creator of Malaysias Administrative Capital, described Putrajaya as: ...a city that characterizes the spirit of Malaysia in its fullest senses in the 21st centurya city to symboliz e the nations aspirations. (Cited in Azizi, 2009, p. 1) This thesis is an in-depth case study of Putrajaya to address the following challenges: 1) the questionable role as Ma laysian governments power seat, 2) the problematic identity as nati onal representation, and 3) the debatable design modeled after the Garden City concept. The methodology used in this work is composed by: reviews on scholarly works on (administrative) capitals and available literature on Putrajaya; examination of its masterplan and implementation; and the field-studies of Putrajay a over the period of 20052008. In the view of many Malaysians, Putr ajaya which was pl anned, developed, and built entirely by the Malaysian is certainly one of its proudest achievements. It has been 16 years into the construction of Putrajaya, and the completi on date is projected to be 13


14 2015. The final phase of Putrajaya is currently in the works, as the utopian expression of this new federal administration capital m anifests well. However, despite being touted as the planned administrative capital to repr esent Malaysia in the new millennium, my studies show considerable challenges of the very premises of developing Putrajaya: establishing the nations nerve center, a representation of nati onal identity, and at certain level being the model City in the Gardens.


CHAPTER 2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE The capital is by definition a seat of power and a place of decision-making processes that affect the lives and the futu re of the nation ruled, and that may influence trends and events beyond its borders. Capitals differ from other cities: the capital function secures strong and lasting centrality; it calls for a special hosting environment to provide what is required for the safe and efficient performance of the functions of government and decision-making characteristi cs of the place." (G ottmann and Harper, 1990. Cited in Cam pbell (2002), p. 1) The (Administrative) Capita l: the Nerve of a Nation The political vs. administrative roles of a c apital city are relative to its significance and importance. the size of government employment vs. private sector employment, the amount of city land devoted to governm ent buildings, the fo rm of the national government, its level of centralization, the economic-regulat ory links between the public and private sectors, and the y ears that the city has hos ted the national government (Campbell, 2000, p. 1). Of capital city types, at one end of the spectrum are cities such as London and Paris with proven track records as powerful national governments, former centers of colonial power, architecture manifesting hierarchy in urban regions. At the other end cities such as Montevideo and Jakarta are do minant cities but the national power is not dominant. Modest, administrative oriented capitals of powerful nations such as Ottawa, Canberra are somewhere in the middle of the spectrum. Then there are the hybrid capitals with contradictory characteristics that are peculiar to their nation's specific history and development, such as Berlin and Washington (Campbell, 2000). The 15


spectrum remains only to further complicat e itself as globalization becomes common practice. In spite of these variations, capital cities are often understood as spaces that represent center points of political powe r (Shatkin, 2005, p. 577). Some national powers in a single, specific location were tr ansformed from their hi storic royal seats, while others were the produc t of modern administrative decisions: Washington DC, Brasilia and Canberra ar e in this category. Sutcliffe (1993) suggested the formation of capital cities through history: Late Middle Ages was a relatively simple state appar atus with the royal palace and its courts. Capital cities became t he center of absolute ro yal authority around the 17th Century. This complexity resulted in the emerging of the four institutions in the modern capital cities: the state bureaucracy, the municipal government, organized religion, and the emerging business elite. The wide spread gl obalization in recent decades significantly intensifies this complexity, especially in Southeast Asia. Korff (1996) noted that Southeast Asian capital cities have a high concentration of elites and a monopoly on the institutions of modernization (as ci ted in Campbell, 2000, p. 1). With the concentration of elites and state organizati ons, the city becomes a hub for national planning and nation building. These historically derived features enable some of the Asian capital cities particularly powerful within the urban hierarch y. The concentration of power in the capital city has also meant that the symbolic and id eological dimensions of power are inscribed onto the built environment. As a consequence, successive regimes have embarked on building projects to protect and extend their legitimacy and to give the fragmented nation some sense of identity and purpose (Ho, 2005-06, p. 538 ). Due to the complexity of modern political power, capita l cities are not just about 16


technocratic administration, but also about concentration, sustainability and ideological representation of power. The Identity Factor of Capital Cities One of the key functions of national capital is to be a s ymbol of the nation identity and unity.this role is especially important in countries that are r egionally or ethnically strongly divided (Colombijn, 2005, p. 96). Scott Campbell (2000) suggested that capital cities are symbolic theaters for nati onal ideology, reflections of the larger national stance towards urbanism, a br idge between local cult ure and the imagined community of the nation-state (Campbell, 2000, p. 1). Capital cities today, whether emerged from the past or planned and built, o ften share same characteristics: to represent the progress of a nation, serve as ceremonial stages to show up the power of the ruling elite, and as foundations upon whic h to build a nation identity (Ho, 20052006, p. 359). Planned capital cities, especially those built after the 2nd World War often emerged after their respected countries achieved independences. Many of these capitals were built anew, as means disc onnected with past regimes (or with colonial eras), and as statements intr oducing themselves to the worl d. On the subject of planned capital cities, Lawrence Vale (2008) stated: t he bold venture of capital city construction has been connected to the ruling elites atte mpts to consolidate national unity and cultivate national identity...[T ]he design of an entire new capital city, government leaders have attempted to define a sense of national i dentity by careful manipulation of the built environment. Planned capital cities are different from trad itional ones. Planned capitals are often built with clear strategies governed by comprehensive master-plans; they provide opportunities to set up urban areas reflecting as well as emphasizing national identities. 17


The Garden Cities Concept Lewis Mumford acclaimed Garden Cities of Tomorrow has done more than any other single book to guide the modern city pl anning movement and to alter its objectives (as quoted in Fishman, 2005, p. 31). Ebenez er Howards garden city concept still influences city planners today for his utopian visions of a total environment in which man would live in peace and harmony with nature. Howard, and subsequently Frank Lloy d Wright and Le Corbusiertwentieth centurys most vocal urban utopi a promoter, was not interested in making existing cites more profitable or in buildi ng model tenements to replac e old ones (Fishman, 2005, 29). He envisioned the building of new city and developed detail frameworks accordingly from depopulated agricultural lands. Howards physical plans for the garden city are well known: The city is conceived, like many utopias, on a circular basis and there is a clear zoning system within it. Service activities and public buildings are at the center with a belt of resi dential land around them (Aalen, 1992, p.29). One important character of Howards concepts is the compr ehensive planning of the city to be planned to the minutest detail, from the core ci vic area to the boundaries enclosing the city. Public garden, parks and tree-lined avenues are prominent featur es. Howards city in the garden remains a diagrammatic vision, to be adjusted to particular sites, and use as guidelines when addressing loca l architectural style. Putrajaya: Location, Theme and Concept The planning and developing of Putrajaya is a phenomenon in its own right. The country had waited forty years since its establishment (1963-1993) to build a new capital city, and the government wasted little time to erec t its Glorious PrincePutrajaya. The location for the new adminis trative capital was chosen in July, 1993; the 18


Figure 2-1. Malaysia, r egional map. Author conceptual master plan was approved by the Cabinets in February, 1994; the master plan was sanctioned in February, 1995 and the ground works started immediately thereafter (Malaysia, 2008; Perbandanan Putrajaya, 1999). By establishing the new Administrative Center at a new site (or green site), the government set to gain opportunities to have a well planned urban cent er with modern facilities and technology, as it thrives to be the worlds first paperless capital. After the final site at Prang Besar was c hosen in 1993 out of the six considered sites, the Mahathirs administ ration quickly formed a consorti um to develop the master plan for Putrajaya. In contrast with t he two earlier Mahathirs mega projects; the Petronas Towers in Kuala Lumpur City Cent er and Kuala Lumpur International Airport which were the results of international des ign competitions, this project was to be Made-in-Malaysia and Made-by -Malaysian, from the planning stages to constructing phases. This multi-disciplinary consortium consisted of only Malaysian consultants 19


comprised an engineer firm, Minconsult Sdn Bhd; a planning firm, Rekarancang Sdn Bhd. (AM), and four architectural firms nam ely: (1) AJM Akitek Jurunrancang (Malaysia) Sdn Bhd.; (2) BEP Akitek Sdn Bhd.; (3) Hi jjas Kasturi Associates Sdn.; and (4) Perunding Alam Bina Sdn Bhd (PAB). Figure 2-2. Putrajaya territory. Author, adapted from Bunnell (2002, p. 266) This consortium along with the governments Federal Town and Country Planning Department (FTCPD) and the Public Work Department were task to produce conceptual proposals for Putrajaya. These proposals h ad to follow the guidance of three visions and philosophies (1) Man and his Creator (2 ) Man and Man (3) Man and Nature as specified in the Total Plann ing Doctrine (Ho, 2006). The tr inity philosophy God Man 20


Nature was embodied in the Master Plan to assure the Malays id entification of the newest capital city of Malaysia. The God element here is the almighty Islam, the official religion of Malaysia, or at least the religio n of the Malays, the dominated race in the country. The relationship of Man and God is m anifested in its purity at the focal point of the Core Island through the application of Islami c design principles in its orientation (the Qitblat axis toward Me cca) and geometrical setting. Figure 2-3. The Quiblat Axis diagram. Author. Courtyards were required to be incor porated into the grand scheme to emphasize interaction. The courtyards and other urban forms were said to be based on the site typography, and the city to be shaped into an urban entity with its own mark and identity, as well as to achieve distinctiv e characteristics for each of its components. Symbolically, the consequential urban pattern is set to produce a carving out of nature, which is symbolic to and symbiotic with nature (Perbadanan Putrajaya, 1999). Five preliminary schemes for Putrajaya were presented to the Cabinet in early February 1994 under various rhetorical labe ls: a Sub-urban concept by PAB; the Crescent concept by AJM; an Elevated Linier City concept by Hijjas Kasturi 21


Associates; Building with Nature concept by Public Works with FTCPD; and the Garden City concept by BEP (Ho, 2006). The plan by BEP Akitek Sdn Bhd featured the Garden City concept was selected by Prime Minister Mahathir and his Cabinet for adoption as the Conceptual Master Plan for Putrajaya. PM Mahathir formed the Pe rbandanan Putrajaya (Putra jaya Corporation) to be his project manager for t he Putrajaya project, and to ensure the final plan to stay within the two conceptual frameworks: (1) Garden City, (2) Intelligent City. Reflecting the Garden City concept, Putrajay a is sought to reflect the very best in city planning and landscape architectural ideas to realize a new vibrant city of tomorrow according to Howards 1902s concept. Howard was a social visionary; he introduced the concept of Garden Cities as an alte rnative to the overgrown and congested industrial city (namely London) and depressed, depopulated countryside (Aalen, 1992). There are similarities between the rise of the garden cities concept and Kuala Lumpur of the 1980s and 1990s: rapid and unplanned urban growth caused by in-migration (please see appendix B). Howards physical plan for the garden city, like many utopias, conceived on a circular basis and developed a clear zoning system within. Service activities and public buildings are at t he center with a belt of residential land around them and the railway and factories are on the perimeter. Public garden, parks and treelined avenues are prominent features (Aalen, 1992, p. 29). Howards vision is flexibly adapted in the master plan of Pu trajaya. Since the location of Putrajaya was an aged palm oil plantation with undulating landscape, the planning of Putrajaya emphasizes its topographical setting to create an ideal natural environment for its residents as a 22


sanctuary of pressures and stresses of modern living. Following features were incorporated in the grand scheme a ccording to the Design Guideline: Layout a formal axis punctuated with nodal features; structuring of the Civic Area into identifiable precincts; a variety of informal and formal activity areas. Landscaping 38 percent of the land labeled as green areas reforestation and enhancement of the natural landscape; promoting local flora as a Malaysian landscape identity; creating a network of open spaces. Urban Form designed to suit topography, loca l climate and cultural norms; creation of interesting cityscape; optimization of scenic panoramic views and spatial experiences; incorporation of inte lligent buildings and infras tructural features. (Except from the Design Guideline, har d copy obtained from AJM office 2006) Putrajaya thrives to become the ultra-moder n city, the Intelligent City within the Garden City. This determination led to t he creation of the Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC). Indeed Ibrahim Ariff, president of the Association of Malay Entrepreneurs confirmed that it was the planning of IT requirements for Malaysias new electronic administrative center that gave rise to t he MSC concept (cited in Bunnell, 2002). Putrajayas footing would be strategically lo cated in the middle of the MSC to take advantages of the MSCs front ier of computer technology and the Information Age. The city would share its border with Cyber jaya, its twin city but with different function: the technopole of the region, in other word, the Malaysias version of the famed Sillicon Valley of the US. The MSC project wh ich was pushed forward from 23


1996 is a 15 km by 50 km region stretched fr om the Kuala Lumpur City Center to the Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLI A). This massive planned urban area is subdivided into seven areas: (1) KLIA; (2) Air port City; (3) Putrajaya; (4) Cyberjaya; (5) Cyber Village; (6) Tele-Suburb; and (7) High-Tech Parks for Research and Development. Equipped with MSCs resource s including the 10 gigabit internet cable capable, Putrajaya is determined to be the first paperless capital in Asia to meet the challenges of the next millennium. Figure 2-4. The Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC). Author. 24


CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY The central framework of th is thesis is the in-depth case study of Putrajaya, Malaysias planned administrative capital. It is modeled after Yin (2003) as a holistic case study based on three variables, 1) the questionable role of Putrajaya as Malaysian governments nerve center, 2) the problematic identity as national representation, and 3) the debatable design modeled a fter the Garden City concept. To study Putrajaya comprehensively, I re lied on two methods: reviewing the most recent literature available on the city, and ca refully examine Putrajayas master plan and its implementation. The latter was facilitated via annual field visits to the city over the period of 2005-2008. Literature Review: Despite its high profile characters of Putrajaya, the available literatures on Putrajaya are severely limited. As of this time of writi ng, there are only about a dozen scholarly works published that devoted fully to t he study of this city most of them are online journal articles. The determinati on of the Malaysian government to build Putrajaya under the motto: Made in Malaysi a and Made by Malaysian may play a role in the lack of promoting for this mega project outside its Asia n regional audiences. Furthermore, its Muslim dominance theme ma kes it popular with Islamic counterparts, but may fail to attract worldwide scholars. The Designate Role as Governmental Nerve Center Project of this magnitude involves str ong determination by the central government. I examined Malaysias comprehensive plans, namely the Malaysia Plansthe series of five year plans started from 1966, and relat ed policies. I also explored an important 25


legislation document signed bet ween the federal government and the Selangor state in 1974, concerning the ownership of Malaysias current capital Kula Lumpur which played a significant role in the development of Pu trajaya. Putrajaya achieved significant progress on its first development phase, and most Malaysias governmental departments already relocated a nd have been operating in the city. It has also met some set back in recent years; the economic crisis, criticism from within the governing bodies, and the lack of support from successive administrations. Assessing the future of Putrajaya and its intended role as administrative capital is a significant part of this thesis. Putrajayas Identity as National Representation Malaysia is a young country since gaining independence in 1957, but is an ancient nation with colorful culture. Its countrymen compose of immigr ants at different points of history. I devoted significant time to understand Malaysi as multi ethnic society and to trace their historic roots; par ticularly focusing on the historic elements of the Malays to become the dominant race that had been controlling the governing power since independence. The Garden City Factor of Putrajaya Little has been said of Prang Besar, the origi nal location of Putr ajaya. I set out to explore the estates beneath the city. The pre-Putrajaya landsc ape was erased many times over. I also looked for any trace of t he once tropical forest and searched for any trace of the sites original characters applied in the garden city scheme of Putrajaya. Examine Putrajaya Master Plan and its Implementation The master plan of Putrajaya was develo ped rather quickly. I pursued to explore the developing of the master plan since its early conceptual stages. Putrajaya is the 26


Nucleus of the Multimedia Super Corridor, sprawling a region of 15 kilometer by 50 kilometer immediately south of Kuala Lumpu r. I started studying the planning of Putrajaya in the framework of regional planning. I, then, explored t he major factors of Putrajayas city planning: initial concepts, or ganization structure, layout & transportation. The Designated Role as Governmental Nerve Center By investigating the changes made between phase 1 and phase 2 of the master plan, I determined there had been a significant amount of consider ation given to the meaning of Putrajaya as the seat of gover nmental administration. I analyzed the placement of all government departmental buildings, espec ially the Prime Minister Office complex as the representat ion of power over the city. Putrajayas Identity as National Representation I emphasized on the organizational struct ure of Putrajayas core area and its prominent feature of the grand Putrajaya Boulevard, designed as a Quiblat axis toward Mecca and its geometrical setting. Also, this section is the result of my attentions predominantly to the architectu ral representations of the th ree most important buildings on the grand axis, the Prime Minister offi ce, the Putra Mosque and the Palace of Justice. My central argument is: the lack of non-Muslim factor in the overall design of Putrajaya; instead of forming an identity, a cultural representat ion, Putrajaya, in effect, reveals identity crisis as well as t he tension among ethnic identity and religion. The Garden City Factor of Putrajaya The Putra Lake and its highly acclaimed we tland system were closely examined. I set out to study the citys organizational st ructure, the zoning sch eme, the relationship between the civic sector and the residential ar ea. I paid particular attention to the overall planting scheme, especially along the major boulevard. The affect of local 27


28 climate to the urban design was also studied to determine the level of adaptation of Garden City concept in Putrajaya. Summary To evaluate Putrajaya, I need to understand the city from many angles. I first attempt to locate available scholarly works on capital citi es, and to some extent, the Garden City movement. I then started by reviewing availa ble literature on Malaysia from its inception to appreciate the countrys multi ethnic and colorful culture. I tried to understand the circumstances that led to the adaptation of Islam as national religion. It is important to locate and study every st age of the master plan, to explore changes along the way. I was fortunate to have many chances to visit the city over the years to compare the plan and its impl ementation on the ground. In the end, I used all these knowledge to evaluate Putrajaya based on three elements made up the city: the nations power seat, the repres entational identity, and its clai m of an ideal city modeled after the Garden City concept.


CHAPTER 4. PUTRAJAYAS MASTER-PLAN AND DISCUSSION The development of Putrajaya is a fact -track project which is own and developed by the Federal Government. Figure 4-1. Putrajayas timeline. Author 29


Putrajayas Master-plan The Early Stages The propose by BEP Akitek Sdn Bhd featured the Garden City concept was selected out of the five proposals by Prim e Minister Mahathir and his Cabinet for adoption as the Conceptual Master Plan for PutraJaya. Figure 4-2. The first sketch (Kun Li m, December 20 1993) and the concept abstracted: lake, axis, and organic informality. (Source: King, 2007, 2008) According to architect Kun Lim, the chief designer of the winning entry by BEP, Capital cities has axis (King, 2008). Th is conceptual scheme f eatures a prominent axis with its high point, the National Parliament to the very north of the axis, the most celebrated location implying the foremost po wer of Malaysias legislated branch. The master plan was to get organic from then on to relieve the fo rmality of the axis. As the result, the two-branch lake was transformed fr om the two small converging rivers on the 30


site, the Sungai Chuau, and the Sungai Bisa. The axis at this point was the main boulevard in the center island of the lake an d measured only 2.2 kilometers as seen on the winning entry below: Figure 4-3. Putrajayas winning entry by BEP Akitek Sdn. Bhd. (Source: King, 2007, 2008) 31


The six original members along with offici als from the Federal Town and Country Planning Department in association with the Public Work Department were combined to form a new consortium under direct supervi sion of Prime Minist er Mahathir, termed Kumpulan Perunding Kota Bistari (KPKB) or Smart City to develop the winning proposal into a feasible project. S ubsequently, Teo A. Khing of TAK Design Consultants Sdn Bhd was invited by PM M ahathir to join KPKB to refine and develop the adopted concept into the initial Master Plan of Putrajaya. T he KPKBs Master Plan was presented to the C abinet and received approval in 1995. It is a join effort by the consortium and the Federal Town and Count ry Planning Department a wholly local endeavor as directed by the Cabinet (Architecture Malaysia, 2005). KPKB took on this conceptual scheme and pr oceeded to develop the master plan. However, the 1974 agreement between the Federal Government and the state of Selangor, signed by the Sultan of Selangor to relinquish the 243 square kilometers of Kuala Lumpur to the Federal Government (Bunnell et al., 2002) to become the government seat of the newly formed federal at the time. One cl ause in this agreement dictates: the Federal Territory on whick KL stand would reve rt back to Selangor if the Parliament and the King moved elsewhere (King, 2008). The Federal Government under the leadership of Mahat hir obviously was not ready to surrender Kuala Lumpur, and if it ever would. As a result, the Pa rliament stays in Kuala Lumpur. The intended location for this legislator structure from then on has been reserved for the Prime Minister office. The master plan for Putr ajaya became the urban des ign to celebrate the executive arm of government and the bureauc racy rather than t he legislature. Putrajayas role was quietly changed from the Capital to t he Administrative Capital. 32


By early 1995, the KPKB completed the St age 1 of the master plan with some significant alteration to the core area. This civic vicinity was subdivided into precincts according to functions. The government district is remained at the top of the axis with only two structures: the PM office complex and the Putra Mosque. A telecom tower was to be put in the commercial area at its northern end, as a gesture enforcing its intelligent city theme. Sout hward of this axis was a civic and cultural precinct with museums, art galleries, libraries and the Mini stry of Finance. The mixed development was combined of residential, commercial, re creational and public amenities which were highlighted by the City Hall and Putrajayas second mosquethe Grand Mosque. The last major piece of structure in this portion of the axis on the island was the Putrajaya Convention Center. The Sport and Recreational precinct terminated t he axis as we saw in the diagram below: Figure 4-4. Stage 1 of t he master plan by KPKB. (Source: King, 2007, 2008) 33


Figure 4-5. Rendering of the Stage 1 showcasing the forma lity of the axis and the organic landscape surround. (Source: Architecture Malaysia, 2006) 34


After this version of the master plan (Stage 1) was approved in February 1995, the Malaysia government formed the Perbadanan Putrajaya (Putrajaya Corporation) to perform as the citys author ity and planning agency on the behal f of the government. At the insist of Mahathir, the Stage 1 master plan has gone through another round of revision to become Stage 2 which is closed to what Putrajaya is seen today. Figure 4-6. Stage 2: (1) The PM s residence; (2) Istana Me lawati (the King Palace); (3) Putra Square; (4) the grand axis; (5) Convention Center; (6) KLIA Ekpres the high-speed train; (7) the wetland. 35


The Putrajaya Holding Sdn. Bhd. was in corporated in October 1995 to be the developer of Putrajaya. T here are three share holders for this holding, taking on the task of financing and building Putrajaya: Petr onas-the state oil company (40%), Ministry of Finance Inc.-the governments investment arm (40%), and Kumpulan Wang Amanah Negara-a national trustee group (20%). Putrajaya, the Master Plan According to Malaysia government website, Putrajaya is illustrated as follow: Putrajaya sits on a magnificent 4,931 hec tares spread. Its Masterplan is designed along an axial tangent which runs from the northeast to southeast taking full advantage of the natural surroundings. Its undulatin g terrain treats visitors and residents to commanding vistas of the environment. About 40% of Putrajaya is natural. Lush greenery, botanical gardens ar e spread across the landscape enhanced by large bodies of water and wetlands (Putraja ya Holding website, 2009). The final master plan to be implemented on the Putrajaya ground today is the product of the last round of change occurr ed between October 1995 and March 1997. Many of the overall concepts and important features of the original master plan were retained and three issues were rais ed for improvement (Putrajaya 1997): Improvement for efficient and flexible transportation network Minimize destabilization of the land as to reduce cut and fill Extended boulevard that would further enhance the identity of Putrajaya (Ho, 2006, p. 5). On transportation network, the review board examined the compatib ility of external road links with those inside the city boundary as well as the connectivity with the rail system under construction between Kuala Lum pur and KL International Airport. This 36


update aims to perfect the transportation net work towards a congestion-free public transport city. The earth work which was o ccurring on the site was reviewed. Based on Stage 2 Plan, a total of 44.9 m3 of fill was required while the total cutting was at 17.7 m3; the difference of 27 m3 of excess fill was one of the targets of this round of change. The review seeks alternate means to reduce this difference by considering existing terrain to minimize overall costs to a suitable level (Ho, 2006). The most impact on the master plan was the boulevard, The 2.2 km Putrajaya Boulevar d was extended beyond the island on both ends to increase the visibility from the PM office in precinct 1 and the Conventional Center on Precinct 5. The ax is in the previous two stages would become the center spine to not only represent Malaysias progression, but also to confirm Its Islamic commitment, while greatly reducing the amount of earthwo rks. (Ho, 2006). Urban Planning: Organizati on Structure and Layout The central concept seems straightforward. Putrajaya is an intelligent city within a luscious garden, hinging on a balance of i deal qualities of living, and working environment. Architecturally, Putrajay a will be an indigenous city with a modern appearance. Carefully planned and detailed, this intelligent garden city will enhance the goal of the nation in nurturing a caring and progressive society (Perbadanan Putrajaya 2008). Ever since the beginning of the planning stage, the concept of mapping Putrajaya based on a major axis had been conceded. A grandiose concourse that run north and south symbolized the connection betw een Kuala Lumpur City Center and KL International Airport, the two iconic project of modern Malaysia. This axis also does a more extravagant purpose: the nations bond to Islamic religion by pl acing the Putrajaya Boulevard perpendicular to the direct ion to Mecca, Is lamic holy site. 37


Figure 4-7. Putrajayas master plan. (Source: Perbadanan Putrajaya, 2008) 38


The Putrajaya Boulevard represents the continuum of Malaysias history since Merdeka (Independence). Connecting at Data ran Putra (Putra Square), it links the aspirations and objectives involved in cons tructing a visionary nation. The Dataran shows the linear progression fr om the past to the present, and to Malaysias future. The boulevard, 4.2 kilometers long, is the first and foremost public. The intended purpose beyond that of movements of vehicles and goods is more of a place for public parade thanks to its width of 100 meters. Figure 4-8. View of the Pu trajaya Boulevard from the Conventional Center. Author 2008. 39


The Datarans or Squares will serve as nodes or as connections between areas of the city. The Datarans are gateways t hat will stand sym bolically on the ceremonial axis framed by the buildings. The Data ran Wawasan located in the middle of the boulevard is also having a significant symbol with its unique oval shape. Teo A. Khing (2006) of TAK Design Consultants Sdn Bhd in his architectural statement explained: Oval Form Signifying Bumi Wawasan (vision) and Bumi (earth) together call up images of environmental harmony and developmental growth. A global issue is represented in this Dataran by an oval shaped open plaza oriented toward the Waterfront on a 20:20 axis. The Ministry of Finance and a curved tree lined avenue will encircle the eastern axis with view opening out towards Persisir Air Wawasan. The western axis of the oval plaza is encircled by a pedestrian canopy laneway and dense trees (as cited in Architecture Malaysia, 2006). Figure 4-9. Diagram of the Bumi. S ource: Architecture Malaysia (2006). 40


The skylines of buildings and architectural features along the entire length of the boulevard will be formed and punctuated in te rms of the various heights and the massing at each Dataran. Figure 4-10. Putrajaya fact. Author adapted from Perbandanan Putrajaya (1999) Layout PutraJaya, composed on a total area of 4581 hectares (around 13,700 acres), is located in a region where not too long ago wa s a agricultural area wit h natural hill and a large swamp area that ran along the north-south axis. This wetland zone was converted into a magnificent man made lake that divides PutraJaya into two major areas: Core Area and the Peripheral Area. The arrangements of transportation systems and zoning are based on the natural topogr aphy of the natural hilly site. 41


The Core Area: the concentration of po wer and the representational identity of Putrajaya Figure 4-11. Diagram of the Core Area. Author. The Core Area of Putrajaya, which cove rs a total area of 1069 hectares, is the heart of the city. It is co mposed of five precincts which are identified by their predominant funtions namely: Government Precinct, Commercial Precinct, Civic & Cultural Precinct, Mixed Development Precinct, and Sports & Recreational Precinct). These precincts, also numbered from 15, linked by the 4.2km long Putrajaya Boulevard. The boulevard will form the spine of the Core Area and will stretch across 42


the central island linking it with the rest of the city. The boulevard will be the main venue for national celebrations, festive and cultural events. Precinct 1 The Government Precinct This precinct occupies a peninsula bounded by the lake and wetland on the west and the east, with the Prime Mini ster's Office (Perdana Putr a Building) overlooking the Dataran Putra. The Prime Mi nister's Office Complex is located at the head of the Dataran Putra thereby establishing a s patial and symbolic pres ence at the most important node within the Gove rnment Precinct and Putrajay a as a whole. All other government and government-related facilities are distributed around this node. Placing the purple dome Putra Mosque in this governm ental area is a symbolic gesture of the federal governments commitment toward Islam. The PM office is also domed to reemphasize this pledge. In summary, the Government Precinct, as part of the Core Area of Putrajaya, is the primary gov ernment-use area in Putrajaya. Figure 4-12. Prime Minist er office. Author 2005. 43


Figure 4-13. Putra Mo sque. Author 2006. Precinct 2 The Mixed Development Precinct This Precinct, at the northern gateway to Putrajaya Core Island, includes commercial and government buildings, parks, open spaces and residential areas. Ministry of Finance Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Putrajaya Holding Inc. Figure 4-15. Palace of Justice. Author 2008. 44


The Mixed Development Precin ct is the first precinct on the Boulevard axis. Its form and architecture establishes an urban character with grandiose official establishments on both sides of the Boulevar d while providing its residents desirable city living. As this is the first precinct on the island, the portion of the boulevard that runs through this precinct will be the scene of official parade. Precinct 3 The Civic & Government Precinct This Precinct is being develo ped to house Ministries and institutions related to the development of the arts and cult ure. The Civic & Cultural Precinct provides spaces for intellectual activities for the development of the arts and crafts, the pursuits of cultural and the preservation and perpetuation of the diverse cultural herit age of its society. The Civic & Cultural Precinct is planned to have the following major elements: Figure 4-14. Ministry of Fi nance building. Author 2008. Palace of Justice Legal Affairs Division of PMs Department Grand Mosque (under construction) PutraJaya Corporation Headquarter Complex Visiting Center 45


Precinct 4 Commercial Precinct Precinct 4 is developed as the main commerc ial and business district of Putrajaya. To reflect its primary purposes, the Commerc ial Precinct is highly urban and dense. The Precinct will be well serviced by local roads, open spaces and several pocket parks, around which it is organized. Within this precinct located a few pockets of residential uses to ensure that the place is vibrant at all times. Various components in the Commercial Precinct establish the charac ter of this precinct. This includes the secondary public boulevards, which runs through linking the island to the mainland east to west. The other dominant components are: Dataran Rakyatan informal plaza, which is conceptualized with a park-like character and Dataran Gemilang, a circular shaped plaza that marks the southern end of Putrajaya Boulevard. As with the other plazas, this plaza has a direct pedestrian access to the Waterfront Promenades and v antage point towards the Putrajaya Dam which act as addresses for the buildings that border them as well as providing visual and physical focal points for residents and visitors alike. The third element is the waterfront commercial area which will be the scene for night-time activities and strolling. Precinct 5 the Sports & Recreational Precinct Precinct 5 is being developed for convent ion and recreation purposes. Besides the Convention Center, other facilities will in clude sport academies and water based recreational activities. This precinct is dev oted primarily to active/passive recreational activity, including entertainment and social acti vities. Spatially to serve as the bridge between the Core Area and Perip hery, its location allows it to merge with the Periphery Area seamlessly. 46


Figure 4-16. Ministry of Plantation Industries and Commodities. Author 2008. The main character of this precinct is largely established by the dominance of sports and recreational buildings as well as educational buildings. The Sports & Recreational Precinct is locat ed at the southern most side of the Core Island and act as the termination of the Boulevard. Figure 4-17. Putrajaya Conv ention Center. Author 2008. 47


The Putrajaya Convention Center atop a circ ular hill is the dominant development component which provides a strong presence to the area. Other components are the theme parks, low-density sports and recreat ional complexes (including a College and Sports Medicine Complex) and other educational institutions This prominence forest park would be a mass of gr eenery in the precinct. The neighborhoodsthe Peripheral Area Figure 4-18. Diagram of t he Peripheral Area. Author. Precinct 6 to Precinct 20 along with the Diplomatic Area at the north-east section of the city makes up the layout for Putraj aya. 12 of the 15 prec incts make up the 48


residential neighborhoods, w hereas the other threes become parks and public amenities. The planning and design of Putrajay a's residential areas is intended to foster a sense of identity through the neighbor hood focal points, landscaping and the treatment of the public realm. A total of 67,000 homes of varying ranges, sizes, types and densities have been planned for all income sectors. Figure 4-19. Typical high-rise re sidential complex. Author 2008. Figure 4-20. Townhouse in Precinct 19. Author 2008. 49


Residential living in Putrajaya will offer a new experience where nature and technology will work in harmony for the benef it of the community. Most precincts will have community and neighborhood centers, parks, places of worship and many other state-of-the-art public ameniti es. Among the facilities provided in the residential areas are schools, hospitals, shopping centers, mos ques, multipurpose halls, learning centers and neighborhood parks. Figure 4-21. Bridge diagram (not to scale) Author. Internally, the sections of Putrajaya seem to sprawl across the landscape, the city transportation and infrastructure systems prov ide ways to go about town at ease. A web of two-lane streets spirals throughout t he city along with an army of the gondola 50


like vessels designed to the style of local Malay traditional Perahu. Not to mention Cruise Tasik -the air-conditioned cruise boat seats more than 70 persons comfortably and allows all passengers an unbrid led view of the spectacula r vista that is Putrajaya with its wrap-around glass windows. This connection network is highlighted by a series of bridges between the Core Area the Peripher al Area with styles ranged from classic Islamic influence to tensioned cable modern: Figure 4-22. Putra Bridge. Figure 4-23. Tensioned c abled bridge (number 2 on t he diagram). Author 2008. 51


It is also accessible from the out si de with modern highways run along the northsouth end on both sides, including the South Klang Valley Expressway, Damansara Puchong Highway, North South Central Expr essway Link and Kuala Lumpur Seremban Expressway, as well as the high speed Light Ra il System ERL that offers quick paths to Cyberjaya, Kuala Lumpur City Center, Kual a Lumpur International Airport and other destinations. Figure 4-24. Major highway and rail way. Source: Perbandanan Putrajaya 1999. Putrajayas Green Area Many capitals in the world are often known for their architectural skylines, Putrajaya wants to be known as the ecology center with the complete harmony between nature and architecture. In line with the Gar den City concept, more than a third of the total area is reserved as open space: 37.5 % of the total area of the city or 1720 52


hectares (4,250 acre). The Putrajaya Lake, taken 197 hectare (486.8 acre) of the area, is not only the major component of the city but also the linkage between the natural and the built environment. The 38 kilometers of shoreline created with t he formation of the lake provide opportunities for development of parks and promenade, an integrated network of green spine which co nnects all the lakefront parks together. A total of seven parks is adapted in this master plan highlighted by the Taman Botani (botanical garden) located in the northern of Precinct 1 is not only the major attraction of Putrajaya but also the largest botanical garden in Malaysia. This 92 hectare (230 acres) garden was designed as a nation sanctuary housing a co llection of some 700 species of Malaysian plants as well as those from Asia-pacific and African. Discussion Over 16 years has passed since the pal m-oil plantations of Prang Besa were erased from the earth map to be replaced by t he glorious prince, Putrajaya, the country Administration Capital. Putrajaya, considered by many Malaysian, is a functional city as the government intended it to be: an urban space that repr esents center points of political power (Shatkin, 2005). The grand axis, Putrajaya Boulevard, was designed and built to make sure of t hat. All ministry departments line along the axis and are overlooked by the Prime Minister office at its pinnacle. While the legislature arm is still located in Kuala Lumpur, the executive and the judicial branches are formally occupied in Putrajaya. It is hard to avoid either the green domes of the PM complex, or the massive off-white domes of the Palace of Justice, the Federal Supreme Court building halfway down the grand axis. And finally, the purple dome of the Masjid Putra seems to be floating over the Putra Lake. Of all significant buildings on this celebrated alignment, 53


the above structures are dom ed to emphasize its governing roles and also imply its linkage to the Islamic principles the country has taken in as the basic rule of law. Figure 4-25. The Putra Mosque with the PM of fice complex in the background. Author 2008. Figure 4-26. The Palace of Justice. Author 2008. Putrajaya in the eyes of many Malaysians is a new face of Modern Malaysia. The building of Putrajaya under the rhetoric of Made in Malaysia and Made by Malaysia 54


have been providing necessary employment to its population and at the same time improved the countrys economic at the expenses of th e Federal Government. During my visits to Malaysia, I had chances to discuss with many Malaysian design professionals and contractors from all ethnic groups. The overwhelming answers I received from them have been positive toward Putrajaya and the MSC, because in a way, the government has take n the international sectors off their competition processes, thus t hey have less competitors to d eal with over the period of constructing Putrajaya. Putrajaya has received tremendous amounts of praises for it successes, and like many planned cities, this brand new city has also received its shares of criticism both from its countrymen and even members of the dominated party, UMNO, the driving force in the construction. However, it is still early to fully eval uate Putrajaya since a noticeable portion of Putrajaya is still in the works, prim arily on the peripheral. The initial completion date of 2010 has been pushed back to 2015 due to internal opposition and financial crisis. Furthermore, all the government administrative departments (ministries) only started to operate fully in 20 05. This chapter is a means to evaluate some major challenges that Putrajaya has been facing; its questionable role as the nerve of the country, its representational role of Malaysian as a whole, and a brief evaluation of its intenti on to be a garden city. Putrajaya is a Nerve Center for Malaysia As of the date of this thesis, the federal capital of Malaysia still is Kuala Lumpur, at least on the record book. Kuala Lumpur and Pu trajaya are federal territories as the result of agreements betw een the federal government a nd Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz of the State Selangor (ruled from 1960 to 2001) in two different times: 1974 and 55


1999. The 1974 agreement dict ated that Kuala Lumpur has to be returned to Selangor if the Countrys Parliament and the Kings Palace were moved from the city (King 2008). As a result, while all ministries have been relocated and operating in Putrajaya, the every-five-year rotating Monarchs of Malays ia still takes residence in Kuala Lumpur and the countrys legislator departments continue voting in the parliament nearby. However, day to day government operational activities are all occurring in Putrajaya. Putrajaya would be the official capital city of Malaysi a only if these last two components were to be contained in its vicinity. It is unclear that Putrajaya ever to become the full fledge capital city of the Federation, but there have not been any obvious sight for that to happen any time soon. Until then, Putrajay a is still an administrative center, though often mentioned as the Administrative Capita l by government officials. The placement of parliament buildings is an exercise of power a spatial declaration of political control (Vale, 2008). Putrajaya, without the Parliament, can onl y be, at best, the remote governmental compound from the capital city. Putrajaya is also seen as a product of the Mahathirs administration during his 22 year reign as Malaysia Prime Minister ( 1981-2003). Like many of his Keynesianism influenced projects, Putrajaya is seen as a utopian idea that drains the countrys fund which can be used to better Ma laysians living condition. Many blamed Putrajaya and subsequently the MSC for Malaysias massive debt. Some countrymen have gone as far as nicknaming Putrajaya as the white elephant or the wilderness, and predicting Putrajaya would be abandoned in the near future. The feud between Dr. Mahathir and his appointed successor Abdullah Admad Badawi (handled the premiership from 2003 to 2008) further intensified the questionable role of Putrajaya. One si gnificant fact worth 56


mention is the venue of Malaysias Independent Parade which had been occurring in Putrajaya since 2003, a year after the city first opened to the public was switched back to its original site, Kuala Lumpur in 2008 and 2009. Would that be a signal of the Malaysian government to succumb to internal pressures and exte rnal critics? or would it be an early sight of abandoning Putrajaya? The reasons behind such a move were unclear, and often perceived by many Malaysian as a political move to down-play the significance of many Mahathirs mega proj ects in the post-Mahathir era through emphasizing the attention-shift fr om utopia thinking back to the spaces of everyday life (King, 2008). The answers to those question s will have to wait as the history book of Putrajaya continues to be written. Putrajaya as Malaysian Representation Professor/scholar Dr. M ohamad Tajuddin bin Haji M ohamad Rasdi (2005) of the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia accentuated the ca se of Putrajaya in the framework: the search for a national identity seem to be a must for countri es which have either newly become independent or a leadersh ip that stresses certain groups of race as being better than others. To most countries, th is search is a high pr ofile event as it has strong political implications (Tajuddin, 2005, p. 3). Professor Ross King (2007, 2008), a popular scholar on Putrajaya and the MSC, described Putrajaya as a utopia urban place where as Kuala Lumpur, hereotopias: Wh ile utopias are ideals, dreams, imaged spaces; hereotopias are somehow the opposite: spaces of real world, chaotic, contradiction-laden, an d spaces within spaces. Malaysia is a country of immigrants, except for very small groups of aboriginals, Orang Asli (original people) in the forest and Orang Laut (strand and sea people) along the c oast (King, 2008); all Malaysians had migrated to the Peninsula at some points th rough out history. The three major races 57


that made up the Malaysian: Malays, Ch inese and Indian are often at odd with one another, but bearing nonetheless. Kuala Lumpur is still one of the gr eat multi-cultural cities of the world: variously superimposed, intersecting, jumbled-up, forever transgress of any purist vision, brilliant and exciting: (K ing, 2008, p. 36). The diversities of Kuala Lumpur in its mentality, its sociology and even its architectu re represent the identity of Malaysian as a whole (Appendix A). Figure 4-27 The National Mosque, under construction. Author 2008. Putrajaya, on the ot her hand, is lacking this repres entation factor. Even on the onset, the design of the master-p lan for the city, there was little mention of a spatial arrangement, either Chinese or Indian. Today, there still neither plan nor zone specifically dedicated to any religion other than Islam. There are two-fifth of its countrymen worship deities other than Allah; 19.2% Buddhists, 9.1% Christian, 6.3% Hindus and 2.6% other. Putrajaya has a truly magnificent mosque, the Masjid Putra. A second mosque, bigger in size and directly acro ss the Palace of Justice on Precinct 3 is current under construction on the west bank to be called Nation/Grand Mosque. 58


However, according to Putrajaya comprehen sive master plan, there is no Christian cathedral, Chinese or Indian temple, or other religious institutions that represent the diversity of the Malaysian as in Kuala Lumpur. Multi raci al society is an inescapable reality of Malaysia. Putrajaya the planning and struct uring completely ignore this reality. It is fair to observe that Pu trajaya is not for all Malaysi an, but for the 61.4% of the Bumiputera and practically to exclude the non-Mu slims is not exactly a model of sensitive and socially inclusive urban pl anning. Similar to some planned cities, Putrajaya had not come in existence through the evolving processes, but started anew from agriculture land. Little traces of t he forgotten town beneath Putrajaya can be seen today. Putrajaya has not achieved what Campbell (2000 quoted in Shatkin, 2005) described as being symbolic t heaters for national ideology, a reflections of the larger national stance towards urbanism, a catalyst for national economic development, and at least historically, a bridge between local culture and the imagined community of the nation state. In other words, Putrajaya, in effect, reveals tensions between national identity, ethnic identity and religion in Malaysia. Putrajaya: a Garden Cities Touted as an intelligent city in the garden, Putrajayas master plan is definitely a show case of the balance between green opened space and the built structures. A significant percentage of its total land has been devoted to create the green belt for the city; a picturesque two-branched lake, a biggest national botanical garden, parks and recreational structures. However, little of the original natural environment left to be seen. The once dense tropical forest ar ea had been lost to give way for palm-oil plantations which in turn were replaced by the modern city. It is fa ir to suggest that the pictorial image of Putrajaya today is the resu lt of a massive retrofitting. The man-made 59


lake is cut and filled with little consider ation to the past morphology or ecological system. The end result of the over all planting scheme for the inner city, along the main boulevard is yet to be seen. But at the mo ment, the intended tree-lines on the main axis are almost non-existence. O ne key factor the raises doubt s of the reality of this Boulevards tree lines is found in the Detailed Urban Design guidelines (DUD) of Putrajaya. The DUD specifies that all trees along the Putrajaya Boulevard have to be planted in pots, and to be removed in the even of national parades. In other words, the shadings along this axis intended to provide covers and bring down the scales of major buildings down to human scale never have a chance to become the reality (Jebasingam, 2005). Figure 4-28. Typical materials of buildings al ong the Putrajaya Boul evard. Author 2008. Putrajayas core area was designed without significant residential component. In other words, it is an automobile driven urban core with wide asphalt and concreted boulevard framed by massive glass and metal stru ctures. It certainly does not have the 60


61 welcomed atmosphere and/or the walk-ability intended of a garden city. Throughout, the residential sectors of t he peripheral area, efforts had been put into creating bicycle paths along two-lane roadway, however, as King (2008) and Bunnell 2002) observed; the bicycle culture of Malaysia was long death. A significant factor involved in the development of Putrajaya which seems to be overlooked is the climatic factor. Putrajaya is only located only a few degrees above the equator, and its humidity level is relatively high. The low density of the city and the man-made lake certainly help the air circulation throughout but not the humidity. Flashy stee l and glass buildings are not considered accommodating either. Shadings are significantly limited. As a matter of fact, beside the large parks surrounding the lake (including the Botanical Garden), little attempt has been made to minimize mid-day temper ature. On all my trips to Putrajaya, I always performed a walk from the Convent ional center in Precinct 5 along the Boulevard to the Prime Minister office to observe the ever growing changes. I often weaved in and out the highly acclaimed glas s atriums not only to enjoy their design works, but mostly to take advantages of blasts of air-conditioning to cool myself down along the 4.2 kilometer journey. Never once, that I thought of neither Ebenezer Howard nor his famed Garden Cities concept.


CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION The manifestation of Putrajaya entered its 16th year as of the time of this thesis was written. According to the Malaysias governmental plan, Putrajaya should have had its completion ceremony this year, 2010. However, the completion date has been pushed back to 2015, partly because of the 1998 Asian Economic Crisis as well as the current worlds financial climate. As of t oday, Putrajaya has completed all constructions on the Core Area which have been in operation for some time now, except for the construction of the National Mosque on Precinct 3, the second major mo sque of the city. Most of the parcels of the diplomatic section have been developed as well as the residential area. As a whole, though experiencing multiple delays, Putrajaya is slowly emerging as a full fledged city. A third of its intended population of 330,000, mostly government workers and families, has already taken residency within the vicinity thanks to heavy governmental incentive. Affordable housing projects are st ill in the works in many residential precincts to prepare for the next waves of migran ts to the city. Except on national holidays and religious events, Putrajaya is pretty much an empty city especially in the Core Area. The Grand B oulevard, designed to be the celebration space is nearly deserted. Ther e has not been an influx of pedestrians or tourists on the street. We will have to wait until after 2015 when all construction is completed to have a full assessment of Putr ajaya. The developm ent of Putrajaya is continuing, but not without significant cha llenges at each stage from the planning to implementation. Firstly, the ultimate challenge is that the city fell short of its intention as the central nerve of Malaysia. I argue that Putrajaya was originally designed to be the capital city 62


to replace Kuala Lumpur. With the 1974 agreement standing in the way, Putrajaya has to settle as the Administrative Capital and join the short list of countries having multiple capital cities (Cote d'Ivoire, Israel, the Net herlands, Nigeria, South Af rica, Sri Lanka, and Tanzania). As the federal administrative capita l, Putrajayas role still falls short of being the governments seat of power Malaysias government is stru ctured as a constitutional monarchy, modeled after the Br itish, contains three bran ches under the ceremonial umbrella of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King, the Supreme Head of St ate): legislative, executive and judiciary. Without the Parliament, the legislativ e arm, the role of Putrajaya can only be at best, the governmental compound located remotely from the capital city. Secondly, Putrajaya as it is today falls s hort of its intention of being the national identity, a diverse, multi-cultural city I would like to quote Ross Kings (2008) proposition on Putrajaya, sinc e I can not put it any clear er: Putrajaya was developed with the aiming for a Malaysian i dentity, though it seeks it not in the rich tangle of traditions and communities that constitute the country and its origins but in turning to another tangle of sources: in the diverse imageries of the Middle east (p. xxv). The beautiful culture made of different ethnicities, religions, ar chitecture and art which is so reflective in the fabric of K uala Lumpur, the authentic identity of Malaysia is intentionally left out of this new administrative capital. On the contrary, the design of Putrajaya exposes the tensions among ethnical groups and religious beliefs. Lastly, Putrajayas landscape and organizational configurations are a result of careful planning. At this stage, however, this planned city can only be considered as an essence of the intended City in the Garden concept. The beautif ul layout and the 63


green image of Putrajaya fail to create an invited atmospher e for its residents, as well as failing to attract migration to the city. Recommendations It is understandable that Putrajaya still is in the work: this new urban place has a chance to revise its functional role in order to become a real administrative capital, even the capital city. The government could ei ther give up the Kuala Lumpur Territory and move the parliament to Putrajaya or negotiate an amendment to the 1974 Agreement with Selangor. Malaysia is by constituti on a democratic country though governed by UMNO, the party of the majority since thei r Independence. If all Malaysian regardless of ethnic and religious background un ite at the ballot box and dec ide that Putrajaya is the capital then it is. The establishment of the Parliament in Putrajaya certainly legitimizes the city capital function. As mentioned, the design of Putrajayas three most important buildings was subjected to Islamic influence. However, in the case of the parliament moves to Putrajaya, the design of this essential building can provide opportunity for making a case of cultural unity. It would be a matter of design. As with the current structure in Kuala Lumpur of neutral fashion by featuring international style, this would-be most important building could be des igned one step further by inco rporating features that emphasize the multi-cultur al character of Malaysias societ y. By solving the parliament piece with considered strategy, Putrajaya would successfully establish itself as the power seat of the federal government and the representat ion of national identity. On the subject of Garden Cities, the overall schematic des ign of Putrajaya definitely achieved certain level of success. The creations of the Putra Lake, the wetland system, and parks taking more than a third of total land enhance chances for 64


Putrajaya to fulfill its claim. The harmonious relationship between human and the natural environment as Ebenezer Howards vision was partially achieved. The picturesque layout does not carry the nec essary atmosphere that is conducive to peoples interaction with his environment. The lo cal climate needs to be factored back in the overall plan. The shading scheme needs to be rejuvenated especially along the major boulevard. Covered walkways or a more expansive tree canopy need to be provided. Paving material can be retrofit ted to reduce heat-island effect. Building facades would need to be altered at least in ma terials to minimize radiant heat. Street activities should be encouraged year round to introduce vibrant urban atmosphere in the city. The lessons can be learned from a similar tropical urban area only 25 kilometers away, Kuala Lumpur. The main issue here is the human factor; Putrajaya has not achieved its level of intended density, and this density is already designed to be significantly lower than adjacent urban spaces. Further incentive stra tegies can be researched and applied to Putrajaya. The citys physical location is an advantage. It is located between Kuala Lumpur and the Kuala Lumpur Inter national Airport, the countrys main gateway. It takes only 20 minutes or less to reach either one of these important desti nations in Malaysia thanks to modern transportation systems that were upgraded or put in place in the last two decades. Putrajaya is also a major part of the Kuala Lumpur Metropolitan Area (KLMA), the countrys largest and fastest growth region in terms of economy. This financially viable role leads to the popul ation explosion phenomenon. The numbers of KLMA inhabitants were double in the 1990s alone. The KLMA today is a sprawling region, spread beyond the Klang Valley to the south and engulfed the Sepang district 65


which houses the Kuala Lum pur International Airport. Geographically, the KLMA has taken more than half of Selangor States tota l area. Economically, this metropolitan area is responsible for a significant portion of the federations GDP. From a sociological perspective, this urban setting paints the co mpleted picture of Malaysias diversified culture. Sitting at the heart of this phenomenal region, the success or failure of Putrajaya are relying on Malaysias people a nd their ability to influence government and its policies. Suggested Further Research The future of Putrajaya, given current conditions, is facing many challenges. Three of them are identified in this research: t he role, the function, and the design concept. My case study of Putrajaya is based on the preceding variables. To understand and evaluate a city, there are many more variables need to be identified and studied: housing, transportation, environmental sustainab ility, to name a few. The scale of the research can also be varied. Putrajaya can be studied at the region al level (i.e. the MSC), national level, Asians regional level, and beyond. Studies can be conducted as a comparison among capital cities, adminis trative capitals, and planned cities. Putrajaya can also be examined under differ ent lenses: geography, sociology, politic, and economy. Final Thoughts I have been visiting Malaysia every year si nce 2005. I have seen first hand the continuing vibrancies of Kual a Lumpur and the ever changing Putrajaya. This new planned urban setting has grasped my attent ion not only because of its massive undertaking and scope, but also fo r the fact that little has been published on the project. Most scholars, both Malaysian and international, chose to examine to the Multimedia 66


67 Super Corridor, the grand project that contained Putrajaya at its center, rather than the city itself. Would that be because of the MSC is the economic mission of the government while Putrajaya is the government? Would it be ignored for being characterized by monumentality, dictatorial power, and state-based capitalism? Would that be because Putrajaya was designed and built entirely by Malaysians, thus lack the exposure to the international community? Or would it be because Malaysias MiddleEastern Islamic counterpart, Dubai and it s enormous urban transformation engulfed all attentions thanks to its groups of world r enowned designers? I have always come back home with more questions than answers. During my most recent walks on the grand Boulevard of Putrajaya, and its secondary streets, I was consumed by the same feeling I had had when hiking the streets of Canberra, Australias capital city. Planned and built in t he similar fashion of Putrajaya, Canberra today is a five-weekda y city, since a significant portion of its residents and officials reside elsewhere and commu te weekly to the city to fulfill their role. I could not help but think about the possibility of Putraj aya becoming another Canberra of the modern age.


APPENDIX A. UNDERSTANDING MALAYSIA Malaysia, a prominent country in Southeast Asia, is a member of the Commonwealth, previously the British Co mmonwealth. Gaining independent from the British in 1957, Malaysia today is a moment ous member of the United Nation and global economic community. The official name Malaysi a which literally means the land of the Malays from 1963 onward is the shorten vers ion of the Federation of Malaysia. The country flag is said to be designed based on that of the American; 14 alternating red and white to represent the 13 state members and the federal territory. There is a blue rectangle in the upper hoist-side corner bearing a yellow cre scent and a yellow 14pointed star symbolizing its alignment with the national religion, Islam. Figure A-1. Official fl ag, (CIA fact-book) Figure A-2. Malaysia map. Source: CIA fact-book 68


Geography Malaysia is a tropical country located near the equator in South East Asia. The country is composed of two noncontiguous regions: West Malaysia on the Malay Peninsula and East Malaysia on the north coas t of the island of Borneo separated by the South China Sea. The Peninsula shar es its border with T hailand and the East Malaysia takes the northern one-third of t he island of Borneo, bordering Indonesia, Brunei. Total land boundaries of Malaysia with its neighboring countries are approximately 2,669 km (1,615.4 miles) as followed: 381 km with Brunei, 1,782 km with Indonesia, and 506 km with Thailand. The tw o components of t he country possess a coast line of 4,675 km (2,905 miles), of whic h 2,068 km belong to Peninsular Malaysia, and East Malaysia 2,607 km. With the total area of 329,847 square k ilometers (127,355 square miles), Malaysia is slightly smaller than Japan and fairly lar ger the New Mexico of the USA. Of that, 328,657 sq km is the total land area; the remaining 1,190 sq km is total water area it controls. Malaysias terrain is mostly coastal plai ns framed by hills and mountains. Malaysia possesses many mineral resources among them are tin, petroleum, timber, copper, iron ore, natural gas, and bauxite. The tropical is greatly influent by t he annual southwest (April to October) and northeast (October to Februar y) monsoons. Major natural hazards include flooding; landslides; forest fires, and also smoke/haze from Indonesian forest fires. The rapid industrialization of the country in recent decades also brought air pollutions from factories, vehicular, and water pollutions. 69


Demographic Malaysia has a population of 25,715,819 (July 2009 est.), and continues to grow at a rate of close to 2 perc ent per year. An important fact or of its populat ion is the urban concentration: and the annual rate of urbani zation continues at 3% according to governmental estimates over the period of 2005-2010 (est.) (Country Watch, 2009). Population distribution is uneven, with some 70% of total population (2008 est.) concentrated in urban areas clustered in t he lowlands of Peninsular Malaysia, home to some 20 million of the country's 25.7 million inhabitants. The remaining 5.7 million live on the Malaysian portion of the island of Bor neo in the large but less densely-populated states of Sabah and Sarawak. More than half of Sarawak's residents and about twothirds of Sabah's are from indigenous groups. Malaysia Ethic groupsMalays, 50.40% Chineses, 23.70% Indiginous, 11% Indians, 7.10% Others, 7.80% Figure A-3. Malaysia Ethni c groups by the author Malaysia's multi-racial societ y contains many ethnic groups. According to the latest estimate, the Malay is the dominant group of 50.4%, mostly concentrated in agricultural areas. About a quarter of the population is ethnic Chinese, a group which historically 70


played an important role in trade and business. Indian descent comprises about 7% of the population. Non-Malay indigenous groups combine to make up approximately 11% of the population. According to Malaysian constitution, Isla m is the national religion, and by its definition all Malays are Mu slim. The proportion of belie fs among its population is reflected as followed: Muslim 60.4%, B uddhist 19.2%, Christi an 9.1%, Hindu 6.3%, Confucianism, Taoism, other traditional Chinese religions 2.6%, other or unknown 1.5%, none 0.8% (2000 census). Religious affiliations Muslim, 60.40% Buddhist, 19.20% Christian, 9.10% Hindu, 6.30% Traditional Chinese religions, 2.60% Other or unknown, 1.50% None, 1% Figure A-4. Malaysia map. Author from CIA fact-book The outstanding characteristic of Malaysia s population today is its highly variety ethnic mix. Its multiracial popula tions represent the worlds f our major cultures which are Islamic, Chinese, Indian and Western. The countrys racial, religious and cultural mix is generally harmonious; the various communi ties remain largely separated. 71


Governmental Structure Malaysia government is structured as a constitutional monarch, based on the British model. Malaysia is a federation of thirteen states (Johor, Kedah, Kelantan, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Pahang Perak, Pu lau Pinang, Perlis, Sabah, Sarawak, Selango and Terengganu) and a f ederal territory with three components: Kuala Lumpur, Putrajaya in Selangor and Labaun, an isl and in Sarawak of East Malaysia. There are four components of this complex federal political system: The head of State (King or Supreme sove reign) elected by the Conference of Rulers from one of the nine hered itary Sultans every five year, The Prime Minister is elected and forma lly appointed by the Ki ng to administrate the federation with the assistance of and appointed ministerial cabinet The legislated power lies in the hands of the bicameral parliament, comprising Dewan Rakyat (House of Representat ives) and Dewan Negara (Senate). Civil Courts include Federal Court, Cour t of Appeal, High Court of Malaya on peninsula Malaysia, and High Court of Sabah and Sarawak in states of Borneo (judges are appointed by the king on the adv ice of the prime minister). There are state governments in each of the 13 states, in nine of which the head of state is a hereditary ruler. Each state has its own constitution, and a council of state or cabinet with executive authority, and a legislature that deal s with matters not reserved for the federal parliament. The other 4 st ates are governed by governors appointed by the federal government. Economy The Malaysian economy is a mixture of private enterprise and public management. Its economy grew by an average of 9% annually between 1988 and 1996. By 1996, 72


Malaysia had become the world's largest ex porter of hard disc drives for personal computers. Malaysia is also the world's larg est producer and exporter of edible oil (palm and palm kernel oil) and the world's largest producer and exporter of tropical hardwood logs and lumber. By 2005, it was the 33rd largest economy in the world by purchasing power parity (PPP). Its gross domestic product for 2005 was estimated to be $290 billions (Harris, 2002). With East Asia in recovery mode and advanced economies progressively improving, the Malaysian economy is emerging from one of the worst export slumps in its economic history. Since global demands plummeted st arted at the end of 2008, manufacturing firms have braced for im pact by cutting production, running down inventories, and slashing investment. Given the importance of exports in the economy, the resulting impact on GDP was pronounced. Bu t the turmoil in manufacturing did not lead to a broad-based recession. Private cons umption and service sector activity was resilient: growth stalled but levels re mained intact. The crisis was mostly a manufacturing-for-exports crisis. The Malays ian economy, as a whole, was one of the hardest hit in the East Asia region, but it remained resilient. Sound fundamentals and responsive policies provided support. Strong financial supervision a nd limited exposures to toxic securities and troubled financial instit utions shielded the ec onomy from financial contagion. High levels of international reserv es relieved the impact of capital outflows. Sound household and corporate balance sheets cushioned the impact of the downturn. On the policy side, accommodative monetary and credit policies protected the flow of credit. Successive fiscal stimulus packages helped boost confidence and construction 73


activity, and hereby contributed to the cushi oning of the downturn (World Bank report, 2009). Malaysia today becomes an export-d riven economy spurred on by high technology, knowledge-based and capital-intensive industries. Despite setbacks from the 1998 Asian financial crisis and the curre nt world economic turbulent, Malaysia gained two spots to become the 31st lar gest economy with purchasing power parity of 378.9 billions, according to the most recent estimate in 2009 (C IA fact book, 2010). History Malaysia, as we know it today, is a small country in South East Asia. It is also a relatively young state after gaining independence from the Britishs rule in August 31st, 1957. Malaysia had once been neit her a small nor young nation. Malaysia is only a fragment broken from the once vast Sri Vijaya Empire (Andaya & Andaya, 2001); the Malay-Indo Kingdom rose around 600AD with a celebrated capital at Palembang in southern Sumatra (located in present day In donesia). This once powerful empire was broken into Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei and East Timor. Geographically situated in the southern tip of South East Asia with the Indian Ocean and the Straits of Malacca (Melaka) on the west and the Sout h China Sea in the east, Malaya (former name of Malaysia) was at the center of trade r outes between India, the Middle East, Europe, China and Japan. This not only invited trading activities but also opened up the country to a sizable immigrant population and consequently to religious, linguistic and cultural influences. Over millenniums of exis tence, Malaysia has been a natural meeting place of trades and cultures, which has brought the area great wealth, and also has however made it difficult for the Malay peo ples to resist foreign influences and dominations. 74


In order to understand Malaysia, its society structure and its fortitude as an Islamic State, we need to go back to the country long history. Ther e are archeological evidences of human inhabitances in the Mala ysia some 40 millenniums B.C. However, historians have not always agreed with each other in Malaysias ancient past often for its insufficient evidences, as the case of many countries in the region. The truth is that there is not much archeological confirmation or written records fr om ancient Malaysia. Until more reliable archeological evident surf aced, the following is the version that most historians agree on. Ancient Malaysia (before 100BC) We do know that homo-sapiens have been in Malaysia for a long time. The oldest known evidence of human habitation in Mala ysia is a skull from the Niah Caves in Sarawak dating from 35,000 years BC. St one-Age tools dated back to about 10,000 BC have been found, and some archeologists suggest that they were left there by the predecessors of the Negrito aborigines considered to be one of the first groups of people to inhabit the Malaysian peninsula (A ndaya, 2001). Around 2,500 years BC, a vast population of seafarers and farmers m ade up of the called the Proto-Malays came to the peninsula sent the Negritos into the jungles and hills (Geographia, 2009). The Proto-Malays was believed to come from China and were more technologically advanced, especially in comparison to the stone-age aboriginal. The Proto-Malay was replaced by another group; the Deutero-Malays. They were a mixture of many peoples Indians, Chinese, Siamese, Arabs, and Proto -Malays and they came to domination by mastering the use of ironed tool s. Over the period of more than 2000 year this group of inhabitants united with t he occupations of the Indonesians to form the racial basis for the group which today called the Malay. 75


Hindu Kingdoms (100 BC 1400 AD) Indian had begun coming to the Malaya Peninsula for at least several centuries before the beginning of the Ch ristian era. Their maritime trading fleet provided an alternated mean of inter-countries trade from the fame Silk Route at the time after finding the sea course to China by bypassing the Malacca Straits. Similarly to the Silk Road, they were sailed to the rich, cultured civilization of China; they sold peppers and cottons there, and returned with silks, porcelain and precious metals. The Malaya Peninsula became the resting place for t he East-West journeys. Moreover, they discovered that the most precious object of all, gold, could be secured also in the Malay Peninsula. The Peninsula became not an obstruction to be sailed around or walked across, but a land attractive for itself, particularly t he east coast (Tregonning, 1964). About the beginning of this era Indians arri ved in great numbersamong them priest or monks who brought calendar, the art of writing ( Sanskrit ), and new ideas on law and administration (Purcell, 1965). Hinduism and Buddhism were quickly taken roots in Malay culture, and before long, intermarr iages between Indian and Indigenous people and even local chiefs brought the Hindu ideas of Kingship into the otherwise tribal society. Hinduism and Buddhism swept th rough the peninsula, bringing temples and Indian cultural traditions from India. As a result, local chiefs combined what they considered to be the best aspec ts of India's government wit h their own structure, thus resulting in Indianized kingdoms ." According to the Chinese records of the 6th century A.D. there was an important kingdom existed on the northern part of the Peninsula, wh ich was under the protection of the Funan Empire, ancient pre-Angkor Indianized kingdom located around the Mekong Delta in Cambodia today. According to Malaya mythology, this kingdom was 76


named, Negri Alangkah-suka, loosely transla ted as the Land of t he Delights (Miller, 1965). This Hinduism kingdom was born sometime in the fifth century A.D. (Andaya & Andaya, 2001) and flourished until 627 A.D. (M iller, 1965). This kingdom was replaced by the Sri Vijaya kingdom founded on the western side of t he Malay Peninsula. This kingdom soon after extended its gr ips to the entire area on both sides of the Traits, and replaced the Funan as the most powerful empire of South-Eat Asia. Figure A-5. Historic map of the Sri Vijaya. Source: Bujang Valley Museum 77


The Sri-Vijaya Empire was dominant by it s maritime power; its fleet established check points, naval bases at strategic plac es to control the marine trade route between the two ancient populous powers, India and Ch ina, as well as to control and protect trade coastal establishment throughout the empire for over seven centuries. The empires powerful naval and its abilities to combat pirates and protect merchant ships earned the alliance and received protections fr om with many Chinese dynasties. It was ironic that the centuries-long powerful Sri Vijayas naval force was one of the main reasons for the collapse of its empire when its fleet started committing pirating acts and competed with one another (Tregonning, 1964). Madjapahit, like the Sri Vijaya, was a Hindu empire take over the power in 1292, and would last for over 200 years before the birth of the Malay empire of Malacca, which was to become renown from Europe to China (Miller 1965). Golden Age of Malacca and the Islamic Adaptation (1400 AD 1511 AD) Toward the beginning of the 15th century, the Ma laysia peninsular had become the best trading area in the region as stated in Chinese, Indian and Arab records for its strategically location. However, the Hindu kingdoms of peninsular Malaysia were largely weakened for the lack of a central power, combined with the nuisance of pirates, amplified the need for secure, well-equipped port in the region. This problem was mended by the emergence of Malacca, which wa s in an ideal location and situation, attributing to its great success (Geographia, 2009) According to the earliest Malay writing of history, the Sejarah Melayu, loosely translated the Malay Annals, written about 1541 (Unesco, 2006), the Kingdom of Malacca was founded around 1400 by Parameswara, the then prince of Palempang State. It is important to notice that Parameswara is a ti ttle, meaning Prince of Consort, 78


who real name and physical figure was lost in history. Paramesw ara, who had married a princess of the last king of the Madjapahit Empire, dec lared independence from the Empire and moved to Malacca, then only a small fishing village to build his own foundation for the Kingdom of Malacca (Purce ll, 1965). Malacca, a coastal village on the northern bank of the Straits, was an area co mbined by river, hill, and flat land which offered possibilities for trade, agriculture, and best of all, defense. The progression of maritime trades and adventures of the Ming Dynasty of China between 1403 and 1431 advanced the role of Malacca and made it the mo st influential port in South-East Asia at the time. One additional helpf ul fact was the alliance between Parameswara, and his newly founded kingdom with t he Ming Emperor of China, who figuratively appointed Parameswara as the king of Malacca, along with a seal and a commission. The trade between China and the group of in fluential nations bounding Indian Ocean and as far as Europe via Malacca were exceptionally fl ourished. Among those traders were groups of wealthy Indian Muslims and powerful Arab who c ontrolled most of trading activities on both sides of the Straits. At the same time the represent ative from the Ming Dynasty, the protector of Malacca Kingdom, was Admi ral Cheng Ho who was also a Muslim with his powerful fleet regularly sailed to the St raits to exact tributes from the region (Tregonning, 1964). Taking advantage of the circ umstances, Parameswara converted to Islam and adopted a Muslim name, Iskandar Shah, and started addressing himself as Sultan (Miller, 1966). He also adopted Muslim religion and its ruling system at his court in 1414. The newly found kingdom under the governing of its first Sultan started prospering and within 50 years bec ame the most important trad ing junction between the 79


East and the West. Purcell (1965) wrote of the pros perity of Malacca at the beginning as follow: The annually trading seasons, governed by the monsoons, Malacca was a huge fairground where the products of many c enters were exchanged Venetian glass and metal ware, and Arabian opium, perfumes, pear ls, dyes, cloths, tapestries and incense came in with the south-west monsoon from Ap ril to October; spies, porcelain, damasks, silks [from China], gold and tin, even birds from the Banda Islands whose feathers had a market in Arabia and Turkey sailed out with the north-east monsoon from October to April. At the same time Islam was estab lishing its hold on Malacca and Muslim theologians flocked to the region from I ndia, and the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf (Miller, 1966). However, Islam did not become the official religion of Malacca until Sultan Mazaffar Shah, the Malacca third Sultan and great grandson of Parameswara declared Malacca a Muslim Sultanate and Islam the State religion (Miller, 1966, Tregonning, 1957, 1964). From Malacca, the Muslim faith spread out to cover the entire area which was once belonged to the Sri Vija ya Empire following the trade routes. Local rulers alternated their grandiose Indian title of Maharajah for the Muslim Sultan after converted to Islam, and eventually felt in to the embrace of the Malacca Kingdom. The conversion of the Malays from Hinduism and Buddhism to Islam was gradual and was not completed in the Malaysian Peninsula until the middle or end of the seventeenth century. Most historian agree with Tregonning (1964) that it was the only great expansion of Islam that was peaceful, in contrast with most other that followed invading armies. 80


Professor Barbara Watson Andaya, Ph.D. of University of Hawaii, along with Professor Leonard Andaya, (1984, 2001) both respectable hi storian of Asian study offered three significant reasons for the succ ess of the Golden Age of Malacca in their book A History of Malaysia as followed: First: learning from its predecessor, Sr i Vijaya, Malacca ensured the success of international trade by guarantying the safety of its sea lane. Its powerful naval force set up check points along the Straits and kept the marine route secured from piracies. Second: having being the maritime gateway between the east and west, Malacca put exceptional efforts into provide commerc ial facilities. Protected town and especial secured storages made Malacca the ideal tr ading post since all departing, arriving and trading activities were controlled by monsoon winds. The third and most important factor for Malaccas success was the establishment and the enforcement of the Undang Malaka (Melacca Laws) which was assembled by the third Sultan. This laws devoted cons iderable attention to the regulation of commercial matters. A large section of which was the set of codification of maritime laws concentrated specifically on matters concerned with sea-going trade, such as the collection of debts, shipboard crimes, and the duties of captain and crew. A mere 6% tax from the total goods value was collected by Malacca government from every trading vessel. The Kingdom of Malacca, earned the r eputation for security, a well-ordered government, highly protected trading towns, and well-equipped marketplaces, became the primary trade center in Sout h-East Asia. From the judici ous taxation of the trade, the Sultans of Malacca grew rich and powerfu l, and expanding its ki ngdom to the entire 81


region. For over 100 years of existence, from 1400 to 1511, the kingdom of Malacca was expanded and flourished and subsequently gained the title the Golden Age of Malacca. This golden century, sometimes called the Sultanate era, was the spiritual foundation for the Malay race of today and also seen by many Malays as a starting point of modern Malaysia. This rising power and prosperit y of the Malacca drew att entions of the newly found naval powers of Europeans, namely Portugal, Dutch and British from the beginning of the 16th century. The arrival of these powers, thanks to t heir advancement of naval technologies marked the new area of the Ma laysia, the Colonial Malaysia which last until 1957 when Malaysia gai ned independence. Colonial Malaysia (1511 AD 1957 AD) The Portuguese Conquest of Melaka (1511 A.D. -1641 A.D.) For over 100 years of pros perity and the gate keeper of the trade routes between the East and the West, the Ki ngdom of Malacca was the target of the new power, the European, which was at the beginning state of industrial revolution. These European powers, namely Britain, Spain, Portugal and Dutch, looked for the domination of the spice trade and supply of industrial metals: the precious gold and tin started eyeing the eastern world. The Straits of Malacca and the Malacca Kingdom became the obvious target. The race to Asia was at full force, the Portuguese was the first to conquest this gateway to the eastern world. Under the l eadership of the fame naval general Alfonso de Albuquerque (1453-1515) and his fleet, Portuguese captured Malacca on the 2nd of May 1511 and started its complete foothold on the entire Malacca Kingdom on January 1512 (Miller, 1964) with the completion of the Fo rmosa fort (which is still stand today. 82


The fall of Malacca to the Portuguese ma rked the end of dominant Muslim trade. The Portuguese was now the prominent contro ller of the trade throughout its 130 years occupying Malacca. However, The Portuguese did not make any attempt to establish their dictation over the kingdom, but chose to co-exist with the existing sultans on the base that they controlled the trade to Europe. Christianity, which often sent priests on Portugal exploration vessels, began to penet rate Malacca, but with modest success comparing to the Islamic influent which already taken root in the Malay Peninsula. The Portuguese century of influence on Malaysia di d bring one important contribution; the foundation of the Malaysian wr iting system, the Rumithe Latin alphabet writing system which is co-exists with the Arabic Jawi in Malaysia today. The Dutch (1641-1824) Dutch, taking advantages of the fact t hat the Portuguese had chosen to co exist with the local sultans, made exclusive tr ading arrangements with these rulers and formed alliances with the enemies of Portuguese Malacca, in cluding Acheh and Johore. At the beginning of the 17th century, Johore, a powerful st ate on the southeastern of the peninsula grew to be one of several dominan t trading states. In th e early 17th century Johor made several attempts to capture Melaka, but without any success. After the Dutch-Johor agreement made in 1637, the Dutch naval force with the assistants from Johore captured Malacca, and took over control of the peninsula in 1641 and subsequently the entire region on both sides of the Straits (Purcell, 1965). Within a few short years, the Dutch exclusively contro lled the spice trade from Asia to Europe. Besides having exquisitely power over spices the Dutch was also in command of the tin production, the valuable commodity for Europe which was at the early state of industrial age. During their two centuries occupying the Malaysia Peninsula and the Archipelago, 83


the Dutch was often on defensive on two fron ts, the local sultan s and the western powers over the lucrative spice and tin trades. Among the wester n power, the England East Indian Company (controlled by the British government) re mained the greatest thread; however its fleet was defeated by the Dutch in 1683 and surrendered most of its trading post on the peninsula exc ept for one in Penang, a coastal town in the northeast. At home in Europe, the Dutch-Netherlands wa s drawn in to the turbulent of the French Revolution and subsequently the Napoleonic war. Netherlands eventually fell to the powerful wrap of the French and st arted allying with its past foe, the British, to regain independence. As a result, the Dutchs grasp on many of its colonial s started to fall to the British. After the Frenc h conquered the Netherlands in 1795, the Dutch chose to allow England to oversee the por t of Malacca rather than to turn it over to the French (Emerson, 1964). The Malaysia Peninsula was peacefully transferred to the British on 1824, ending 183 years of Dutc hs occupation. The British (1824-1957) The battle of Waterloo in 1815 marked the end of Napoleon Bonaparte, and the French domination. It also signaled the rise of the British Empire the United Kingdom, which was known for its powerful naval fleet dominating the world oceans over the next century. 1824 in London, Prince William t he Fifth of Holland signed the Anglo-Dutch Treaty divided the region between them, Malacca to the Brit ish and the Dutch controlled Sumatra and all areas below the Straits. For most of the next 50 years, the British East India Company, besides maintaining controlling mariti me trading activities, put great effort in successfully conquering the internal portion of the Mala ysia Peninsula. The Company turn over control to the British gover nment in 1867, the Malay Peni nsula officially became the 84


crown colony of the British Empire. Having exclusive power over the Peninsula, the British brokered the Pangkor Agreement in 1874 and gained the monopoly on the most important commodity, tin, which was in high demand in European industrial revolution. This treaty also laid the fram ework of the British Colonial Era. The treaty recognized the existing rulers as Sultans, but crucially in sisted that they shoul d accept a British Resident in his state, whom advised upon all maters other than those relating to Malay religion and custom. The Brit ish interpreted broadly which matters were unrelated to Malay religion and custom, as a result taki ng effective control of most financial and administrative matters. By the turn of the twentieth century, t he pattern of British rule in the Malay lands was established with four components: Penang, Malacca and Singapore were united as the Straits Settlements ruled by a British Governor in Singapor e under the supervision of t he Colonial Office in London. The Federated Malay States combined of Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang with their federal administrative cent re at Kuala Lumpur, a young city growing out of a tin-mining town. Johore, Kedah, Kelantan, Perlis and Terengganu joined together as the Unfederated Malay States administered out of Johore. These st ates sytems, while technically independent, they were placed under a Resident-General in 1895, making them British colonies in all but name. Sabah, Sarawak in northern Brunei, fell in to the protectorship of the British and governed by the British North Borneo Charte red Company after another Anglo-Dutch treaty in 1891. These two states subsequently came under the British governor from Singapore in 1906. 85


These components made of the land boundar y of today modern Malaysia (except for Singapore which broke out to be form as an independent country in 1962) (Emerson, 1964). The British now was retaining solid footing in the Peninsula. The British set about creating an environment for economic expansi on. The tin industry which had boomed in the 1840s continued to grow, especially after the British stopped charging duty on imported tin in 1853. The inv ention of steamship and the openi ng of the Suez Canal in 1869 further boosted exports of tin from the Ma lay Peninsula. The Industrial Revolution which was progressing in Europe brought anot her economic force to the Peninsula, rubber. By 1930 two thirds of the cultivat ed land on the Peninsula would be under rubber. Malayan tin and Malayan rubber would dominate their respective world markets, and made the Peninsula one of Britains most valued imperial possessions. The networks of paved road and rail established by the British formed the basis for a good infrastructure linking the entire Peninsula which otherwise had to be relied on its water traveling. Under the British observation (and widely accepted), the Malays (people) were lazy, unwilling to work for wages and t herefore could not be considered a potential and reliable source of labor in the coloni al economy (Andaya and Andaya, 2001). As a rule of thumb, the British believed, the rate of immigr ation and the numbers of Chinese settlers were a reliable index of economic progress, (Andaya and Andaya, 2001). Chinese immigrated labors were considered better adaptive with its demands. Chinese immigration bloomed in this era, pulled by the economic opportunities opening up and pushed by the difficult conditions in China. These new comers to the peninsula quickly 86


dominated labor forces in most tin mines by alliances under secret societies. These societies became powerful through controlling labor forces in existence but mainly through recruiting and shipping new workers from mainland China. Chinese activity in such areas as finance, transportation, cons truction, small scale industry and retail trading was also establishing a strong base for the areas economic future. The British had also recruited labor from Indian, its pow er base in Asia, to work on the growing number of rubber plantations (Andaya and Andaya, 2001). The 1931 census revealed that Malays no longer formed the majority in the total population of the Malay States and Straits Settlements (Emerson, 1964). Divisions between Malays, Chinese and Indians, already culturally profound, were deepened by Br itish policies. This would be the reason for much of social unr est later in Malaysia. This era also marked the urbanization of Malaysia, especially on the south and west areas of the Peninsula. Large citi es and towns were found on the west coast, where Chinese and Indian formed a large pr oportion of their population, whereas the east coast was still largely rural with t he indigenous Malay population being in the majority (Salleh & Choguill, 1992). World War II broke out in Europe and stretc hed to the Pacific Ocean. The British Malaysia was caught off guard by the J apanese force on December 1941 and within 3 months the Peninsula fell into the hand of t he Japanese Imperial. After over three and a half years of occupation, the Japanese was dr iven of Malaysia by the British after the end of World War II. When returning in 1945, the British faced a devastation of the pre-war economy and a much more racial divided population. Thei r protector ship or rather dictator ship 87


was not accepted by the people of the Peninsul a as it had been before they were driven off by the Japanese. Furthermore, recreating t he colonialism in the Peninsula was not in the British agenda. It was inevitable for the British rule, because its home country was severely damaged after the Second World Wa r and the country was putting all of its efforts to rebuild its glory. Immediately after relinquishing it Asian Power post in India and returning the sovereignty back to its people in 1948, the British set out to create the Malay Union under a Governor with full ex ecutive powers (Miller, 1966). The main objective of the plan was to combine the Federated and Un-Federated Malay States, plus Penang and Malacca (the Malacca Settlement s) into a unitary st ate, with a view to independence within a few y ears. There would be a common Malayan citizenship regardless of race. The British plan to create the Malay Union was forced to abandon after facing vigorously opposition from the Malays on the fact that the Chinese and Indians were to be a permanent and equal part of Malayas future. The United Malays National Organization (UMNO) which was swiftly formed to represent all Malay sultans and their interests became the most vocal and forceful objection to the plan. The Chinese also got into action with the creation of the politically conservative Malayan Chinese Association (MCA). The Malayan I ndian Congress (MIC) was also formed to represent the Indian community. However, UMNO did favor independence for Malaya, but only if the new state was run exclusivel y by the Malays. In subsequent talks, UMNO agreed with the British for the es tablishment of a new federal administrative structure, which offered citizenship for non-Malays who f illed certain strict cr iteria. The British governed Federation of Malaya was launched in February 1st 1948 (Purcell, 1965). This federation was subsequently become the Federation of Malaysia. 88


Similar to most Asian countries immediat ely after the Second World War, Malaysia was rolled into the Communist waves. Shortl y after the creation of the Federation of Malaya in 1948, the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) which had been founded during the Japanese occupational period attempted re volution, started the uprising with the purpose of creating a Communist State using the same guerr illa warfare tactics as it had fought with the Japanese. Th e British declared a state of emergency and developed counter-insurgency policies which, crucially, won the support of the majority of the population. By the early 1950s CPM terrori sm had been reduced to a minor problem, though emergency regulations were not lifted until 1960. One permanent result of the Emergency was a highly cent ralized federation, all Mala y states volunteered to relinquish most of their sovereign powers so that the crisis could be handled efficiently (Purcell, 1965, Andaya & Andaya, 2001). Du ring the Emergency t he British promised self-government for Malaya, though at the ti me it was not clear how this could be achieved in a way acceptable to all communiti es. However, attempts to establish multiracial political parties met with little success. Beginning in 1952, a formula for potentially stable self-government was worked out through the forming of a new political front. This was the Alliance, a coalitio n of three communal based par ties; UMNO, the largest and best organized party in Malaya represent ed the Malays along with the Chinese MCA and the Indian MIC. This c oalition reached agreement in 1954 for a national election day in 1957 that mark the handover of Brit ish power and the birth of a new nation, Malaysia. During 1955 and 1956 UMNO, the MCA, the MIC (though at a limited scale) and the British hammered out a constitutiona l settlement with the anticipation of equal citizenship for all races. Under the new co nstitution, Malaysias head of state (king) 89


would be drawn from the ran ks of the Malay Sultans, the Chinese and Indians would have proportionate representation in t he Cabinet and the Parliament under the executive power of the elected Prime Mini ster. The structure of the new democratic parliamentary system and its l egal system were broadly deriv ed from British models. On August 31, 1957, Tunku Abdul Rahm an (whose full name was Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj ibni Almarhum Sult an Abdul Hamid Halim Shah (1903-1990)) was elected the first Prime Mi nister of the independent Malaysia and an independent member of the Commonw ealth of Nations. Independence to the Present (1957Now) It was fortunate that Federation of Malaya achieved its independence with little bitterness and even less bloodshed (Tregonning, 1964) comparing to its neighbor states such as Indonesia (from the Dutch), the Ph ilippines (from the Spain) and the Indochina (Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia from the Fren ch). However, this young country had endured much turbulence over the next decade to establish its sovereignty and finalized its border, namely: 1961, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahm an formed the Federation of Malaysia, The creation of the Federation of Malaysia was set to come to existence on August 31 1963. It was the accession of the existing Federation of Malaya, Singapore and three territories in Boneo: North Boneo, Sarawak and Brunei with its federal capital in Kuala Lumpur (Gullick, 1963). 1963, September 16th, the Federation of Malaysia became a full member of the United Nation with its official name shorten to Malaysia. 1965, August 9th, Singapore was peacefully separated from Malaysia to establish its own nation under the leadership of Lee Kuan Yew. 90


One of the most important ef fects of the formation of Ma laysia in 1963 was that it created a neutral name for the count ry distinct from that of its core ethnic Malay (Reid, 2001): Malaysia instead of Malaya, but not without the definite pos ition of the bangsa Melayu at the core of education and government services. Malaysia is comprised of such a diverse mix of immigrant groups, exc ept for the Orang Asli who is considered the aboriginal people of the land. The three biggest races of Malaysia, the Malay, the Chinese and the Indian are a ll immigrant to the country. Thus, a dilemma the country faced with independence was determining its nat ional identity. The Malay dilemma as often mentioned by historian is the right to claim ownership of Malaysia over all races. The Malays claimed the rightful ownership bas ed on the fact that t hey were the first ethnic group to establish an effective and re cognizable government on the peninsula in the form of the Malacca Sultanates. Ev en under colonial eras; the Malays had been able to maintain functioned governments, though with limited powers over their own lands; a reality other immigrant groups si mply did not achieve (King, 2008). Malays have dominated the country's government and civil service since independence in 1957, but they lag well behind their Chin ese counterparts in terms of average incomes and economic clout. The newly independent Malaysia, despite inheriting the favorable economy from the British colonial, was still a third-world country raging by poverty. Transforming the Economy Facing the fact that over 50% of its country household lived below poverty line, of which 75% were Malay, Prime Minister T unku Abdul Rahman set out the first Malaysia Plan (1966-1970) with the purpose of eradicating poverty and advancing the country economy. The government invited foreign investors to estab lish import-oriented 91


manufacturing sectors in Malaysia. Th is plan enabled to reduce its dependency on imported goods and improve the national ec onomic performance (Shatkin, 2007), as well as provided new sources of employments for its country men. This first five year plan which heavily favored the Malays by im posing quotas on employments (as well as education eligibilities) led to the growing ethnic tensions over the period. This disparity grew out of proportion toward the end of T unku Abdul Rahman premiership. The ethnic disturbances after the May election in 1969 between the Chinese and the Malay resulted in the state of Emergency after hundreds of people were killed and injured. Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman resigned was replaced by Prime Minister Abdul Razak in 1971, who led the country until 1976. Immediately after having controlled of the highest Office, Mr. Razak embarked the New Economic Policy (NEP) set the frame work for the next four Malaysia Pl ans with two principal objectives: A reduction and eventually eradication of poverty, irrespective of race; A restructuring of society so that identification of race with economic function would be reduced and ultimately eliminated (Andaya & Andaya 2001). However, Malaysia economy, as a whole, w ould not gain any significant economic progress of until the era of the fourth Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, who became into power in 1981 and ruled Malaysia with iron fist until 2003. Dr. Mahathir picked up the ongoing series of five-year plans, and which had begun in 1966, known as the Malaysia Plans to better the existi ng economy. Under his premiership, Malaysia has made tremendous strides in their growth and wealth. This period marked a shift from an agriculture-based economy to one based on manufacturing and industry in areas such as computers and consumer el ectronics. Immediately after the economic recession of 1985, the Mahathirs admin istration set courses to enhance the 92


manufacturing industries with a seri of I ndustrial Master Plans. The plan introduced generous incentives, tax relief and subsidiz ed investment loans to stimulate the development of foreign direct investment and to develop small and medium industries (Asgari & Yuan, 2007). These plans achieved significant results especially in pushing the share of manufacturing in export from on ly 20% in 1980 to 75.9% in 1996 (Rasiah, 2005, quoted in Asgari et al. 2007). In 1990, the government decided to develop the industrial technology and formulated the Action Plan for Industrial Technology development (APITD) to upgrade labor-intensive manufacturi ng to capital-intensive, high technology, and skilled-intensive sector s to increase added value (Lai & Yap, 2004). This APITD is the framework for t he massive development of the Multimedia Super Corridor in the Kuala Lumpur Me tropolitan Area in the mid of the 1990s. It was during this period, t oo, that the physical landsca pe of Malaysia has changed with the emergence of numerous mega-projects. The most notabl e of these projects are the Petronas Twin Towers. Dr. Mahathir had ruled Malaysia for 22 year until retiring in October 31st 2003 as one of Asia longest se rving Prime minister. Throughout his term in office, Dr. Mahathir turned Ma laysia into a regional high-tec h manufacturing, financial, and telecommunication center through hi s economic policies based on corporate nationalism. Dr. M., often dubbed as the Lee Kuan Yew of Ma laysia, is credited with leading the phenomenal growth of the Ma laysian economy, now one of the largest and most powerful states in South East Asia. Growth between 1988 and 1997 averaged over ten percent and living standards rose twenty-fold, with poverty almost eradicated and social indicators such as literacy leve ls and infant mortalit y rates becoming on par 93


94 with developed countries. During this period, Mahathir embarked on various large scale national projects, such as: The Petronas Twin Tower, the tallest twin towers in the world, a representational icon of modern Malaysia; The North-South Highway, along the west coast of Malaysia; The Multimedia Corridor, a mega project der ived from Silicon Valley concept of the USA to enable Malaysia's endeavor into information technology (it includes Malaysia's new administrative center, Putr ajayawhich is the reason for this thesis), Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLI A) south of Kuala Lumpur, Asian largest airport, The reconstruction of Ma laysia education system, The Perwaja Steel project, Olympic-class stadium in Bukit Jalil, Port of Tanjung Pelepas, Proton car, the national car company, Astro, the nations satellit e television and Asias largest internet search engine; and many more. After 52 years as an independent nation, Malaysia is now on its way to transform itself from a third word country into a developed nation by 2020 as set out by its government during the si xth Malaysia Plan (1991-1995), known as Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020).


APPENDIX B. KUALA LUMPUR AND THE KLMA Kuala Lumpur, Malaysias Megacity In Malay, Malaysias official language, Malaysia capital city, Kuala Lumpur, literally means muddy confluence or muddy jetty. The name wa s derived from its physical location the confluence of the Klang and Go mbak Rivers (Bunnell, et al, 2002). Kuala Lumpur has geographic coordinates : 3 10 N, 101 42 E with the time standard of UTC+8 (13 hours ahead of Washington, DC duri ng Standard Time). Kuala Lumpur was established in 1850s after tin, the countrys major export metal during colonial era, was found nearby on the Klang Valley. Thanks to t he flourishing tin mines, Kuala Lumpur soon became a trade post and attracted scores of immigrants to the valley; mostly among them were the Chinese. Rubber plantations and palm-oil estates sprung up around KL, owing to the flat plain and favorable climate of Klang Valley. Within 40 years, Kuala Lumpur had been recognized as the frontier town of the Peninsula; it became the capital town of the Selango St ate in 1880, and in July 1896, Kuala Lumpur was chosen as the administrative center of the newly formed Federated Malay States (FMS). It was also the seat of the British Resident General with jurisdiction over all other Residents within the FMS prior to t he Mederka (independence) in 1957 (Andaya and Andaya, 2001). Kuala Lumpur was achieved city status in1972 and two years later became a Federal Territory on February 1st 1974 after the Sultan of Selango ceded the 243 square kilometers of the city to the Federal Government (Bunnell et al., 2002). The centralization of federally polit ical authority within Kuala Lumpur has transformed this Capital City from a trading to wn to a primate city of the country and became an emerging node of the network of global cities. Ever since its inception, Kuala 95


Lumpur had been seen as a Chinese town, despite the Malay presence in civil services; by 1891, Kuala Lumpur recorded a population of 43,785, with 79% were Chinese (King, 2008). At the time of Independence Kuala Lum pur was a town of some 316,230 people, plus over 100,000 distributed across its adjoining settlements. The considerable majority was Chinese and the local ec onomy was Chinese-dominated. Since the independence, Kuala Lumpur has to manage several waves of rural-urban migrants, mostly Malay. The ethnically proportion eventually balanced between the Malay and the Chinese over the next decades. According to the latest Malaysia Census of 2000, the Bumiputra (a term widely used in Malaysi a to embrace the Malay and its indigenous people, the Osang Asli) was composed 38% of Kuala Lumpur population, where the Chinese at 43%, along with t he Indian at 10% (Malaysia, 200 0). Whereas the Malay has held most political powers, the Chinese still represents a significant force on the citys economic. The ethnic disturbances of May 1996, begun in Kuala Lumpur and spreaded to the entire country until 1970, were the result of this (Andaya & Andaya, 2001). After Independence, no task was more urgent than to energize the Malays claim to the national capital and thereby the nati on (King, 2008). Government building project such as the Parliament House, Ministry complexes, National Museum, National Mosque and iconic monuments were built in an unprecedented speed. The Kuala Lumpur Structure plan of 1984 marked a significant Malay rural-urban migration. Thousands of housing units were developed along with new infrastructure and the second wave of erecting governmental buildings. Kuala Lumpur became the global city. Shat kin (2007) pointed out the cross-nation similarities in patterns of urban development to build the tallest building, the sleekest rail 96


system, (and/) or the most impr essive airport, in an effort to draw attention to their global linkages. Kuala Lumpur was not an exc eption, with the Petronas Twin towers once the world tallest building structure and st ill retains the title in the twin towers category, the flashy rail systems and the expensive modern airport Kuala Lumpur International Airport. While Kuala Lumpur quickl y transformed itself from a trading town into a global commercial hub, the Kland va lley surrounding the city also was also erasing its images of agriculture and mi ning and joining the urbanization frenzy. There is no evidence to claim that Kuala Lumpur was carefully planned, but rather the self expansion of the city over its ex istence. The morphology of Kuala Lumpur is an unending labyrinth without order axes or recognizable gr id. Professor and author Ross King (2008) observed Kuala Lumpur is a city of great landmarks, but they constantly disappear and reappear as the roads twist. Base on the research of Reyner Banham in his book Los Angeles: Architecture of the four Ecologies pub lished in 1973, King (2008) saw Kuala Lumpur as the city with three ecologies. The first is the dense, s eemingly opaque, horizont al labyrinth of the Chinese towns; the second is the loose, dispersed space of kampongthe Malay traditional settlement, linked in both its structure and its imagery to a Malay rural world. And, the third is the expansive, hierarchically ordered, administrative town from which the British were formally departing and to which the Malays, or at least their elite, were to lay claim. These differentiated ecolog ies along with the ethnical dispersion and maybe the distinctive architectu res compose the sense of diffe rentiated identities to the city. Among the dominant Malay-Chinese mix is the characteristic of the Indian community. The Indians are t he smallest of the three major communities in Kuala 97


Lumpur, with neither the politic al power of the Malays nor the economic dominance of the Chinese. Consequently they are often overlooked and considered to be adapters to the other two. Like other Southeast Asia metropolises, Kuala Lumpur does not have a concentrated city center or downtown as modern western cities especially those in North American. This capital city consists of a diversity of nodes of differing functions and significances. Kuala Lumpur City Center (KLCC) and Kuala Lumpur Sentral (Malay for Central) are two of those nodes but wit hout the meaning their names implied. KLCC with its indoor shopping mall at ground level and the adjacent Convention Center is hardly a center for its resident s, but as an iconic center often visited by tourist and usually crowded only on holidays and events at the convent ion center. KL Sentral on the other hand, is the city transport interc hange for four separate urban rail systems: the KLIA Ekspres, the KTM (National Railways) Komuter, the PUTRA LRT (Light Rail Transit) and the KL Monorail (like the PUTRA LRT, elevated above the citys street system). The 1984 Structure Plan was put in pl ace not only to combat housing shortage and improve the aging infrastructure syst ems, but not without the agenda to enhance the doctrine of the Malay bangsa: to take ownership of which had been dominated by the Chinese. As Kuala Lumpur proceeds with its gl obalization, once-dominant traditional Chinese shop-houses were replaced by m odern department stores and flashy megamalls crowding interchanges of highways and ma jor streets. Or, one can say that these shop-houses have transformed themselves into mixed-use skyscrapers, with retails and offices on the lower floors and residential abo ve. Kuala Lumpur today possesses one of 98


the better skylights in the world. According to Emporis.com, KL skyline ranks 17 in the world, 2 spots better than Miamis and a good 21 points more than that of Los Angeles. The congestion and flooding saw little of impr oving, if not increased at the turn of the 20th century. King (2008) observ ed that something has to move out. The something, it was decided should be the Federal Governm ent administration. I would ague that the move is not to release KL with current pr oblems, but to eventually build a new a new capital that purely Malay, the option that c an never be achieved in the Chinese influent Kuala Lumpur. Today, with the em erging of Putrajay a, Kuala Lumpur is still the country capital with its parliament and figurative King Palace, but most of government departments are promptly occupi ed and operated in the Administ rative center Putrajaya. It can be safe to say that it is a matter of ti me that Putrajaya can retain the full function of a capital city as it was designed. Kuala Lumpur Metropolitan Area (KLMA) Like many of the metropolises in North America, the Kuala Lumpur Metropolitan Area (KLMA) is a sprawling region combined by many cities and townships mostly developed within recent decades. The industrialization and urbanization of the Klang Valley along with the populati on exploded led to the est ablishment of many urban centers. The rural-urban transformations were often easily facilitated thanks to the massive sizes of rubber and oil palm plantat ions previously existed within the vast valley. The population growth of Kuala Lumpur in the later hal f of the twentieth century led to a series of expansion of the city, new townships and planned community mushroomed horizontally on all direction of Kuala Lumpur. Over 40 new town and urban centers including, Bangsa, Petaling Jaya, Bandar Tun Razak, Wangsa Maju, Shah Alam (new capital of Selango state a fter given up Kuala Lumpur to the Federal 99

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government in 1974), Bangi and Subang Jaya (Dasimah, 2001). The expansion of Kuala Lumpur Metropolitan Area, however, (B unnell et al. 2002) was without diluting the significant of the Federal Territory, but reaffirmed Kuala Lumpurs nation centrality, thanks to the concentration of governmental services and economic focus in Kuala Lumpur. One of Kuala Lumpur Metropolitan Areas fo rmer crowns is Petaling Jaya, which was planned and developed in the 1950s, model ed after the Britishs Abercrombie (King, 2008: 71). Built as a planned city west of Kuala Lumpur along the route of the railway and road down the Sungai Klang Valley, Petaling Jaya is now engulfed by Kuala Lumpur as a capitals precinct rather t han an independent satellite city as it was designed to be. Bukit Bintang, Bangsa, Buki t Tunku, areas once less desired of Kuala Lumpur are now transformed into upper class to wnships thanks to scarcity of available land and the modern highway systems combined wit h the efficient train networks. Onto the 1990s, Kuala Lumpur became the mega city of Malaysia in terms of size and economic power. Kuala Lumpur also became one of the most important metropolises in Southeast Asia. The Kuala Lumpur Metropolitan Area today has stretched westward to Klang Port and southward beyond the Klang Valley to the Sepang region to engulf the Kuala Lumpur International Airport completed in 1998. The decade of 1991-2000 was considered the breaking-point for this most important metr opolis. Driving on the successful of the Petronas Twin-tower s, the Malaysia government, under the premiership of Dr. Mahathir st arted a series of mega-projec ts in Supang adjacent to the Klang Valley: The Kuala Lumpur Internationa l Airport (1992), Administrative capital 100

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Putrajaya (1994), Information technology c entral city Cyberjaya (1994), which later combined into the gigantic Multimedi a Super Corridor (MSC) in 1996. KLMA today is a brawl region combini ng all of the Kland Valley and the Sepang district. Besides being the home of Malaysia most important terri tories in term of political influences, but also the nucleus of the count rys economy in the globalization age. The centralization of the most important seaport, airport and t he majorities of modern-age industries makes this region a employment m agnet for its country me n. This region now is home of an estimated inhabitants of ov er 8 millions people (World Gazetteer, 2010). This figure represents the expl osion of population, almost twice of that a decade ago. Chart of KLMA population growth. KLMA Population Growth0 1,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 4,000,000 5,000,000 6,000,000 7,000,000 8,000,000 9,000,000 Census 1991 Census 2000 Calculation 2010 Population Figure B-1. KLMA population growth. Author. This phenomenal population growth, the result of its continuing role of dominating industrial, commercial and service industry in Malaysia (Wahab, 1990) is seeing no sign 101

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102 of slowing down. Dr. Mahathi r, in his speech on August 29th 1995, projected that this KLMA region would one day become one mega-city that can be compared to centers like Tokyo-Yokohama of Japan.

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APPENDIX C. THE MULTIMEDIA SUPPER CORRIDOR Wawasan 2020 In 1991, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, who began his third term as the country Prime Minister, formed the Malaysian Bu siness Council with himself as the sitting chairman. At the inaugural ceremony of the Council in Kuala Lumpur on February 1991, Dr. Mahathir presented the paper titled Malaysia, the Way Fo rward. The main purpose of this paper was to sell to the Malaysian his administrations vision for the country in the year 2020. Called Wawasan 2020, or Visi on 2020, the Prime Minister M ahathir set out the future course of Malaysia: to transform Malaysi a from a third world country into an industrialized and developed country within 30 years. At the very second paragraph of the paper Mahathir Mohamad (1991) asserted: Hopefully, the Malaysian who is born today and in the years to come will be the last generation of our citi zens who will be living in a country that is called 'developing'. The ultimate objective that we should aim for is a Malaysia that is a fully developed country by the year 2020. Figure C-1. The Vision 2020, Author. Along with the argument that Malaysi a economy could no longer rely on traditional exports of raw ma terials, Dr. Mahathir also emphasized Malaysian then 103

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economic weakness: narrow manufacturi ng base and its dependency on imported components. He firmly stated that Malaysi a needed to develop a competitive economy that was able to produce a growth rate of 7% per year and sustained for the next 30 years. Dr. Mahathir also c onfirmed his administration commitment both in terms of policies and monetary to tr ansforming the economy. The information technology (IT) and later engulfed in the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) had been identified as key sector to realize the Vision 2020. Dr. Mahathir (1991, p. 20) charged: In the information age that we are living in, the Malaysian society must be information-rich. It can be no accident that there is today no wealthy, developed country that is info rmation-poor and no information-rich country that is poor and undeveloped. Since then t he government of Malaysia has emphasized the importance of IT for the countrys economic development and has implement several policies for a more effective and effi cient economy. In orde r for the country to become a developed country by 2020, the Malaysian gover nment has taken strong initiative and introduced a strategic policy pa ckage which officially incorporated into the Six Malaysia Plan, the five-year peri od of 1991 and 1995 (Nakagawa, 2000, Aslam 2000). However, a bold policy and necessary infrastructure and environment for the development of ICT were developed duri ng the Seven Malaysia Plan (1996-2000). According to the research of Roger Harris (2002), the MSC arose out of the proposal made to the Prime Minister of the time Dr Mohamad Mahathir and the National Information Technology Council by the international consultant firm McKinsey & Company. The proposal asserted that t he nations development strategy, which targeted manufacturing, imposed a ceiling on potential Gross Domestic Product (GDP) 104

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far below that which was envisaged by t he Wawasan 2020. By developing information industries and by leapfrogging into the Inform ation Age, Malaysias GDP potential would be greatly enhanced, along with achievement of the countrys development target. McKinsey also indicated that Malaysia could attain world status in multimedia industries within five years through carefully planned strategies and urgent action, thereby transforming itself into a know ledge-based society and harnessing the power of information as a springboard for socio-econom ic advancement (Harris, 2002). From the outset, the conceptualization of the MSC wa s transnational. The Malaysias government set up an International Advisory Panel compri sed of an impressive list of the worlds leading IT experts, consultants and academ ic to advise the Malaysian government on strategic issues. Bill Gates, chairman and CEO of Microsoft, is one of the Panel members, who have met privately on several occasions with Dr. Mahathir to advise him on the development and implem entation of the MSC. Other luminaries such as Louis Gerstner of IBM, Gilbert Amelio of Apple, Sir Peter Bonfield of Bristish Telecom, and Noboru Miawaki of Nippon telegraph and Tel ephone are among 41 that made up the panel (Mee, 2002). Please see the Appendix B for a complete list of this International Advise Panel. The Malaysia Government also recognized its important role in this endeavor; the major player in developing the world-class IT and telecommunications infrastructure. The government could not rely on private i ndustries and investors to come up with such massive investment which did not guarantee i mmediate return. As a result, the Malaysia government under the premiers hip of Dr. Mahathir created and developed the multibillion dollar urban mega-proj ect called the Multimedia S uper Corridor. In August 1st, 105

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1996 the government had initia ted and established the Mu ltimedia Super Corridor (MSC) in the Klang Valley south Kuala Lumpur and subsequently formed the Multimedia Development Corporation (MDC) to manage the project (Aslam, 2000). The initiative of the MSC came with two major ambitions: The first is to transform the Malaysi a economy from one of manufacturing and primary commodities to software and services. The second is to create an inviting envir onment for global ICT fi rms to use as their regional head-quarters and test -bed. And, as a result the MSC is to become the mechanism for highly competitive cluster of home-grown ICT companies that can become world-class overtime (Zainuddin, 1997, cited in Bunnell, 2002). Dr. Mohamad Arif Nun, the first CEO of the MDC, the gove rnment controlled corporation that operated the MS C, offered the two visions of the MSC. Firstly the MSC would serve as a regional hub in a borderless world, for the co-ordi nation and support of global manufacturing. Second ly, the MSC would be the c enter for development of multimedia products and services, with a parti cular focus on Asian market (Mee, 2002). Dr. Arif went on to express his optimist about the direction of t he MSC as the test-bed for the future reorganization of Malaysia society. It is a precinct where futuristic information technology products and services can be trialed before extended throughout Malaysia (Mee, 2002). Regional Planning, the MSC Geographically, the Multimedi a Super Corridor is a 15km by 50km immediately south of Kuala Lumpur. The MSC is symbolically framed by two gateways: the Petronas Twin towers and the Kuala Lumpur International Airport at its southern end. The MSC is a project spanning over 20 years, which envisions Malaysia achieving leadership in the Information Ag e. The project comprises three phases: 106

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Phase I includes attracting world-class co mpanies to set up their operations in the MSC, launching of seven flagship applic ations including el ectronic government and telemedicine, as well as the estab lishment of the two intelligent cities, Putrajaya and Cyberjaya; Phase II concentrates on creating networ ks between the MSC and other clusters in the country, attracting more companies and implementation of further flacship operations; Phase III will see the culmination of Ma laysia as a knowledge-based society, a home for a large number of multimedia companies, with a host of cities linked to the global information super highway (R amasamy, Chakrabar ty, & Cheah, 2003). Thanks to the vast amount of fund prov ided by the national petroleum company, Petronas, and the government ability to draw f unds from it. The developing of the MSC from the onset has been in an unprecedented speed. The role of the government in the development and growth is expansive. The pr imary role has been in setting policies for the development of the MSC, its companies and its required resources. This includes various incentive plans, which include faci litation in the setting up and operations of MSC companies. As clearly stated in the MSC official website ( http://www.msc.com.my ), the government has institut ed various incentives for MSC status companies backed by 10 Bills of Guarantee. Financial incentives A five year exemption fr om the Malaysian Income ta x, and renewable to 10 years or a 100% Investment Tax Allowance, Duty free importation of multimedia equipment Eligibility for R&D grants for majo rity Malaysian owned MSC companies, Freedom to source capital globally for MSC infrastructure development (access to funds globally is restricted to applicant s with MSC status located within the MSC boundaries). Non-financial incentives 107

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Unrestricted employment of foreign know ledge workers for applications with MSC status irrespective of location Freedom of ownership for businesses withi n the MSC while companies outside the MSC boundaries with MSC status have to ab ide by the 30% Bumiputera (local Malays) participation rule, Intellectual property protection and compr ehensive framework of cyber laws to be enjoyed by MSC status companies irrespective to location, The provision of world class physical, IT, and telecommunications infrastructure, Complete Internet access, free of censorship, High quality planned urban development s including a breen environment, R&D facilities The premier support services provider in the MSC is the Multimedia development Corporation (MDC), a gover nment owned corporation established in 1996 to systematically oversee the im plementation and the development of the MSC. It serves as a one-stop center for companies applying for MSC status. It provides the MSC companies with client services in addressing the unique conc erns of these companies in areas such as training and developing of the workforce, legal advice, grants and other funds as well as issues relating to licenses and approval for various business activities. It also facilitates the collaborations between local and international companies; oversee the development of flagshi p applications, sets up incubation centers and the infrastructure that provides venture capita l and public listings for smaller companies. It also plays a very important role in the impl ementation of the Bills of Guarantees of the MSC, the development and updating of Cyber laws and policy formulation of the MSC set up. The Malaysian Venture Capital Management (MAVCAP) was established to lead the governments efforts in encouraging star t-ups. The government set up a venture capital fund of around RM500 million annually for venture companies involved in ICT. 108

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These funds are available at zero interest rate for durations up to 10 years (Ramasamy et al., 2003). With Kuala Lumpur city adjacent to t he MSC, and the short commuting distance between clusters dues to excellent road and tr ain networks, MSC firms are able to avail themselves to the legal, financ ial and corporate infrastructure in existence within the city center. Transportation net works within the MSC have been enhanced by road linkages in the form of the KL Seremban Highway, t he North-South Central Expressway Link, the South Klang Valley Expressway and the Da mansara Puchong Expressway. Railways and light rail transit system which had pl anned and developed since 1991 provide an alternate means of transportation connec ting all sector of the MSC and regions surrounded. Malaysia largest port, Port Klang is also located within 40km of the core of the MSC. Below is the description of the Malaysia Government of the MSC: The Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) is a gift from the Ma laysian government. A gift to technology developers and users s eeking to deliver high-value multimedia services and products to customers acro ss an economically vibrant Asia and the World, to Malaysians wanting their country to prosper, and to neighboring countries aspiring to partner with technology hub. The MSC will be the first place in the wo rld to bring together all elements needed to create an environment t hat engenders truly mutual enrichment for all kinds of IT/multimedia companies. The MSC will bring toget her four key elements: 1. A leading-edge soft infrastructure, in cluding highly attractive incentives, unrestricted import of foregn knowle dge workers, the worlds first comprehensive framework of cybe r-law, worlds first Multimedia Convergence Act, and a sharper fo cus on multimedia education. 109

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2. A world-class IT network cons isting of a high-speed backbone, and the most cost-competitive telecommuni cation tariffs offered to MSC companies. 3. The Multimedia Development Corpor ation as a high-powered, one-stop shop that is empowered to ensure that companies interested in the MSC get what they need to succeed by pr oviding information and advice on the MSC, and assisting in expediti ng permit and license approvals. 4. A top-quality development in Cybe rjaya, Malaysias first major MSCdesignated Cybercity designed from the ground up. Malaysia welcomes the advent of the In formation Age with it s promise of a new world order where information, ideas, people, goods and services move across borders in the most cost-e ffective and liberal ways. As traditional boundaries disappear, and as companies, capital, consumers, communications and cultures become trul y global, new approaches and attitudes to business are required. Malaysia upholds the virtures of the new world order, believing that the globe is collectively movi ng towards a century of the world, a century of world-wide peace and s hared prosperity among nations. The Malaysia government back up these claims by the ten-point Bill of Guarantees and the amenities in the MSC zone: 100% digital fiber-optic back-bone (by 1998): 2.5-10 Gigabits per second (Gbps) High-speed fiber-optic links to the rest of the country Fiber-optic links to Asian, J apan, the EU and USA: 5 Gbps Menara KL (Kuala Lumpur Tower)Asia s tallest telecommunication tower. Kuala Lumpur International Airpor t (KLIA)Asias largest airport Kuala Lumpur City Center (KLIA) with the Petronas Twin Iowers IT cities with a minimum populat ion of 16,000 of knowledge workers 110

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South Klang Valley Expressway, Putr ajaya Urban Motorway, and North-South Central Link Highway Express rail Link (ERL), a committed ra il alignment linking KLIA, Putrajaya, Cyberjaya and the KL Sentral Station in Kuala Lumpur within 29 minutes. World-class academic institutions c apable of providing a steady stream of knowledge workers. The MSC is the brainchild of the forme r Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed and his administration (Ramasamy et al ., 2003). The MSC can be seen as the urbanization/modernization of the vast area between Kuala Lum pur and the Kuala Lumpur International Airport. This urban area is developed as a test bed based in the IT/ICT to advance Malaysia in to the Information Age. The development of the MSC vision is carri ed out in three phases as indicated in below diagrams. Figure C-1. MSCs development strategy. Author. The strategy for the first phase of MSC vision was to build the Kuala Lumpur International Airport 50 kilometer south of Kuala Lumpur City Center (KLCC), upgrade and build the transportation systems to link the two spots, and subsequently build 111

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CyberJaya, PutraJaya and Industrial Park in between. In the planni ng perspective, the MSC is subdivided into seven planning areas as outlined below: KLIA Kuala Lumpur International Airport Airport City, Putrajaya, Cyberjaya, Cyber Village, Tele-Suburbs, Research and Development C entre and High Tech Parks. Of the seven components above, The KLIA, Putrajaya and Cyberjaya were developed prior to the MSC master-plan and incorporated into the grand scheme in 1996. Kuala Lumpur Internati onal Airport and Cyberjaya ar e the two most important apparatus of the MSC. Kuala Lumpur International Airport In order to globalizing Ma laysia, a starting point had to be in place. For all purposes, Kuala Lumpur, the feder al territory, was the best local point the country had to offer. Kuala Lumpur, through gained recogni tion worldwide with the completion of the Petronas twin tower in 1988, was still stu ck with an outdated gateway, the small Subang airport built in the colonial time. K uala Lumpur was sandwiched between the two prominent transportation and business hubs; Bangkok, Thailand and the city-state Singapore. The modernization of the north-s outh rail and tolled highway systems linking Singapore and Thailand, strat egically passed through Kuala Lumpur were helping to reposition its thriving economic hub at t he regional scale. Both Changi airport (Singapore) and Don Mang (Thailand) have been popular airports connecting the East and the West. To become a global city with t he capability to compete internationally, a new international airport had to be added to Kuala Lumpur. In 1991 a 10,000 hectare 112

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track some 70 kilometers south of Kual a Lumpur City Center was purchased and started to develop the now Ku ala Lumpur International Airport in 1992 (Bunnell et al., 2002). Designed by world renowned Japanese ar chitect Kisho Kurokawa, the KLIA is often boasted as a spectacular feat of c onstruction, combined fu turistic technology, Malaysian culture and the rich, tropical splendor of its natu ral resources. In 1998 KLIA was officially replaced Subang as the airpor t of the capital city.The new mega airport, completed with the latest technology and stateof-the-art facilities, aims at providing maximum passenger safety, comfort and conv enience. It is unique because it has within its boundaries all that are needed for business, entertainment and relaxation. In short, KLIA is a destination in itself. The selection of the new airport site was made following site selection studies which required several pr imary criteria to be me t. Requirements included: Sufficient land size for expansion Potential for access time from Kuala Lumpur within 30 minutes Strategic location near major towns in the Klang Valley Satisfaction of aeronautical requirements Suitability of infrastructure Minimal adverse impact on social and environmental issues The airport is built on 10,000 hectares (25,000 acres one of the world's largest construction sites) or 100 sq. km. of agricul ture land once thick with rubber and palm oil plantations which makes it one of the largest airport sites in the world. The master plan for the airport was conduc ted by one of Malaysia top firm Akitek Jururancang (Malaysia) Sdn Bhd (AJM). KLIA was completed in four and a half years with round-the-clock construction work (making it the fastest airport ever built ) undertaken by an international workforce of 25,000 people (largest number of workers for a Malaysian proj ect) at a cost of about 113

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US$3.5bn and commenced full commercial operat ions on June 28, 1998. The large size of land designated for the airpor t would allow the airport to expand as needed to meet present and future air traffic demands. From the air, the KLIA loo ks like a futuristic structure hidden in a remote jungle. Encircling the airport is a tropical forest. More than a million trees and shrubs are transplanted both within and out side the large Passenger Terminal Complex, according to the airport management authorities. With a rambling roof resembling white Bedouin tents, the five-level KLIA boasts the world' s tallest air-traffic control tower, the biggest columnless hangar, the longest baggage conveyor belt system, biggest passenger lounge and the capacity for 25 million people a year. The airport has a Made-inMalaysia, RM24 million Olympex flight information display system. (Department of Civil Aviation Malaysia, www.dcaklia.gov.my). Malaysia is home to the world's oldest tropica l rain forests. The KLIA is therefore often described as the "airport in the forest, forest in the airport", so flexuous would be the boundaries between the physical structur e of the airport and its green ambience. Every effort has been made to create a homely airport with a serene environment combined with high technology attractions. Nature and greenery will be part of the airport in line with the airport in the forest and forest in the airport concept. The natural environs of the airport will be transformed to functions and ac tivities that continue to enhance nature. The architecture of all the new facilities will maximize the use of the forest concept and imagery with strategic locations designed with high standards of environmental performance in mind. The abundant forest areas are to be preserved and 114

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transformed into an environment park containing recreational facilities. There will also be a golf course within the limit s of the airport reserve. Cyberjaya The World' s Intelligent City Conceptualized as a model intelligent city of the world, Cyberjaya is the nucleus of Malaysia's strategic vision for the new economy, the Mult imedia Super Corridor (MSC). Spanning an area of about 28.94 square kilometers (7,000 acres), Figure C-2. Diagram of Cyberjaya. Author. 115

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The development of Cyberjaya, and the MS C more generally, is governed by the Multimedia Development Corpor ation (MDC) which also locates its headquarter here. Cyberjaya is the twin city of Putrajaya but has a completely different function as its name implied. Modeled after t he famed Silicon Valley of the United States of America, Cyberjaya is developed to be t he technopole not only for Mala ysia but also for the Asia region (Bunnell, 2002, Bunnell & Coe, 2005). The central theme for the development is providing a quantum jump in standards, summarized as follows: a leading edge multimedia centre that will attract world-class multimedia/IT companies; sophisticated and state-of-t he-art integrated infrastruc ture and IT system; and sophisticated and efficient transportation systems with an emphasis on public transport The development of Cyberjaya has been going at a rapid pace. World class IT infrastructure, such as a fiber-optic net work, has already been laid. Major roads have been built, giving residents easy access to nearby cities. The Express Rail Link that connects KL Central and KLIA stops in Putrajaya which also has bus connecting to Cyberjaya. Since its inception, a host of world-class companies had chose Cyberjaya as their regional center: the London-based HSBC, Ericsson, Fujitsu, DHL, Shell, Standard Chartered, Nokia, Hewlett-Packark and Intel were among the first (King, 2008). The MDC estimates that around 500 IT and multimedia companies will be located in Cyberjaya by the year 2020. By the end of 2007, over 400 companies were taken residency in Cyberjaya. Most major companies are oper ating from their very own buildings, some established 116

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their footings within single tenancy building, while smalle r companies operate from the office buildings that have already been completed such as Century Square. Figure C-3. MSC companies as of 2006. Source: MDEC (2008). The population target for Cyberjaya is 240,000 with about 90,000 concentrate in the citys CBD. However the take-up residential pace of Cyberjaya has been slow due to many factors: the unestablished urban atmosphere, availa bility of affordable housing, the relatively distance to Kuala Lumpur combined with the conveniences of transportation systems, and most importantly the economic cris is of the late 1990s and 2008. As of the summer of 2008, my second vi sit to the city, Cyberjaya claimed to have a day population of over 30,000, but that number would fall to one-third of that amount as night fall. Cyberjaya has not achieved its intended township image, but more like an industrial park under construction. The to wn is car-dependent, straight architecture, shade-less and unlimited of r ed scars from the earth in vacant sites. 117

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Some of the facilities that have al ready been completed and operated in Cyberjaya during the first development phase, 1995-2011: Multimedia University (MMU), Lim Kok Wing University Coll ege of Creative Technology, Century Square office blocks, MDC headquarters, Cyberview Lodge Resort and Spa, Several Enterprise Buidlings, A smart school (K 12), CyberJaya Transport Terminal, Cyberpark, CyberJaya Central Incubator CyberJaya Mall. Many other facilities are being planned and promoted such as a sports complex, Tele-Medicine Center and an 18-hole Golf Cour se to be entered into construction phase scheduled in 2011. The rest of the MSC components; Airpor t City, Cyber Village, Tele-Suburbs and High-Tech Parks for Research and Developm ent have being under construction at vary stages. 118

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LIST OF REFERENCES Aalen, F. H. A. (1992) English Origins. In Ward S. V. (ed.) Garden Cities: Past, Present, and Future Pp 28-51. London: R outledge Publisher. Andaya, B. W., & Andaya, L. Y. (2001). A History of Malaysia (2nd Ed.). Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Asgari, B. & Yuan, W. (2007) Depicting t he Technology and Econom ic Development of Modern Malaysia. Asian Journal of Technology Innovation, 15 (1), 167-193. Aslam, M. (2007) Information and Communication Technology and Economic Development in Malaysia. In Kurihara, Y. Takaya, S., Harui, H., & Kamae, H. (Eds) Information technology and economic Development (pp 46-58). London: Idea Group Inc. (IGI) Publisher. Architecture Malaysia (2005). Project Clarification: the Or iginal Competition Masterplan for Putrajaya. Kuala Lumpur: Pertubuhan Malaysia (PAM)/ Malaysia Institute of Architects. Architecture Malaysia (2006). Putrajaya Boulevard & Waterfront. Kuala Lumpur: Pertubuhan Malaysia (PAM)/ Malaysi a Institute of Architects. Bunnell, T. (2002) Multimedia Utopia? A Geographical Critique of High-Tech Development in Malaysias Multimedia Super Corridor Antipode, 34 (2), 265295. Bunnell, T., Barter, P. A. & Morshidi, S. (2002) City Profile Kuala Lumpur metropolitan area: A globalizing city-region, Cities 19 (5), 357-370. Campbell, S. (2000) The Changing Role and I dentity of Capital Citie s in the Global Era. Paper presented at the Association of American Geographers Annual Meeting, Pittsburgh, PA April 4-8, 2000. Retr ieved on December 2009 from http://wwwpersonal.umich.edu/~sdcamp/AAG2000.html Castells, M. (1990) The Informational City. London: Basil Blackwell. Colombijin, P. (2005) Kuala Lumpur and Sin gapore, High Hope versus a Low Profile. In Nas, P. (ed.) Directors of Urban Changes in Asia. London: Routledge. Pp. 96112. Dasimah, O. (2001) New Town Development and the Q uality of Life in Malaysia, paper presented at the Sixth Southeast Asia Geographers SEAGA 6 Conference, Bangi, 12-15 November. Emerson, R. (1964). Malaysia Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press. Fishman, R. (2005) urban Utopias: Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright, and Le Corbusier. In Campbell, S. and Fainstein, S. (ed.) Readings in Planning Theory Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Gatsiounis, I. (2006) Malaysias Distant 2020 Vision. Asia Times Online Retrieved Oct. 2008 from http://www.atimes.com/atimes/ Southeast_Asia/HH16Ae01.html 119

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Geographia, (2009) Malaysia Retrieved August 2009 from: http://www.geographia.com/malaysia/malaysiahistory.htm. Gottmann, J. and Harper, R. A. (1990) Since Megalopolis: The Urban Writings of Jean Gottmann. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Gullick, J. M. (1963) Malaya New York: Frederick A. Frager Publisher. Hall, P. (2002) Cities of Tomorrow (3rd ed.) Malden, MA: Bl ackwell Publishing. Harris, R. (2002) Malaysia's Multimedia Supe r Corridor: An Experiment in Employing Information and Communication Technologi es for National Development. In Palvia, P. & Roche, E. (eds.) Global Information Tech nology and Electronic Commerce. Marietta, Georgia: Ivy League Publishing. Pp 28-54. Hershovitz, L. (1993) Tiananmen S quare and the Politics of Place, Political Geography 12 pp. 395-420. Quoted in Ho (2005-2006). Ho, C. S. (2006) Putrajaya-Administrative Center of Malaysia-Planning Concept and Implementation. Paper present at Expert Group Conference at Sung Kyun Kwan University Seoul on Novemeber 16th 2006. Retrived Feb. 2010 from: http://eprints.utm.my/6622/1/HoChinSiong2006_PutrajayaAdministrativeCentreOfMalaysia.pdf. Ho, K. C. (2005-2006) Globalization and Southeast Asian Capital Cities. Pacific Affair 74 (4) pp. 535-541 Holland, L. (2001) Birth of a City. Far Eastern Economic Review 164 (18), pp. 61-62. Howard, E. (1902) Garden Cities of To-morrow London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., Ltd. Jebasingam, I. J. (2006) Creating the Essence of Citie s: the Planning and Development of Malaysias new Federal Admini strative Capital, Putrajaya. Putrajaya: City Planning Department, Putrajaya Corporation. Korff, R (1996). Global and Local Spheres: the Diversity of Southeast Asian Urbanism Sojourn 11. Pp. 288-313. Quoted in Ho (2005-2006). P. 538. King, R. (2007) Re-writing the City: Putrajaya as Representation. Journal of Urban design, 12 (1). Pp. 117-138. King, R. (2008) Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya: Negot iating Urban Space in Malaysia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Lay, M. C. and Yap, S. F. (2004) Technology Development in Malaysia and the Newly Industrializing Economies: A comparative Analysis. The Asian-Pacific Development Journal, 11 (2), 1-14. Lepawsky, J. (2005) Stories of Space and Subjectivity in Planning the Multimedia Super Corridor Geoforum, 36 Pp. 705-719. Malaysia (2009) Offical website of the Ma laysias government. Retrieved December 2009 from http://www.malaysia.gov.my/EN/Main/MsianGov/ 120

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Mahathir Mohamad (1991) Malaysia, the Way Forward paper presented at inaugural meeting of the Malaysia Business C ouncil, Kuala Lumpur, Feb. 28 1991. Retrieved Jun. 2007 from: http://www.digitalibrary.my/dmdocument s/malaysiakini/007_malaysia_the%20wa y%20forward.pdf Mahathir Mohamad (1996) Putrajaya Speech Cited in Jebasingam (2006). Mauzy, D. K., M ilne, R.S. (2002). Singapore Politics under the People's Action Party London: Routledge Publisher. Mee, W. (2002). Malaysias Multimedia Technopole: a Nationalist Response to Globalism and Post-Industrialism. In Bunnell, T., Barbara, L. Drummond, W., & Ho, K. C. (Eds) Critical Reflections on Cities in Southeast Asia Boston, MA: Brill Academic Publisher. Pp 54-74. Miller, H. (1965). A Short History of Malaysia. New York: Frederick A. Praeger Inc., Publishers. Nakagawa, R. (2007) IT Prom otion Policies for Economic Development: The Case of Malaysia. In Kurihara, Y., Takaya, S., Harui, H., & Kamae, H. (Eds) Information Technology and Economic Development. Pp 31-45. London: Idea Group Reference (IGI Global) Purcel, V. (1965). Malaysia. London: Thanes & Hudson. Perbadanan Putrajaya (1997 ) PutrajayaReview of the Master Plan Cited in Ho (2006). Perbadanan Putrajaya (1999) Putrajaya Wetland. Perbadanan Putrajay July 1999. Perbadanan Putrajaya (2008). Hard copy of Putrajaya Master Plan, Acquired from Perbadanan Putrajaya on August, 2008. Ramasamy, B., Chakrabarty, Cheah, M. (2003). Malaysias Leap into the Future: an Evaluation of the Multimedia Super Corridor. Technovation, 24 (11), 871-883. Reid, A. (2001) Understading Melayu (Malay) as a Source of Diverse Modern Identities. Journal of Southern Asian Studies, 32 (3) pp. 295-313. Salleh, G. & Choguill, C. ( 1992) New Towns in Rural R egions: a Case Study from Malaysia. Cities, 9 (2), 138-149 Shatkin, G. (2005) Colonial Capital, Moderni st Capital, Global Capital: The Changing Political Symbolism of Urban Space in Metro Manila, the Philippines, Pacific Affairs, Winter 2005-2006, 78 (4), pp. 577-600. Sutcliffe, A. (1993) Capital Cities: Does Form Follow Function? In Taylor, J. G. Lengell, J. G. and Andrew, C. (eds) Capital Cities / Les Capitales: Perspectives Internationales / International Perspectives. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. Rajuddin M. R. ((2005) Malaysian Architecture: Crisis within. Kuala Lumpur: Utasan Publication & Distributors. Tregonning, K. G. (1957). World History for Malayans. London: University of London Press. 121

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122 Tregonning, K. G. (1964) A History of Modern Malaya. New York: David McKay Company, Inc., Publishers. Vicziany, M. & Pu teh, M. (2004) Vision 2020, the Multim edia Super Corridor and Malaysian Universities paper presented at the 15th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Austra lia in Canberra, Jun. 29-Jul. 2. Yin, R. K. (2003) (3rd ed.) Case Study Research: Design and Methods London: Sage Publication Inc. Wahab, I. B. (1990) Urban Transport in Kuala Lumpur, Cities, 7 (3), 236-243. Wee, V. (2003) Vision 2020 and Enhance Com petitiveness. Retrieved September 2 2008 from: http://www.epu.gov.my/html/themes/ epu/images/common/pdf /papers/Vision%20 Competitiveness.pdf. Winstedt, R.(1953 ). Malaya and its History London: Hutchinsons University library Press. Additional internet sources: BBC (2003) Profile: Mahathir Moham ad. Retrieve Dec. 2008 from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/h i/asia-pacific/2059518.stm Country Watch. (2009) Malaysia Retrieved October 20th 2009 from http://0www.countrywatch.com.iii.ocls.info/cw_default.aspx CIA fact book. (2009). Malaysia Retrieved October 20th 2009 from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/my.html#top The Bujang Valley Archaeological Museum (2007). Sri Vijaya map Retrieved October 26th 2007 http://www.southeastasianarchaeology.com/2007/10/26/bujang-valleyarchaeological-museum/ World Gazeter (2010) Malaysia Metropolitan Areas Retrieved Jan. 2010 from http://www.worldgazetteer.com/wg.php?x=1160302510&men=gcis&lng=en&des=gamelan&dat=3 2&srt=pnan&col=ohdq&pt=a&va=&geo=-152 World Bank (2010) Malaysian Economic Mornitor, Repossition for Growth. Retrieved from www.worldbank.org/my on January 2010

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Vincent Levu Tran was born in Vietnam in 1971. He is the eldest boy in the family of two boys and a girl. Immediately after graduating high school in 1989, he entered the University of Architecture in Saigon, the capital city of former South Vietnam. In 1994, he was given a chance to migrate to the Unit ed States of America, one month short of his graduation. He gained admission to the Univ ersity of Florida in 2004, College of Design, Construction and Planning, School of Architecture, and subsequently awarded both the bachelor degree and master degree in architecture here in 2007 and 2008 respectively. During the same period, he also worked on his concurrency degree, the Master of Art in Urban and Regional Planning. Vincent is happily married to Van Anh, hi s wife of 19 years. Together they have two son, Dzuy (Kevin) and Khoi (Ryan). 123