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Thirty Years After a Tree-Planting Project

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041653/00001

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Title: Thirty Years After a Tree-Planting Project A Political Ecology Perspective on Behavior and Land Changes in Rural Haiti
Physical Description: 1 online resource (165 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Tarter, Andrew
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: anthropology, deforestation, ecology, environment, haiti, haitian, political, reforestation, tree
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Haitians continue to experience mutually interacting human and ecological crises related to widespread deforestation. In this thesis, the history of Haiti s deforestation is examined using a political ecology approach. Such an approach examines politically-induced processes of deforestation at various spatial and temporal scales. Tree-planting is seen by ecologists and anthropologists as one method of simultaneously ameliorating human misery and preventing further ecological damage in Haiti. Most previous large-scale tree-planting projects in Haiti have failed. One project designed and vetted by cultural anthropologists achieved notable success. Most evaluations of this project are overarching and broad, and measure success primarily in the number of trees planted or in the number of individuals participating. Less common are site-specific outcome-evaluations that provide more qualitative assessments of the project, contextualized through time and space. Therefore, this thesis is a site-specific outcome-evaluation of this earlier tree-planting project, some 30 years after the initial seedlings were delivered.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Andrew Tarter.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Murray, Gerald F.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041653:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041653/00001

Material Information

Title: Thirty Years After a Tree-Planting Project A Political Ecology Perspective on Behavior and Land Changes in Rural Haiti
Physical Description: 1 online resource (165 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Tarter, Andrew
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: anthropology, deforestation, ecology, environment, haiti, haitian, political, reforestation, tree
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, M.A.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: Haitians continue to experience mutually interacting human and ecological crises related to widespread deforestation. In this thesis, the history of Haiti s deforestation is examined using a political ecology approach. Such an approach examines politically-induced processes of deforestation at various spatial and temporal scales. Tree-planting is seen by ecologists and anthropologists as one method of simultaneously ameliorating human misery and preventing further ecological damage in Haiti. Most previous large-scale tree-planting projects in Haiti have failed. One project designed and vetted by cultural anthropologists achieved notable success. Most evaluations of this project are overarching and broad, and measure success primarily in the number of trees planted or in the number of individuals participating. Less common are site-specific outcome-evaluations that provide more qualitative assessments of the project, contextualized through time and space. Therefore, this thesis is a site-specific outcome-evaluation of this earlier tree-planting project, some 30 years after the initial seedlings were delivered.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Andrew Tarter.
Thesis: Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Murray, Gerald F.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041653:00001


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THIRTY YEARS AFTER A TREE-PLANTING PROJECT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY
PERSPECTIVE ON BEHAVIOR AND LAND CHANGES IN RURAL HAITI
















By

ANDREW TARTER


A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

2010

































2010 Andrew Tarter
































To my family, the Tarters, who love Haiti









ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

All steps in the course of a lifetime lead to the present moment, and my case is no

exception; many people have helped me arrive to where I stand today. I would first like

to acknowledge the farmers of Fondeblan (Fond-des-Blancs), for their patience and for

the time they provided me to participate in these interviews. They graciously and

trustingly welcomed me, providing a unique window into their daily lives. Without them,

this research would not be possible, nor would it be meaningful. Special thanks are

also due Jean and Joy Thomas, for opening their home to me and insuring my well-

being during my stay in Fondeblan.

I also extend my sincere gratitude to the members of my advisory committee: Dr.

Gerald F. Murray, Dr. Michael Bannister, Dr. Willie Baber, and Dr. Peter Collings. The

chair of my committee, Dr. Murray, encouraged me to apply to the University of Florida,

and made me aware of funding to study Haitian Creole. He then championed my case,

helping tremendously in my acceptance to the department of anthropology and my

receipt of funding. Furthermore, Dr. Murray has continually provided sage advice and

encouragement related to my research and academic ambitions. Finally, none of this

research would be possible if Dr. Murray had not designed a tree-planting project that

continues to help Haitians to this day. Dr. Bannister has been most helpful on multiple

occasions, ranging from providing me with hard-to-find documents, to recommending

my research site and facilitating my preliminary contacts there. Dr. Baber helped me to

understand much about anthropological theory and methods, and helped inform the

structural blueprint for this thesis. Dr. Collings has been particularly resourceful in

assisting me to grow as a writer, offering excellent advice and suggestions for improving

the clarity and communication of my ideas.









Deep gratitude is extended to Haitian Creole professor, Dr. Benjamin

Hebblethwaite, who has become a good friend and a constant source of inspiration and

encouragement. Dr. Hebblethwaite taught me how to speak Creole, encouraged me to

teach Creole, and wrote a grant that contributed immensely to my ability to travel to

Haiti and conduct this research. Finally, Dr. Hebblethwaite has graciously

acknowledged me as a contributor on several forthcoming publications of which he was

the primary architect.

I wish to acknowledge the University of Florida's Center for Latin American Studies

and the U.S. Department of Education for providing me with two years of funding

through the Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) fellowship to study Haitian

Creole. I also wish to thank the University of Florida's College of Liberal Arts and

Sciences for additional funding through their Enhancing the Humanities Grant. This

grant, entitled The Haitian Creole Scrabble Project: Expanding the Tools of Literacy in

Haiti, was written by Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite and provided funding for many of the

travel costs associated with my research.

Special thanks are due to the other anthropologists involved in the tree-planting

project. Dr. Anthony Balzano conducted research in Fondeblan nearly 25 years prior to

my own research, providing rich comparative data. Dr. Balzano also took the time to

review this thesis and offered helpful comments and suggestions. Drs. Glenn Smucker

and Fredrick Conway, two anthropologists intimately involved in the tree-planting project

have also provided helpful documents and suggestions. I am very grateful for their help.









Many thanks are also due my family. My parents, Bill and Deborah, have always

believed in me and encouraged me to follow my dreams. My sister Cindy and my

brother Billy are the link to my past and the bridge to my future.

I would like to thank Nicole D'Errico, John Fort, and Caitlin Robertson for their

continued love and support. Nicole D'Errico was particularly helpful in the statistical

analysis of the data presented herein.

My friends and community from Olympia, Washington are not forgotten in the

many ways they have helped me to achieve this dream. They are people from a time

and place that will always remain close to my heart.









TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W LE D G M E N T S ......................................................................................... ... 4

LIST O F FIG U R ES ........................................................................................................ 12

A BSTRA CT ................................................................................................. ............... 14

CHAPTER

1 IN T R O D U C T IO N ............................................................................................. 16

A Long Personal Journey................. .. ... ....................... 16
A Brief Note on the Recent Earthquake in Haiti ................................... ............... 17
H aiti in 20 10 ........................................................................... ...... ....................... 18
P points of T heoretical D departure ........................................................... ............... 19
The State of Haiti's Ecology .......................................... ...... ............ ............... 19
Human Crises Related to Haiti's Ecological Devastation.................................... 20
Tree-Planting -A Commonly Proposed Solution................................................ 21
R research O objectives .................................................................... .............. 22
C chapter O outline ........................................................................................ 23

2 THEORY .................................................. ................. 25

Introduction............................................................ ....................... ............... 25
Early Attempts at Examining Human-Nature Interactions................................... 25
The Neo-evolutionary A pproach.................................................... ............... 25
C cultural E ecology .............. ............ ........................ ......................... 27
Deficiencies in both Neo-evolutionary and Cultural Ecology Approaches ........ 27
E co log ica l M ate ria lism ........................................................ ................ .. ......... 2 9
M urray's T heoretical C contribution ........................................................ ............... 30
P o litic a l E c o lo g y ........................................................... .. .......... .. ............. 3 1
Operationalizing Political Ecology as Applied in this Research ...................... 32
Levels of A analysis ......................................................................... .............. 33
Interdisciplinarity of this R research ....................................................... ............... 34
C o n c lu s io n ........................................................................................................... .. 3 4

3 LIT E R A T U R E R E V IE W .......................................... .......................... ............... 36

In tro d u c tio n ........................................................................................................ 3 6
A Brief H history of Deforestation in Haiti................................................ ............... 37
Colonial Politics and Policies Leading to Increased Deforestation ................. 38
P ost-colonial T ree-cutting ............................................................. .. .......... 40
Tree-cutting in the Early 20th century............................................ ............... 43
Deforestation in the Last Fifty Y ears ............................................. ............... 46
S u m m a ry ...................................................................................................... 5 1









Vulnerabilities Caused By Deforestation.............................................. ............... 52
Ecological Vulnerabilities .............................................................. .............. 52
Hum an Vulnerabilities ............................................. .. .. ............... 54
The Role of Trees in the Haitian Peasant Econom y ............................ ............... 56
F ru it ............................................................................................................. 5 6
C h a rc o a l ....................................................................................................... 5 7
Planks and Poles ................................................... ............... .............. 59
A Brief History of Tree-planting Projects in Haiti.................................. ............... 60
Early Tree-planting Projects .......................................................... ............... 61
Reasons for Previous Project Failures ........................................................... 62
Pwoje Pyebwa The Agroforestry Outreach Project and Agroforestry 2......... 63
Critiques of Pwoje Pyebwa............................................................ ............... 65
Fondeblan (Fond-des-blancs).............................................................. ............... 69
Geography and Dem ographics...................................................... ............... 70
History of Fondeblan ................. ................................ ..... ... ............... 71
Folk Etymological Origins of the Name Fondeblan/Fond-des-Blancs............. 71
E c o lo g y ......................................................................................................... .. 7 3
Culture and Society ..................................................................................... 76
Pwoje Pyebwa in Fondeblan ......................................................... ............... 79
Sum m ary of Literature Review ............................................................. ............... 83

4 M E T H O D S ........................................................................................................... .. 8 6

In tro d u c tio n ......................................................................................................... .. 8 6
M methodology ........................................................................................................... 86
Language Preparation ........................................................................ .............. 87
Selection of the Research Site............................................................. ............... 88
Form ulation of the Research Question ................................................ ............... 88
Form ation of Prelim inary Hypotheses.................................................. ............... 90
O objectives of Data Collection ..................................... ....................... ............... 90
S a m p le ............................................................................................................... 9 1
Data Collection ......................... ..... ... .......... ........... .............. 92
The Logic behind Targeting Heads-of-household.......................... ............... 92
Supplem enting Prim ary Interviews ................................................ ............... 93
Hiring a Research Assistant .......................................................... ............... 93
A Typical Day of Interview ing ........................................................ ............... 94
T o o ls U tiliz e d .................................................................................................... 9 5
Transcribing the Interviews............................................................ ............... 96
M ining the Data .. ................................................................... .............. 97
Analysis of Prim ary Data ..................................................................... .............. 97

5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIO N ............................................................ ............... 98

Introduction ........................ ............ .. ........ ........................... 98
A Q ualitative Assessm ent of Fondeblan In 2009 ................................. ............... 98
W hat the Data Suggest ..................................................................... .............. 100
The Farm ers ......................................................................................................... 102









A g e ................................................................................................................. 1 0 2
G e nde r .................................................................................... ............... 103
Rem ittances ....... ............................................... ........... ..... ............... 104
The Num ber of People per household...... .... ..................................... 104
C h ild re n ................................................................................... ............... 105
R e lig io n ................................................................................... ............... 10 5
W health ............................................................................ ..... ............... 110
E d u c a tio n ............... ........................................ ............................................... 1 1 1
Participation in Pwoje Pyebwa ..................................... 112
T h e L a n d ............................................................................................................... 1 1 3
L a n d O w n e rs h ip .............................. .............................................. ............... 1 1 3
Ownership of Multiple Land Parcels................................ 113
L a n d S iz e s ...................................................................................................... 1 1 3
S o il T y p e s ....................................................................................................... 1 1 6
Tree O w nership ....................................................................... ... ............... 116
Number of Different Trees on Land................................ 118
Ownership or Access to Rak Bwa ............... ... ........................ 120
Livelihood Strategies ........................................................................................ 123
A nim a ls ..................................................................................... ............... 12 3
C ro ps ....................................................................................... ............... 126
T re e s .............................................................................................................. 1 2 7
A groforestry ............................................................................................... 133
Livelihood ranking ..................................................................................... 134

6 C O N C LU S IO N S .............................................................................................. 139

Lessons Learned ............................................................................... ............... 139
Revisiting the Research O objectives .................................................. ............... 139
Revisiting the Theoretical Orientation of the Thesis .......................... ............... 139
Addressing the Research Objectives.................................. 140
R visiting the R research Q question .................................. .................. ............... 141
Reexamining the Hypotheses in Light of the Data Analysis ........................... 141
Variables of Unexpected Statistical Significance.......................................... 142
Assessing Behavior and Land Changes ....................................... 144

7 STEPS FORWARD AND FUTURE RESEARCH.......................................... 148

Future Tree-planting Projects in Fondeblan ....................................................... 148
Future Research in Fondeblan ................................ ............... ............... 149

APPENDIX

A DEFINITIONS OF VARIABLES ......................................... 151

B LOGISTIC REGRESSION AND CHI-SQUARE TESTS...................................... 154

LIST O F R EFER EN C ES ........................................................................................ 156









B IO G RA PH ICA L SKETC H ... .............................................................. ............... 165









LIST OF TABLES
Table page

4-1 Variables m measured in data collection ........................................... ............... 92









LIST OF FIGURES


Figure page

3-1 A traditional twa wbch dife (three rock fire)....................................... ............... 84

3-2 Photos of Pwoje Pyebwa nursery operations in Fondeblan, and a saw mill
that cam e years later ......................... ........................................................... 85

5-1 Photos of "rak bwa" in the hills surrounding Fondeblan................................ 99

5-2 The new and unfinished structure in the marketplace at Fondeblan, pictured
on the left in both photos. ....................... .................................................... 106

5-3 Age distributions in Fondeblan: (1) Actual Age Distribution with Normal Curve
from 2009; (2); Categorical Age Distribution, by percentage from 1985; and
(3) Categorical Age Distribution, by Percentage from 2009........................... 107

5-4 The average number of people per household from: (A) Balzano's sample,
1985; and (B) my sam ple, 2009...... ...... ...... ..................... 108

5-5 Different types of houses observed in Fondeblan.................. .................. 109

5-6 Distribution of soil types on farmers' land in Fondeblan, by percentage........ 117

5-7 Number of times 42 different documented tree species were named by
heads-of-households in Fondeblan. ...... ............................................ 121

5-8 An example of widely observed coppicing neem (Azadirachta indica) trees in
F o n d e b la n ......................................................................................................... 1 2 2

5-9 Number of times 11 different documented animals were named by heads-of-
households in Fondeblan. .............................................................. 124

5-10 The number of times 16 different documented crops were named by heads-
of-households in Fondeblan. ...... .......... ........... ..................... 128

5-11 Cedar (Cedrela odorata) volunteers placed in plastic bags for planting, by a
farm er in Fondeblan. .................................................................................. 130

5-12 The number of times eight different documented tree uses were named by
farm ers in Fondeblan ................................................... ................ .......... 132

5-13 Photographs of observed agroforestry practices in Fondeblan...................... 135

5-14 Farmers' rankings of average annual income derived from animals (A), crops
(C ), and trees (T )..................................................................................... 137









5-15 Charcoal in Fondeblan, by the side of the road, and in one of many trucks
that leave the area daily. ............................................................... 138









Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

THIRTY YEARS AFTER A TREE-PLANTING PROJECT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY
PERSPECTIVE ON BEHAVIOR AND LAND CHANGES IN RURAL HAITI

By

Andrew Tarter

August 2010

Chair: Gerald F. Murray
Major: Anthropology

Haitians continue to experience mutually interacting human and ecological crises

related to widespread deforestation. In this thesis, the history of Haiti's deforestation is

examined using a 'political ecology' approach. Such an approach examines politically-

induced processes of deforestation at various spatial and temporal scales. The political

component of the political ecology approach employed here is expanded to include

policies and development projects.

Tree-planting has been seen by both ecologists and anthropologists as one

method of simultaneously ameliorating human misery and preventing further ecological

damage in Haiti. Most previous large-scale tree-planting projects in Haiti have failed.

One project designed and vetted by cultural anthropologists achieved notable success.

Most evaluations of this project are overarching and broad, and measure success

primarily in the number of trees planted or in the number of individuals participating.

Less common are site-specific outcome-evaluations that provide more qualitative

assessments of the project, contextualized through time and space.

Therefore, this thesis is a site-specific outcome-evaluation of this earlier tree-

planting project, some 30 years after the initial seedlings were delivered. The research









presented here was generated in the exploratory stage of a larger research schedule.

Conclusions are drawn based on qualitative and quantitative data gathered from

interviews conducted over two months, during summer 2009. Data were gathered on a

series of cultural, socioeconomic, and ecological factors thought to influence continued

tree-planting. Preliminary hypotheses were generated based on an extensive literature

review and used as points of inquiry. Data were analyzed with SPSS.

The logistic regression indicated four variables of statistical significance correlated

with farmers' decisions to plant trees: (1) the number of different tree species already on

household land; (2) whether or not farmers participate in agroforestry practices; (3) the

number of different types of animals a household keeps; and (4) how trees rank in

overall household livelihood strategies. These variables and others are treated in a

mixed discussion and analysis format. Preliminary hypotheses are accepted or rejected

based on the analysis. Recommendations are made for both further research and future

tree project design in Haiti.









CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

A Long Personal Journey

This thesis represents the culmination of a long personal journey and the partial

fulfillment of a childhood dream. I was born in Haiti in 1978, the year after Dr. Gerald F.

Murray completed his dissertation on Haitian peasant land tenure, and the year before

he wrote a report that would become the theoretical backbone of the largest tree-

planting project in the history of the country. As the child of development workers in

Haiti in the 1970s, I was exposed to many different ideas about the contentious subject

of development. My own father's maverick thesis was on participatory communication

through an audio cassette program that he designed to "enable the Haitians in the

communities served by the project to participate in the planning and execution of

community development objectives that would bring them a better quality of life, by their

own measure" (Tarter 1985:2). I have always been proud of my father's modus

operandi of replacing the foreigners on his teams-and eventually himself-with

Haitians. Yet my father is a rare case, and through scholarship I also became aware of

questionable practices and policies in the development world.

Family trips between my birthplace of Okay1 (Les Cayes) and Haiti's capital city of

P6toprens (Port-au-Prince) profoundly impacted my childhood. Our family had some

loose roots in the Pacific Northwest-an area well known for its rich forests. The

juxtaposition of Haiti's ecological situation against the forests of Washington State led

early on to an unusual sense of distress and a desire to help with the situation.


1 Krey61 (Haitian Creole), the language of 90% of the population, is privileged over traditional French
location names throughout this thesis.









When I left Haiti around the age of 15, a childhood friend and I made a pact that

we would return to Haiti one day and try to contribute to the deforestation situation in a

positive way. Childhood dreams of reforesting Haiti slowly gave way to more pragmatic

approaches to a complex situation. I decided that education was my best bet toward

accomplishing something meaningful related to tree-planting in Haiti. I earned by BA

from the University of Washington's Program on the Environment-an interdisciplinary

program that uses the natural environment as an integrating context.

Several years later, disillusioned with academia and traveling through India, I

discovered Dr. Murray's writing on Pwoj6 Pyebwa2 (the Agroforestry Outreach Project).

I remember sitting in a small internet cafe on the banks of the Ganges River and

wondering how I had missed this project. I was fascinated by the idea of an

anthropological approach to reforestation in Haiti-applied anthropology. I wrote to Dr.

Murray and discovered more good news. I learned that Dr. Michael Bannister-a

forester who had worked for many years on the project-was also at the University of

Florida. The combined expertise of these gentlemen and my eventual receipt of a U.S.

Department of Education fellowship to study Kreybl (Haitian Creole) sealed the deal. I

moved to Florida and commenced the research that is presented in the following pages.

A Brief Note on the Recent Earthquake in Haiti

It is no overstatement to say that Haiti has experienced major changes since the

earthquake of early 2010. Much of this thesis was written before that time. Perhaps

more than ever before, development agencies involved in the process of "rebuilding"



2 Pwoje Pyebwa, Haitian Creole for "tree project," is used throughout this thesis to refer to the
Agroforestry Outreach Project. It is the name that most Haitians know the project by.









Haiti are at an ideological crossroads-they may chose to repeat the mistakes of the

past, or to learn from the few models which have been shown successful. The findings

presented in this thesis are not only salient but potentially applicable as the country

begins the long process of rebuilding. Although the earthquake is not the focus of this

thesis, nor does its occurrence negate any findings herein, it is mentioned from time to

time when applicable to the research presented in the following pages.

Haiti in 2010

At the close of the first decade of the new millennium, looking backward with the

hindsight afforded by the passage of time, it is clear that the lives of billions of people on

the planet continue to be impacted-and not always for the better-by the policies and

subsequent projects of large development agencies. In our hemisphere, Haiti has been

a major recipient of such projects.

What has become of Haiti-that small island nation commonly heralded for being

the site of a successful slave rebellion that led to the formation of the western

hemisphere's first independent black republic? In addition to receiving elevated

attention for its historical significance, Haiti's concurrent woes are widely lamented in

academic arenas and in the mainstream media. Newspapers and scholarly journal

articles, theses and dissertations, books, government reports, and publications from

nongovernmental organizations often begin their literature by labeling Haiti as the

poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. The case for this unfortunate label is

commonly made by citing Haiti's low gross domestic product, high rates of infant

morbidity and mortality, low rates of life expectancy, disease, illiteracy, malnutrition,

poverty, crime, political violence, out-migration, and a host of other indicators. This









representation of Haiti and essentialization of Haitians as "poor" ignores the many

riches of the country and the people.

Points of Theoretical Departure

Two discourses in particular are commonly evoked in ascribing root causes to

Haiti's current condition-politics and ecology. In the case of the former, emphasis has

been placed on Haiti's history of slavery and subsequent liberation, foreign

interventions, crippling debt, dictatorial and tyrannical oppression, insidious

development agendas, and more recently, glimmers of hope for inclusive democratic

governance. In the case of the latter, deforestation has been the most commonly noted,

with the Haitian peasant as the instigator. The mutual influences of ecology and politics

in the case of Haiti justifies why a political ecology3 approach is the primary point of

theoretical departure used in this research.

The State of Haiti's Ecology

Haiti, often portrayed as an environmental disaster, is fast-becoming the world's

poster child of a worst-case ecological scenario-a modern day Easter Island (Diamond

2005). It is commonly held that Haiti's ecological woes are tied to wide-scale loss of

vegetative cover and particularly tree loss (Lewis and Coffey 1985; Howard 1989;

Murray 1994). Some estimates place forest cover in Haiti at 3% or less (Diamond 2005;

Swartley and Toussaint 2006). Severe deforestation has contributed to related and

mutually influencing ecological and human crises. In the case of the nation's ecology,

massive deforestation has either fueled or added: (1) damage to riparian systems and

the soil-silting of unique coral reefs; (2) loss of endemic flora and fauna; (3) increased


3 The political ecology approach is elucidated in Chapter 2.









frequency of landslides; and (4) loss of valuable topsoil (Murray 1984; Howard 1998;

Swartley and Toussaint 2006; Smucker et al. 2007).

At the time of this research, it is as-of-yet uncertain whether the extent of the wide-

scale destruction caused by the 2010 earthquake in Haiti was exacerbated by earlier

deforestation or loss of vegetative cover. Certainly the trend to abandon the countryside

in favor of the capital city can be partially contributed to wide-scale deforestation that

rendered already weakened soils infertile. Multiple political processes also contributed

to urban-bound migration. The net result was an overcrowded capital at the time of the

earthquake.

The potential also exists that the earthquake has increased the likelihood of future

landslides, by loosening mountainsides in rural areas that have already been rendered

unstable by earlier deforestation. Future rainy seasons will provide an indication of the

extent to which the earthquake has affected the ecological situation.

Human Crises Related to Haiti's Ecological Devastation

The human crises connected to Haiti's ecological crisis are insidious, demanding

further explanation. In Haiti, approximately two-thirds of the population has traditionally

relied on cash-cropping as a primary livelihood strategy. Acknowledging accelerating

urban migration in Haiti during the last fifty years, the earthquake of 2010 appears to be

at least temporarily reversing this trend. Media outlets have issued reports of large

numbers of the capital population heading back to the Haitian countryside. Early

reports estimate as many as half a million Haitians have left P6toprens and its peri-

urban areas. Recent calls to the village where I this research was conducted suggest

that many households have doubled or tripled in size since the earthquake. Whether

this is a temporary phenomenon or a permanent one remains to be seen. Whatever the









eventual effect of the earthquake on internal migration, a recent estimate suggests that

a two-thirds ratio of Haitians living in rural areas and relying heavily on cash-cropping

still holds true (Verner and Egset 2006). Therefore, the loss of top-soil and the

degradation of agricultural lands caused by deforestation contribute to and are reflected

in: (1) malnutrition; (2) hunger; (3) increased poverty; (4) emigration; and (5) increased

vulnerability to tropical storms, hurricanes, and potentially earthquakes (Howard 1989;

Wilentz 1989; Catanese 1999; Cardenas 2008).

Tree-Planting A Commonly Proposed Solution

Many actors involved in Haiti-from ecologists to anthropologists-consider

projects aimed at curbing soil loss, implementing hillside stabilization measures, and

restoring and protecting watersheds as crucial components to addressing Haiti's related

human and ecological crises (Murray 1981, 1984; Bayard et al. 2005 Smucker et al.

2007). Unfortunately, well-intentioned efforts to help have often gone astray, as

evidenced by Haiti's nickname in some development circles as 'the graveyard of

development'-a place where development projects go to die. The history of failed

development projects in Haiti is far more often the result of both uninformed and

predatory policies developed by outside "experts" with little knowledge of the country

than the result of some condition inherent to Haiti itself.

A host of ecologically-oriented development projects have been tested in Haiti,

with many early approaches focused on soil conservation through reforestation. These

projects, failing to take into account key culture-specific considerations, have largely

failed. One tree-planting project in particular is reported to have been highly successful.

Designed and vetted by anthropologists, the Agroforestry Outreach Project, or Pwoje

Pyebwa was an agroforestry tree-planting project funded by the United States Agency









for International Development (USAID), implemented primarily by the Pan American

Development Organization (PADF) and CARE, and carried out through numerous

nongovernmental organizations (Murray and Bannister 2004). Operating under various

names, the project spanned a decade and involved an estimated one-third of the rural

Haitian population (Murray and Bannister 2004). It is widely considered the most

successful, large-scale tree-planting project in Haitian history.

Research Objectives

The research presented in this thesis was driven by three primary and

complementary objectives. Understanding these objectives requires some further

contextualization. One considerable criticism of Pwoje Pyebwa is that its success has

largely been measured by the number of household participants and/or the number of

tree seedlings distributed-by numbers served (Escobar 1991; Campbell 1994). Less

commonly presented are diachronic, site-specific outcome-evaluations of the project,

which depict changes to behavior in addition to ecological changes. Several reports on

the project, including specific case studies, surfaced approximately five years after

project commencement (Balzano 1986; Conway 1986b; Smucker 1988). Another

overarching, multi-site report was produced approximately 10 years after project

operations began (Smucker and Timyan 1995). Yet to the best of my knowledge, no

anthropological site-specific outcome-evaluations have been conducted over a longer

period of time. Therefore, the first objective of this research is to provide a

comprehensive and encompassing site-specific outcome-evaluation of Pwoje Pyebwa,

approximately 30 years after its commencement.

The second objective of this research is to contribute to the aging corpus of

anthropological literature on human-ecology patterns and relationships in Haiti. The









scarcity of scholarly undertaking on this subject in recent years is likely the result of a

combination of several factors, including long periods of perceived political instability

and the more recent yet pervasive fear of kidnapping on the part of some scholars. It is

possible that the earthquake of early 2010 will further exacerbate this gap. Therefore,

the second objective addresses this gap, albeit as a drop in the proverbial bucket.

The third and final objective of this research can be understood in the context of its

role as the exploratory stage within a larger research schedule. Thus, results from this

research inform and direct the forthcoming explanatory stage, which will culminate in

the doctoral dissertation of this researcher.

Chapter Outline

The structure of this thesis is simple; it contains seven chapters that proceed in

logical and traditional sequence. Chapter 1 introduced the problem, relevance, and the

context of the research presented in this thesis. Chapter 2 provides a brief history of

anthropological theories on human-nature interactions, and justifies the political ecology

framework under which this research was approached. Chapter 3 provides an in-depth

literature review, divided into five sections. First, the reader is introduced to the history

of tree-cutting in Haiti. Second, an examination is made of the ecological and human

crises related to this deforestation. Third, the history of reforestation projects that

attempted to address these crises are examined, along with reasons for their failures.

Fourth, Pwoje Pyebwa is discussed. Finally, the literature specific to the site examined

in this thesis is treated. Chapter 4 outlines the preliminary hypotheses (generated from

the literature and informed by the theoretical framework), justifies the sample

parameters, and describes the methods used for data collection and analysis. In

Chapter 5, data are analyzed and discussed. Chapter 6 draws conclusions from the









data-analysis, relates these conclusions to the preliminary hypotheses, and summarizes

the findings in relation to the entire thesis. Chapter 7 concludes this thesis by offering

steps forward for future research and providing suggestions for future tree-planting

projects in the area.









CHAPTER 2
THEORY

Introduction

This chapter provides a diachronic view of some of anthropology's influential

human-nature ideas of the 20th century. While making no claims to be comprehensive,

it is nevertheless inclusive of some of the most influential ideas and paradigms put forth.

Through what is largely an historical homage, the reader will become aware of the

disadvantages and ultimately the reasons for rejecting the earlier approaches. Overall,

this chapter should leave the reader with a clearer understanding of the theoretical

approaches employed and how these approaches inform the critical examinations in the

subsequent chapters and conclusion of this thesis.

Early Attempts at Examining Human-Nature Interactions

Within anthropology, some of the earliest attempts at examining the relationships

between humans and their natural surroundings emerged out of the mid-20th century

neo-evolutionary school of thought. Two pioneers of the neo-evolutionary human-nature

approach were Leslie White and Julian Steward, though their approaches were notably

different. White's approach is referred to from here on as the "neo-evolutionary

approach," which viewed cultures as proceeding universally through a series of stages

related to their ability to subdue nature for the purpose of harnessing energy. Steward's

more culture-specific and comparative approach, which he called "multi-linear

evolution," spawned the school of thought called "cultural ecology."

The Neo-evolutionary Approach

At the heart of White's and Steward's notably different approaches to human-

nature investigations is the idea that the ability to harness energy is the key requisite for









cultural change. According to White, cultural change occurs through the transmission-

or the development-of technologies that allow for greater harnessing of energy (White

1943). White suggests of history that "with greatly augmented energy resources man

was able to expand and develop his way of life, i.e., his culture" (White 1943:236).

Thus, culture advances as people acquire methods and develop mechanisms to

harness the potential energy laying dormant in nature. Furthermore, cultures at similar

stages of energy acquisition are likely to exhibit similar qualities. In his famous essay

on energy and the evolution of culture, White used examples such as the introduction of

an ax, the development of animal husbandry, the introduction of agriculture via the

domestication of plants, and the harnessing of atomic energy in describing what he

viewed as progressively upward changes to culture through improved technologies that

subdue nature for the purpose of procuring energy (White 1943).

By way of this brief explanation, it becomes apparent that White's neo-evolutionary

approach is overly simple and ill-informed with its claims to universality. While it puts

forth some concepts that may still be useful, it assumes a hierarchy of evolution that

favors cultures with access to high levels of technology and the means to harness

energy. Finally, White conceptualizes "culture" in the singular-as something which

certain people have more or less of, instead of "cultures" in the plural-reflecting the

diversity of human arrangements and expressions. Understood in its historical context,

it is presented here as a relic of early anthropological attempts toward understanding

human-nature relationships.









Cultural Ecology

While White believed in a progressive, universal, technology-driven evolution of

culture, Julian Steward is distinguished by his belief that there is instructive value in

comparing how different cultures react to their environments and their technologies in

different ways:

The concept of cultural ecology... is less concerned with the origin and
diffusion of technologies than with the fact that they may be used differently
and entail different social arrangements in each environment. The
environment is not only permissive or prohibitive with respect to these
technologies, but special local features may require social adaptations
which have far-reaching consequences. (Steward 1990:38)

The comparison of these locale-specific environmental adaptations formed the core of

Steward's over-arching theory, which he called "multilinear evolution" (Steward 1990).

Going a step further than White, Steward recognized the mutual influences of

technology, institutions, and the environment working together to create cultural

changes.

Deficiencies in both Neo-evolutionary and Cultural Ecology Approaches

In common, both the neo-evolutionary and cultural ecology approaches fall short

of properly addressing modern human-nature situations, because both are deficient in

regard to two important variables: (1) ecological changes; and (2) external

interventions-in forms ranging from projects as different as colonialism to

development. It is worth briefly examining these two deficiencies in both of these

approaches.

In the case of the neo-evolutionary approach, White acknowledged the potential

influence of ecological change, yet rejected it as a factor for consideration when he

stated that "no two habitats are alike; every habitat varies in time. Yet, in the study of









culture as a whole, we may regard the factor of habitat as a constant" (White 1943:230).

Following suit, Steward appears to allow the relegation of the natural environment to a

constant when he states, "Since in any given environment, culture may develop through

a succession of very unlike periods, it is sometimes pointed out that environment, the

constant, obviously has no relationship to cultural type" (Steward 1990:42). Such

dismissal of ecological change over time-relegating nature to a constant-seriously

weakens the applicability of either approach to this research. It is now well known that

all ecosystems are in states of flux. Nature, like culture, is not static. The problem is

further compounded when we consider the fact that Haiti has undergone what some

would term rapid ecological change-namely massive deforestation and the resultant

myriad of associated ecological problems outlined in the introductory chapter of this

thesis.

In the case of the latter deficiency, Steward appears to acknowledge the effects of

outside interventions, at least in the form of colonialism, though not in the form of

development:

[I]t makes a great deal of difference whether a community consists of
hunters and gatherers who subsist independently by their own efforts or
whether it is an outpost of a wealthy nation, which exploits local mineral
wealth and is sustained by railroads, ships, or airplanes. (Steward 1990:39)

Here Steward seems to concede that his theory works best in what can only now be

considered a hypothetical scenario. That is, while a cultural ecology approach might

have worked well for a culture long-situated within an unchanging ecosystem and little

affected by large outside influences, such cultures no longer exist-if they ever did in

the first place. The far-reaching effects of changes to the global climate, and the

process of globalization well illustrate the deficiencies of the traditional cultural ecology









approach were it to be attempted today. As both approaches are found to be deficient

for the two reasons just outlined, I turn to examine other human-nature approaches

offered by anthropology in the 20th century.

Ecological Materialism

The earliest approaches viewed nature as a constant-either to be harnessed for

energy, or as a static contributor to the shaping of cultures. Neither gave full

consideration to the influence of outside interventions. The latter half of the 20th

century saw the emergence of ecological materialism as a new model for examining

human-nature relationships. Drawing strongly on cultural materialism, the ecological

materialist approach took important steps toward including the environmental as a

contributing, changing, and malleable factor in human-nature interactions.

In essence, the ecological materialist approach seeks to explain certain

sociocultural structures by eliciting their human-ecological functions. One example is

Marvin Harris's "The Cultural Ecology of India's Sacred Cattle" (Harris 1966). His title is

perhaps a misnomer-this work represents a clear departure from earlier cultural

ecology approaches, and can perhaps be considered an 'ecological materialist

approach.' In this essay, Harris convincingly argues that the sacred cow phenomenon

of India is not due to Hindu spiritual strictures against bovine consumption, but instead

is simply reflected in the religion because of the sociocultural and techno-economic

benefits to not killing cattle (Harris 1966). Here, cattle are viewed as both a technology

affecting the overall ecosystem, and also as ecological component in and of

themselves. Thus, Harris suggests that Hindu culture-influenced by a techno-

economic function-affects components of the Indian subcontinent's over-arching









ecosystem. This is a departure from traditional cultural ecology, which employed a one-

way street model of nature acting on culture.

Thus, a particular strength of the ecological materialist approach is that it

transcends earlier ideas of nature as an undifferentiated and unchanging force that acts

on cultures. Instead, it views nature as an 'eco-system' that can be differentiated into

component parts, which in turn can be analyzed, eliciting relationships that influence

and are influenced by human technologies and sociocultural activities. In this thesis,

the ecological materialist perspective is employed for its structural-functional strengths

in interpreting the results of this research. Nevertheless, with its primary emphasis on

structure and function, the ecological materialist approach tends to neglect giving equal

weight to the influence of outside interventions-colonial or developmental-on both

ecology and culture.

Murray's Theoretical Contribution

I view Murray's unique theoretical contribution as situated at the crossroads of an

'ecological materialism' and the then-newly-emerging 'political ecology' approach

(Murray 1987). Murray suggested a 'domestication of wood' process at work in Haiti,

similar to the process whereby humans domesticated crops. In this scenario, wood is

domesticated and grown as a cash crop. Murray expanded on components of this

theory in other publications (Murray 1991; Murray 1997). In Murray's theoretical

contribution, one sees vestiges of earlier theories (such as White's and Steward's

harnessing of energy) with strong undertones of structural functionalism and cultural

materialism. Finally, Murray takes special care to highlight historical and political

contributions to the current state of Haiti's ecological situation.









Political Ecology

The political ecology model is currently employed within a variety of disciplines,

though the term first surfaced in the academic literature considerably later in the

second-half of 20th century, when introduced by anthropologist Eric Wolf (Wolf 1972).

While the term "political ecology" started with Wolf-an anthropologist heavily

influenced by the cultural ecology school of thought-the model as currently used in

anthropology is clearly distinguishable from cultural ecology. Namely, it attempts to

include politics as a force for equal consideration at multiple levels of analysis.

Interestingly, Wolf acknowledged the influence of interventions years before he used the

term "political ecology," when he stated that "...the people now under anthropological

scrutiny are in continuous interaction and communication with other social groups" (Wolf

1972:310). This acknowledgement is in line with the discipline's gradual turn toward

Marxist-influenced critiques during the 1970s and 1980s.

As politics and ecology are the most commonly evoked discourses ascribing the

root cause of Haiti's related ecological and human crises, it is naturally fitting for a

political ecology model to be used as the primary theoretical point of departure in this

thesis. Such an approach is complementary to the interdisciplinary nature of this

research, which draws on insights from both the social and the natural sciences. The

political ecology approach is further fitting because this thesis is presented as an

outcome-evaluation of an ecology-related project in a country with a long history of

political interventions, and based on a policy (read politics) developed by an

anthropologist. Heavily influenced by Marxist thought, this approach may be viewed as

a marriage between political economy and ecological materialist perspectives. Thus, it









acknowledges the multiple and mutual influences of politics, economy, ecology, society

and culture in an iterative process, with each affecting the others.

Operationalizing Political Ecology as Applied in this Research

Because the political ecology approach is applied somewhat differently in various

disciplines, and is defined differently by various individuals, it is essential to define the

term for the purposes of this research.

In this thesis, the political component of the political ecology model is expanded to

include: (1) exerted political power; (2) policies; and (3) development projects-often

informed by policies that are politically-mandated. Here, some clarification is needed.

'Exerted political power' is extended to include colonialism, foreign occupation, foreign

and national governmental meddling, and other similar interventions. 'Policies' is a

category meant to be inclusive of national and international government positioning,

such as migration and immigration policies, land reform policies, aid policies, embargo

policies and similar policies. 'Development projects' are many in kind and scope, but

here the term is limited to ecological restoration projects. More specifically, a tree-

planting project that emphasized the tree as a cash crop is examined here. Certainly

there are overlaps between these categories, and they are disaggregated here simply to

illustrate the breadth the category is meant to include. Together, all three types of

interventions are referred to collectively from here on as "politics." This is particularly

fitting in the case of Haiti, because as one anthropologist recently pointed out, the

Kreyol work politik means both "policy" and "politics" (Schuller 2009).

The 'ecology' component here is distinguished from a view of nature as an

undifferentiated whole, and is viewed instead as a system which can be analyzed both









for its component parts and the sum of its parts. Human beings represent a particular

challenge, as they are uniquely part of the ecological, social, cultural, economic and

political components of this model.

Levels of Analysis

In traditional political ecology approaches, analysis happens at multiple levels-

household, local, regional, national, and international. A comprehensive multi-level

analysis is beyond the scope of this thesis. Here, the literature review is limited to

examinations of how larger political processes at the international and national levels

have historically affected Haiti's ecology, economy, society, and culture at a much lower

level. Policy developments are examined primarily at the national level for similar

effects. The project component (Pwoje Pyebwa) is first briefly examined at the national

level, and later examined for its effects at local and household levels. The data

collected are site-specific, and therefore validity is strongest at the household and local

levels. It should also be noted that Haiti has another rung of analysis that might be

considered in other political ecology approaches:

In rural Haiti there is another social unit below the level of the village but
above the level of the household. This unit is referred to as the lakou, best
translated as "compound." The compound is generally composed of the
houses of elder parents and their married children who have decided not to
build houses elsewhere. (Murray 1981:3)

Therefore, in the case of rural Haiti, the layers of analysis in an application of the

political ecology model should consider the lakou (compound) level. This point is

revisited in further detail in the methods chapter of this thesis. In summary, while the

literature review attempts a multiple-level political ecology analysis, the highest level to

which the conclusions and recommendations of this thesis are applicable is at the local

level, and subsequent levels directly below-lakou and household.









Interdisciplinarity of this Research

This MA research was conducted through the interdisciplinary track offered by the

department of anthropology at the University of Florida. Departmental policy stipulates

that students pursuing the interdisciplinary route must take courses within another

program or department. Furthermore, departmental policy requires a faculty member

from the second program or department to sit as a member on the student advisory

committee. In line with my interest in trees, ecology, conservation, and restoration, I

chose to take graduate-level courses offered by the University of Florida's School of

Forest Resources and Conservation (SFRC). For the interdisciplinary member of my

advisory council, I recruited Dr. Michael Bannister. Dr. Bannister currently works in

SFRC and spent many years working on Pwoje Pyebwa in Haiti. Dr. Bannister made

the first delivery of seedlings to my research site.

Departmental policy further states that of the 30 credits required for the M.A., nine

must be taken within the secondary department. Thus, approximately one-third of

courses taken for this MA are SFRC courses. These requirements were met by taking

SFRC seminars on agroforestry, community forest management, and forestry field-

methods. Such courses helped inform the ecological considerations of this thesis.

Conclusion

A successful approach to examining human-nature interactions needs to

recognize the mutual influence of a variety of forces at play in the modern world. Such

forces include ecological changes, politics, and the effects of human societies and

cultures. In this thesis, I employ a political ecology approach. This approach has been

presented as an effective marriage between political economy and ecological

materialism. Ecological materialism has been defined, and its focus on structural-









functional examinations has been highlighted as its particular strength to be exploited

for this research. This research is interdisciplinary, drawing on coursework from the

School of Forest Resources and Conservation to inform the ecological components of

the political ecology approach.









CHAPTER 3

LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

Much has been written about the deforestation of Haiti. The available literature

on the subject can be conceptualized as falling into five broad categories: (1) reports

and analyses commissioned by governments; (2) reports and analyses by bi-lateral and

multilateral aid and development entities; (3) individually produced university theses and

dissertations; (4) publications in natural and social science scholarly journals; and (5)

historical accounts. The lion's share of literature pertaining to Pwoje Pyebwa and to the

research site in this thesis lies within the first, second and third categories. Thus, their

predominance in my literature review is not a matter of privileging particular

perspectives, but of pragmatics-it is a reflection of what was available to me at the

time of this research. I treat literature from the third, fourth, and fifth categories in both

tracing the history of deforestation and in detailing current country-wide ecological and

socioeconomic conditions.

In examining literature pertaining to deforestation in Haiti through a political

ecology lens, I begin by treating the highest rungs of analysis-international and

national. I conclude by treating the lowest rungs of analysis, examining the literature

specific to the research site-local, lakou (compound), and household. This downward,

rung by rung approach will bring the reader from the far to the near, contextualizing the

research site as a specific place in time. Thus, the outcome of Pwoje Pyebwa at this

particular site can be viewed as shaped and influenced by an overarching series of

historical and political events.









The far-to-near approach employed here starts with a brief history of political

contributions to the deforestation of Haiti, through four distinct eras. After I bring the

reader up to the current era, I examine the major vulnerabilities related to deforestation

and experienced by Haitians. Next, I highlight literature that addresses the important

role of trees in the Haitian peasant economy. Then, previous tree-planting projects are

discussed, focusing on those factors which led to their wide-spread failure. I follow with

a brief treatment of Pwoje Pyebwa, and end with the literature related to Fondeblan-

the site of the research presented in this thesis.

A Brief History of Deforestation in Haiti

Traditionally, most authors have succumbed to the cliche of beginning their

writing on Haiti by highlighting that the nation retains only 2% of its original forest cover.

Equally cliche is the tendency to chalk up Haiti's deforestation principally to the actions

of rural Haitian farmers, who have cut trees either for agricultural purposes or for the

creation of charcoal (e.g., Klein 1945; Hosier and Bernstein 1992; Van der Plas 2007).

This approach is a vast over-simplification of a long deforestation process that has

spanned five centuries. It has been noted that this tendency to overlook the history of

the political contributions to Haiti's deforestation is widespread (Murray 1991; Lindskog

1998). While Haitian farmer-driven activities have certainly contributed to the island's

deforestation, many areas of forests were cut in the 300 years prior to the slave revolt

that resulted in the creation of the Haitian Republic. Other major epochs of tree-cutting

occurred in the years that followed the Haitian revolution, due primarily to policies forced

upon the fledgling Haitian Government. Deforestation in Haiti continues into the current

decade of the new millennium.









In addressing the tendency to over-simplify Haiti's deforestation, I focus on several

key political events in the history of Haiti which contributed to deforestation. I make no

claims to provide a comprehensive historical account. The purpose of this approach is

simply to highlight the role of politics in the process. Likewise, I address current farmer-

driven tree-cutting by framing it within the history of larger political processes at play,

rather than dismissing it as the collective proceedings of an ecologically unaware

peasantry. These objectives are accomplished by a reframing of Haitian history into the

following four epochs which reflect key deforestation events induced by key political

events: (1) the colonial era; (2) the post-colonial era; (3) the early 20th century; and (4)

the last fifty years.

Colonial Politics and Policies Leading to Increased Deforestation

Historical and political developments and their consequent effects on Haiti's

ecology have been many. The parameters of this thesis prevent a thorough and detailed

examination of the colonial period, which spanned nearly three centuries. Instead,

several key developments related to tree-cutting in this period are examined. To begin

with, it should be noted that the first hundred years after Columbus did not result in

massive tree-cutting operations:

Spain and Spanish interests turned away from Hispaniola only a few
decades after Columbus had reached the island and focused upon
mainland America. Large parts of Hispaniola were left virtually unexploited
during most of the 16th century with only a few coastal settlements (mainly
on the southern coast) which had been established during the first years of
colonisation [sic]. The western part of Hispaniola [modern day Haiti]
therefore remained without significant colonial settlements until the end of
the 16th century and the first decades of the 17th century. However, it was
not until the 1660s that the population started to show a significant increase
through emigration from France as well as from the African slave trade.
(Lindskog 1998:73)









Thus, it was not until the latter part of the 17th century that major changes to

Haiti's ecosystems4 began. This is in line with a world-wide trend, whereby various

colonial governments enacted policies and actions that constituted a drive toward land

clearing and tree-cutting. In particular, the intensification of 18th-century agricultural

activities in the Caribbean played a chief roll in deforestation (Lindskog 1998; Moya

Pons 2007). Frank Moya Pons, a widely-respected Caribbean historian makes this

point succinctly:

One of the consequences of the establishment of the new agricultural
colonies of the Caribbean islands was the gradual replacement of natural
vegetation with domesticated crops. Former jungle and savannas were
converted into sugarcane fields or pastures, while in drier areas, tobacco
fields alternated with cotton. (2007:95)

In addition to these lower elevation crops, trees were cut to provide fuel to cook sugar

cane, and in the higher elevations trees were cleared to grow coffee (Catanese 1999).

Added to the colonial agricultural factor were wood extractive practices, aimed at

providing timber for European markets. "[A]ll of those French ships that brought slaves

to Haiti returned to Europe with cargoes of Haitian timber" (Diamond 2005:340).

During the colonial period, several different policies were adopted by the colony's

governor in an effort to slow tree-cutting (Lindskog 1998). These policies experienced

some success, as Lindskog reports that "from at least as early as 1740 wood was

regularly imported from the American mainland" (1998:76). The effectiveness of these

policies in the long term is questionable, as "huge areas of the colony continued to be

deforested until the end of the French colonial era" (1998:76).




4 Here I disaggregate humans from nature, though recognizing the mass extermination of the indigenous
people living on the island.









In summary, the time between Columbus and first half of the 17th century saw little

forest-exploitation in what is modern day Haiti. The 18th century saw the most

aggressive land-clearing and tree cutting during the colonial period, as various political

powers vied for fertile lands to meet agricultural demands from the external export

market. Countless other political processes and policies affected the process of

deforestation during the colonial period, but are beyond the scope of this thesis.

Post-colonial Tree-cutting

The beginning of the 19th century saw the establishment of an independent

Haitian republic, headed by Jean-Jacques Dessalines. However, independence did not

halt the process of deforestation that Haiti was undergoing. Just a few years after the

founding of the Haitian republic, several major state-level political events contributed to

major increases in the cutting of Haiti's forests.

One such increase started in 1804 when Dessalines, ruling by decree, enacted a

policy that prohibited land transactions of any sort (Moya Pons 2007). Dessalines hoped

to continue the plantation system enacted under the French. He proceeded to

consolidate land under the rule of the Haitian state. According to Moya Pons,

Dessalines "managed to place more than two-thirds of Haitian territory under state

control," where it would remain until the land redistribution policies of a later successor

to power were enacted (2007:170). This later successor-Alexandre Petion-believing

a more harmonious Haiti would emerge with high levels of individual land ownership,

began a process of land redistribution that would forever change the landscape of the

country:

Between 1806 and 1809, most of the cultivable land in the Republic of Haiti
was privatized, and the economy of the region underwent a radical









transformation. In addition to the large plantations under mulatto ownership,
a new free peasantry emerged, consisting of former slaves who cultivated
family plots on the lands previously owned by their French masters. (Moya
Pons 2007:171)

A second major wave of land redistribution occurred several years later, when

Petion's successor, Jean-Pierre Boyer, succeeded in unifying the northern and southern

portions of the country, delineating a landmass that constitutes modern-day Haiti. This

unification happened after the death of Henri Christophe, who had ruled as king in the

northern portion of the country since independence. Boyer began the project of land

redistribution in the north in a manner similar to what Petion had already done in the

south. This high level of individual land ownership continues today, with nation-level

data from censuses carried out in 1950 and 1971 suggesting between two-thirds and

80% of Haitians own land (Zuvekas 1978:77).

With these historical redistributions of land, the north began to experience a

phenomenon already familiar in the south-a lack of labor (Moya Pons 2007:171-173).

With so many new land owners, there were simply not enough hands to maintain

plantations that could have previously procured products for an export market. The

result was that Haitian farmers turned to subsistence farming and small-scale cash-

cropping for internal markets, instead of producing for the external market as in the

previous epoch (Schmidt 1995; Diamond 2005). Moya Pons reports that sugar exports

from Haiti in 1823 dropped by a factor of ten thousand times from export levels in 1789

(Moya Pons 2007:173). Thus, the combination of new land redistribution policies with

the resultant drop in labor availability in the newly unified southern and northern portions

of the country were to the continued detriment of Haiti's forests:









To compensate for the decline in plantation exports, many Haitians turned
to logging and exported precious lumber and dyewood. The French had
extensively exploited the mahogany forests of Saint-Domingue [modern-day
Haiti] before the Revolution, but some uncut wood remained because
Dessalines has prohibited logging. (Moya Pons 2007:173-174)

Yet small-holding Haitian farmers who turned to logging were not the primary cause of

this continued tree-cutting. Wider-scale impacts were made at the hands of foreign

companies in timber-procurement contracts with the new Haitian government (Murray

1987; White and Jickling 1995). Murray reports that during this period, "foreign lumber

companies cut and exported most of the nation's precious hard-woods, leaving little for

today's peasants" (1987:217).

Unfortunately, little of the money from such foreign industrial logging

arrangements stayed in the hands of the Haitian government. The tree-cutting which

began in the colonial period for the establishment of plantations-and was continued to

a smaller extent by Haitian farmers-was driven industrially in newly independent Haiti

to pay for foreign debts (Pierre-Louis 1989). That is, logging was promoted by a

government which sought to sequester monies in the form of taxes which could address

the debt. According to White, "early Haitian governments .. encouraged logging to

gain hard currency to pay off wartime indemnity to France" (White 1994).

The debt-due France in the amount of 150 million francs-was "astronomical

for the Haitian national economy" (Moya Pons 2007:181). Initially agreed upon by the

two governments to secure Haiti's continued independence, it became a major strain on

the economy for years to come. The debt prevented the establishment of well-

functioning state institutions and contributed to the continued degradation of the land

through over-farming and timber procurement.









The Haitian economy suffered tremendously under efforts to meet agreed-upon

payments to France, taking out loans from French banks, and eventually renegotiating

the terms of the debt in 1838 (Moya Pons 2007:182). Moya Pons reports that "legal

exportation of mahogany almost doubled, surpassing 4.0 million cubic feet in 1842.

Exports of logwood and dyewood followed the same trend" (2007:183). This

intensification of tree-cutting demonstrates the unique way that politics at an

international level (France) affected national deforestation rates in Haiti.

In summary, early national-level policies of land redistribution resulted in a turn to

logging as Haiti was unable to maintain the export plantation system of the colonial

period. Logging was further exacerbated by international policies-namely debt that

France demanded from Haiti in lieu of revenues lost when Haiti gained independence.

Other policies of the latter half of the 19th century added to the problem, though an

exhaustive account is not possible here.

Tree-cutting in the Early 20th century

The extensive tree-cutting activities of the 18th and 19th centuries did not result in

the total denudation of the country's landscape. In particular, the southern portion of the

country retained notable stands of forest cover well into the 20th century. An article

from an early National Geographic Magazine (1920), with explorations made in the

southeastern corner of the country, reported that mountains above 3,000 feet were

"clothed with superb forests of Georgian pines, though the British concessionaires and

the Haitian peasantry are rapidly and too recklessly felling these magnificent trees"

(Johnston 1920:483). Of the country as a whole, an article in the same magazine









reported that Haiti's mountains "some of which reach an altitude of nearly ten thousand

feet, flourish extensive timber forests" (Unknown 1920:497).

The early part of the 20th century saw the American occupation of Haiti, from

1915 to 1934. Much has been written on this period, though it is uncertain to what

extent the occupation directly affected tree-cutting. One source reported a reforestation

project at the hands of the occupying force, though its scope and outcome I was unable

to discover (Ferguson 1987:26). However, there were attempted agricultural reforms

implemented by the occupying force, though they are largely considered to have failed:

Americans did make...a systematic effort to introduce modern agricultural
techniques. This was extraordinarily difficult because of the tremendous
gap between peasant technology and American technology. Peasants were
basically skeptical about new machines and methods and about foreign
white civilization in general. The experiences of their ancestors with French
colonists and the more recent American forced-labor corvee of 1918-19 did
not encourage confidence in the white foreigner's methods and motives.
(Schmidt 1995:181)

Another way in which the occupying American forces affected the country's

ecology has to do with the emphasis on infrastructural development in the capital city of

Port-au-Prince (White 1994; Schmidt 1995). Such infrastructural development

contributed to the centralization of the state, and resulted in pull factors from the rural

countryside:

[T]the marines implemented a national plan for infrastructural development
for all Haiti. Rural roads and bridges were built and health clinics
established for the first time. Nevertheless, as the rural infrastructure
developed, the centralization of economic and political power away from the
rural sector and to the urban centers continued. The "center-periphery"
system became more evident as a result of the occupation by the United
States. The construction of roads and bridges enabled rural residents to
travel more easily to urban areas and to better paying jobs and various
amenities. (Catanese 1999:20)









The influx of hundreds of thousands of people into Port-au-Prince and other

major cities resulted in a large urban demand for rurally produced charcoal-a trend

that continues today. There are likely other ways in which the occupation affected the

land and particularly tree cutting, but are beyond the scope of the "brief history"

presented here. Suffice to say that any localized reforestation projects promoted by the

marines were most-likely negatively offset by the urbanization trend they helped usher

in.

At the close of the World War II, and approximately ten years after the end of the

American occupation of Haiti, the Institute of Inter-American Affairs-under the auspices

the U.S. Department of State-commissioned a report on the state of Haiti's forests.

The first sentence of this report is both telling of Haiti's remaining forests as well as the

underlying interests which likely influenced the commissioning of the report:

Forests in Haiti of commercial importance are practically non-existent.
Small stands of pine, logwood, lignum-vitae and mahogany still exist in
isolated spots, but the total area of these probably does not exceed 2,000
square kilometers (672 square miles). Most of this is located in the pine
forests of the La Selle Mountains in the Southeast and in the more
accessible mountains of the North. It would be an exaggeration to call this
timber of commercial importance, although there are some trees of
merchantable quality and size. The small volume and its inaccessible
location make it of little importance except for local consumption. Timber
exports are in insignificant volumes. (Klein 1945:5)

Thus, near the middle of the 20th-century, Haiti's timber stands were close to being

depleted. The lengthy period of timber exploitation by international companies was

coming to an end. This is further evident by the dive of timber exports reported in the

Inter-American Affairs report:

Maximum export of logwood for the country in past years was 120,000 tons
in 1920. This was exceptional, as in most of the years up to 1930 exports
averaged between 25,000 to 35,000 tons. Then volume diminished rapidly









until the years 1940 to 1944 when only 2,000 to 3,000 tons were exported.
(Klein 1945:6)

While the report states that some of this later rapid decline in exports can be attributed

to a fall in demand, the decreasing export trend is nevertheless telling of the overall

depletion of the country's timber stands. The author's claim that the high level of timber

exportation in 1920 was exceptional is baseless in the absence of figures for the period

before-the middle of the 19th century to 1920. Klein may simply have been noting a

rapid drop-off in exportation that corresponded with an exhaustion of timber resources

during the latter half of the last century and the first decades of the 20th. Whatever the

case, Haiti was now entering what I have framed as the final stage of primary forest

loss, fueled primarily by agricultural clearing and charcoal production. That is not to

suggest that these practices did not contribute to earlier deforestation, but simply to

highlight that extractive practices of foreign entities were not as influential during this

period.

Deforestation in the Last Fifty Years

Were one to visit Haiti any time during the last fifty years, without any knowledge

of the long history of foreign political interventions in the country, it would be easy to

mistakenly contribute the vast deforestation of the land entirely to the actions of rural

Haitian farmers. Here I have endeavored to suggest that such a simplification ignores

complex historical and political processes and policies. Yet while the colonial and post-

colonial periods were major contributors to Haiti's deforestation, it would be a mistake to

ignore the effects of a population that has rapidly increased. State census data report

an increase from approximately three million people in the 1950s to an estimated 10

million people at the time of this research (Zuvekas 1978:13; Smucker et al. 2007). The









influence of seven million new people in a country where two-thirds are estimated to be

involved in rural agrarian endeavors cannot be overlooked.

Let me be clear in saying that Haiti's increased population is not necessarily the

direct cause of continued land degradation. Indeed, the myth of population growth within

the proletariat as the primary contributor to ecological degradation has been adequately

deconstructed. Nevertheless, under oppressive conditions, a large population can have

an equally large net affect. The conditions may be exacerbated by high trends toward

urban migration. As one respected political ecology theorist notes, "attention to high-

density urban development and the associated energy costs and infrastructure

demands of mega-cities have created justifiably renewed attention to population as an

important driver for environmental change" (Robbins 2004:9).

According to a recently commissioned report, some key drivers of recent

environmental vulnerability in Haiti can be attributed to "rapid population growth and

unplanned urbanization" (Smucker et al. 2007:iii). Under different conditions, Haiti may

very well have been able to absorb the seven million person increase without serious

consequences for the land. Unfortunately, the political conditions that existed

concurrently with the rapid growth in population resulted in an overall negative affect on

the country's ecosystems and the welfare of the vast majority of its inhabitants

(Catanese 1999). As one research put it, "ecological disaster and rural demographic

growth each in turn strengthened the migratory flow toward the urban centers, and most

particularly toward Port-au-Prince" (Trouillot 1990:142). Therefore, the final epoch I

examine is delineated by the last 50 years. This period of examination is marked by an

immense population increase, general agricultural decline, rural-to-urban migration









trends, and by Frangois Duvalier's rise to power. The end of this period corresponds

approximately to both the time period during which I conducted research in Fondeblan,

and to the major earthquake event of January 12, 2010.

As with the case with the American occupation of Haiti, a great deal has been

written on Frangois Duvalier ("Papa Doc") and his son Jean Claude ("Baby Doc") (see

for example, Trouillot 1990). The interested reader should have no difficulty finding

literature on the subject. Here it will suffice to say that Frangois Duvalier reigned as

president for life in Haiti, from 1957 until to his death in 1971. He was replaced by his

son, Jean Claude Duvalier, who also reigned as president for life until he was

overthrown in a popular uprising in 1986. Much of the literature on the Duvalier era

stresses that the proletariat bore extensive abuses, which served to solidify and

maintain power in the hands of an elite few:

The regular assassination of opponents, predation on community
organizations which did not explicitly espouse Duvalierist tenets, and the
generalized and strong infusion of fear and distrust, all but eliminated
leadership and organizational skills from the country. This repression and
its attendant impoverishment also effectively attacked the very social fabric
which is conductive to innovation and technology development. (White
1992:11)

Statements such as these are not hard to come by. Indeed, the human rights violations

inflicted during this period have been well documented (Abbott 1988; Ferguson 1987;

Trouillot 1990; Farmer 1994). Fewer references were found to actual ecological

changes ushered in during this period. One researcher was able to report a historical

phenomenon that occurred near the site of an ecological reserve where he was

conducting research. Here we have a perfect example of politics of this era reaching

into the realm of ecology:









During the Duvalier dictatorship, the long-term state lease was usually only
one form of political connection that the local elites held. Many of these
same local elites were also members of the Duvalier rural militia and many
absentee leaseholders were politically powerful individuals who lived
downstream. In this way, the roots of the Duvalier political machine reached
all the remote forests of La Hotte. It created a rural elite and a system of
forest exploitation based on sharecropping. Within decades after the state
land lease system becoming [sic] the predominant means of accessing
land, the forests were removed. (Monaghan 2000:137)

This particular account of the state of affairs during the Duvalier period could be

described as a 'reverse Robin Hood syndrome.' In this scenario, Duvalier plays an

antithetical Robin Hood-taking from the poor and giving to the rich. The merry men are

played by those who profited by the politics, policies, and projects of the Duvalier

regime. In this version though, there is no happy ending, and Sherwood Forest all but

disappears.

There are other accounts of the affects the Duvalier family policies had on

deforestation. Murray documented respondents along the Haitian-Dominican border

reporting that "in the days of the Duvaliers a person cutting a single mango tree was

required to plant 10 in its place" (Murray et al. 1998:17). If this policy were in place, it

was more likely a border-localized effort of the Duvalier government, in an attempt to

lessen widespread reports of stark environmental differences between the two

countries-differences clearly observable along the border regions.

Like Murray, another researcher has noted the existence of laws against tree-

cutting during the Duvalier period:

Prior to the fall of the Duvalier regime in February 1986, people had to have
permits (and illicit payments to government agents) to harvest trees. This
policy limited tree harvesting but also gave control to the local police. With
the fall of Duvalier, this system broke down and tree harvesting, charcoal
production, and wood transport exploded overnight. (White 1994:15)









White notes that while the Duvalier policies may have slowed tree-cutting, they placed

little incentive on tree-planting. The result was that when the policy was removed,

deforestation accelerated (White 1994).

If Frangois Duvalier slowed tree-cutting, he did little to improve overall ecological

conditions in Haiti, and his son Jean Claude offered few changes in this regard. As

Catanese reports, "there were some perfunctory gestures but no substantive impulse

[from Jean Claude Duvalier] to attend to the rural needs such as poverty and

deforestation" (Catanese 1998:21).

The popular uprising that saw the end to the Duvalier regime did not result in any

dramatic improvements for Haiti's already severely degraded ecosystems (White 1994).

Neither did the ushering in of populist president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. But one

particular political event during this period did affect tree-cutting-and by extension,

ecological degradation and exacerbated human misery. In the last century of the last

millennium, the United States intervened again in Haitian affairs, in the form of an

embargo sanctioned to restore democratically elected president Jean Bertrand Aristide

to power after a military coup d'etat unseated him. One unexpected-and one would

hope, undesired-effect of the embargo was that elite segments of society that had

backed Aristide's ouster were able to shoulder the worst effects of the embargo, which

were largely borne out on the proletariat. In particular to the analysis at hand, the

embargo encouraged tree-cutting on the part of rural Haitians:

A more recent cause of tree cover removal was the embargo of 1991-94,
when selling trees for fuel was one of the only options for cash (Swartley
and Toussaint 2006:4).

While more trees were cut during this period, poor rural Haitians are reported to have

fared quite well, as import petroleum based fuels were replaced with charcoal, bringing









higher profits to charcoal producers. The urban poor are said to have been the most

negatively by the embargo (Catanese 1999:69-70).

In summary, tree-cutting in Haiti during this period was exacerbated by the policies

of dictatorial governments that were extractive from the poor and generous to the rich-

what I have referred to as a 'reverse Robin Hood syndrome.' Tree-cutting increased

later in the period, ushered in by the politics and policies that resulted in a U.S. embargo

against Haiti. These influences were set to the back-drop of immense population growth

and wide-spread rural-to-urban migration. The combined result of these events and

others was that rural Haitian famers cut more trees, either to increase agricultural yields

or to make income via the internal charcoal and timber markets (Diamond 2005).

Summary

This brief history of Haiti's deforestation brings the reader up to the time in which

my research was conducted. A summary of a recent Haitian Ministry of Planning report

in 2002 provides an excellent review: "From a forest cover of 90% in pre-Columbian

times and 60% in 1923, Haiti now has true forest cover on only 1.5% of its land area"

(Swartley and Toussaint 2006:22). In this brief history I have endeavored to suggest

that while peasant tree-cutting has been the vehicle of much of Haiti's deforestation, it

has often been external politics and policies that have been the engine and driving force

of this tree-cutting. This diachronic review divided the literature into distinct epochs, in

order to highlight some distinct political events and policies that promoted deforestation.

Other political contributions exist, but are beyond the scope of this thesis. The events

chosen are illustrative of political influences on ecological conditions. With a basic

understanding of some of the historical influences on Haiti's deforestation, I turn now to









an examination of the intertwined ecological and human crises that have resulted in part

from this wide-scale loss of tree and vegetative cover.

Vulnerabilities Caused By Deforestation

By now the reader should have a basic grasp of some key historical and political

events that led to wide-spread deforestation in Haiti. I turn now to highlight some current

and wide-spread results of this deforestation. I make no claims of 'environmental

determinism' as such, though I do pay particular attention to the interplay between

ecological conditions and their measurable effects on some aspects of Haitian society.

As suggested in the introduction of my thesis, Haitians and their environment are

intertwined in a complex system that mutually contributes to ecological and human

vulnerabilities. Here I disaggregate the people from the land, simply for the sake of

examination. First, I briefly highlight some of the current ecological vulnerabilities

caused by Haiti's deforestation. Next, I provide a concise report of vulnerabilities

experienced first-hand by Haitians.

Ecological Vulnerabilities

While the forests of Haiti are now mostly a thing of the past, many ecological

treasures remain. There are at least 12 designated national park areas with ecological

significance, and over 25 other areas have been identified as worthy of protection

because of their ecological diversity (Swartley and Toussaint 2006:16-17). Several

reports have highlighted that Haiti still possesses virtually untouched coral reefs of high

ecological importance (Howard 1998; Swartley and Toussaint 2006; Smucker et al.

2007). Furthermore, the diversity of flora currently found in Haiti is said to be extensive

(Smucker et al. 2007). According to one report, "in spite of severe environmental

degradation problems Haiti has, together with the Dominican Republic, the second most









diverse flora in the Caribbean, after Cuba" (Swartley and Toussaint 2006:20). The same

report indicates that Haiti is home to over 2,000 species of vertebrates-two-thirds of

which are endemic; at least 236 species of birds-with an estimated quarter as

endemic; and of the 217 reptile and amphibian species on the island, 98% are endemic,

with fully one-third found only on the Haitian side (2006:20-21). In short, from an

ecological point of view there are many reasons to protect the remaining stores of

biological diversity in Haiti. These ecological treasures continue to be directly and

indirectly threatened by deforestation.

Beyond the obvious loss of habitat that continued deforestation is causing for the

flora and fauna of Haiti, issues related to water compound the problem. Widespread

erosion has led to a situation where mountains are no longer able to efficiently retain

water, resulting in negative ecological side-effects. In urban and peri-urban areas,

particularly surrounding Port-au-Prince, inaccessibility to reliable water sources has led

to a situation of over-pumping of underground aquifers, leading to salt water intrusion in

the water table (Howard 1998:18).

Deforestation has altered the hydrologic cycle, causing rivers to run abnormally

low or not at all during dry seasons, and has affected other natural drainage systems

important for ecological functions (Swartley and Toussaint 2006:23; Smucker et al.

2007:9). Continued soil erosion and landslides have a "negative impact on biological

diversity, as sediment in rivers smothers coral reefs and seagrass beds" (Swartley and

Toussaint 2006:23). Silt in flood plains also causes a dropping of the water table,

seriously affecting mangrove trees that rely on a higher water table (Howard 1998:18).









All of these negative ecological situations related to water are further compounded

by Haiti's two rainy seasons and the frequent tropical storms and hurricanes that visit

the region (Cardenas 2008). Suffice to say that the removal of trees and vegetation

continues to have a negative net effect on Haiti's diverse ecosystems and the biological

diversity of the species they contain.

Human Vulnerabilities

The standard of living for many Haitians is negatively impacted as a result of

deforestation and removal of vegetative cover. These impacts can be direct, but are

often indirect and insidious. By the 1970s, a report on agricultural development, using

data from Haitian government censuses, warned that "with the rural population

continuing to grow and exerting more pressure on already overworked land, it does not

require much perception to see that living standards for many Haitian families are likely

to continue falling for some years to come" (Zuvekas 1978:327). Unfortunately, this

prediction has largely been borne out. Amy Wilentz, in her now famous book "The Rainy

Season," personalizes this reality:

You can read about deforestation and its effects in the books and
pamphlets written by these experts, and then you can read about it in the
faces and bodies of Haitian peasants. The bloated bellies and orange hair
of the children of the Northwest are chapters in a long book about the failed
bean crop, the persistent drought, the pitiful corn harvest, the lack of green
pasture for livestock. The bony arms and legs of the mountain women, and
their skeletal babies, are passages about the lack of water in the
countryside, and testimony to drinking water that is stagnant, infested.
(Wilentz 1989:246)

As a result of decreased fertility due to topsoil loss, many Haitians have

abandoned the rural countryside en masse for the promise of urban jobs (Howard

1998:8; Smucker et al. 2007:9). Thus, there are combined "push" (degraded rural lands)

and "pull" (the promise of urban opportunities) factors that have contributed country-









wide urban migration (Catanese 1999). Yet the crowded urban areas that confront rural

Haitians who make this migration offer a standard of living considerably lower than

rumored in the countryside:

The urban poor in Haiti often have no choice but to occupy the least-valued
plots of land in disaster-prone areas such as riverbanks, unstable hillsides,
deforested lands, or fragile catchment areas. In general, the densely
populated slum districts of Haiti's coastal cities are located to a large
degree in flood plains. These populations are vulnerable to disease and
natural disaster. (Smucker et al. 2007:9)

It takes no stretch of the imagination to picture who suffers the most when a tropical

storm or major hurricane hits Haiti. By extension, the injuries and the large death toll

from the earthquake of early 2010 were very likely exacerbated by the approximately

three million Haitians living in a sprawling urban area originally designed for no more

than half a million people. Furthermore, the highly stratified urban social pyramid that

the rural Haitian enters provides little opportunity for upward mobility and ample

opportunities to experience the negative effects of "trickle down poverty."

Haitians who stay in the rural country side do not fare much better. One report

found that "most families who chose to remain in rural areas saw diminishing returns

from their small farms, but had no immediate target for their frustrations" (Howard

1998:8). Rural areas continue to be susceptible to flooding and landslides from hillsides

destabilized from tree and vegetation removal. Educational and employment

opportunities in rural areas are either scarce or nonexistent.

In summary, loss of tree cover and vegetative cover has negatively impacted

Haitian's lives. Those that stay in the countryside continue to scratch out a living of low-

value cash-cropping, mostly for the internal market. Those who brave the migration to









urban areas are subsumed in the vast and vulnerable slum areas, with no guarantees of

reliable or well paying work, or of any improvement in their standard of living.

The Role of Trees in the Haitian Peasant Economy

In light of the dire consequences related to tree removal, some have asked why

rural Haitian farmers continue to cut trees on their lands. To adequately address this

question, one must understand the role that trees play in the Haitian peasant economy.

Traditional tree-use by rural Haitian farmers is diverse. Trees are used to

delineate property borders, to construct living fences, to provide fruit, for animal forage,

for construction, for medicine, for religious and spiritual purposes, for tool and furniture

making, for shade for animals, for shade for coffee, and to provide firewood (Mintz

1962; Smucker 1981; Balzano 1986; White 1994). Additionally, trees are sometimes not

cut, for perceived environmental services such as soil erosion prevention and moisture

retention (Conway 1986). All of these trees uses continue today. Here I limit my

examination to those tree products that Haitian farmers have oriented toward markets:

(1) fruit; (2) charcoal; and (3) planks and poles. This approach is taken primarily

because Pwoje Pyebwa posited the marketability of tree products as the primary tree-

planting motivator. This is not to say that other tree products don't make their way into

markets-they do. The tree products chosen for examination here simply reflect their

predominance in internal Haitian peasant markets.

Fruit

The continued procurement of fruit requires that fruit trees not be cut. Most fruit

trees used by Haitian peasants are found within the lakou (multi-household compound)

or within the nearby jaden (established gardens, often adjoining the lakou) (Smucker









1981:46). To the Haitian farmer, fruit plays an important role in offsetting agricultural

losses from drought years or years experiencing low crop yields (Smucker 1981).

Most fruit in Haiti is consumed locally, regionally, or nationally-at home, in local

markets, regional markets, or in Port-au-Prince. Because many species of fruit trees

bear fruit all at once (Murray 1989:7), fruit does not fetch a high market price-why buy

your neighbor's mangoes when your mango tree is giving abundantly? This is the

classic economic problem of supply and demand. Difficulties also arise in directing fruit

toward internal and external markets because of issues related to transport, storage

(shelf life), and quality control (Smucker 2005; Smucker 2007). Nevertheless, some

external marketing occurs, though usually at higher levels of agricultural production or

within the confines of well-networked and highly-organized cooperative arrangements.

Generally, Haitians are very reluctant to cut fruit trees, but will do so if they are deemed

post-productive (Balzano 1986). The extent to which fruit factors into livelihood

strategies varies considerably from area to area, but can be said to be high for most of

rural Haiti.

Charcoal

Estimates of the national energy need met by charcoal or firewood in Haiti range

from 66-85% (Howard 1998:18; Van der Plas 2007:3). Interestingly, charcoal-making

was not a traditional activity of the rural Haitian peasantry. For cooking, firewood was

collected or branches cut for cooking on a twa wbch dife (three rock fire) pictured in

Figure 3-1 (Van der Plas 2007:16, 35). Charcoal production in the current rural Haitian

economy is a development that is paralleled and largely driven by urban charcoal

demand (Van der Plas 2007). That is, enterprising Haitian farmers turned to charcoal-









production largely as a means to acquire money, as the internal charcoal market slowly

developed in tandem with the trend toward urban migration. It is estimated that over

80% of charcoal produced in Haiti is consumed in the capital of Port-au-Prince (Van der

Plas 2007:21).

Just as rural Haiti is not homogenous, neither are the conditions favorable to

benefiting from the charcoal trade. Availability of trees, species of trees, climate

variations, seasonal demand, location, accessibility and many other factors play an

important role in measuring the risks and advantages a rural farmer might take in

entering the charcoal market (Smucker 1981). Thus, some households produce

charcoal as a primary livelihood strategy, while others engage in charcoal production as

a supplementary income-producing strategy (Smucker 1981; Smucker J. 1981; Van der

Plas 2007:19).

Women and men engage in different aspects of charcoal production. Far from an

easy task, "the peasant charcoal industry is a labor intensive proposition" (Smucker

1981:20). Generally speaking, men are more involved in cutting trees, cutting wood

into small pieces and transportation, and women are more involved in the actual

production and marketing aspects of charcoal (Smucker J. 1981).

The considerations just highlighted play a major role in determining the extent to

which a farmer may benefit from charcoal production. The direct benefits of charcoal

production (income) generally take precedent over long-term, indirect costs (loss of

valuable topsoil; loss of environmental services). It is hard to make generalized claims

about the charcoal market for all of Haiti, given the heterogeneity of circumstances.









Nevertheless, charcoal-like fruit, factors substantially into many Haitian farmers'

livelihood strategies. The extent to which a farmer profits from charcoal is variable.



Planks and Poles

In addition to the charcoal market-albeit to a lesser extent-poles and planch

(planks) play an important role in Haitian peasant tree uses. Murray explains that the

Haitian Creole term "planch generally refers to the wide, thin board" (Murray 1979:162).

Poles are generally used in construction and planks are generally used for furniture.

Poles are often procured from trees that have already been cut and are coppicing.

Interestingly, planks fetch a substantially higher amount of money in the internal market

than charcoal made from the same type of wood (Conway 1986). Planks are generally

sawed by hand in a labor intensive process:

In Fond-des-Blancs, as well as in other rural locations of Haiti, lumber is
sawed by hand. In this process, workers build a huge platform large enough
to hold the log and allow a person to stand on top of the log and another at
the bottom. The worker's partner stands below the platform to pull the other
end of the saw. This is a very slow and painstaking process, and producing
just a few pieces of lumber takes many days hard work. (Thomas and
Fendall 2003:107)

However, only certain trees ka f6 planch (can make planks) and because the work of

sawing can take several days, the financial attractiveness of the endeavor may be

limited. Nevertheless, Haitians will certainly make planks over charcoal if the overall

price is right:

[F]armers tended to hold mature trees as a store of value, and harvested
trees when they needed cash. They preferred to hold out for high value
wood products particularly plankwood and polewood. (Smucker 2005:4)









Thus, planks and poles constitute an important part of Haitian farmer market-oriented

tree products, and by extension an important component of overall livelihood strategies.

Further research on the plank or charcoal decision-making process is needed.

Summary

In this section I have provided the briefest overview of information related to the

top three Haitian farmer tree uses. Fruit provides much in the way of food and forage for

animals, and occasionally provides income in the internal markets. However charcoal,

poles, and planks have a particularly important place in the income procuring livelihood

strategy of the rural Haitian peasant. Related to these latter uses, trees act as a kind of

reserve-a rural bank-to be harvested "as a source of cash for emergencies" (White

1994:16). That is, in an unexpected event such as a wedding, funeral, or hospital visit, a

Haitian may cut a tree to provide the necessary income to pay for the event.

Having a grasp on these important tree uses-particularly market-oriented tree

uses-is crucial to understanding the measures recommended by Murray in the design

of Pwoje Pyebwa. Equally important is an understanding of why many previous tree-

planting projects in Haiti failed.

A Brief History of Tree-planting Projects in Haiti

Various policies aimed at slowing or stopping tree-cutting, from the colonial period

to the 20th century, enjoyed very minor successes in Haiti (Lindskog 1998; Moya Pons

2007). However, it is widely held that reforestation projects in Haiti have met with little to

no success (Murray 1979; White 1994). In the sections that follow I examine these early

tree-planting projects and the reasons they failed. I end by highlighting a particular

success story-Pwoje Pyebwa.









Early Tree-planting Projects

The first found instance of a bilateral entity's position on Haiti's ecological issues

occurred in the first half of the 20th century. "Ecological protection had officially been

recognized as a problem in Haiti since the first United Nations mission in the late '40s"

(Murray 1989:1). The first rural development project of the United Nations (UN) in Haiti,

which included soil conservation and forestry activities, was in the Marbial Valley in the

late 1940s (White 1994:26; Schuller 2007).

Literature detailing specifics on the UN project and subsequent related projects

was difficult to come by-although a summary report of findings from this period is

available (Murray 1979). Perhaps development-oriented organizations were not eager

to sound their trumpets of failure. Perhaps the reports have simply been lost. One

researcher reports that his "chronological survey of Haiti's early experience with

reforestation shows a variety of interpretations and no consensus other than

deforestation and soil erosion continue to be a serious problem" (Catanese 1999:36).

Murray provides perhaps the most succinct explanation of the phenomenon of failed

tree projects during this period:

[F]or decades numerous development organizations have tried to take at
least some concrete steps toward reforesting one or another region. There
is now a substantial list of local trees planting efforts undertaken during the
past four decades. At different times in recent history, international or
bilateral development projects such as FAO, UNESCO, BID, USAID and
CIDA have financed development projects which have attempted to plant
trees in one or another part of Haiti. There is a lengthy list of smaller Private
Voluntary Organizations who have financed and/or managed smaller local
tree planting efforts. (Murray 1983:2)

While the wide-scale failure of previous projects is hardly a contentious subject, skeptics

noting the lack of literature presented here can alleviate their doubts simply by visiting

rural Haiti or by examining Murray's report on these projects (Murray 1979).









Reasons for Previous Project Failures

Why have most reforestation and soil conservation projects in Haiti failed?

Anthropologist Gerald Murray had been investigating issues related to peasants, land

tenure, soil erosion, and tree planting in Haiti for several years (Murray 1977; Murray

1978; Murray 1978b) when he was commissioned by the United States Agency of

International Development (USAID) to answer this very question. Using anthropological

methods of inquiry, Murray examined 19 previous or currently operating conservation

projects in five different regions of Haiti (Murray 1979). In a published report to USAID,

Murray reported general observations, technical considerations, institutional

considerations, operational recommendations, and project design recommendations

based on his research (1979:2-25). In sum, he highlighted specific factors contributing

to the long history of project failures, and furbished a series of recommendations for

future projects. Some of Murray's key insights into why previous projects failed include:

1. Terracing and wall-building to prevent erosion is unlikely to succeed on a large
scale because the work-to-payoff ratio is not high in the eyes of Haitian farmers.

2. Farmers are not likely to participate in restoration projects unless there is a
financial incentive to do so.

3. Some previous efforts focused on planting indigenous trees-many of which grow
slowly-thereby negatively offsetting any financial attractiveness of the endeavor
to Haitian farmers. The planting of fast-growing tree species would be a better
strategy to slow soil erosion while simultaneously providing farmers with the
economic incentive to participate.

4. Some projects advocated a resettlement of peasants-a strategy of ethical
questionability and likely to be heavily resisted by farmers.

5. Previous projects had stressed "reforestation," leaving little room for crop-growing
or other livelihood activities important to the Haitian farmer. "Agroforestry" is a
better approach because it allows for the continuation of other activities such as
growing crops or tending of animals.









This brief list highlights some of Murray's key discoveries as to why previous soil

conservation and tree-planting projects in Haiti had largely failed. The reader interested

in a comprehensive listing-including recommendations for future projects-is

encouraged to consult the report (Murray 1979) and later summations of the project

(Murray and Bannister 2004). While other site-specific conditions should play an

important role in specific project implementations, in this report Murray provided a clear

over-arching picture of why previous projects had failed. It would be 2 years later that

his recommendations from this report would be used in the policy development of Pwoje

Pyebwa.

Pwoj6 Pyebwa The Agroforestry Outreach Project and Agroforestry 2

Pwoje Pyebwa was an agroforestry tree-planting project based on anthropological

tenets, funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID),

implemented primarily by the Pan American Development Organization (PADF) and

CARE, and carried out through numerous nongovernmental organizations (Murray and

Bannister 2004). It was the largest tree-planting project in Haiti's history. Spanning a

decade5-from 1981 to 1991-the project operated under two different names.

Originally called the 'Agroforestry Outreach Project' (AOP), operations were renamed

'Agroforestry 2' in the late 1980s (Campbell 1994). In this thesis, project operations

during the entire decade have been collectively referred to by the Haitian Creole name

Pwoj6 Pyebwa (The Tree Project).





5 Tenets from Pwoje Pyebwa continued to inform PADF project policies through a second decade-from
1992 to 2000-but are not examined here because these latter projects deviated from a strictly tree-
planting approach (Murray and Bannister 2004:391).









Shortly before the project commenced, USAID contracted another anthropologist

with experience in Haiti to conduct a feasibility report on the insights and suggestions

put forward by Murray (Smucker 1981; Campbell 1994:26-27). Many of these insights-

provided by Murray and evaluated by Smucker-were incorporated into policy when

USAID decided to commence Pwoje Pyebwa in 1981:

The approach was based on several factors, including (1) the adaptation of
the project to pre-existing Haitian land tenure, tree tenure, and market
systems, (2) the elevation of micro-economic over macro-ecological
themes, (3) the decision to bypass the Haitian government and operate the
project through local NGOs (non-governmental organizations), (4) the use
of a joint-venture mode in which smallholders supplied land and labor and
the project supplied capital in the form of seedlings, (5) the use of
professionally managed small-container seedling technology rather than
backyard nurseries, and (6) a project management policy that encouraged
farmer-induced deviations from project assumptions in matters of tree
deployment and harvesting schedules. (Murray and Bannister 2004:384)

In addition to the points outlined here, a variety of fast-growing species were made

more widely available after they proved popular with farmers. Although the dictates of

this thesis prevent a detailed explanation of all of these factors, the interested reader is

encouraged to consult the recent and succinct project summary provided by Murray and

Bannister (2004).

With the anthropologically-informed project architecture in place, the first tree

seedlings were delivered to nongovernmental organizations operating throughout rural

Haiti. Some ten years later the overall figures from the project were astounding:

It is known that many farmers receiving 200 or 300 seedlings would
distribute a substantial but impossible-to-quantify number to relatives or
friends, who thus became de-facto but uncounted project beneficiaries.
A conservative estimate of numbers of distinct households planting the 48
million seedlings distributed during the first decade would be 190,000
households, or about 250 seedlings per household. (Murray and Bannister
2004:391)









To put these figures in perspective, if 48 million seedlings were distributed in Haiti

today, every Haitian in the country would receive approximately five trees.

An evaluation based primarily on seedlings distributed or on numbers served

would deem the project highly successful. Similar proclamations have been made using

the rubric of tree demand. As one anthropologist involved in the project stated, "It is

clear from the overwhelming demand for trees that the Project can already be counted

as a success" (Smucker 1986:228). A similar outcome surfaces when success is

measured against the fulfillment of the project's two primary objectives: (1) to motivate

Haitians farmers to plant and maintain trees for the primary purpose of income-

generation; and (2) to achieve the first objective in large numbers with secondary goals

of soil conservation and improvement, provision of fuel-wood, and the provision of other

environmental services (Murray and Bannister 2004). Two years into project operations,

Pwoje Pyebwa won the prestigious international Anthropology Praxis Award in applied

anthropology. In spite of these indicators of success, several criticisms of the project

have surfaced.

Critiques of Pwoj6 Pyebwa

The literature review revealed several criticisms of Pwoje Pyebwa (Escobar 1991;

Campbell 1994; Catanese 1999). Some of these criticisms deserve attention, while

others are apparently the result of a limited review of publications available on the

project. I will briefly treat those criticisms worth highlighting.









In common, two critics noted the tendency to evaluate project success based on

numbers served-either in seedlings distributed or in households participating6

(Escobar 1991; Campbell 1994). "[O]ne is given little information as to what else

changed in the process, materially and culturally. In other words, the reader is

supposed to accept the study at face value given the amount of trees planted or income

generated, but she or he is not presented with a broader context in which to assess the

real impact of the project" (Escobar 1991:674). Murray and Bannister acknowledge and

address this concern when they note that "success must be evaluated on criteria that go

beyond crude number crunching. We consider the qualitative descriptions of emergent

agroforestry systems presented in the preceding section to be better indicators of the

effectiveness of the approach" (2004:392). These qualitative descriptions are

nevertheless offered at a high rung of project implementation. Less common are site-

specific qualitative descriptions-a major goal of my research.

Catanese appears to conflate the project's agroforestry approach with goals of

reforestation, when he concludes of Pwoje Pyebwa that "it is extremely unlikely that

efforts aimed at encouraging farmers to plant trees will have any meaningful impact on

slowing the trend in deforestation, let alone reversing it" (Catanese 1999:41). While

protection of remaining forests or forest regeneration may have been a desired or

hypothesized side-effect of Pwoje Pyebwa, it was never explicitly listed as a project

objective. Murray made it very clear that previous approaches aimed at reforestation

had largely failed (Murray 1979). The primary project objective was to provide



6 The research presented in this thesis attempts to further address this criticism by providing a qualitative,
site-specific outcome-evaluation.









environmental services (such as soil conservation) while simultaneously providing

farmers with a source of income through the planting of fast-growing trees.

Escobar, well known for his critiques of development, attacked the project on

several fronts in a prominent anthropological journal (Escobar 1991). However, it

appears that he read only one account of the project. Were he to have considered the

other literature on the project, I suspect he would retract many of his criticisms. Most

importantly, Escobar's critique demonstrates a misconception of the distinct nature of

the peasant system as it uniquely developed in Haiti. Murray and Bannister have

addressed this last point elsewhere (Murray and Bannister 2004).

One major criticism of Escobar's was that Pwoje Pyebwa was "for the most part,

run by external PVOs [private volunteer organizations]. Haitians had to fit into a

preexisting structure in order to participate in it" (Escobar 1991:672, brackets mine).

This claim is, quite simply, wrong. A report of the first five years of the project, written

by a respected anthropologist7, clearly explains that "three-fourths of all subprojects are

local organizations rather than international agencies" (Smucker 1988:8).

Undoubtedly unintentional, Escobar numerically misrepresents the article, saying

"about 75 million trees were planted in four years" (Escobar 1991:673). Not only does

this incorrect number exceed the full decade of Pwoje Pyebwa estimates by over 25

million trees, it also exceeds cumulative USAID-funded tree-planting estimates from two

decades (1981-2002) (Murray and Bannister 2004). The correct numbers are clearly

listed in the article Escobar attacks:




7 Glenn Smucker was the invited keynote speaker at the Haitian Studies Association in 2009.









By the end of the fourth year, the project had planted, not its originally
agreed-upon three million trees, but twenty million trees. Stated more
accurately some 75,000 Haitian peasants had enthusiastically planted trees
on their own land. (Murray 1987:221)

This grave numerical error on the part of Escobar, misguided notions about the project

implementation, and his misunderstanding about Haitian peasant market systems call

into question the other claims made in his article. Thus, Escobar fails to provide a

convincing critique of Pwoje Pyebwa, which he notes is "hailed by many as an

exemplary case of the anthropologist's involvement in development" (Escobar

1991:671).

Another interesting criticism of the project is brought up by Campbell, who

worked on Pwoje Pyebwa for some years in the northern part of Haiti:

A surplus of fruit in relation to local consumption or possibly of wider
marketing is noted [by Murray] and taken as evidence that project-promoted
planting of additional fruit trees is not called for. Murray thus indirectly
compliments the peasant farmers on their ability to grow, without project
assistance, even more fruit trees than they need. Yet, he does not ask, nor
offer any answer to, the question of why, if it is such a good idea for them to
grow more "wood" trees, they are not already doing so. (Campbell 1994:23)

To succinctly paraphrase the claims of Campbell, Murray and others have noted that

Haitians are ingenious and resourceful cash-croppers. Furthermore, it has been

established that Haitians know how to plant trees. Why then, were they not already

planting wood trees if it is economically advantageous to do so? Here, it appears that

Campbell did not read the anthropological explanations by both Murray and Smucker,

which explain why Haitian peasants traditionally do not grow wood trees in large

numbers (Murray 1981; Smucker 1981; Murray and Bannister 2004). These authors

have noted that Haitian farmers will protect and nurture volunteer wood trees, but rarely









plant them. Nevertheless, Campbell seems to provide some anecdotal evidence for

wood tree planting. Further research into Campbell's claims is needed.

In summary, Pwoje Pyebwa has experienced some minor criticisms. Some of

these criticisms can be chalked up to poorly conducted research, narrow literature

reviews, or little understanding of conditions unique to Haiti. The question raised by

Campbell is interesting, but has little relevancy to this thesis, due to its post facto

nature. Furthermore, the enthusiasm for seedlings expressed by most farmers

(Smucker 1986; Murray and Bannister 2004) seems to counteract Campbell's

implication that the trees were pushed on farmers (Campbell 1994). Finally, the claim of

project success being measured by "numbers served" deserves attention. My research,

conducted in Fondeblan, addresses this criticism.

Fondeblan (Fond-des-blancs)

Preceding the data collected for this thesis are the findings of an anthropologist

who lived in Fondeblan and published a report as well as a dissertation on the early

years of Pwoje Pyebwa operations (Balzano 1986; Balzano 1989). The same

anthropologist returned approximately 10 years later and wrote a qualitative

assessment of changes to the area. In this section of the literature review, these

reports are supplemented by the published memoirs of the area's chief Pwoje Pyebwa

implementer, newsletters from the project's implementing NGO, and the occasional brief

mentioning of the area in other reports.

The sum result is the availability of a rich store of longitudinal data, reports and

assessments related to Pwoje Pyebwa, spanned over the time period of approximately

30 years since the project's commencement (Balzano 1986; Balzano 1989; Smucker

and Timyan 1995; Balzano 1997; Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003; Smucker









2007). Here I review the literature available prior to my research, to paint a picture of

Fondeblan that will ground and contextualize the findings presented in my thesis.

Geography and Demographics

Fondeblan is located in the Depatman Sid (southern department), Komin Aken

(Aken County). There is no visible line demarcating where Fondeblan begins and ends,

but there are some generally accepted ideas of the area's boundaries. One source

delineates Fondeblan as "a rural area about twenty miles in diameter and made up of a

number of small communities" (Thomas and Fendall 2003:47). Another source simply

states that Fondeblan is a rural area with approximately sixty different neighborhoods

(Balzano 1986). A key informant told me that Komin Aken is composed of 12 different

sections, four of which are referred to as Fondeblan. Balzano suggests that this latter

parameter was an idea promoted by nonprofit organizations working in the area

(Balzano 2010, personal communication). According to Balzano, the Komin Aken is

composed of four sections, and the seksyon kominal nevy6m (ninth section) is what he

refers to as Fondeblan.

I was unable to access census data that would give demographic details on the

population of Fondeblan. A recent article in the New York Times about the post-

earthquake urban-to-rural migration trend reported that "community leaders [in

Fondeblan] say the population, counted at 45,000 by a government census in 2001, has

swelled by at least a third since the quake" (Sontang 2010:2).

Geographically, Fondeblan is "located 20 km south of the national highway half

way between Port-au-Prince and Les Cayes" (Smucker et al. 2007:37). Thus,

Fondeblan is situated approximately in the middle of Haiti's southern peninsula, 10









miles north of the southern coast. Its geographical coordinates, according widely used

satellite imagery software, are 180 17' 0" North, 730 8' 0" West. Geographically,

Fondeblan, like much of rural Haiti, consists of rolling hills cut by deep and wide valleys.

The major valley in the area was reported to be "bounded on the north and southwest

by steep slopes (peaking at 380-400 meters) and is interrupted to the southeast, first by

a singular mountain and then by the Moussignac-C6te de Fer road" (Balzano 1986:6).

History of Fondeblan

A readily available and reliable history of Fondeblan was not available to me at the

time I conducted this research. Nor was such a history attainable given the goals of my

research and the limited time in the area. Similarly, most of the residents I

communicated with were unable to provide concrete details, save speculations on

Polish influences in the area. These speculations are well captured by Thomas and

Fendall:

The oral history suggests that when Napoleon's army invaded Haiti to
restore slavery, a Polish contingent defected and joined the Haitians' cause.
They were among the few whites allowed to remain in Haiti after it won
independence. A group of them settled in the Fond-des-Blancs area, which
still has a large number of light-skinned, green-eyed, straight-haired
residents. (Thomas and Fendall 2003:47)

Various versions of this story were relayed to me in both Bel Rivye (a neighboring town)

and Fondeblan, when I asked residents about the history of the area. It is reported that

approximately 5,500 Polish soldiers were sent under Napoleon's flag to Haiti during the

period between 1802 to 1803 (Rypson 2007:31).

Folk Etymological Origins of the Name Fondeblan/Fond-des-Blancs

The French-derived name "Fond-des-Blancs," is reported to mean "place of the

whites" (Thomas and Fendall 2003:46). In Haitian Creole, "fon" can mean "deep" or









"bottom" (Valdman 2007:247-248). The similarly sounding word "fwon" is sometimes

pronounced "fon," and can mean "coalition," "funds," or "forehead" (Valdman 2007:247-

248). "The coalition of foreigners" or "coalition of whites" translation that the word "fwon"

would offer is interesting, considering the local oral history of a defection of Polish

soldiers that fought on the side of Haitians.

The author of a dissertation on Polish influences in Haiti speculated similarly on

the origins of the names "Fond Blanc" and "Fond-des-blancs" (Fondeblan). Residents of

both of these similarly named but distinct locations claim different reasons for the origin

of their townships names. While residents of Fondeblan widely contribute the name of

the area to the influence of Polish settlements, such is not necessarily the case in Fond

Blanc:

When I asked several informants in Fond Blanc and Cazale as to the origin
of the name Fond Blanc, without exception they answered that it reflected
the lighter soil that was to be found in the area. 'Fond' means 'hollow',
'down', or 'deep down' (much the same as the French word), and 'Blanc' is
the French and the Kreyol [sic] word for 'white'. Yet in Kreyol, 'Blan' also
means foreigner, so it might also have been a reference to the white
settlers that settled there. Importantly, Fond Blanc is the first location where
the Polish Legionnaires decided (or were granted permission by
Dessalines) to settle. This is testified to by both the inhabitants of Cazale as
of Fond Blanc. It is therefore impossible at this point to totally reject the idea
that the 'Blanc' in the 'Fond' has nothing to do with the 'blans' who settled
this remote village. (Rypson 2007:74)

Rypson goes on to indicate similar phenotypic features between residents of Fond

Blanc and Fondeblan, further asking whether "it can be pure coincidence that two widely

accepted locations of Polish settlement share such similar names; moreover, names in

which the word 'Blanc' is the most important signifier" (Rypson 2007:74). Thus, while

the name Fondeblan could have emerged from a variety of different contexts, given the

oral history about Polish settlements, the presence of unusual phenotypic features, and









the similar name with another area settled by Polish people, it is possible that the

Thomas and Fendall account is true.

Balzano reports having seen historical documents which place French migrants in

Fondeblan at least a generation before the Haitian revolution (Balzano 2010, personal

communication). He added that deeds documenting land grants in Fondeblan from the

1806 to 1816 have only yielded French family names. According to Balzano, there was

no known memory of Polish origins in Fondeblan until the visit of the pope, in 1983.

Ecology

The ecological data on Fondeblan is of the broadest nature. In one account, it was

noted that the area didn't look much different than many other places in rural Haiti. It

displayed the "effects of decades of deforestation, namely the loss of top soil to erosion

in the hills and mountains" (Thomas and Fendall 2003:48). A second account confirms

this, stating that "three hundred years of agricultural production have subjected the

vulnerable hillsides [of Fondeblan] to extensive sheet erosion. Such erosion has

stripped away its limestone based top soil and deposited it in the plenn [plain]" (Balzano

1986:6).

Balzano reported that the area has no major permanent surface water and that

"rainfall averages 600-800 millimeters per year" (Balzano 1986:7). Furthermore,

according to residents, the area receives no rain from May to July and from November

to January (Balzano 1986). Details on the soil conditions, while not elaborate from an

ecological point of view, have been reported:

the people here have developed a "black-red-white-rock" soil classification
system that corresponds quite accurately to their lime-stone and basalt
bases, the presence of alluvial deposits, and the occurrence of sheet and
gully erosion. (Balzano 1986:6)









Balzano attributes wide-scale erosion in the area principally to agricultural activities

(Balzano 1986). These activities, combined with two rainy seasons, have resulted in the

soils currently found in Fondeblan.

One interesting feature of Fondeblan that differentiates it from much of the rest of

rural Haiti is the existence of rak bwa (plots of tree-covered land). Balzano reports that

many of these rak bwa are vestiges of original forest, while some of them appeared to

be managed to some degree (Balzano 1986). Some of these rak bwa existed before the

implementation of Pwoje Pyebwa.

In returning to Fondeblan some 10 years after the research conducted for his PhD,

Balzano noted that the hills in the area did not appear any more or less forested than

before (Balzano 1997:21). Having just returned from a recent trip, Balzano confirms the

same observation, from the same location where he stood in 1997 (Balzano 2010,

personal communication). However, he reached consensus with a local agronomist that

the valley had about 25% to 30% canopy cover provided by Pwoje Pyebwa trees. In his

first return visit Balzano noted many project trees that were allowed to grow to heights

of up to 60 feet (1997:21). As most Pwoje Pyebwa trees were planted within the lakou

(compound) or nearby jaden (cultivated gardens), it makes sense that the hills

themselves would not appear particularly more heavily treed. However, a six-fold

increase in the number of charcoal trucks leaving the area daily begs the question of

where the wood for the charcoal came from (Balzano 1986; Smucker et al. 2007). It is

presumable that a substantial percentage of the wood used to meet this increase came

from Pwoje Pyebwa trees.









Ten years after Balzano's most recent trip to the area, another document reported

that "a recent site visit shows evidence of a "radical" change in the landscape since

1982 with trees of project derivation now covering a large percent of the land" (Smucker

et al. 2007:37). Smucker believes that there may have been a shift toward including

project trees within rak bwa (Smucker 2009, personal communication). Balzano made

an initial distinction between woodlands and hardwood lots. According to his distinction:

hardwood woodlots appear to be vestiges of natural forests (i.e., they were
not deliberately planted but are actively managed). This is evident in the
vegetative structure of the woodlot. Trees of varying maturity and size form
a canopy for a shrubby and herbaceous undergrowth. These woodlots have
not supported agricultural activity in living memory. No one species
appears to be dominant in these woodlots. Nearly every species
present is considered to be a source of good hardwood sawtimber. They
also provide a variety of wood products (e.g., wood for charcoal, wood for
agricultural tools) and shade for tethered livestock. (Balzano 1986:17)

Conversely, the woodlands, according to Balzano, are "dominated by one of three

species: either bayahond (Prosopis juliflora) [sic] or kanpech (Haematoxylum

campechianum) or dilen (Leucaena glauca) (Balzano 1986:17). It is in this latter

category of "woodland" that I would suspect project trees would have been added to-

beyond the yard or lakou, as Smucker suggests. However, I did not observe this

practice and neither has Balzano (Balzano 2010, personal communication).

While Balzano initially made this important distinction, he goes on to lump the

two together under the term "rak" or "rak bwa" for the remainder of his research,

because the local Haitians "refer to them both by the same terms..." (Balzano 1986:17).

Balzano claims the distinction still holds true (Balzano 2010, personal communication).

The existence of rak bwa in the area prior to the project is important, and research into

their species content and history is important.









Culture and Society


Fondeblan appears to have a level of societal stratification more diverse than other

parts of rural Haiti. The earliest reports from the area (~1980) indicate the presence of

wealthy rural elite:

A few wealthy families monopolized the business in Fond-des-Blancs. Most
of them were connected with the militia of the Duvalier regime. They owned
the means of transportation, controlled the sale of processed goods, and
made informal loans to those willing to pay their 100 percent interest rate.
(Thomas and Fendall 2003:47)

This arrangement is not inconsistent with the era, and could be found in other places

throughout rural Haiti. Balzano, while acknowledging the presence of these wealthy

families, also noted a secondary social level. This second level of well-off peasantry is

seemingly at odds with the traditional elite-peasant dichotomy that has traditionally

dominated much of the Haitian countryside:

A few residents are bona fide members of the urban middle class. They
own and/or rent property and businesses in Port-au-Prince .. More
common though is the well-off peasant with extensive landholdings but
still poor by urban middle-class standards. This well-off peasantry forms a
distinct rural elite class, though no family or person in that class holds
economic or political sway over it. [E]lite often have immediate kin who are
members of the urban middle and working classes. They send their children
to the United States, Canada, or France. Thus, any characterization of the
people would not be complete without mention of their strong urban ties.
(Balzano 1986:9)

The extent to which the success of Pwoje Pyebwa was related to the elite in Fondeblan

is a topic of significance in Balzano's PhD dissertation (Balzano 1989; Balzano,

personal communication 2010).

Like much of rural Haiti, land ownership is high in Fondeblan. Earlier nation-level

census data from the southern portion of the country indicated an 85% land ownership

rate (Zuvekas 1978:77). This high regional level of individual land ownership









demonstrates the continued legacy of the post-colonial land redistribution policies

enacted by Petion, and continued later by Boyer in the north (Moya Pons 2007). In

Fondeblan, individual land ownership was reported at a similar rate, with 20% of the

population described as large-scale land owners, 60% described as small-scale land

owners, and 20% as owning no land at all (Balzano 1997:9).

The first survey of religion in Fondeblan found that Catholics represented 85

percent of tree-planters in the project, with a respective 85-25 percent distribution of

Catholics and Protestants in the general population (Balzano 1986:13). A decade later,

Balzano noted incredible increases in the Protestant population, attributing them to the

work of the local Baptist mission and the election of several Baptists to local

government positions (Balzano 1997).

Vodou (voodoo)-the western name for the popular folk religion-is practiced

widely throughout rural Haiti. That Haitians are reluctant to publicly affiliate with Vodou

is widely known and has produced an oft-quoted and oft-paraphrased adage: eighty-

five percent of Haitians are Catholic, but one-hundred percent practice Vodou. A more

modest estimate is that between half and three-fourths of the population of rural Haiti

practice Vodou (Murray 1985). Whatever the case, it would be difficult to measure the

effect of Vodou on tree-planting given reluctance to publically admit affiliation.

Interestingly, Balzano noted an increased openness to talk about the practice of Vodou

on his follow-up trip to the area (Balzano 1997).

Development and Infrastructure in Fondeblan

The earliest available account of the infrastructure in Fondeblan indicates the

area's isolation and the lack of access:









Getting to Fond-des-Blancs was not easy, since the roads were so badly
neglected that they could barely be called roads at all. Only the toughest
vehicles could make it up the steep hills. (Thomas and Fendall 2003:47)

The result of poor road conditions meant that the peasant communities living the area

had unreliable access to regional and national markets-access which was favored,

and factored substantially into peasant livelihood strategies. These problems were

compounded when heavy rains made roads completely impassable. The result was that

"those in Fond-des-Blancs who had charcoal, livestock, or produce to sell would not be

paid a decent amount for these commodities because of the difficulty of transporting

them" (Thomas and Fendall 2003:141).

The seemingly natural solution was the improvement of the main road that ran

through Fondeblan and connected to other major artilleries, eventually leading to the

capital city of Port-au-Prince. Major road projects commenced under CODEF, the

development arm of the local Baptist mission:

Between 1994 and 1996, CODEF improved over two hundred miles of road
around Fond-des-Blancs and a major connection between the National
Road Cote-de-Fer and Benait. More than 10,000 people found temporary
employment. The traffic between Fond-des-Blancs and the national road
drastically improved. (Clavissaint 1998:1)

Balzano confirms this recent improvement to roads during his 1997 visit (Balzano 1997).

A trend away from agricultural activities appears to be taking place in Fondeblan.

In the first report of the anthropologist living in the area, he noted that very few

opportunities for finding work outside the realm of agriculture. His research reported that

"there are three masons, two carpenters, two gangan (traditional priests), two school

teachers, and a health aide" (Balzano 1986:8).

While the major road improvements occurred from 1994 to 1996 (Clavissaint

1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003), the trend that Balzano reports appears to start prior









to, and independent of, road improvements. "In the ten year period from 1986 to 1996

Fonds-des-Blancs has experienced a construction boon and a shift in economic activity

from agriculture to commerce" (Balzano 1997:8). It is possible that the primary road

improvements occurred first, allowing substantial changes in the two years between the

road project's commencement (1994) and Balzano's second visit (1996). It is also

possible that urban demand for rural resources during the U.S. imposed embargo

necessitated these changes the area, regardless of road conditions. An influx in the

availability of vehicles able to traverse these roads may also have played a factor.

Many of the changes that have taken place in Fondeblan can rightly be said to be

ushered in through the work of several influential non-governmental organizations

working in the area, including the catholic hospital, the associated peasant cooperative,

and the protestant mission that oversaw Pwoje Pyebwa in Fondeblan.

Pwoj6 Pyebwa in Fondeblan

Fondeblan has a unique history in relation to Pwoje Pyebwa. Namely, it was the

first location in Haiti that project seedlings were delivered to, in the spring of 1982

(Smucker et al. 2007:37). After several seasons, operations were handed over

exclusively to the Cooperation de Developpement et Planification (CodePla), a

development organization of the Council of Evangelical Churches of Haiti. Several

years later, CodePla tree-planting operations transitioned over to the Cooperative de

Developpement de Fond-des-blancs (CODEF). It should be mentioned that CODEF is

a cooperative, and the development arm of the Haitian Christian Development Fund

(HCDF)-a faith-based evangelical nonprofit organization run by a charismatic Haitian

pastor. Regardless of the somewhat confusing shifting of names and administrators, the









project remained essentially the same, and CODEF served as the primary project

implementer for most of the decade. The operations of CODEF were not limited strictly

to Pwoje Pyebwa. As already noted, they were involved in road building in the area.

Additionally, the cooperative continues to sponsor "a pig redistribution program, a goat

stock improvement program, and is constructing a water system..." (Balzano 1986:9).

The cooperative deviated from many of the other Pwoje Pyebwa NGOs that

received seedlings from external nurseries; CODEF constructed its own on-site nursery

(Thomas and Fendall 2003:103; Smucker et al. 2007:37). A comprehensive report on

the first five years of Pwoje Pyebwa operations indicates that 33 of the 182 NGOs

participating at that time had their own nurseries (Smucker 1988). Figure 3-3 displays

three photographs of CODEF's nursery in the early years of the project. This nursery

had the capacity to produce approximately 250,000 seedlings per year (Smucker et al.

2007:37). CODEF estimates that approximately two-million trees were distributed to

farmers in Fondeblan during this decade (Clavissaint 1998). An application of the

cooperative's cautious survival rate of 35% (Thomas and Fendall 2003) suggests that at

least 700,000 project trees successfully took root in the hills of Fondeblan.

To what extent has this tree planting continued? The primary administrator of the

cooperative reported that CODEF no longer plants trees (Clavissaint 1998). Ten years

later, Smucker offers a seemingly different account:

CODEF has 3,000 local farmer members, most of whom have tree gardens
of 250 to 500 trees. Cooperative members commit to planting 10 new trees
for each mature tree that is harvested. (Smucker et al. 2007:37)

Perhaps Clavissaint meant that CODEF no longer distributes free seedlings. It is

possible that farmers are now purchasing their own seedlings or protecting volunteers

from project trees, as other aspects related to the project continue. For example,









Clavissaint mentions CODEF's has its sights on "a sawmill and charcoal making project

that would harvest the current stock of trees and encourage the participating farmers to

plant new trees to replace the ones being harvested" (Clavissaint 1998:1). Thus, in the

same document he mentions that CODEF does not plant trees, but that CODEF wants

to encourage farmers to plant trees. This suggests that a behavioral change has

occurred in Fondeblan. That is, it was previously believed that Haitian farmers would not

plant "wood" trees, for reasons both economic and cultural.

In 2002, with the help of a donor, CODEF received a portable sawmill and began

cutting boards (Thomas and Fendall 2003). FIGURE 3-3 displays this saw mill, in

addition to early nursery photo. Thomas, head of the nongovernmental organization that

runs CODEF, explains the rationale behind the purchase of a saw mill:

[W]e placed strict requirements on whose logs we would purchase and
convert into lumber. First, we encouraged the farmers not to harvest all their
mature trees at once. In our system, no more than one-third of their trees
may be harvested at any one time, and land-owners have to agree to plant
ten trees for every one they harvest. With recent drought conditions, the
survival rate of newly planted seedlings may be no better than 20 percent,
but even them our system of harvesting and planting means that twice as
many new trees survived as were harvested. Up to this time, none of our
cooperatives had a processing and marketing component. But in our
reforestation and harvest system, it is very important that people have a
cash income, that they be able to sell their mature trees at a fair price.
(Thomas and Fendall 2003:107-108)

One can see a clear understanding of the role of trees in the Haitian peasant economy

in this approach. That is, CODEF recognizes the labor required to saw timber, but also

recognizes the much larger profits that timber can provide over charcoal. Even without a

sawmill, it would still likely be more profitable to let some trees grow longer for timber.

Balzano confirms this strategy in the report of his second visit. "Many of the trees

planted in Fonds-des-Blancs [sic] as part of the US AID-financed Proje Pyebwa [sic]









(1982-1987) are still standing or being managed for long-term yields" (Balzano

1996:21). That is, prior to the labor saving sawmill, the strategy of leaving trees to grow

for later timber harvest was being employed (Smucker and Timyan 1995).

Yet not all Pwoje Pyebwa trees in Fondeblan are being used for timber. When

Balzano first visited the area in 1985, he noted that one full truck of charcoal,

"approximately 180 thirty kilogram sacks" left the area for Port-au-Prince daily (Balzano

1986:7). More than 25 years later, Smucker reported a six-fold increase in the number

of trucks leaving with charcoal:

There are presently six trucks carrying out one thousand 35-lb. sacks of
charcoal daily to Port-au-Prince, and this charcoal is mainly from project-
related trees. Charcoal sales are now second in importance to local farmer
revenues (after animal-raising). (Smucker et al. 2007:37)

Given that Balzano noticed no negative changes to the hillsides of Fondeblan over a ten

year period (Balzano 1997:21), and given that Smucker reported "radical" improvements

over at least a 25 year period (Smucker et al. 2007:37), I average these findings to

safely conclude that the hills of Fondeblan did not experience substantial increases in

deforestation since 1981. This observation, added to the noted increase in charcoal

trucks leaving the area leads me to concur with Smucker that charcoal needs were at

least partially met by Pwoje Pyebwa trees. As Balzano noted as early as 1996,

"charcoal continues to be a chief Fonds-des-Blancs [sic] export, and charcoal-making

one of the best ways in Fonds-des-Blancs to generate income" (Balzano 1996:21).

Thus, a review of the literature available on Fondeblan leads me to cautiously conclude

that while further study is needed, it appears as if the primary objective of Pwoje

Pyebwa was at least partially achieved, as were other aspects of the project's

secondary objective.









Summary of Literature Review

The purpose of this literature review, conducted with a political ecology approach,

was to bring the reader from the far to the near-both historically and spatially. Starting

with the colonial era and working forward in time, I highlighted specific historical and

political events thought to substantially contribute to the deforestation of Haiti. After a

treatment of these contributions, I turned to examine nation-wide human and ecological

vulnerabilities that are linked to Haiti's wide-scale deforestation. After I examined the

role of trees in Haitian peasant economy, I looked at previous tree-planting projects and

the explored the reasons their failures. Pwoje Pyebwa was briefly treated, as were

some of its criticisms in the social and natural science literature. Finally, the site of the

research presented in this thesis was examined. In addition to providing specific details

about Fondeblan, an effort was made to examine changes to the area over a 30 year

period. This period of time was not arbitrarily chosen, but is a reflection of available

literature on the area, which commence around the time that Pwoje Pyebwa started.

Taken as a whole, this literature review contextualizes Fondeblan as a specific place in

time, and helps to make the findings presented in subsequent chapters of this thesis

meaningful and instructive.














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i~p


Se


Figure 3-1. A traditional twa wbch dife (three rock fire).


84

















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Figure 3-2. Photos of Pwoje Pyebwa nursery operations in Fondeblan, and a saw mill that came years later.


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CHAPTER 4
METHODS

Introduction

The data presented and analyzed in this thesis were collected over a two month

period spent in rural Haiti, during the summer of 2009. The first two weeks were spent

in Bel Rivye (Belle Riviere), a village neighboring Fondeblan (Fond-des-blancs). These

two weeks were spent as a member of a linguistics team from the University of Florida,

headed by Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite. The team consisted of an undergraduate

student, two graduate students, and an assistant professor. Team time was spent

administering the goals of Dr. Hebblethwaite's Haitian Creole Scrabble Literacy Project.

I spent the remaining six weeks of research time in Fondeblan. Following an

ambitious interview schedule, I collected quantitative and qualitative data through semi-

structured interviews with farmers and several key informants. I outline the

methodology informing data collection and the specific methods employed in the

following sections of this chapter.

Methodology

The methodology informing the data I collected is in line with the literature

reviewed in Chapter 3 and the theory presented in Chapter 2-it is based primarily on a

materialist approach. Thus, quantitative data were collected through interviews with

farmers on a variety of variables thought to reflect concrete ecological conditions, as

well as sociocultural and economic realities. Qualitative statements were also gathered









during these interviews to assess farmer attitudes and behaviors8 in relation to land

uses and to livelihood strategies.

Language Preparation

I came to this research with the distinct advantage of having been born and raised

in Haiti. Unfortunately, due to my attendance at an English-speaking primary school, I

had never fully mastered the local language. Nevertheless, I was familiar with many of

the language's sounds and rhythms, and remembered many words in Haitian Creole. In

particular, I was easily able to make the nasalized consonant and vowel sounds that so

many non-native speakers have difficulty reproducing. The stage for rapid language

acquisition was set.

At the commencement of my studies at the University of Florida, I was fortunate

to be awarded Title VI funding from the U.S. Department of Education, in the form of a

Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) fellowship to study Haitian Creole. The

summer before I began courses at the University of Florida, I committed myself to an

aggressive independent summer scholarship schedule. That summer was spent

bringing myself up to par with the level of comprehension most people acquire in their

first year of language studies. I entered second-year Haitian Creole studies during my

first semester at the university, and was teaching introductory Creole by the second

semester. By the time I left for Haiti to conduct this research, I was functionally

proficient and able to conduct with ease the interview schedule I had designed.




8 I consider Haitian farmers as local ecological experts, intimately involved with their land. They have
developed their own systems of identifying processes, conditions, and constraints related to land use.
Furthermore, I consider Haitian farmers to be socioeconomically pragmatic in their approach to
diversifying and maximizing their livelihood strategies









Selection of the Research Site

Several factors led to the choice of Fondeblan as a research site. First, it is

unique for its status as the very first site that project seedlings were distributed to, in

1982. Second and rather fortuitously, an anthropologist living in the area wrote a report,

as well as his PhD dissertation on the early years of Pwoje Pyebwa operations (Balzano

1986; Balzano 1989). Approximately ten years later the same anthropologist returned

and gathered qualitative data on changes to the area (Balzano 1997). Such longitudinal

data made the site an attractive place to conduct a diachronic study. Third, Dr.

Bannister's friendship with a local pastor-the area's chief Pwoje Pyebwa administer-

helped to secure room and board arrangements, and had the potential to open doors to

key informants. Fourth, the site had been mentioned in the literature as exhibiting

""radical" change in the landscape since 1982 with trees of project derivation now

covering a large percent of the land" (Smucker 2007). Finally, Fondeblan has a

reputable and well established hospital, good road access to Port-au-Prince, a small

airplane runway, and was rumored to have an internet cafe. These latter factors made

it an especially promising location for continued long-term fieldwork during the later

explanatory stages of my research schedule. All factors combined made the case for

an excellent fieldwork site.

Formulation of the Research Question

As mentioned in the introductory chapter, the primary goal of this research is to

provide a site-specific outcome-evaluation of a previous tree-planting project. Typically,

outcome-evaluations are measured against the fulfillment of the primary project

objectives, as outlined in the original proposal. Pwoje Pyebwa had two such primary

objectives:









1. to motivate Haitians farmers to plant and maintain trees for the primary purpose of
income-generation; and

2. to achieve the first objective in large numbers with secondary goals of soil
conservation and improvement, provision of fuel-wood, and the provision of other
environmental services (Murray and Bannister 2004).

The literature related to the site suggested that farmers in Fondeblan had initially

fulfilled both objectives (Balzano 1989; Smucker and Timyan 1995; Balzano 1997;

Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003; Smucker 2007). What remained unclear

was whether they continued to meet these objectives over a 30 year period, and if they

did so contemporaneously. That is, had permanent behavior change occurred as a

result of the project? Furthermore, an outcome-evaluation limited to addressing the

original project objectives runs the risk of reinventing the wheel. That is, it runs the risk

of producing the kind of project evaluations that are already common-namely declaring

success at a high rung of analysis, primarily by citing numbers served or numbers of

trees distributed. As the literature review in Chapter 3 indicated, this has been a major

criticism of the literature assessing the project (Escobar 1991; Campbell 1994).

Therefore, a secondary component to this outcome-evaluation is to provide an overall

assessment of changes in the area-changes on the part of farmers' lives, changes in

tree-planting behaviors, and ecological changes to the land.

In sum, the research question was formulated in such a way to facilitate the

collection of data that would provide a fact-check on earlier claims of project success

based on stated project objectives, provide an assessment of overall changes in farmer

behavior and ecological changes to the area, and point to any correlations between

continued tree-planting and other social, cultural, economic and ecological factors.









The research question: Nearly 30 years since the commencement of a major

tree-planting project, which particular cultural, social, economic, and ecological

conditions have influenced some Haitian farmers to continue to plant trees more than

others?

Formation of Preliminary Hypotheses

In traditional exploratory research, hypotheses are generated after data is

collected, for use in the later explanatory stage. Here, I departed from this traditional

approach and proposed several plausible hypotheses based on the literature, site

location, and research question. Due to research design authentic scientific hypothesis-

testing is not possible. Instead, hypotheses are used as points of departure to search

for relationships and correlations between the research question and the data. Thus,

hypotheses are simply accepted or rejected based on the findings of the data. In all

cases hypotheses posited that certain conditions would result in continued tree-planting

by rural Haitian farmers:

1. H.1: Protestant farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than Catholic
farmers.

2. H.2: Wealthy farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than poor farmers.

3. H.3: Farmers with large land holdings are more likely to plant trees on their lands.

4. H.4: Farmers who participated in Pwoje Pyebwa are more likely to plant trees on
their lands.

5. H.5: Farmers who utilize agroforestry practices are more likely to plant trees on
their land.

Objectives of Data Collection

The objective of data collection was to provide multiple and diverse data sets

capable of being analyzed to: (1) generally address the research question; (2)









specifically address the preliminary hypotheses; (3) contribute to a solid evaluation

Pwoje Pyebwa against its stated primary objectives; (4) contribute to an overall

evaluation of the project's affect on participants' lives; (5) provide qualitative statements

about ecological changes to the area; and (6) establish a reliable baseline for a later

explanatory research stage at the same site.

Sample

The realities of rural Fondeblan made sampling a somewhat challenging process.

The absence of a well-functioning local government equipped to provide a basic

demographic account of the site eliminated most possibilities for probability sampling.

Furthermore, two months in the field did not provide enough time for the type of informal

census that might facilitate probability sampling.

Therefore, I used purposive, non-probability sampling, with the goal of capturing a

sample that had a high (x > 50%) household-level participation in Pwoje Pyebwa. To

achieve this goal, I used geographical cluster sampling, choosing four of the

neighborhoods surrounding the location of the project nursery and seedling distribution

site. Within each of these four clusters, a convenience sampling was taken, in the

acquisition of approximately 15 interviews per cluster.

Thus, interviews (n=61) with farmers were conducted in an geographical area

delineated by a radius of between one to two miles, extending outward from the original

nursery and seedling distribution site. While the Pwoje Pyebwa operations eventually

extended to even the farthest neighborhoods of Fondeblan, this specific sampling

approach was chosen for several reasons. In addition to the likelihood of yielding a high

number of project participants, such a sample was also expected to have substantial

numbers of participants who planted in the early years of the decade over which the









project was implemented. The land of these planters was more likely to provide

windows into ecological changes such as soil conservation or amendments.

Data Collection

Data were gathered within the sample parameters as outlined. I conducted semi-

structured interviews with 61 heads-of-households, during which time a wealth of

information was gathered on variables designed to be accurate measures social,

cultural, economic and ecological conditions. The variables employed are provided in

Table 4-1.

Table 4-1. Variables measured in data collection
Variables
1. age 14. ownership or access to of rak bwa
2. animal types 15. participation in project
3. crop types 16. religion
4. literacy 17. remittances
5. livelihood ranking 18. sex
6. N of children 19. size of total land owned
7. N of different crops grown 20. soil types
8. N of different trees on land 21. tree cutting
9. N of people per household 22. tree planting b
10. N of uses for trees 23. tree species on land
11. N* of different animals owned 24. use of agroforestry practices
12. other land-holdings 25. wealth
13. own land
Notes: N* = number, b = y-variable; research question


The analysis of these variables in the subsequent chapter will have no meaning if

they are not properly operationalized. Appendix A provides brief description of what was

measured by each variable.

The Logic behind Targeting Heads-of-household

A note should be made in regard to targeting heads-of-household. As outlined in

Chapter 2, a political ecology approach is interested in examination at multiple levels-

international, national, regional, local, and household. Chapter 2 discussed the









existence of another level, the lakou (compound), between the local and the household

level. Such a level would prove interesting to examine, though data were not collected

at this level because individual household decisions are said to be autonomous of lakou

arrangements:

[I]n times past it is reported that the lakou functioned at least to some
degree as an economic unit, elder parents retaining some authority over the
economic activities of even their married children. If this structure in fact
existed, it has long since disappeared through-out rural Haiti. The pattern
today is for each household to function somewhat autonomously as an
economic unit, though there are labor and food exchanges which do occur.
(Murray 1981:3)

Thus, while the lakou may be acknowledged as a rung for examination, data in this

research were gathered specifically at the house-hold level in light of the economic

autonomy described by Murray.

Supplementing Primary Interviews

Farmers were not the only people interviewed for the purpose of data collection.

Several interviews were also conducted with key informants, including the head of a

Catholic peasant organization involved in a variety of development projects, the head of

the Protestant mission who oversaw Pwoje Pyebwa operations in Fondeblan, and same

mission's development director who oversaw the later years of the project.

Finally, several trips to the central market were made on market days. The

purpose of these trips was to find discover the local prices for various planks (timber)

and bags of charcoal. Visits were also made to several carpenters to cross-check the

plank prices given in the market place.

Hiring a Research Assistant

In a rather surreal experience during my first morning in Fondeblan, I watched a

man cutting down trees on a tree-covered hillside across from the house where I was









staying. I climbed the hill and started a conversation with this gentleman. He identified

himself by his work, stating that he was both a farmer and a charcoal producer. Jak (a

pseudonym) and I became friends, and he would frequently accompany me on my trips

out to visit farms. Noting that accompanying me he would lose out on daily money-

making opportunities, he suggested that I monetarily compensate him at a level

commensurate with local standards. I agreed.

Well liked in the community, Jak served as a gate-keeper, winning over the

occasionally skeptical or reluctant farmer with assurances that I was a university student

and had no ulterior motives beyond research related to Pwoje Pyebwa. Furthermore,

Jak was creative and patient in discovering new and innovative ways to explain the

definition of the occasional word that was new to my lexicon. Jak became a good

friend, and it different ways we were able to give each-other sage advice on a variety of

different subjects.

A Typical Day of Interviewing

Interviews with farmers were typically conducted each morning, shortly after

sunrise. This approach was followed at the advice Jak, because starting early meant

avoiding the hot afternoon sun and also increased our chances of catching heads-of-

households before they departed for the day's work in the field. This interview schedule

was occasionally altered at Jak's recommendation-usually coinciding with strong rains

the day before that would result in farmers leaving their houses early to plant the

season's pitimi (sorghum). On such days, interviewing started after noon, under the

unrelenting Caribbean sun.









Regardless of the early hour that interviewing started most mornings, I was usually

soaked in sweat by the time I arrived at the first farm. This is due to the fact that Haiti is

a very mountainous country, and the rollercoaster of crisscrossing small mountain paths

that lead to different farms ensured a vigorous work-out session. Any initial fears about

my ability to perform fieldwork that involved so much walking abated after the first day,

and I began to enjoy the beautiful vistas and lively conversations with Jak that such

mornings provided (My afternoons were spent recovering from these long excursions).

When a farm was first approached, Jak would bellow out "one" (honor), or "kay

gen moun?" (anybody home?). This nicety ensured that no one was caught off-guard. If

someone appeared, we would usually enter the lakou (communal courtyard). I would

start by introducing myself, explaining the purpose of my research, and asking if a head-

of-household was home. When absent, the farm was skipped and if possible, returned

to later. When the head-of-household was present and summoned, I would again

explain my research and ask if they were interested in participating through an

interview. Most famers graciously and enthusiastically agreed, and were subsequently

read an informed-consent statement in Haitian Creole. They were then interviewed in a

semi-structured manner that allowed them to talk at their own pace and provide

qualitative data, while also allowing me to occasionally steer the course of the

conversation for purposes of collecting quantifications on specific variables.

Tools Utilized

The primary tool used in interviews was a small digital voice-recorder, which

directly records onto SD disks. The mechanism, smaller than a cell phone, recorded

each interview as a separate file. The SD disks are removable, and are already in MP3









format when transferred to a computer. Furthermore, the digital voice-recorder had

playback features which allowed me to slow down the recordings-a useful feature

when re-listening to recordings of the occasional rapid rural speaker. Additionally, a

clipboard, pen, and paper were used to make other observations about farmers' lives,

such as whether or not they lived in a cement house, to jot down new words, and to

note other observations particularly related to ecological features. Finally, a ruler was

brought along to measure the three largest trees in each farmer's yard. I later

discovered this to be a rather fruitless endeavor, as different trees grow at different

rates in different soils and ecological conditions. Nevertheless, the measurements

provided a way to learn about different trees while soliciting estimates on their age from

farmers. All tree trunk sizes were taken at breast level, or approximately four feet.

Between three to five interviews were conducted every day, depending on factors

such as the weather, the strength of the interviewer, the distance traveled from the point

of departure, and the ability to find farmers at home.

Transcribing the Interviews

A substantial amount of interviews were transcribed each night by diesel

generator-powered light, flashlight, or candle light. Interviews were transcribed directly

into Haitian Creole. A portion of these interviews were submitted to Haitian Creole

professor Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite as part of a summer-long independent study

contract. Some excerpts from these transcripts are used in the following chapters of

this thesis, and represent some of the qualitative contributions to this research.









Mining the Data

I learned the hard way that it is more desirable to conduct interviews with sheets of

paper that can be used to directly record quantitative data. Unfortunately, in my case

most such data were embedded in the audio recordings of the interviews. This required

re-listening to all the interviews in order to "mine" the quantitative data out of their

embedded context. While certainly improving my Krey6l, this effort took quite some

time. Nevertheless, listening to each recording multiple times ensured that the numbers

and quantifications were correct. Eventually everything was sorted out and my data

sets were ready to be analyzed.

Analysis of Primary Data

To look for correlations that could address the research question and the

preliminary hypotheses, quantitative data were analyzed with PASW v.18.0.19 (2009).

All variables were measured against the dependent variable-whether or not farmers

currently plant trees on their lands. Analysis began with chi-square tests, performed on

all outcome variables. A logistic regression was then performed on all outcome

variables that demonstrated initial significance. Due to design, results are not

predictive, but the analysis is strengthened by descriptive statistics, qualitative findings,

and by supporting literature on the topic. The results of the data analysis are presented

and discussed in a mixed format in Chapter 5.









9 PASW is software commonly used by social scientists in the analysis of quantitative data.









CHAPTER 5
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Introduction

In this chapter I provide a qualitative assessment of Fondeblan in 2009, and

discuss the results of quantitative data analyzed to address the research question. This

chapter is comprehensive-it addresses the findings on all variables outlined in Chapter

4 and defined in Appendix A. Where statistical significance was discovered, further

discussion and extrapolation ensue. When possible, findings are related back to

findings presented by an earlier anthropologist in the area (Balzano 1986; Balzano

1989; Balzano 1997). While data from Balzano's sample and my sample are sometimes

loosely compared, the non-random nature of my sample makes definitive statements of

shifts or changes impossible. Furthermore, the findings suggested by my data cannot

be extrapolated beyond the sample. The findings discussed below inform the

conclusions presented in Chapter 6.

A Qualitative Assessment of Fondeblan In 2009

I first arrived in Fondeblan in July of 2009, having spent the two previous weeks in

neighboring Bel Rivye. The initial thing that struck me about the area was how many of

the hills were covered with trees. I was born approximately 55 miles (~90 kilometers)

from this area, and have traveled between Okay (Les Cayes) and P6toprens (Port-au-

Prince) on numerous occasions, and as recently as 2001. Never in my life have I seen

this kind of tree cover in Haiti. I observed my first rak bwa (parcel of tree-covered land)

in Bel Rivye-but only one. Fondeblan appears to be full of rak bwa. Figure 5-1

displays photos of rak bwa in the hills surrounding Fondeblan.











































Figure 5-1. Photos of "rak bwa" in the hills surrounding Fondeblan.



99









Fondeblan has undergone major changes since the first days of Pwoje Pyebwa.

The existence of a large Catholic-run hospital in the area is illustrative of such changes.

Fully equipped with four-wheel drive ambulances, this hospital serves Fondeblan and

the surrounding areas. The hospital also ushers in medical teams on a regular basis.

I soon learned of another development in the area that is both new and

contentious-a large, half-finished structure in the middle of the local marketplace. The

government decided to build a new and improved covered-market, but ran out of money

before the structure could be completed. According to residents, the giant slab of

cement with no roof accomplishes little more than serving as a solar conduit that

radiates undesired heat, and thickens traffic in the market by limiting the space available

for vendors. See Figure 5-2, which displays a photograph of the crowded market and

the new cement structure. Residents also report that commodity commerce has

increased in the Fondeblan market, providing additional livelihood inputs beyond

traditional cash-cropping.

A third interesting development is the extent to which communication technology

has reached this rural corner of Haiti. The area has a large satellite-signaled internet

cafe, run by the Catholic hospital. I also noticed many cell phones in use.

Despite wide-scale tree cover, new developments in the market, and increased

access to communication technologies, Fondeblan remains an area largely involved in

the agricultural endeavor.

What the Data Suggest

I started my data analysis by running chi-square tests on each individual outcome

variable against my dependent variable. Using all outcome variables that showed initial

significance, I ran a simple logistic regression. Because my expected cells counts were


100









less than five, the most appropriate test for significance was Fisher's Exact. The

regression model and the chi-square tests of variables that demonstrated p-values of

significance are listed in Appendix B.

The logistic regression indicated four variables of statistical significance related to

the y-variable1o. This test suggests that the outcome variables most closely correlated

with farmers' decisions to plant trees are: (1) the number of different tree species

already on household land; (2) whether or not farmers participate in agroforestry

practices; (3) the number of different types of animals a household keeps; and (4) how

trees rank in overall household livelihood strategies.

I approach the analysis of these significant variables and other in a mixed results

and discussion format. The findings are disaggregated into the following three sections

that provide a thorough review of the data and paint a solid picture of life in Fondeblan:

(1) The Farmers; (2) The Land; and (3) Land Uses and Livelihood Strategies. This

disaggregation is not meant to deny the important ties and relationships between these

three categories. It simply serves the purpose of organizing the data in a matter

whereby specific findings on specific topics can be easily located. This approach is

supplemented by the voices of Haitian farmers, transcribed from the interviews I

collected. The goal is to present the qualitative and quantitative findings in a context that

is both meaningful and interesting.







10 The y-variable (tree planting; see Chapter 4) is a binomial categorical variable representing the primary
research question-whether or not farmers currently plant trees on their land.


101









The Farmers

This first section provides a demographic analysis related to the farmers

themselves. Subsequent sub-sections detail land characteristics and land uses.

Age

The sample captured farmers of all different ages. An interesting phenomenon would

often surface when I asked heads-of-households what age they were. Many of the

younger people knew exactly how old they were, and responded immediately with a

discrete number. However, many respondents over the age of approximately 40 often

paused when asked how old they were. Sometimes they would think for a while and

offer a number, other times they would tell me the year in which they were born. Often

they would yell for one of their nearby children or kin to ask them how old they were.

Interestingly, their children most often knew exactly how old their parents were. Perhaps

this phenomenon is reflective of the older generation's conception of time11, while the

newer generation-often attending school, wearing watches, and some using cell

phones-is more grounded in western calendrical conceptions of time.

The youngest farmer interviewed was 18 year old, and the oldest was 90 years

old, with a mean sample age of 49.75. Consider Figure 5-3, which displays three

graphs: (1) a histogram of the actual age distribution of my sample, with a normal curve;

(2) a bar graph of ages in Balzano's 1986 sample, distributed by age categories; and (3)

a bar graph of ages in my 2009 sample, distributed by age categories. Comparing the

second and third bar graphs displayed in Figure 5-3, it becomes apparent that a key




11 Rural Haitians often mark the progression of time by the occurrence of major events such as the
deposition of political leaders, hurricanes, and earthquakes.


102









difference of distribution in these two samples is that a higher percentage in Balzano's

sample fell in the 51-65 age category. In my sample, ages were more evenly distributed

between the 36-50 and 51-65 categories. Unfortunately, my sample was not random

and therefore cannot be compared to Balzano's sample and extrapolated to Fondeblan

in general. Nevertheless, loose comparisons can be made with this fact kept in mind.

One possibility for these differences in age distribution of heads-of-households may be

attributable to out-migration in the area. That is, because people continued to migrate

out in the time between Balzano's study and my study, more land has become available

earlier for younger people in the current era, resulting in the more equal distribution

between two age categories in my sample.

Gender

A large percentage of households in Fondeblan are woman-headed. In Balzano's

sample, 16.5% of households were headed by women. He notes that this is higher than

expected, and attributes this percentage primarily to outward migration of men (Balzano

1986:vii). In my sample 34.4% of households were headed by women-over twice the

percentage in Balzano's sample. Admittedly, postulations of change are not possible

due to the non-random nature of my sample. Nevertheless, loose comparison is

possible. My initial inclination was that the large difference of woman-headed

household between our samples was a reflection of a continued and increased out-

migration that Balzano hypothesized. I conducted a cross tabulation between my

'gender' and 'remittances' data sets, yet no correlations were revealed. Thus, the high

percentage of female-headed households in Balzano's sample, and twice that

percentage in my sample could be attributable to increased out-migration, though such


103









migration does not necessarily correspond with remittances sent to those left behind.

As one woman shared with me, her husband had left her and her two children years

ago to work in French Guiana. While he calls on a regular basis, he is unable to send

money home and unable to secure the funds to return.

Balzano recently stated that he would now attribute any increase in female-

headed households to the consequences of proletariatization initiated by the

aforementioned non-governmental agencies working in the area. According to Balzano,

there has been no observed gender imbalance among the Fondeblan Diaspora (Bazano

2010, personal communication).

Remittances

Balzano did not collect data on remittances, though 62% of his sample indicated

they had at least one family member working overseas. I did not collect data on the

number of households with members overseas, but instead on the number of

households receiving remittances from relatives abroad. Thus, comparisons between

these data sets are speculative at best. Approximately 13% of households in my

sample receive some level of support from relatives living in other cities or abroad.

The Number of People per household

Balzano found an average number of people per household of 4.98. In my sample,

the average number of people per household was 5.62. These differences are very

slight, suggesting very little change in the average number of people per household

over the period of approximately twenty-five years between the collection of these data.

Again, these comparisons are speculative, given the non-random nature of my sample.

Figure 5-4 contains two bar graphs that display the average number of people per


104









household from: (a) Balzano's sample; and (b) my sample. The similarity of these two

graphs suggests the potential of little change in household number levels.

Children

My sample found that heads-of-household in Fondeblan have, on average, 4

children. These children currently reside with the head-of-household, reside elsewhere

in Fondeblan, or have migrated out to other areas. Balzano collected no information on

numbers of children.

Religion

Approximately 85% of the respondents in Balzano's sample reported that they

were Catholic. Ten years later, Balzano reported that he suspected those numbers had

evened out dramatically12. My sample appears to support Balzano's initial suspicion-

inhabitants in my sample fell fairly evenly along the lines of Catholic and Protestant, at

46% and 49%, respectively. Only two informants indicated they s6vi Iwa (practice the

folk religion that western scholars have come to call Vodou), and one was the local

oungan (Vodou priest)13. One respondent identified as an atheist. This struck me as

somewhat unusual. When pressed, he simply offered that he had lost his way, and no

longer believed in God. This respondent's house was the worst of all the different types

of houses I observed in Fondeblan, seeming to confirm the hard times he had fallen

upon. Normally such houses are only temporarily occupied-built when a farmer needs

to stay near a far-off field, away from his permanent home. See Figure 5-5, which

contains a photograph of the atheist's house, along with other house-types I observed.

12 See the literature on Fondeblan, Chapter 3.
13 See Chapter 3 for an explanation of the complexities involved in comprehensively measuring religious
affiliation in Haiti.


105










































Figure 5-2. The new and unfinished structure in the marketplace at Fondeblan, pictured on the left in both photos.



106












Actual Age Distribution with Normal Curve 2009


20 40 60 80 100
age


40.0%-



30.0%-



S20.0%-
10.0%


10.0%-


Categorical Age Division, by percent 1985


u.u- A I I I I
under 25 26-35 36-50 51-65 over 66
Age by Category


40.0%-



30.0%-
-


S 20.0%-
a.


10.0%-



0.0%-


Categorical Age Divison, by percent 2009
















under 25 26-35 36-50 51-65 over 66
Age by Category


Figure 5-3. Age distributions in Fondeblan: (1) Actual Age Distribution with Normal Curve from 2009; (2); Categorical Age
Distribution, by percentage from 1985; and (3) Categorical Age Distribution, by Percentage from 2009.


u I
0


71


















A B

20%- 1985 20%- 2009




15%- 15%




10%- 10%- --








0% I I 0%
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 13 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 11 12 14
Persons Per Household Persons Per Household


Figure 5-4. The average number of people per household from: (A) Balzano's sample, 1985; and (B) my sample, 2009


108











-, -
-4 -


' "

h~iSm
who&.


~1 8-~ /kh4i


4,

,, .. p..,...


Figure 5-5. Different types of houses observed in Fondeblan.




109


* ^
** A
.t^\.


b ..... ....









As highlighted in the literature review on Fondeblan, Balzano contributed the shift

in religious affiliation that he perceived-from a predominance of Catholic religious

affiliation to a more evenly distribute affiliation between Catholicism and

Protestantism-to the activities of the local Protestant mission. I suspect he is correct.

The local Protestant mission is involved in road improvement projects, cooperatives,

water projects, animal husbandry projects and educational projects. Perhaps most

influential in this perceived shift of religious affiliation has been the Baptist mission's

involvement in evangelism and church construction (see Thomas and Fendall 2003).

In Balzano's very recent trip, interviews have led him to suspect a return-shift to

Catholicism. Two-thirds Catholic to one-third Protestant is where Balzano would place

the current religious affiliation in Fondeblan (Balzano 2010, personal communication).

Wealth

As indicated in my definition of variables14, the presence of a cement house was

used as a proxy for wealth. The use of this proxy circumvented uncomfortable inquiries

into people's income levels, in addition to addressing inadequacies in measuring gains

through informal exchanges or within internal markets-i.e. non-cash exchanges such

as labor exchange or trading. The overarching assumption-one employed by Balzano

as well-is that because construction with cement is very expensive, those households

residing in cement houses15 can be deemed "wealthy" and those in mud or thatch

houses can be deemed "not wealthy." Again, see Figure 5-5, which displays photos of

some of the different types of houses found in Fondeblan.


14 See APPENDIX B.
15 Balzano measured cement cisterns, while I measured cement houses. See CHAPTER 4.


110









Using the presence of cement as a proxy for wealth was helpful in looking for

correlations between wealth and tree-planting in Fondeblan, because one of my initial

hypotheses was that wealthier farmers would be more likely to plant trees than non-

wealthy farmers. Balzano found that only 6.5% of people in his sample owned a cement

cistern. Within my sample, 44.3% of households resided in a cement house.

Acknowledging sample-influenced limits on comparability, the perceived differences in

the ownership of a cement house between Balzano's sample and my sample could be

attributed to a variety of different influences. First, there could be an increase of

available capital as the area shifts from historically agrarian activities toward more

commerce. Second, families may have saved enough money since Balzano's time to

since construct cement houses. Another possibility is that these houses were built with

remittance money sent from abroad. One household I visited had about seven men

working on a large (for the area) new cement house. When I asked them whose house

it was, the indicated they were building it for a relative that lives in New York. Whatever

the case, differences between the samples suggest that Fondeblan appears to have

experienced an increase in the number of cement houses-perhaps reflective of an

increase in wealth or in expendable capital.

Education

While no relationships of statistical significance were noted between wealth and

tree-planting, an interesting correlation surfaced in cross tabulations between wealth

and education in my sample. Approximately half of my entire sample fell in the quadrant

of "not wealthy" and "illiterate." This makes logical sense, as expendable income is

required to send children to school. Meanwhile, the other half of my sample, falling in


111









the "wealthy" category is fairly evenly distributed between literate and illiterate. From

these data I extrapolate a connection between a lack of education and poverty, though

the presence of wealth in Fondeblan does not appear to result in a large increase in

education levels. As association does not imply causation, this correlation is admittedly

speculative.

In Balzano's sample, 34% of farmers surveyed indicated they had some formal

education. My sample indicated a literacy rate of 32.8%. Between these two samples,

education levels appear to have fluctuated little in a span of approximately 25 years.

However, due to the non-random nature of my sample, neither extrapolation to

Fondeblan as a whole, nor proclamations of demonstrated change over time are

possible. In spite of this fact, comparison should not be shunned entirely. An increase

of wealth independent of an increase in education may be due to other factors already

discussed in this chapter-namely remittances, family savings, or a gradual shift from

agriculture to commerce. It is also possible that some families choose to invest capital in

their house as opposed to in their children's education. Further extrapolation on this

issue is beyond the scope of this paper and beyond the level that data were collected

at.

Participation in Pwoj6 Pyebwa

In Balzano's random survey of 99 residents, 46.4% were participating in Pwoje

Pyebwa. In my sample, 73.8% of respondents indicated that they had participated in

Pwoje Pyebwa. If these two samples were solidly accurate representations of

Fondeblan at large, one might suggest that this difference could be due to continued

tree seedling distribution as the projected continued for some time after Balzano


112









departed. While the chi-square test between project participation and current tree-

planting revealed no statistical significance, approximately half my sample had both

participated in the project in the past and currently plant trees.

The Land

Land Ownership

In Balzano's sample, 81.5% of households owned some portion of land. In my

sample, 95.1% of households owned some portion of land. Balzano's land ownership

percentage is consistent with data from censuses carried out in 1950 and 1971

indicating between two-thirds and 80% of Haitians own land (Zuvekas 1978:77). My

land ownership percentage is notably higher than Balzano's, and may be a reflection of

any number of factors. One possibility includes an increase of expendable capital in the

area due to increased market access that led to an increase in land purchase. Another

possibility includes more available land due to out-migration. Another possibility

includes more land availability due to land divisions through inheritance. A final

possibility includes sampling bias or error.

Ownership of Multiple Land Parcels

Balzano found that of his sample, the number of different parcels of land owned

per household averaged between three and four. While I did not gather data on the

number of parcels owned, I did gather data on whether or not households owned

additional land beyond that on which their house was situated. In my sample, 83.6% of

households indicated they own additional parcels.

Land Sizes

Balzano did not collect data on land sizes. I did collect these data, though it was

challenging for a variety of reasons. First, not all farmers knew exactly how much land


113









they had, or were not interested in disclosing the quantity. Consider this farmer's

response to my question of how much land he owns:

Nou pa gen anpil. Nou pa gen anpil, men sa di gen plizy6 moun nan fanmi
an, ki kenbe. Chak... gen yon pati, yon pati, yon pati. Men pati te ale yon
b6l val6. M pa konn ki val1 li ye. Men chak moun kenbe yon pati.

(We don't have a lot. We don't have a lot, but that is because there are
many people in the family who are holding land. Each has one piece, one
piece, one piece. But this piece has become valuable. I don't know the
value. But each person has a piece).

With such farmers, getting reliable numbers required a process narrowing down

the possibilities by asking if they owned more or less than a certain amount of land. For

example, if they indicated they owned more than a kawo (in French, carreau; 1.29

hectares), I would ask, esk6 ou genyen plis pase yon kawo (do you have more than a

kawo)? If they responded "no," I would narrow down further, if they responded yes, I

would scale up further, and so on. This process often required return visits to farms and

what may have been estimations on the part of some farmers.

A second challenge was related to the Kreyol word "ka," which can mean a variety

of things, including "could be". "Ka" is also another way of saying kawo. Finally, "ka"

also means "1/4th". Therefore, a farmer might respond, li ka ka e ka (it could be a kawo

and 1/4th). However, this same phrase could simply be emphatics (common in Kreyol),

stuttering, or simply the repetition one makes when one is estimating.

Luckily all interviews were audio recorded and I was able to listen multiple times

to ascertain the correct land sizes. As is the case with much in Kreyol, everything is

context16



16 Krey6l doesn't gender nouns, for example.


114









Average land size in my survey sample is 2.6 hectares (ha), with approximately

one third of the sample owning less than a hectare, another third owning more than 2

ha, and the final third falling somewhere in-between. These figures are notably higher

than previous national estimates, which placed the mean land-holding at 1.5 ha

(Zuvekas 1979).

One original hypothesis was that the larger their land-holdings, the more likely

farmers would be to plant trees on their land. This theory has been supported to some

extent in the literature (Balzano 1986; Bannister and Nair 2003). The assumption was

predicated on the idea that with more than enough land to grow crops, remaining land

would be utilized for income generating trees. An analysis of the data indicated no such

trends. Next, land-holdings were regrouped categorically into small (x<1 hectare),

medium (1 hectare< x <2 hectares), and large (x>2 hectares) units of analysis and

reexamined for significance. No significance was found. Therefore, in the case of my

Fondeblan sample, size of land-holdings appears to bear no direct correlation on tree-

planting decisions by farmers.

Assuming no margin of error in the collection of land sizes, one possible

explanation might be that farmers with large plots of land prefer to rent their extra land,

as opposed to planting trees there. However, I am fully aware of the possibility of errors

in the collection of land sizes. Future research will require walking the perimeter of all

parcels claimed by a farmer, to establish stronger confidence in land size figures offered

by farmers.


115









Soil Types

In addition to many trees, Fondeblan displays a wide variety of different soil

types. As noted by Balzano, and confirmed in my research, the local farmers have

developed a soil classification that is largely based on the color of the soil. Farmers

reported te nwa (black soil), te wouj (red soil), te j6n (yellow soil), te blanch (white soil),

and te w6ch (rocky soil). Figure 5-6 displays a pie chart of different soil-types farmers

indicated their land contains, by percentage of each type named. If farmers named

more than one type of soil, their response is listed under the "mixed soil" category.

Generally speaking, these soil types form a spectrum, with te nwa as the most coveted

and te blanch as the least productive. Te w6ch seems to be an exception to this

classification. As Jak pointed out one morning, te w6ch kenbe dlo anba (rocky soil

retains water underneath). Dr. Bannister has called this phenomenon "rock mulch."

Essentially, these rocks serve as a shield from the sun, protecting water held by soil

deposits lower in the profile, which have long since drifted below the rocks. The most

coveted soil dominates, with approximately one-third of farmers claiming their land was

te nwa. Mixed soil and te blanch follow at 26.23% each. Te w6ch and te j6n are the

least common soils found on the lands of farmers in the sample, named at 6.56% and

3.28%, respectively.

Tree Ownership

Tree tenure in Fondeblan and in much of rural Haiti is related to land tenure, in

such that the owner of a parcel of land generally owns the rights to the trees on the

land. However, creative arrangements can be reached:


116









soil types
Black soil
White soil
Yellow soil
N rocky soil
E[mixed soil


Figure 5-6. Distribution of soil types on farmers' land in Fondeblan, by percentage.


26.23% `
637.70%





,+ 2+3 3.28%









If the ultimate disposal of the trees can be arranged for by agreement of all
the parties involved, then the issue of land tenure becomes muted. For
example, one kiltivate [farmer] who sharecrops a parcel of land in M6n Zeb
[pseudonym for Balzano's research site in Fondeblan] planted trees on this
land after coming to an innovative agreement with the landowner about the
disposition of the trees. They bent the prevailing rules of tree tenure by
deciding that the sharecropper would plant, care, and receive one-half of
the worth of the trees [after they] are harvested. (Balzano 1986:33, brackets
mine)

I found a similar situation in my sample, which included only three households

which do not own land. Having read Balzano's account, I asked one informant if such

an arrangement could be made, to which he responded, wi, fifti fifti (yes, fifty-fifty). That

is, the land owner would take a 50% cut of whatever trees were taken from the land.

Number of Different Trees on Land

Farmers were asked to name all of the different types of trees on their land-

holdings. Initially I had planned to use free-listing to determine which trees were the

most important, under the assumption that farmers would name the most frequently

used trees first. I quickly noticed that farmers would often start by glancing around

while naming the trees visible to them. After naming the trees within visibility, they

would continue to name trees without glancing around. Therefore, I decided that free-

listing wouldn't wouldn't be an accurate measure of which trees have the highest value,

and therefore abandoned the free-listing method.

Farmers listed many different tree types on their land. On average, farmers had

approximately six different species of trees on their land. Consider Figure 5-7, which

displays how many times 42 different documented tree species were named when

heads-of-households were asked to name the types of trees they have on their land.

The most frequently named species were pomelo (Citrus maxima) and orange (Citrus

spp.), named 35 and 42 times, respectively. That is, over half of the 61 informants have


118









these trees on their land. It is not immediately clear if either one of these tree species

were aggressively distributed through Pwoje Pyebwa, as fruit trees were only added

later in some locations-'wood' trees were promoted in the original design (Murray

1981).

Haitians are generally very reluctant to cut their fruit trees, made further evident by

the high number of times that coconut (Cocos nucifera) and avocado (Persea

Americana) were named, at 25 and 27 times, respectively. As one farmer put it:

Si pyebwa...si se yon pye fwi, li...ou gade w6 I vin...pa ka f6 fwi ank6, li
granmoun, kounye a w koupe I. Konprann? Men si Ijenn, chak ane ou
rek6lte, non, men se pa posib ditou pou koupe I.

(If the tree... if it is a fruit tree, it... you see how it has become... it can't give
fruit anymore, its old, now you cut it. Understand? But if it's young, each
year you harvest, no, it is not possible at all to cut it).

Of interest, the third and fourth most commonly named trees were Pwoje Pyebwa

trees-cedar (Cedrela odorata) and neem (Azadirachta indica), named 34 and 31 times,

respectively. Balzano never saw cedar trees being distributed during his research

period from 1985 to 1986, and has stated that there is a long tradition predating Pwoje

Pyebwa of planting cedar in Fondeblan (Bazano, personal communication 2010).

However, multiple farmers indicated to me that their cedar trees were in fact given to

them by the project. Whether or not Pwoje Pyebwa distributed cedar in Fondeblan is a

question that needs to be researched further.

That cedar and neem trees have incredible regenerative tendencies in Fondeblan

should be noted. I observed many volunteer neem trees along the main road, side

roads, foot paths, and in many people's yards. Stumps of neem trees were frequently

observed coppicing with multiple shoots, many of sizeable amounts. Consider

Figure 5-8, which displays coppicing neem trees in Fondeblan. Cedar volunteers were


119









also observed widely, though more frequently in people yards. Indeed, neem and cedar

are the most common "wood tree" species I observed in Fondeblan.

The initial variable, which measured the number of different tree species on a

farmer's land, did not generate statistically significant p-values. When restructured as a

binomial variable, the Fisher's Exact Test17 indicated a p-value of 0.021 for the portion

of the sample with six or more different species of trees. That is, farmers with more

than six different types of trees are more likely to plant trees. I suspect that farmers with

many different types of trees on their land have made their land this way-that is, there

are many species present because they plant trees there or permit volunteers to grown.

If this is the case, the correlation here is more observational than causal. That is, it is

not likely the case that farmers with many different kinds of trees on their land will plant

trees more, so much as it is the case that some farmers have more trees on their land

simply because they have planted more trees. Another explanation of the observed p-

value significance is that farmers with many different species of trees on their land

currently plant trees because they make money from a variety of different trees.

Ownership or Access to Rak Bwa

The presence of rak bwa (wood lots) has already been discussed18. These

woodlots or vestiges of original forest cover many of the hills in the Fondeblan area. In

my sample, 45.9% of farmers indicated that they own or have communal access to rak

bwa. Communal access here simply means that a rak bwa exists on land inherited by





17 See APPENDIX B.
18 See the literature review on Fondeblan, Chapter 3.


120














50- -5

Z 42
4
40- -4
3534
"5 34
31
S. 30- -3
U) 27
0 "25





0
10- -1



ez 0 ,


Q Q 0 0 111 1 0z


CD C 8 0 CD 0 '







Figure) M-7 Nube of time 42 difeen douetdte ce eenmdb ed-fhueoldnFneln




















-. _, lr


Figure 5-8. An example of widely observed coppicing neem (Azadirachta indica) trees in Fondeblan.


122









siblings and undivided. Balzano noticed a similar trend, when he reported that

"between 35% and 57% of all AOP [Pwoje Pyebwa] plantation sites were found to be on

unseparated inherited land (te mine) or sharecropped land" (Balzano 1986: 36). Thus,

informal arrangements for the use of rak bwa exist, and need to be further researched.

While ownership or access to rak bwa did not generate statistical significance in

the chi squares or the logistic regression, a small level of statistical influence was noted

in the Fisher's Exact test, with a p-value of 0.09.

Livelihood Strategies

The vast majority of inhabitants in Fondeblan can be described as farmers

employing multiple livelihood strategies. While some inhabitants are involved in small-

scale commodity commerce, virtually all inhabitants grow crops on their land, tend

animals, and to a varying degree utilize trees to supplement their income. Here, these

strategies, with the exception of small-scale commodity commerce, are examined.

Animals

A total of eleven different types of owned animals were named in the Fondeblan

sample. Animals named include goat, pig, cow, pigeon, sheep, turkey, horses, mule,

donkey, guinea fowl, and chicken. Within the sample, 90.2% of households owned at

least one animal. The maximum number of different kinds of animals owned by one

household was 8, and this was an exception. The average number of different kinds of

animals owned by a household was 2.88.

Consider the bar graph in Figure 5-9, which displays the number of times each

different type animal was named within the sample. Goat and chicken were the most


123








































chicken goat


pig cow donkey horse mule turkey sheep pigeon guinea
Fowl


Figure 5-9. Number of times 11 different documented animals were named by heads-of-households in Fondeblan.



124









common in the sample, both named 42 times. Pig was next-named 32 times, followed

by cow-named 22 times, and donkey-named by approximately a third of the sample.

Balzano recorded some information on the percentages of households owning

certain animals. Balzano noted a goat ownership percentage of 70 in his sample. In

my sample the percentage of households that own a goat is similar, at 68%. In

Balzano's sample, only 4% of households owned pigs, while in my sample 52.4% own

pigs. This potential increase, noted here primarily as a difference between Balzano's

random sample and my non-random sample, could be attributable to the reintroduction

of pigs by the local Protestant mission in the wake of the near island-wide pig slaughter

of the 1970s-1980s19 (see Thomas and Fendall 2004).

In Balzano's sample, 54.4% of households owned cattle. This is a notable

difference from the percentage of cattle named in my sample, which was 36%. Balzano

recorded that three-fourths of his sample owned a pack animal. If I combine my

categories of horse, mule, and donkey, 36% of my sample owns a pack animal,

indicating a hypothetical decrease in pack animal ownership. Such a decrease could be

due to an increase in motorcycles or other forms of transportation in the area.

Finally, Balzano noted that 93% of his sample owned fowl. If I combine my

categories of chicken, turkey, pigeon, and guinea fowl, 70.5% of my sample own fowl. .

The initial structure of my variable measuring the number of different animal types

owned by a given household indicated little significance in the logistic regression. When

restructured as a binomial variable, the Fisher's Exact Test20 indicated a p-value of



19 Pigs were slaughtered throughout Haiti during this period, for fear of African swine fever virus.
20 See APPENDIX B.


125









0.018 for the portion of the sample with more than three different types of animals.

That is, in my Fondeblan sample, farmers with more than three different types of

animals are more likely to plant trees.

Animal ownership has long been believed to ameliorate tree-cutting (Jean Thomas

2009, personal communication). Conversations with farmers revealed that animals not

only fetch a higher price than charcoal or timber, but that they may be sold much more

rapidly. Farm animals serve as a rural bank for Haitian farmers and have been

recommended as an important component for inclusion in natural resource projects in

Haiti (Shannon 2001). This knowledge was reflected in the early years of Pwoje

Pyebwa, when the initial seedling distributing organization was also involved in pig

distribution and goat improvement projects (Balzano 1986). The director of a high-

membership Catholic-based peasant cooperative in the area told me that the purpose of

their goat distribution program was primarily to ameliorate tree-cutting (Briel Leveille,

2009, personal communication).

Crops

If free-listing wasn't trusted in the case of trees, my mind was changed in the case

of crop-naming by farmers. Nearly every single farmer queried about what crops they

grow began their response in the same way: nou plante mayi, pitimi, pwa... (we plant

corn, millet, beans...). Variation occurred after these three were named, indicating that

they are the staples of the area.

All told, 16 different crops were reported as being grown21, though additional crops

were occasionally observed in the marketplace. The largest number of different crops


21 Banann (plantain) was considered a tree, because farmers referred to it as a tree.


126









grown by a household was eight, and the smallest number of different crops grown by a

household was two. The average number of crops grown by households is 4.6.

Consider Figure 5-10, a bar graph that displays the number of times each individual

crop was named by heads-of-households in my sample.

Trees

Tree tenure, the number of different tree species, and access or ownership to rak

bwa have already been discussed under the section entitled "The Land." In this section

I briefly discuss tree-planting, tree-cutting, and tree uses by farmers in my sample.

In Balzano's survey, 46.4% of people indicated participation in Pwoje Pyebwa, but

he did not provide information on the number of people that planted trees. In my

sample, 70.5% of respondents indicated their household plants trees. When asked

where they get their seedlings, respondents indicated they bought trees, assisted

volunteers, or found trees in different locations and transported them to planting sites.

Consider this farmer's responds to my query:

Andrew: Epitou, 6ske ou plante pyebwa sou t6 w?
Enf6mate: Wi.
Andrew: Ki kote oujwenn ti bwa pi pitit pou plante?
Enf6mate: L6 yo response ank6, 16 yo f6 ti grenn, 16 lapli tonbe ou
jwenn ti grenn nan, w gen dwa pran youn, ou plante sou t6
w, pou apre sa / vin grand.


(Andrew: And, do you plant trees on your land?
Informant: Yes.
Andrew: Where do you find the seedlings to plant?
Informant: When they grow back again, when they make seeds, when the
rains falls you find the little seeds, you can take one, you plant it on
your land, and after that it begins to grow).

These sorts of responses were very common in my sample. Respondents from

one neighborhood indicated they received free trees from a gentleman in another zone.


127

















E 60-






I- 0




a
i4n







I-
JL-


E




I*o
IF--
00














Figure 5-10. The number of times 16 different documented crops were named by heads-of-households in Fondeblan.


128









Unfortunately, I do not have exact quantifications of where tree seedlings were

procured. I can confidently say that approximately half of the sample indicated they

simply found seedlings and transported them to their lands. Consider Figure 5-11, a

photo of cedar (Cedrela odorata) tree volunteers which one farmer had transferred to

plastic bags, to plant at another location.

Many farmers indicated they could receive more income from trees than from

crops. When asked why they didn't plant more of their land with trees, a common

response was a lack of space, or the longer time required to wait. Consider this

farmer's response:

Pyebwa, pafwa, 16 w ap plante li, sa k f6 w pa ka kontinye plante
pyebwa...ou ka plante yon pyebwa, e ou kapab jwenn yon patisipasyon
nan pyebwa apre twa, kat, senk ane.
Men 16 w f6 rekbt sa a, ou plante t6 a, plant sa a, chak twa mwa, kat mwa,
oujwenn manje.

(A tree, sometimes, when you plant it, that can make you unable to
continue planting trees...you can plant a tree, and you can make use of it
after three, four, five years. But when you make this kind of harvest [corn],
you plant the land, plant this [corn], every three months, four months, you
find food).

Other farmers indicated they planted trees, but only along the borders of their property:

L6 ou plante pyebwa, I ap pran nan de tan pou / grand, pou / vin f6 kbb la.
Ou gen dwa plante sou lizy6. Si w plante anpil sou fizy6, men ou pa plante
nan mitan t6 a.. .depi ou plante nan mitan t6 a n6t, menm tankou menm pye
fwi sa a, I ap touye /! Sa vle di ou plante sou li, sou ran.
Si i [...] plante, sou li, li ap bon nan de tan, pou kite I grand, pou f6 gwo
pyebwa yo ka siye.

(When you plant a tree, it takes time for it to grow to where it can make the
money. You can plant on the border. If you plant a lot on the border, but
you don't plant in the middle of the land... since you plant in the middle of
the land completely, the same, just like this fruit tree, that will kill it! That
means you plant on it, in a row. If it... plant, on it [the border], it will be fine
over time, to leave it to grow, to make big trees you can saw [to make
planks]).


129









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9
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-~ ~( *

Wi .h


hyal) ,r


at
mrBiV


Figure 5-11. Cedar (Cedrela odorata) volunteers placed in plastic bags for planting, by a farmer in Fondeblan.


130


' I


k









As for cutting trees, 78.7% of my sample indicated they partake in this activity.

This is a slightly higher percentage than those who indicated they planted trees. One

simple explanation might be that tree cutting is currently taking place at a higher

percentage than tree-planting simply because a large number of trees of project

derivation are currently reaching maturity-as determined by farmers. Tree-cutting in

Fondeblan usually takes place with a machete, and is a very labor-intensive activity.

When asked why they cut trees, farmers invariably responded, nou koupe 16 nou

bezwen (we cut when we have a need). In the words of one particular farmer:

Nou toujou koupe pafwa nan mwa ou pan gen lajan pou rete timoun lekoI,
se pyebwa nou koupe pou f6 lajan. Ou koupe I, ou f6 chabon av6 I, ou
jwenn lajan nan chabon... pou ret timoun lekoI.

(We always cut [trees], sometimes during months when you don't have
money to keep children in school, then we cut trees to make money. You
cut it, you make charcoal with it, and you get money from charcoal... to keep
children in school).

Further understanding about the motivations behind cutting or planting trees can

first be understood in the context of what trees are used for. In interviews, farmers

listed a total of eight different uses for trees, though I suspect several others exist. The

largest number of different tree uses found in a household was five, and the average

number of different tree uses for a household was 2.4. Consider Figure 5-12, a bar

graph that displays the number of times eight different documented tree uses were

named by farmers in the Fondeblan sample. Clearly, fruit is the primary use listed by

farmers in Fondeblan. This is consistent with the frequency of fruit trees noted in Figure

5-7. Use of fruit does not require the cutting of trees. It is not clear whether fruit yields

more income than charcoal or planks. Data were not collected on fruit prices and the

fruit economy of the area. The second and third tree uses-charcoal and planks,


131











>.
0
aa
E
Z
a
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m





E




E
a'
3
a

wu1
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I-



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01
E


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iI-
a
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E
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F FMl


.I.. I


Figure 5-12. The number of times eight different documented tree uses were named by farmers in Fondeblan.


132


S121 I









respectively-require the cutting of trees. Some of the other tree uses listed may be

met by cutting branches instead of the whole tree. In the rural countryside, most

farmers cook with branches and fallen wood, not charcoal. As one farmer explained it,

kcmsi nou andeyb, nou s6vi ak bwa, men gen k6k moun andeyb s6vi ak chabon an

lakay li (As we are in the country, we use wood, although there are some people in the

country who use charcoal in their house).

Agroforestry

P.K. Nair is considered by some as one of the world's foremost experts on

agroforestry. I was fortunate enough to take his course on agroforestry at the University

of Florida, where he defined agroforestry as "the purposeful growing of trees and crops

and/or animals in interacting combination for a variety of objectives" (P.K. Nair, personal

communication). Nair also stressed the "Four I's" of agroforestry, indicating it is a

scheme that is: (1) intentional; (2) intensive; (3) inter-active; and (4) integrated.

Agroforestry practices observed in Fondeblan were diverse and wide-ranging,

reflecting: (a) farmer ingenuity; (b) Pwoje Pyebwa agroforestry recommendations; and

(c) traditional systems that likely evolved due to the Haitian land-inheritance custom that

informally divides existing land between all sons and daughters of the deceased

(Murray 1977; Smucker et al. 2000). Thus, as inherited plots get smaller and smaller,

the response has been to develop unique combinations of trees, plants, and animals

that both diversify livelihood strategies and cope with limited land areas-agroforestry.

As Bannister and Nair have pointed out, "the way farmers practice agroforestry evolves

over time as their experience matures, the characteristics of their fields changes, or

their household resources increase or decrease with age" (Bannister and Nair 2003).


133









Thus, agroforestry as practiced in Fondeblan is not homogenous, and blanket

statements about systems of practices would not be accurate.

Many farmers indicated that they mix trees and crops because trees kenbe dlo

(hold water) and protect land from tropical storms and sikl6n (hurricanes)-both of

which may be considered behavioral choices in regard to perceived environmental

services. Most of the agroforestry practices observed were using project trees.

Consider Figure 5-13, which displays several agroforestry practices I observed in

Fondeblan. Note the tethered goat in the picture on the left, and the presence of cedar

(Cedrela odorata) and neem (Azadirachta indica) trees. Within my sample, 52.5% of

farmers indicated that they practice agroforestry, generating the highest level of

outcome variable significance in the Fisher's Exact Test, with a p-value of 0.00122. That

is, the data suggest that farmers in Fondeblan that engage in agroforestry practices are

highly likely to plant trees.

Livelihood ranking

Trees are just one way in which farmers in Fondeblan generate income. Income

can also be derived from the sale of crops or animals. Admittedly, some income may

be derived from small-scale commodity commerce in the market, but only one person in

my sample indicated involvement in such commerce. Thus, the vast majority of my

sample generates most of their income through trees, animals and crops.

Farmers within the sample were asked to rank animals, crops, and trees in

descending order, starting with the one that normally provides the most income in the

course of a year, and ending with the one than normally provides the least income in the


22 See APPENDIX B.


134











4


V


'~. ~-. ~


vb


Figure 5-13. Photographs of observed agroforestry practices in Fondeblan.


135


<-^- '**s









course of a year. Consider Figure 5-14, which displays farmers' rankings of average

annual income derived from animals (A), crops (C), and trees (T). The largest number of

respondents listed an A, T, C ranking, indicating they derive the most annual income

from animals, followed by trees, and ending with the crops they grow. The second

largest ranking response also listed animals as most important annual income producer.

Very few people indicated that trees were their primary source of income, although

over one-third listed them as the second most important income source. When the data

are restructured to determine what percentage of Haitian farmers listed trees as first or

second annual money-maker, two-thirds of farmers fall in this category. Thus, trees

play a substantial role in the income-generating strategies of farmers from the sample.

Although farmers in the sample listed fruit as the primary tree use23, it is unclear if fruit is

sold for substantial amounts of income in Fondeblan. Given transport and shelf-life

issues related to fruit, and the fact that most fruit trees in the area bear fruit at the same

time, it is highly unlikely that fruit plays a major role beyond providing fodder for animals.

On the other hand, charcoal is lucrative and produced nearly exclusively for the urban-

bound market. Figure 5-15 displays a photograph of this thesis author sitting on

charcoal bags-a common site in Fondeblan-placed along the side of the road and

waiting for pick up by trucks that leave the area daily. Planks, while occasionally used

domestically for the construction of doors or beds, are most often sold to local

carpenters in Fond-des-blancs. Therefore, I cautiously conclude that charcoal and

planks are the top income-producers within the tree-use category, and rank first or

second in overall farmer livelihood strategies in Fondeblan.


136


23 Refer back to Figure 5-20


























di


u*
0-


mE
.2 L.
D-- -- i l --



M 10-

I-
0


I -



A,C,T A,T,C C,A,T C,T,A T,A,C T,C

Ranking



Figure 5-14. Farmers' rankings of average annual income derived from animals (A), crops (C), and trees (T).
















7'

4
: "


Figure 5-15. Charcoal in Fondeblan, by the side of the road, and in one of many trucks that leave the area daily.

138


W. A









CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSIONS

Lessons Learned

This was an ambitious thesis. In retrospect I am amazed at the amount of data I

was able to collect over a two-month period. In many ways, this was a "jump in the

water to learn how to swim" exercise. Were I given the opportunity, I would redesign

several components of my data collection methods, and ask additional questions that

would have proved useful in my analyses. As the saying goes, 'hindsight is 20-20.'

Nevertheless, some meaningful conclusions can be drawn from the research presented

in these pages.

Revisiting the Research Objectives

It would do well to recall that there were three primary objectives of this thesis: (1)

to add to the aging corpus of anthropological literature on human-nature interactions in

Haiti; (2) to compile baseline data through exploratory research that would inform and

contribute to a later explanatory research stage-my doctoral dissertation; and (3) to

provide an anthropological, site-specific outcome-evaluation of Pwoje Pyebwa,

approximately 30 years after its commencement.

Revisiting the Theoretical Orientation of the Thesis

The three thesis objectives were attempted from a political ecology perspective.

This perspective and other preceding anthropological human-nature theories were

examined briefly in the chapter on theory. I framed the problem-deforestation and its

associated ecological and human crises-as a result of politics. Through the literature

review, it was suggested that ecological destruction in Haiti has often been orchestrated

from higher rungs-transnational, international or national level politics.


139









The concept of politics in this thesis was expanded to include policies and

projects. Pwoje Pyebwa was briefly treated nationally, though primarily examined

locally and at lower rungs of a political ecology analysis. Viewing Pwoje Pyebwa as a

form of politics, one becomes aware of ways in which politics can actually have a

beneficial effect on ecology. That is to say, not all politics are bad politics.

Addressing the Research Objectives

I hope to meet the first objective of this research. That is, I hope to continue

researching ecological issues in Haiti, and making that research available to interested

parties through the university and by publishing my findings. In a small way, I will have

added to the corpus of anthropological literature on human-nature interactions in Haiti.

I expect to meet the second objective of this research. That is, I have received

funding from the National Science Foundation (NSF) to continue researching tree-

planting in Fondeblan. Thus, this research will serve as baseline data, and was most

certainly an exploratory exercise. The explanatory stage will culminate in my doctoral

dissertation.

In regard to the third objective, outcome-evaluations are usually measured against

the fulfillment of the primary objectives of the project (read politics). In the case of

Pwoje Pyebwa, the primary objectives were:

1. To motivate Haitians farmers to plant and maintain trees for the primary purpose
of income-generation; and

2. To achieve the first objective in large numbers with secondary goals of soil
conservation and improvement, provision of fuel-wood, and the provision of other
environmental services (Murray and Bannister 2004).

My experience in Fondeblan appears to confirm what the initial literature had

suggested-that both objectives have been fulfilled (Balzano 1986; Balzano 1989;


140









Balzano 1997; Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003; Smucker 2007). Thus, as

far as traditional outcome-evaluations go, Pwoje Pyebwa may be considered a success

in the case of Fondeblan.

Revisiting the Research Question

As highlighted in the early chapters of this thesis, traditional outcome-evaluations

of Pwoje Pyebwa left something wanting. While previous evaluations may have

provided an excellent overarching assessment and history of the project, they were not

contextualized in a specific place-they were generalized24. It was the general nature

of such previous outcome-evaluations that drove the formation of my research question:

Nearly 30 years since the commencement of a major tree-plating project, which

particular cultural, social, economic, and ecological conditions have influenced some

Haitian farmers to continue to plant trees more than others?

It was hoped that the research question would provide answers about receptivity

to, and continuity of tree-planting, in the broadest sense. The broad nature of this

research question was spatially contextualized in the location of Fondeblan, and

temporally contextualized through an examination of literature on the area that spanned

30 years.

Reexamining the Hypotheses in Light of the Data Analysis

In addressing the research question, I would like to briefly return to the five preliminary

hypotheses it generated:

H.1: Protestant farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than Catholic
farmers.



24 Some early evaluations exist, but were written within the decade of project operations.


141









H.2: Wealthy farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than poor farmers.

H.3: Farmers with large land holdings are more likely to plant trees on their lands.

H.4: Farmers who participated in Pwoje Pyebwa are more likely to plant trees on their
lands.

H.5: Farmers who utilize agroforestry practices are more likely to plant trees on their
land.

For reasons elucidated in the Results and Discussion chapter of this thesis, hypotheses

one to four failed to generate any statistical significance in the data analysis. Hypothesis

five was the only one that generated significance, displaying the highest p-value of all

the Fisher's Exact tests. Therefore, based on the data I collected, I reject hypotheses 1

to 4 as being influential variables in continued tree-planting decisions of farmers in

Fondeblan.

Variables of Unexpected Statistical Significance

While only one of the preliminary hypotheses generated significance, the following

outcome variables generated unexpected significance: (1) the number of different tree

species already on household land; (2) the number of different types of animals a

household keeps; and (3) how trees rank in overall household livelihood strategies.

When these three outcome variables are added to hypothesis number five, the result is

the identification of four factors that correlate to concurrent tree-planting by farmers in

Fondeblan.

Answering to the Research Question

I am reluctant to say that I have definitively discovered the key variables that

affect tree-planting decisions in Fondeblan. It is entirely possible and likely that I

missed other key considerations. Furthermore, the correlations I have discovered may

only be noting the effects of the previous project as opposed to causes for its success.


142









Finally, my non-random sample makes extrapolation beyond the sample speculative.

Whatever the case, I am bound by the data I collected. While I will not come out with

hard conclusions, I can cautiously extrapolate on each variable that generated

significance in search of a sufficient answer to the research question.

Hypothesis five appears straightforward and generated the most statistical

significance. If farmers already participate in agroforestry practices, then it makes

perfect sense that they would continue to incorporate trees into their agroforestry

practices. Further research needs to be conducted on agroforestry practices that

existed in the area prior to Pwoje Pyebwa as well as project practices that are still in

place.

The first outcome variable of unexpected statistical significance suggests that

farmers who already posses a large number of different tree species on their land are

likely to plant trees. It could be that these farmers have a large variety of tree species

because they were initially receptive to the project, planted many trees, and continue to

do so. It could be that there are a variety of different species of trees on their lands

because trees factor high in their livelihood strategy, and a diversity of trees means to

diversify one's livelihood strategy. Further research is needed to determine the nature of

the correlation discovered.

The second outcome variable of unexpected statistical significance suggests that

farmers are more likely to plant trees if they own several different types of animals; and

that they are less likely to plant trees if they own only a few animals. A strong

preference for selling animals over cutting trees was noted in the thesis. Such an

economic activity not only pays more, but provides income much faster; charcoal-


143









making and plank-sawing take many days. It is not immediately clear why a higher

ownership of different animal species is associated with a higher level of tree-planting.

One possibility is that farmers with many different animals derive the majority of their

income from those animals, and are not as occupied with or as dependent on crops.

That is to say, they are vested in other livelihood strategies (animals) that leave their

land open to the planting of trees. Another option is that farmers with multiple animals

are planting trees to provide shade and fodder for their animals.

The third outcome variable of unexpected statistical significance indicates that

farmers who rank trees as first or second in their overall livelihood strategies are likely

to plant trees. This appears fairly straightforward-one continues to plant that which

one makes a living from.

In answering the research question it appears that there are at least four factors

which motivate farmers to continue planting trees, nearly 30 years after a major tree-

planting project. These factors appear to be primarily economic and ecological. One

might make the case that certain agroforestry practices are molded and shaped by

cultural conceptions, though I did not gather data at a level to where I could ascertain

such occurrences.

Assessing Behavior and Land Changes

While not explicitly stated as an objective of this research, assessing behavior and

land changes has been an underlying theme throughout this thesis, as evidenced by

their mention in the thesis title. Interestingly, Balzano did not notice many changes to

hills of the area during his first return visit, 10 years after his departure, although he has

noted changes to one of the major valleys (Bazano, personal communication 2010).

Perhaps 10 years is not enough to truly gauge land changes. It has now been


144









approximately 14 years since his last visit, and approximately 30 years since Pwoje

Pyebwa operations commenced.

Every key informant I talked to insisted that the land of the area has improved

dramatically since the pre-project days. This observation, coupled with the near seven-

fold increase of charcoal trucks leaving Fondeblan daily, suggests that substantial land

changes have occurred. Otherwise, such an increase in charcoal might have registered

visible changes to the hillsides of the area. Balzano has suggested that some of this

increased is simply a perceived increase, due to charcoal trucks passing through

Fondeblan from other areas (Balzano 2010, personal communication). However, I

observed many charcoal bags for sale by the side of the road. One morning I observed

different households bringing their charcoal to load on a truck which had intentionally

stopped in Fondeblan for charcoal.

It is very possible that Pwoje Pyebwa trees have met a need that otherwise would

have resulted in denudation of the hillsides in Fondeblan. According to Balzano, some

of the charcoal needs are met by the rak bwa that existed prior to Pwoje Pyebwa

(Bazano, personal communication 2010). Whatever the case, the area has certainly not

become more deforested as charcoal production has increased. Finally, the case of

land change can certainly be made with reference to the planting of 2 million trees,

though this is an angle I have avoided in this research. Further research is needed to

understand this and other land changes that may have been ushered in by the project.

If discrete land changes are hard to measure, even harder to measure are

behavioral changes ushered in by the project. Furthermore, no strong claims to change

can be made with a non-random sample. While Murray pointed out that most Haitians


145









rarely plant wood trees-though they may nurture volunteers-it is not immediately

clear if this has always been the case in Fondeblan. One apparent behavioral change

is that multiple farmers in Fondeblan claimed they are now willing to pay for wood trees.

This claim by farmers was confirmed by a key informant, who was also quick to note

that increases in the price of wood trees may have since rendered such claims null.

That is, farmers may be thinking of prior prices when claiming to be willing to pay for

wood trees. Murray posited that a farmer willing to pay for wood trees was a very

unlikely scenario. This may be a phenomenon unique to Fondeblan. It is a question

that needs further research.

Other behavior changes in the area have been suggested throughout this thesis,

although it is uncertain to what extent they have been ushered in by the project. For

example, there has been an apparent shift toward commodity commerce. Another

example is that farmers in Fondeblan appear to be keeping fewer cattle than in previous

periods. These two examples serve to highlight the difficulty in teasing out which

behavioral changes are directly due to the project, which changes are indirectly due to

the project, and which changes are not due to the project at all.

In summary, from the presence of several for-profit tree nurseries, farmers who

indicated that they purchase seedlings, an increase in charcoal production in the area,

and the presence of several carpenters making products from locally-produced planks, I

conclude that farmers in the area are generating income from Pwoje Pyebwa trees. By

extension, an increase in income is considered a valid measure of project success

because income can improve one's standard of living in multiple ways.


146









As a final qualitative statement, farmers in Fondeblan are not entirely homogenous

and utilize a diversity of livelihood strategies, of which trees may play an important role.

Differing interest in tree-planting is likely reflective of differing abilities to procure money

from trees.

As would be expected, further research is needed in the formation of definitive

claims. The final chapter of this thesis highlights steps forward for both further research

and further tree-planting projects in Fondeblan.


147









CHAPTER 7
STEPS FORWARD AND FUTURE RESEARCH

Future Tree-planting Projects in Fondeblan

Planners of future tree-planting projects in Haiti would be wise to consult the

summary of findings from 20 years of tree-planting experiments during the latter

decades of the 20th century (see Murray and Bannister 2004). In the case of

Fondeblan, several revelations from exploratory research have generated the following

suggestions for the future success of tree-planting projects in the area:

First, while the original Pwoje Pyebwa design provided fast-growing species of
commercial value, data from Fondeblan seem to indicate that trees with strong
regenerative capacities do well. Therefore, I would suggest promoting trees that
are also known to regenerate multiple times.

Second, as the data indicated a strong tendency for those farmers practicing
agroforestry to continue to plant trees, I would recommend matching tree-species
that do well with agroforestry practices in use in the area.

Third, as there was a strong correlation between farmers who make money from
trees and tree-planting, I would suggest the promotion of trees that farmers feel
will yield the highest profits.

Fourth, as there was a tendency for tree-planting to increase with animal
ownership, I would suggest that animal husbandry and animal distribution
projects be developed in tandem with tree-planting operations. While animals
may provide a buffer to tree-cutting, challenges remain-particularly with goats-
in ensuring seedling survival.

Fifth, CODEF has a new and fully functional saw mill that is collecting dust for
lack funds and lack of an individual with the time and initiative to put the mill to
work. As planks fetch a higher price than charcoal, the saw mill should be
considered an important component of future tree-planting projects.

Sixth, Haitian farmers should continue to be involved at all levels of future tree-
planting projects, as they are experts in their own right.

Finally, the presence of well-organized peasant cooperatives in the area was well
noted, and should be considered in any future tree-planting project.


148









While these recommendations may be helpful to projects within the Fondeblan area, it is

uncertain if they are applicable to all of rural Haiti with its heterogeneous landscapes

and farmer livelihood strategies.

Future Research in Fondeblan

There are always ways to improve research. That is, there is no such thing as a

perfect research design, because there are always new and innovative methods which

are being tested and explored. Nevertheless, some key considerations for future

research on tree-related issues in Fondeblan are given here:

Future research in Fondeblan needs to be conducted over a longer period of
time. Deeper relationships, deeper trust, deeper access, and by extension
deeper understanding can only be established over a longer period of time.
Furthermore, different farmer habits are practiced in different seasons, and these
seasonal differences need to be observed.

The sample size for future research should be increased, and random sampling
needs to be employed to increase external validity.

Use of modern tools such as GPS, GIS, and others should be employed to
provide digital maps of the area. Such maps could be added to over time to
clearly demonstrate ecological changes to the area.

Other tools like social network analysis should be employed to note relationships
between farmers, charcoal middlemen, carpenters, and others purchasers of
wood products.

Multiple methods need to be employed for proper triangulation in an effort to
cross-check data. In particular, the relationship between the correlations
discovered in this thesis need to be revisited and further researched.

A comparison between Fondeblan and another area (of similar geographical
conditions) that did not participate in Pwoje Pyebwa would be revealing.

The species compositions of rak bwa need to be discovered and documented.
The conditions that owners of rak bwa share in common need to be discovered.
Whether or not Pwoje Pyebwa trees are being planted in rak bwa would be
revealing.

The role that remittances play in relation to the rak bwa needs to be discovered.


149









Most importantly, local Haitians should to be involved at all levels of the research
process for three reasons. First, local Haitians are local experts. Second, such
an approach would provide employment and training in methods for these
individuals. Finally, such experiences have the potential to be empowering.

I am certain that other recommendations for future research will reveal themselves to

me as I continue in two more years of coursework before I conduct this research. I will

continue to explore and experiment with appropriate methods up until the time I depart

for two years of ethnographic field work in Fondeblan.

Rather fortuitously, the National Science Foundation has funded my research

into the rak bwa of Fondeblan for the next three years. I am interested in looking at the

relationship between the rak bwa and Pwoje Pyebwa, as Balzano noted their existence

prior to the project's commencement.


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APPENDIX A
DEFINITIONS OF VARIABLES

1. Age: This discrete quantitative variable represents the numerical value of a head-
of-household's age, as reported by the head-of-household.

2. Animal types: This discrete quantitative variable lists the different types of
animals owned by a household, as reported by the head-of-household.

3. Crop types: This discrete quantitative variable lists the different crops grown on
the land owned or access by a household, as reported by the head-of-household.

4. Literacy: This dichotomous categorical variable represent whether or not heads-
of-household are literate, as reported by heads-of-household.

5. Livelihood ranking: This ordinal variable recorded ranking of average annual
income procured from trees, crops and animals. Rankings are from highest to
lowest. Ranking was performed by the head-of-household.

6. Number of children: This discrete quantitative variable measures the numerical
value of total children produced by the head-of-household.

7. Number of different crops grown: This discrete quantitative variable measures
the numerical value of distinct types of crops grown per household, as reported by
the head-of-household.

8. Number of different trees on land: This discrete quantitative variable measures
the numerical value of distinct types trees on land owned or accessed by
household, as reported by the head-of-household.

9. Number of people per household: This discrete quantitative variable measures
the numerical value of people living at a particular household, as reported by the
head-of-household.

10. Number of uses for trees: This discrete quantitative variable measures the
numerical value of different uses for trees, as reported by the head-of-household.

11. Number of different animals owned: This discrete quantitative variable
measures the numerical value of different types of animals owned by a particular
household, as reported by the head-of-household.

12. Other-land holdings: This dichotomous categorical variable represents whether
or not a household has ownership or access to more than one parcel of land, as
reported by the head-of-household.

13. Own land: This dichotomous categorical variable represents whether or not a
household owns land.


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14. Ownership or access to rak bwa: This dichotomous categorical variable
measures whether or not a given household has ownership of or access to,
woodlots, as reported by the head-of-household.

15. Participation in project: This dichotomous categorical variable measures
whether or not a household participated in Pwoje Pyebwa, as reported by the
head-of-household.

16. Religion: This categorical variable measures the religion practiced by the head-
of-household.

17. Remittances: This dichotomous categorical variable measures whether or not the
household receives money from family members or friend living outside of
Fondeblan.

18. Sex: This dichotomous categorical variable measures the sex of the head-of-
household, as reported by the head-of-household.

19.Size of total land owned: This continuous quantitative variable measures the
total size of land owned by a household, in hectares, as reported by the head-of-
household.

20. Soil types: This categorical variable measures the type of soil on land owned or
access by a household, as reported by the head-of-household.

21. Tree cutting: This dichotomous categorical variable represents whether or not
the household cuts trees on their land, as reported by the head-of-household.

22. Tree planting: This dichotomous categorical variable lists whether or not a
household currently plants trees on their land, as reported by the head-of-
household.

23. Tree species on land: This nominal variable lists kinds of species on land owned
or access by a household, as reported by the head-of-household.

24. Use of agroforestry practices: This dichotomous categorical variable lists
whether or not the household utilizes agroforestry practices, as reported by the
head-of-household or observed by the principal investigator.

25.Wealth: This dichotomous categorical variable measures whether or not a
household is wealthy, by the presence or absence of a cement home. A previous
study in the area measured wealth in a practical way-by presence or absence of
a cement cistern. "Cistern ownership is a reliable indicator of economic status.
These are usually expensive items being all concrete and fed with a system of
gutters from all adjacent sheet metal roofs within the lakou. To have a cistern, one
must be able to afford sheet metal roofing and concrete" (Balzano 1986: 32).
Following this logic, but adjusting for the subsequent development of water
projects and the capping and rerouting of the area's major water source (Thomas


152









and Fendall 2003), I used the presence of a cement house as a proxy for wealth.
That is, for the purpose of this variable, households residing in cement houses are
considered wealthy, and those residing in mud or thatch houses are considered
not wealthy.


153











APPENDIX B
LOGISTIC REGRESSION AND CHI-SQUARE TESTS


Variables in the E uation

B S.E. Wald df Sig. Exp(B)

Step la literate .791 1.327 .355 1 .551 2.205

CementHouse 1.646 1.199 1.885 1 .170 5.186

NEWNumberOfTrees 2.629 1.138 5.337 1 .021 13.854

rakbwa -1.329 1.280 1.078 1 .299 .265

agroforestry 3.093 1.219 6.443 1 .011 22.049

NEWNumAnimal 3.075 1.357 5.138 1 .023 21.645

cuttrees 1.003 1.350 .552 1 .457 2.727

codef -.845 1.295 .426 1 .514 .430

newrankuse 3.806 1.511 6.349 1 .012 44.992

Constant -5.588 2.090 7.148 1 .008 .004

a. Variable(s) entered on step 1: literate, CementHouse, NEWNumberOfTrees, rakbwa, agroforestry,
NEWNumAnimal, cuttrees, codef, newrankuse.


Chi-Square Tests (rak bwa)

Asymp. Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (1-
Value df sided) sided) sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 3.378a 1 .066
Continuity Correctionb 2.422 1 .120
Likelihood Ratio 3.482 1 .062
Fisher's Exact Test .093 .059
Linear-by-Linear Association 3.322 1 .068
N of Valid Cases 61__________

a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 8.26.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table


Chi-Square Tests (# of different trees)

Asymp. Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (1-
Value df sided) sided) sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 5.956a 1 .015
Continuity Correctionb 4.626 1 .031
Likelihood Ratio 5.862 1 .015
Fisher's Exact Test .021 .016
Linear-by-Linear Association 5.858 1 .016
N of Valid Cases 61 ________


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a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 6.79.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table


Chi-Square Tests (agroforestry)

Asymp. Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (1-
Value df sided) sided) sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 13.117a 1 .000
Continuity Correctionb 11.160 1 .001
Likelihood Ratio 13.930 1 .000
Fisher's Exact Test .001 .000
Linear-by-Linear Association 12.902 1 .000
N of Valid Cases 61__________

a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 8.56.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table


Chi-Square Tests (# of different animals)

Asymp. Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (1-
Value df sided) sided) sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 6.149a 1 .013
Continuity Correctionb 4.771 1 .029
Likelihood Ratio 6.960 1 .008
Fisher's Exact Test .018 .012
Linear-by-Linear Association 6.048 1 .014
N of Valid Cases 61 ________

a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 6.20.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table


Chi-Square Tests (livelihood ranking)

Asymp. Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (2- Exact Sig. (1-
Value df sided) sided) sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 8.055a 1 .005
Continuity Correctionb 6.465 1 .011
Likelihood Ratio 7.847 1 .005
Fisher's Exact Test .007 .006
Linear-by-Linear Association 7.923 1 .005
N of Valid Cases 61

a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 6.20.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table


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164









BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Andrew Tarter was born in Okay (Les Cayes)-a city located toward the end of

Haiti's southern peninsula. He received his BA from the University of Washington's

Program on the Environment-an interdisciplinary environmental studies program. At

the University of Florida, Andrew received an MA (2010) from the Department of

Anthropology, under the supervision of Professor Gerald F. Murray. He is the recent

recipient of a fellowship from the National Science Foundation (NSF), which will allow

him to pursue a PhD in anthropology. His focus continues to be on Haiti, the wider

Caribbean, and ecological anthropology.


165





PAGE 1

1 THIRTY YEARS AFTER A TREE PLANTING PROJECT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY PERSPEC TIVE ON BEHAVIOR AND LAND CHANGE S IN RURAL HAITI By ANDREW TARTER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL F ULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010

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2 2010 Andrew Tarter

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3 To my family the Tarters, who love Haiti

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS All steps in the course of a lifetime lead to the present mome nt, and my case is no exception; m any people have helped me arrive to where I stand today. I would first like to acknowledge the farmers of Fond eblan (Fond des B lancs) for their patience and for the time they provided me to participate in these interviews. T hey graciously and trustingly welcomed me, providing a unique window into their daily lives. Without them, this research would not be possible, nor would it be meaningful. Special thanks are also due Jean and Joy Thomas, for opening their home to me and i nsuring my well being during my stay in Fondeblan. I also extend my sincere gratitude to the members of my advisory committee : Dr. Gerald F. Murray, Dr. Michael Bannister, Dr. Willie Baber, and Dr. Peter Collings. The chair of my committee, Dr. Murray enc ouraged me to apply to the University of Florida, and made me aware of funding to study Haitian Creole. He then championed my case, helping tremendously in my acceptance to the department of anthropology and my receipt of funding Furthermore, Dr. Murray h as continually provided sage advice and encouragement related to my research and academic ambitions. Finally, none of this research would be possible if Dr. Murray had not designed a tree planting project that continues to help Haitians to this day. Dr. Ba nnister has been most helpful on multiple occasions, ranging from providing me with hard to fin d documents to recommending my research site and facilitating my preliminary contacts there Dr. Baber helped me to understand much about anthropological theory and methods, and helped inform the structural blueprint for this thesis Dr. Collings has been particularly resourceful in assisting me to grow as a writer, offering excellent advice and suggestions for improving the clarity and communication of my ideas.

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5 Deep gratitude is extended to Haitian Creole professor, Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite, who has become a good friend and a constant source of inspiration and encouragement. Dr. Hebblethwaite taught me how to speak Creole encouraged me to teach Creole, and wr ote a grant that contributed immensely to my ability to travel to Haiti and conduct this research. Finally, Dr Hebblethwaite has graciously acknowledged me as a contributor on several forthcoming publications of which he was the primary architect. I wish to acknowledge the Ce nter for Latin American Studies and the U.S. Department of Education for providing me with two years of funding through the Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) f ellowship to study Haitian Creole. I also wi sh to thank Sciences for additional funding through their Enhancing the Humanities Grant This grant entitled The Haitian Creole Scrabble Project: Expanding the Tools of Literacy in Haiti, was writte n by Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite and provid ed funding for many of the travel costs associated with my research Special thanks are due to the other anthropologists involved in the tree planting project. Dr. Anthony Balzano conducted research in Fondeblan n early 25 years prior to my own research, providing rich comparative data. Dr. Balzano also took the time to review this thesis and offered helpful comments and suggestions. Drs. Glenn Smucker and Fredrick Conway, two anthropologists intimately involved i n the tree planting project have also provided helpful documents and suggestions. I am very grateful for their help.

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6 Many thanks are also due my family. My parents, Bill and Deborah, have always believed in me and encouraged me to follow my dreams. My si ster Cindy and my brothe r Billy are the link to my past and the bridge to my future I would like to thank rri co John Fort, and Caitlin Robertson for their continued love and support particularly helpful in the statistical analysis of the data presented herein. My friends and community from Olympia, Washington are not forgotten in the many ways they have helped me to achieve this dream. They are people from a time and place that will always remain close to my heart.

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7 TA BLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 12 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 16 A Long Person al Journey ................................ ................................ ........................ 16 A Brief Note on the Recent Earthquake in Haiti ................................ ...................... 17 Haiti in 2010 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 18 Points of Theoretical Departure ................................ ................................ .............. 19 ................................ ................................ .................... 19 ................................ ........ 20 Tree Planting A Commonly Proposed Solution ................................ .................... 21 Research Objectives ................................ ................................ ............................... 22 Chapter Outline ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 23 2 THEORY ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 25 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 25 Early Attempts at Examining Human Nature Interactions ................................ ....... 25 The Neo evolutionary Approach ................................ ................................ ....... 25 Cultural Ecology ................................ ................................ ............................... 27 Deficiencies in both Neo evolutionary and Cultural Ecology A pproaches ........ 27 Ecological Materialism ................................ ................................ ............................ 29 ................................ ................................ ........... 30 Political Ecology ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 31 Operationalizing Political Ecology as Applied in this Research ........................ 32 Levels of Analysis ................................ ................................ ............................. 33 Interdisciplinarity of this Researc h ................................ ................................ .......... 34 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 3 4 3 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ .......................... 36 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 36 A Brief History of Deforestation in Haiti ................................ ................................ ... 37 Colonial Politics and Policies Leading to Increased Deforestation ................... 38 Post colonial Tree cutting ................................ ................................ ................. 40 Tree cutting in the Early 20th century ................................ ............................... 43 Deforestation in the Last Fifty Years ................................ ................................ 46 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 51

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8 Vulnerabilities Caused By Deforestation ................................ ................................ 52 Ecological Vulnerabilities ................................ ................................ .................. 52 Human Vulnerabilities ................................ ................................ ...................... 54 The Role of Trees in the Haitia n Peasant Economy ................................ ............... 56 Fruit ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 56 Charcoal ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 57 Planks and Poles ................................ ................................ .............................. 59 A Brief History of Tree planting Proj ects in Haiti ................................ ..................... 60 Early Tree planting Projects ................................ ................................ ............. 61 Reasons for Previous Project Failures ................................ ............................. 62 Pwoj Pyebwa The Agrofores try Outreach Project and Agroforestry 2 ......... 63 Critiques of Pwoj Pyebwa ................................ ................................ ............... 65 Fondeblan (Fond des blancs) ................................ ................................ ................. 69 Geography and Demographics ................................ ................................ ......... 70 History of Fondeblan ................................ ................................ ........................ 71 Folk Etymological Origins of the Name Fondeblan/Fond des Blancs ............... 71 Ecology ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 73 Culture and Society ................................ ................................ .......................... 76 Pwoj Pyebwa in Fondeblan ................................ ................................ ............ 79 Summary of Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................ 83 4 METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 86 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 86 M ethodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 86 Language Preparation ................................ ................................ ............................ 87 Selection of the Research Site ................................ ................................ ................ 88 Formulation of the Rese arch Question ................................ ................................ ... 88 Formation of Preliminary Hypotheses ................................ ................................ ..... 90 Objectives of Data Collection ................................ ................................ .................. 90 Sample ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 91 Data Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 92 The Logic behind Targeting Heads of household ................................ ............. 92 Supplementing Primary Interviews ................................ ................................ ... 93 Hiring a Research Assistant ................................ ................................ ............. 93 A Typical Day of Intervie wing ................................ ................................ ........... 94 Tools Utilized ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 95 Transcribing the Interviews ................................ ................................ ............... 96 Mining the Data ................................ ................................ ................................ 97 Analysis of Primary Data ................................ ................................ ......................... 97 5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ............... 98 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 98 A Qualitative Assessment of Fondeblan In 2009 ................................ .................... 98 What the Data Suggest ................................ ................................ ......................... 100 The Farmers ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 102

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9 Age ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 102 Gender ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 103 Remittances ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 104 The Number of People per household ................................ ............................ 104 Children ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 105 Religion ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 105 Wealth ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 110 Education ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 111 Participation in Pwoj Pyebwa ................................ ................................ ....... 112 The Land ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 113 Land Ownership ................................ ................................ ............................. 113 Ownership of Multiple Land Parcels ................................ ............................... 113 Land Sizes ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 113 Soil Types ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 116 Tree Ownership ................................ ................................ .............................. 116 Number of Different Trees on Land ................................ ................................ 118 Ownership or Access to Rak Bwa ................................ ................................ .. 120 Livelihood Strategies ................................ ................................ ............................. 123 Animals ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 123 Crops ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 126 Trees ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 127 Agroforestry ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 133 Livelihood ranking ................................ ................................ .......................... 134 6 CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 139 Lessons Learned ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 139 Revisiting the Research Objectives ................................ ................................ ...... 139 Revisiting the Theoretical Orientation of the Thesis ................................ .............. 139 Addressing the Research Objectives ................................ ................................ .... 140 Revisiting the Research Question ................................ ................................ ......... 141 Reexamining the Hypot heses in Light of the Data Analysis ........................... 141 Variables of Unexpected Statistical Significance ................................ ............ 142 Assessing Behavior and Land Changes ................................ ............................... 144 7 STEPS FORWARD AND FUTURE RESEARCH ................................ .................. 148 Future Tree planting Projects in Fondeblan ................................ .......................... 148 Future Rese arch in Fondeblan ................................ ................................ ............. 149 APPENDIX A DE FINITIONS OF VARIABLES ................................ ................................ ............ 151 B LOGISTIC REGRESSION AND CHI SQUARE TESTS ................................ ........ 154 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 156

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10 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 165

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11 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4 1 Var iables measured in data collection ................................ ................................ 92

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12 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 A traditional twa wch dife (three rock fire). ................................ ........................ 84 3 2 Photos of Pwoj Pyebwa nursery operations in Fondeblan, and a saw mill that came years later. ................................ ................................ ......................... 85 5 1 ................................ ..... 99 5 2 The new and unfinished structure in the marketplace at Fondeblan, pictured on the left in both photos. ................................ ................................ ................. 106 5 3 Age d istributions in Fondeblan: (1) Actual Age Distribution with Normal Curve from 2009; (2); Categorical Age Distribution, by percentage from 1985; and (3) Categorical Age Distribution, by Percentage from 2009. ............................. 107 5 4 T he average number of people per household from: (A) Balzano's sample, 1985; and (B) my sample, 2009 ................................ ................................ ........ 108 5 5 Different types of houses observed in Fondeblan. ................................ ............ 109 5 6 .......... 117 5 7 Number of times 42 different documented tree species were named by heads of households in Fondeblan. ................................ ................................ 121 5 8 An example of widely observed coppicing neem ( Azadirachta indica ) trees in Fondeblan. ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 122 5 9 Number of times 11 differen t documented animals were named by heads of households in Fondeblan. ................................ ................................ ................ 124 5 10 The number of times 16 different documented crops were named by heads of households in Fondeblan. ................................ ................................ ............ 12 8 5 11 Cedar ( Cedrela odorata ) volunteers placed in plastic bags fo r planting, by a farmer in Fondeblan. ................................ ................................ ........................ 130 5 12 The number of times eight different documented tre e uses were named by farmers in Fondeblan. ................................ ................................ ....................... 132 5 13 Photographs of observed agroforestry practices in Fondeblan. ........................ 135 5 14 Farmers' rankings of average annual income derived from animals (A), crops (C), and trees (T). ................................ ................................ ............................. 137

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13 5 15 Charcoal in Fondeblan, by the side of the road, and in one of many trucks that leave the area daily. ................................ ................................ .................. 138

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14 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts THIRTY YEARS AFTER A TREE PLANTING PROJECT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY PERSPECTIVE ON BEHAVIOR AND LAND CHANGES IN RURAL HAITI By Andrew Tarter August 2010 Chair: Gerald F. Murray Ma jor: Anthropology Haiti ans continue to experience mutually interacting human and ecological crises related to widespread deforestation. examined using a political ecology approach. Such an approac h examines politically induced process es of deforestation at various spatial and temporal scales. The political component of the political ecology approach employed here is expanded to include policies and development projects. T ree planting has been seen by both ecologists and anthropologists as one method of simultaneously ameliorating human misery and preventing further ecological damage in Haiti Most previous large scale tree planting projects in Haiti have failed. One project designed and vet ted by cultural anthropologists achieved notable success. Most evaluations of this pro ject are overarching and broad and measure success primarily in the number of trees planted or in the number of individuals participating. Less common are site specific outc ome evaluation s that provide more qualita tive assessments of the project, contextualized through time and space. Therefore t his thesis is a site specific outcome evaluation of this earlier tree planting project, some 30 years after the initial seedlings w ere delivered. The research

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15 presented here was generated in the exploratory stage of a larger research schedule. Conclusions are drawn based on qualitative and quantitative data gathered from interviews conducted over two months, during summer 2009. D ata were gathered on a series of cultural, socioeconomic, and ecological factors thought to influence continued tree planting. Preliminary hypotheses were generated based on an extensive literature review and used as points of inquiry. Data were analyzed wi th SPSS. The logistic regression indicated four variables of statistical significance correlated with farmers' decisions to plant trees: (1) the number of different tree species already on household land; (2) whether or not farmers participate in agrofores try practices; (3) the number of different types of animals a household keeps; and (4) how trees rank in overall household livelihood strategies. These variables and others are treated in a mixed discussion and analysis format. Preliminary h ypotheses are a ccepted or rejected based on the analysis Recommendations are made for both further research and future tree project design in Haiti.

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16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION A Long Personal Journey This thesis represents the culmination of a long person al journey and the partial fulfillment of a childhood dream. I was born in Haiti in 1978, the year after Dr. Gerald F. Murray completed his dissertation on Haitian peasant land tenure, and the year before he wrote a report that would become the theoretica l backbone of the largest tree planting project in the history of the country. As the child of development workers in Haiti in the 1970s, I was exposed to many different ideas about the contentious subject of development. maverick thesis w as on participatory communication communities served by the project to participate in the planning and execution of community development objectives that would bring them a b etter quality of life, by t heir 2). modus operandi of replaci ng the foreigner s on his teams and eventually himself with Haitian s Yet my father is a rare case, and through scholarship I als o became aware of questionable practices and policies in the development world Family t rips between my birthplace of Okay 1 a l city of Ptoprens (Port au Prince) profoundly impacted my childhood Our family had some loose root s in the Pacific Northwest an area well known for i ts rich forests. The early on to an unusual sense of distress and a desire to help with the situation. 1 Kreyl (Haitian Creole), the language of 90 % of the population, is privi leged over traditional French location names throughout this thesis.

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17 When I left Haiti around the age of 15, a childhood friend and I made a pact that we would return to Haiti one day and try to contribute to the deforestation situation in a positive way. Childhood dreams of reforesting Haiti slowly gave way to more pragmatic approac hes to a complex situation. I decided that education was my best bet toward accomplishing somet hing meaningful related to tree planting in Haiti. I earned by BA Program on the Environment an interdisciplinary program th at uses the natural environment as an integrating context. Several years later, disillusioned with academia and traveling through India I s writing on Pwoj Pyebwa 2 (the Agroforestry Outreach Project) I remember sitting in a s mall internet cafe on the banks of the Ganges River and wondering how I had missed this project. I was fascinated by the idea of an anthropological approach to reforestation in Haiti applied anthropology. I wrote to Dr. Murray and discovered more good new s. I learned that Dr. Michael Bannister a forester who had worked for many years on the project was also at the University of Florida. The combined expertise of these gentlemen and my eventual receipt of a U.S. Department of Education fellowship to study K reyl (Haitian Creole) sealed the deal. I moved to Florida and commenced the research that is presented in the following pages. A Brief Note on the Recent Earthquake in Haiti It is no overstatement to say that Haiti has experienced major changes si nce the earthquake of early 2010 Much of this thesis was written before that time. Perhaps more than ever before, d 2 Agroforestry Outreach Project. It is the name that most Haitians know the project by.

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18 Haiti are at an ideological crossroads they may chose to repeat the mistakes o f the past, or to learn from the few models which have been shown successful. T he findings presented in this thesis are not only salient but potentially applicable as the country begins the long process of rebuilding. Although the earthquake is not the fo cus of this thesis, nor does its occurrence negate any findings herein it is mentioned from ti me to time when applicable to the research presented in the following pages. Haiti in 2010 At the close of the first decade of the new millennium, looking backwa rd with the hindsight afforded by the passage of time, it is clear that the lives of billions of people on the planet continue to be impacted and not always for the better by the policies and subsequent projects of large development agencies. In our hemis phere, Haiti has been a major recipient of such projects. What has become of Haiti that small island nation commonly heralded for being the site of a successful slave rebellion that led to the formation of the western republic? In addition to receiving elevated concurrent woes are widely lamented in academic arenas and in the mainstream media. Newspapers and scholarly journal articles, theses and dissertations, books, government reports, and publications from nongovernmental organizations often begin their literature by labeling Haiti as the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. The case for this unfortunate label is stic product, high rates of infant morbidity and mortality, low rates of life expectancy, disease, illiteracy, malnutrition, poverty, crime, political violence, out migration, and a host of other indicators. This

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19 representation of Haiti and essentializati s the many riches of the country and the people. Points of Theoretical Departure Two discourses in particular are commonly evoked in ascribing root causes to politics and ecology. In the case of th e former, emphasis has interventions, crippling debt, dictatorial and tyrannical oppression, insidious development agendas, and more recently glimmers of hope for inclusive democ ratic governance. In the case of the latter, deforestation has been the most commonly noted with the Haitian peasant as the instigator. The mutual influence s of ecology and politics in the case of Haiti justifies why a political ecology 3 approach is the primary point of theoretical departure used in this research. Haiti, often portrayed as an environmental disaster, is fast poster child of a worst case ecological scenario a modern day Easter Island (Dia mond scale loss of vegetative cover and particularly tree loss ( Lewis and Coffey 1985 ; Howard 1989; Murray 1994 ). Some estimates place forest cover in Haiti at 3 % or less (Diamond 2 005 ; Swartley and Toussaint 2006) Severe deforestation has contributed to related and massive deforestation has eit her fueled or added : (1) damage to riparian systems and the soil silting of unique coral reefs; (2) loss of endemic flora and fauna; (3) increased 3 T he political ecology approach is elucidated in Chapter 2.

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20 frequency of landslides; and (4) loss of valuable topsoil (Murray 1984; Howard 1998; Swartley and Toussaint 2006; Smucker et al. 2007). At the time of this re search, it is as of yet uncertain whether the extent of the wide scale destruction caused by the 2010 earthquake in Haiti was exacerbated by earlier deforestation or loss of vegetative cover. Certainly the trend to abandon the countryside in favor of the c apit a l city can be partially contributed t o wide scale deforestation that r endered already weakened soils infertile. Multiple political processes also contributed to urban bound migration The net result was an overcrowded capital at the time of the eart hquake. The potential also exists that the earthquake has increased the likelihood of future landslides by loosening mountainsides in rural areas that have already been rendered unstable by earlier deforestation. Future rainy seasons will provide an indi cation of the extent to which the earthquake has affected the ecological situation. The human crises connected to ecological crisis are insidious, demanding further explanation. In Haiti app roximately two thirds of the population has traditionally relied on cash cropping as a primary livelihood strategy. Acknowledging accelerating urban migration in Haiti during the last fifty years the earthquake of 2010 appears to be at least temporarily reversing this trend. Media outlets have issued r eports of large numbers of the capit a l population heading back to the Haitian countryside. Early reports estimate as many as half a million Haitians have left Ptoprens and its peri urban areas. Recent c all s to the village where I this research was conducted suggest that many households have doubled or tripled in size since the earthquake. Whether this is a temporary phenomenon or a permanent one remains to be seen. Whatever the

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21 eventual effect of the earth quake on internal migration, a recent estimate suggests that a two thirds ratio of Haitians living in rural areas and rely ing heavily on cash cropping still holds true (Verner and Egset 2006). Therefore, the loss of top soil and the degradation of agricul tural lands caused by deforestation contribute to and are reflected in: (1) malnutrition; (2) hunger; (3) increased poverty; (4) emigration; and (5) increased vulnerability to tropical storms, hurricanes, and potentially earthquakes (Howard 1989; Wilentz 1 989 ; Catanese 1999; Crdenas 2008 ). Tree Planting A Commonly Proposed Solution Many actors involved in Haiti from ecologists to anthropologists consider projects aimed at curbing soil loss implementing hillside stabilization measures, and restoring and protecting watersheds as crucial component s related human and ecological crises ( Murray 198 1, 1984; Bayard et al. 2005 Smucker et al. 2007 ). Unfortunately, well intentioned efforts to help have often gone astray, as evidenced by Hai as the graveyard of development a place where development projects go to die. The history of failed development projects in Haiti is far more often the result of both uninformed and predatory policies developed with little knowledge of the country than the result of some condi tion inherent to Haiti itself. A host of ecological ly oriented development projects have been tested in Haiti, with many early approaches focused on soil conservation t hrough reforestation. These projects, failing to take into account key culture specific considerations, have largely failed. One tree planting project in particular is reported to have been highly successful. Designed and vetted by anthropologists th e Agroforestry Outreach Project or Pwoj Pyebwa was an agroforestry tree planting project funded by the United States Agency

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22 for International Development (USAID), implemented primarily by the Pan American Development Organization (PADF) and CARE, and carri ed out through numerous nongovernmental organizations ( Murr a y and Bannister 2004 ). Operating under various names, the project spanned a decade and involved an estimated one third of the rural Haitian population (Murray and Bannister 2004). It is widely co nsidered the most successful large scale tree planti ng project in Haitian history. Research Objectives The research presented in this thesis was driven by three primary and complementary objectives. Understanding these objectives requires some further c ontextualization. One considerable criticism of Pwoj Pyebwa is that its success has largely been measured by the number of household participants and/or the number of tree seedlings distributed by numbers served ( Escobar 1991; Campbell 1994). Less common ly presented are diachronic site specific outcome evaluations of the project, which depict changes to behavior in addition to ecological changes. Several reports on the project, including specific case studies, surfaced approximately five years after proj ect commencement (Balzano 1986 ; Conway 1986b; Smucker 1988). Another overarching, multi site report was produced approximately 10 years after project operations began (Smucker and Timyan 1995). Yet to the best of my knowledge, no anthro pological site spec ific outcome evaluations have been conducted over a longer period of time. Therefore, the first objective o f this research is to provide a comprehensive and encompassing site specific outcome evaluation of Pwoj Pyebwa, approximately 30 years after its com mencement. The second objective of this research is to contribute to the aging corpus of anthropological literature on human ecology patterns and relationships in Haiti. The

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23 scarcity of scholarly undertaking on this subject in recent years is likely the r esult of a combination of several factors, including long periods of perceived political instability and the more recent yet pervasive fear of kidnapping on the part of some scholars. It is possible that the earthquake of early 2010 will further exacerbat e this gap. Therefore, the second objective addresses this gap, albeit as a drop in the proverbial bucket. The third and final objective of this research can be understood in the context of its role as the exploratory stage within a larger research schedu le. Thus, results from this research inform and direct the forthcoming explanatory stage, which will culminate in the doctoral dissertation of this researcher. Chapter Outline The structure of this thesis is simple; it contains seven chapters that procee d in logical and traditional sequence. Chapter 1 introduced the problem, relevance, and the context of the research presented in this thesis. Chapter 2 provides a brief history of anthropological theories on human nature interactions, and justifies the p olitical ecology framework under which this research was approached. Chapter 3 provides an in depth literature review, divided into five sections. First, the reader is introduced to the history of tree cutting in Haiti. Second, an examination is made of the ecological and human crises related to this deforestation. Third, the history of reforestation projects that attempted to address these crises are examined, along with reasons for their failures. Fourth, Pwoj Pyebwa is discussed. Finally, the lite rature specific to the site examined in this thesis is treated. Chapter 4 outlines the preliminary hypotheses (generated from the literature and informed by the theoretical framework), justifies the sample parameters and describes the methods used for da ta collection and analysis. In Chapter 5, data are analyzed and discussed. Chapter 6 draws conclusions from the

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24 data analysis, relates these conclusions to the preliminary hypotheses, and summarizes the findings in relation to the entire thesis. Chapter 7 concludes this thesis by offering steps forward for future research and providing suggestions for future tree planting projects in the area.

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25 CHAPTER 2 THEORY Introduction This cha p hum an nature ideas of the 20th century. While making no claims to be comprehensive, it is nevertheless inclusive of some of the most influential ideas and paradigms put forth. Through what is largely an historical homage, the reader will become aware of the disadvantages and ultimately the reasons for rejecting the earlier approaches. Overall, this chapter should leave the reader with a clear er understanding of the theoretical approaches employed and how these approaches inform the critical examinations in t he subsequent chapters and conclusion of this thesis. Early Attempts at Examining Human Nature Interactions Within anthropology, some of the earliest attempts at examining the relationships between humans and their natural surroundings emerged out of the mid 20th century neo evolutionary school of thought. Two pioneers of the neo evolutionary human nature approach were Leslie White and Julian Steward, though their approaches were notably neo evolutionary approach, which viewed cultures as proceeding universally through a series of stages more culture specific and comparative approach, which he called multi linear evolution spawned the school of thought called cultural ecology The Neo evolutionary Approach nature investigations is the idea that the ability to harness energy is the key requisite for

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26 cultural change. According to Wh ite, cultural change occur s through the transmission or the development of technologies that allow for greater harnessing of energy (White 1943). White suggests of history that nted energy resources man was able to expand and develop his way of life, i.e 2 36). Thus, culture advance s as people acquire methods and develop mechanisms to harness the potential energy laying dormant in nature. Furthermore, cultures at similar stages of energy acquisition are likely to exhibit similar qualities. In his famous essay on energy and the evolution of culture, White used examples such as the introduction of an ax, the development of animal husbandry, the introduct ion of agriculture via the domestication of plants, and the harnessing of atomic energy in describing what he viewed as progressively upward changes to culture through improved technologies that subdue nature for the purpose of procuring energy (White 1943 ). evolutionary approach is overly simple and ill informed with its claims to universality. While it puts forth some concepts that may still be useful, i t assumes a hierarchy of evolut ion that favors cultures with access to high levels of technology and the means to harness energy. Finally, White conceptualizes as something which reflecti ng the diversity of human arrangements and expressions. Understood in its historical context, it is presented here as a relic of early anthropological attempts toward understanding human nature relationships.

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27 Cultural Ecology While White believed in a progressive, universal, technol ogy driven evolution of culture Julian Steward is distinguished by his belief that there is instructive value in comparing how different cultures react to their environments and their technologies in different ways: The co ncept of cultural ecology...is less concerned with the origin and diffusion of technologies than with the fact that they may be used differently and entail different social arrangements in each environment. The environment is not only permissive or prohib itive with respect to these technologies, but special local features may require social adaptations which have far reachi ng consequences (Steward 1990: 38) The compar ison of these locale specific environmental adaptations formed the core of r arching theory, which he called multilinear evolution (Steward 1990). Going a step further than White, Steward recognize d the mutual influences of technology, institutions and the environment working together to create cultural change s Deficiencies in b oth N eo evolutionary and C ultural E cology A pproaches In common, both the neo evolutionary and cultural ecology approaches fall short of properly addressing modern human nature situations because both are deficient in regard to two important variables: ( 1) ecological change s ; and ( 2) external intervention s in forms ranging from projects as different as colonialism to development. It is worth briefly examining these two deficiencies in both of these approaches. In the case of the neo evolutionary approa ch, White acknowledged the potential influence of ecological change, yet rejected it as a factor for consideration when he

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28 culture as a whole, we may regard the fact or of habitat 230). Following suit, Steward appears to allow the relegation of the natural environment to a a succession of very unlike period s, it is sometimes pointed out that environment, the constant, obviously has no relationship to c ). Such dismissal of ecological change over time relegating nature to a constant seriously weakens the applicability of either a pproach to this research. It is now well know n that all e cosystems are in states of flux. N ature, like culture, is not static. The problem is further compounded when we consider the fact that Haiti has undergone what some would term rapid ecological chan ge namely massive deforestation and the resultant myriad of associated ecological problems outlined in the introductory chapter of this thesis. In the case of the latter deficiency, Steward appears to acknowledge the effects of outside interventions, at le ast in the form of colonialism, though n ot in the form of development: [I] t makes a great deal of difference whether a community consists of hunters and gatherers who subsist independently by their own efforts or whether it is an outpost of a wealthy natio n, which exploits local mineral wealth and is sustained by railroads, ships, or airplanes (Steward 1990: 39) Here Steward seems to concede that his theory works best in what can only now be considered a hypothetical scenario. That is, while a cultural eco logy approach might have worked well for a culture long situated within an unchanging ecosystem and little a ffected by large outside influences, such cultures no longer exist if they ever did in the first place. The far reaching effects of changes to the global climate, and the process of globalization well illustrate the deficiencies of the traditional cultural ecology

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29 approach were it to be attempted today. As both approaches are found to be deficient for the two reasons just outlined, I turn to examine other human nature approaches offered by anthropology in the 20th century. Ecological Materialism The earliest approaches viewed nature as a constant either to be harnessed for energy, or as a static contributor to the shaping of cultures. Neither gave full consideration to the influence of outside interventions. The latter half of the 20th century saw the emergence of ecological materialism as a new model for examining human nature relationships. Drawing strongly on cultural materialism the ecologica l materialist approach took important steps toward including the environmental as a contributing, changing, and malleable factor in human nature interactions. In ess ence, the ecological materialist approach seeks to explain certain socio cultural structur es by eliciting their human ecological functions. One example is (Harris 1966) His title is perhaps a misnomer this work represents a clear departure from earlier cultural ecology approaches and can perhaps be considered an ecological materialist approach. In this essay, Harris convincingly argues that the sacred cow phenomenon of India is not due to Hindu spiritual strictures against bovine consumption, but instead is simply reflected in the religion because of the sociocultural and techno economic benefits to not killing cattle (Harris 1966 ). Here, cattle are viewed as both a technology affecting the overall ecosystem, and also as ecological component in and of themselves. Thus, Harris suggests that Hindu cultur e influenced by a techno economic function arching

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30 ecosystem. This is a departure from traditional cultural ecology, which employed a one way street model of nature acting on culture. Thus, a particular strength of the ecological materialist approach is that it transcend s earlier ideas of nature as an undifferentiated and unchanging force that acts on cultures. Instead, it views nature as an eco system that can be differenti ated into component parts, which in turn can be analyzed, eliciting relationships that influence and are influenced by human technologies and sociocultural activities. In this thesis, the ecological materialist perspective is employed for its structural f unctional strengths in interpreting the results of this research. Nevertheless, with its primary emphasis on structure and function, the ecological materialist approach tends to neglect giving equal weight to the influence of outside interventions colonia l or developmental on both ecology and culture. situated at the crossroads of an ecological materialism and the then newly emerging political ecology approach (Murray 1987) Murray suggested a domestication of wood process at work in Haiti, similar to the process whereby humans domesticated crops. In this scenario, wood is domesticated and grown as a cash crop. Murray expanded on components of t his theory in other p ublications ( Murray 1991; Murray 1997). harnessing of energy) with strong undertones of stru ctural functionalism and cultural materialism. Finally, Murray takes special care to highlight historical and political

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31 Political Ecology The political ecology model is currently employed within a variety of disciplines, though the term fir st surfaced in the academic literature considerably later in the second half of 20th century, when introduced by anthropologist Eric Wolf (Wolf 1972). an anthropologist heavily influenced by the cultura l ecology school of thought the model as currently used in anthropology is clearly distinguishable from cultural ecology. N amely it attempts to include politics as a force for equal consideration at multiple level s of analysis Interestingly, Wolf ackno wledged the influence of interventions years before he used the 1972: 310). This Marxist influenced critiques during the 1970s and 1980s. As politics and ecology are the most commonly evoked disc ourses ascribing the root cause related ecological and human crises, it is naturally fitting for a political ecology model to be used as the primary theoretical point of departure in this thesis. Such an approach is complementary to the interdisciplinary nature of this research, which draws on insights from both t he social and the natural sciences. The political ecology approach is further fitting because this thesis is presented as an outcome evaluation of an ecology related project in a country with a long history of political interventions, and based on a polic y (read politics) developed by an anthropologist. Heavily influenced by Marxist thought, this approach may be viewed as a marriage between political economy and ecological materialist perspectives. Thus, it

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32 acknowledges the multiple and mutual influences of politics, economy ecology society and culture in an iterative process, with each affecting the others. Operationalizing P olitical E cology as A pplied in this R esearch Because the political ecology approach is applied somewhat differently in various di scipline s and is defined differently by various individuals, it is essential to define the term for the purposes of this research. In this thesis, the political component of the political ecology model is expanded to include: ( 1) exerted political power ; ( 2) policies; and ( 3) development p rojects often informed by policies that are politically mandated. Here, some clarification is needed. Exerted political power is extended to include colonialism, foreign occupation, foreign and national governmental meddling and other similar interventions. Policies is a category meant to be inclusive of national and international government positioning, such as migration and immigration policies, land reform policies, aid policies, embargo policies and similar p olicies. Development projects are many in kind and scope, but here the term is limited to ecological restoration projects More s pecifically, a tree planting project that emphasized the tree as a cash crop is examined here Certainly there are overlap s between these categories, and they are disaggregated here simply to illustrate the breadth the category is meant to include. Together, all three types of intervention s are referred to collectively from here on as politics. This is particularly fittin g in the case of Haiti, because as one anthropologist recently pointed out, the K reyl work politik 2009 ). The ecology component here is distinguished from a view of nature as an undifferentiated whole, and is viewed instead as a system which can be analyzed both

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33 for its component parts and the sum of its parts. Human beings represent a particular challenge, as they are uniquely part of the ecological, social, cultural, economic and political components of t his model. Levels of Analysis In traditional political ecology approaches, analysis happens at multiple levels household, local, regional, national, and international. A comprehensive multi level analysis is beyond the scope of this thesis. Here, the lit erature review is limited to examinations of how larger political processes at the international and natio nal levels have historically ecology, economy, society, and culture at a much lower level Policy developments are examined primaril y at the national level for similar effects. The project component (Pwoj Pyebwa) is first briefly examined at the national level, and later examined for its effects at local and household levels. The data collected are site specific, and therefore valid ity is strongest at the household and local levels. It should also be noted that Haiti has another rung of analysis that might be considered in other political ecology approaches : In rural Haiti there is another social unit below the level of the village but above the level of the household. This unit is referred to as the lakou, best houses of elder parents and their married children who have decided not to build houses elsewhere (Murray 1981: 3) Therefore, in the case of rural Haiti, the layers of analysis in an application of the political ecology model should consider the lakou (compound) level This point is revisited in further detail in the methods chapter of this thesis. In summary, while the literature review attempts a multiple level political ecology analysis, the highest level to which the conclusions and recommendations of this thesis are applicable is at the local level, and subsequent levels directly below lakou and household.

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34 Interdisciplinarity of this Research This MA research was conducted through the interdisciplinary track offered by the department of anthropology at the University of Florida. Departmental policy stipulates that students pursuing the interdisciplinary ro ute must take courses within another program or department. Furthermore, departmental policy requires a faculty member from the second program or department to sit as a member on the student advisory committee. In line with my interest in trees, ecology, conservation, and restoration, I chos e to take graduate level courses School of Forest Resources and Conservation (SFRC). For the interdisciplinary member of my advisory council, I recruited Dr. Michael Bannister. Dr. Bannister currently works in SFRC and spent many years working on Pwoj Pyebwa in Haiti Dr. Bannister made the first delivery of seedlings to my research site. Departmental policy further states that of the 30 credits required for the M.A., nine must be taken within the secondary department. Thus, approximately one th ird of courses taken for this MA are SFRC courses. These requirements were met by taking SFRC seminars on agroforestry, community forest management, and forestry field meth ods. Such co urses helped inform the ecological considerations of this thesis. Conclusion A successful approach to examining human nature interactions needs to recognize the mutual influence of a variety of forces at play in the modern world. Such forces include ecolo gical change s politics, and the effects o f human societies and cultures. In this thesis, I employ a political ecology approach. This approach has been presented as an effective marriage between political economy and ecological materialism. Ecological mate rialism has been defined and its focus on structural

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35 functional examinations has been highlighted as its particular strength to b e exploited for this research. This research is interdisciplinary, drawing on coursework from the School of Forest Resources a nd Conservation to inform the ecological components of the political ecology approach.

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36 CHAPTER 3 LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction Much has been written about the deforestation of Haiti. The available literature on the subject can be conceptualized as fal ling into five broad categories: ( 1) reports and analyses commissioned by governments; ( 2) reports and analyses by bi lateral and multilateral aid and development entities; ( 3) individually produced university theses and dissertations; ( 4) publications in natural and social science scholarly journals; and ( 5) research site in this thesis lies within the first, second and third categories. Thus, their predominance in my literature review is not a matter of privileging particular perspectives, but of pragmatics it is a reflection of what was available to me at the time of this research. I treat literature from the third, fourth, and fifth categories in both tracing the history of deforestation and in detailing current country wide ecological and socioeconomic conditions. In examining literature pertaining to deforestation in Haiti through a political ecology lens, I begin by treating the highest rungs of analysis intern ational and national. I conclude by treating the lowest rungs of analysis, examining the literature specific to the research site local, lakou (compound), and household. This downward, rung by rung approach will bring the reader from the far to the near, contextualizing the research site as a specific place in time. Thus, the outcome of Pwoj Pyebwa at this particular site can be viewed as shaped and influenced by an overarching series of historical and political events.

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37 The far to near approach employed here starts with a brief history of political contributions to the deforestation of Haiti, through four distinct eras. After I bring the reader up to the current era, I examine the major vulnerabilities related to deforestation and experienced by Haitians. Next, I highlight literature that addresses the important role of trees in the Haitian peasant economy. Then, previous tree planting projects are discussed, focusing on those factors which led to their wide spread failure. I follow with a brief treatment of Pwoj Pyebwa, and end with the literature related to Fondeblan the site of the research presented in this thesis. A Brief History of Deforestation in Haiti Traditionally, most authors have succumbed to the clich of beginning their writing on Haiti by highlighting that the nation retains only 2 % of its original forest cover of rural Haitian farmers, who have cut trees either for agricultural purposes or for th e creation of charcoal (e.g., Klein 1945; Hosier and Bernstein 1992; Van der Plas 2007). This approach is a vast over simplification of a long deforestation process that has spanned five centuries. It has been noted that this tendency to overlook the hist ory of 1998). While Haitian farmer driven activities deforestation, many areas of forests were cut in the 300 years prior t o the slave revolt that resulted in the creation of the Haitian Republic. Other major epochs of tree cutting occurred in the years that followed the Haitian revolution, due primarily to policies forced upon the fledgling Haitian Government. Deforestation in Haiti continues into the current decade of the new millennium.

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38 In addressing the tendency to over on several key political events in the history of Haiti which contributed to deforestation. I make no claims to pro vide a comprehensive historical account. The purpose of this approach is simply to highlight the role of politics in the process. Likewise, I address current farmer driven tree cutting by framing it within the history of larger political processes at play, rather than dismissing it as the collective proceedings of an ecologically unaware peasantry. These objectives are accomplished by a reframing of Haitian history into the following four epochs which reflect key deforestation events induced by key politica l events: ( 1) the colonial era; ( 2) the post colonial era; ( 3) the early 20 th century; and (4) the last fifty years Colonial Politics and Policies Leading to Increased Deforestation Historical and political developments and their consequent effects on H ai ecology have been many. The parameters of this thesis prevent a thorough and detailed examination of the colonial period, which spanned nearly three centuries. Instead, several key developments related to tree cutting in this period are examined. To b egin with, it should be noted that the first hundred years after Columbus did not result in massive tree cutting operations: Spain and Spanish interests turned away from Hispa niola only a few decades after Columbus had reached the island and focused upon m ainland America. Large par ts of Hispaniola were left virtually unexploited during most of th e 16th century with only a few coastal settlements (mainly on the southern coast) which h ad been established during the first years of colonisation [sic]. The weste rn part of Hispaniola [ modern day Haiti] therefore remained without significant colonial settlem ents until the end of the 16th century and the first decades of the 17th century. However, i t was not until the 1660s that the population started to show a sign ificant increase thr ough emigration from France as well as from the African slave trade. (Lindskog 1998:73)

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39 Thus, it was not until the latter part of the 17th century that major changes to s 4 began. This is in line with a world wide trend, whereby various colonial governments enacted policies and actions that constituted a drive toward land clearing and tree cutting. In particular, the intensification of 18th century agricultural activities in the Caribbean played a chief roll in deforestat ion (Lindskog 1998; Moya Pons 2007). Frank Moya Pons, a widely respected Caribbean historian makes this point succinctly: One of the consequences of the establishment of the ne w agricultural colonies of the Caribbean islands was the gradual replacement of natura l vegetation with domesticated crops. Former jungle and savannas were converted into sugarcane fields or pastures, while in drier areas, tobacc o fields alternated with cotton (2007: 95) In addition to these lower elevation crops, trees were cut to p rovide fuel to cook sugar cane, and in the higher elevations trees were cleared to grow coffee (Catanese 1999). Added to the colonial agricultural factor were wood extractive practices, aimed at h ships that brought slaves to Haiti returned to Europe w ith cargoes of Haiti an timber During the colonial period, s everal different policies gov ernor in an effort to slow tree cutting (Lindskog 1998) These policies experienced he colony continued to be 4 Here I disaggregate humans from nature, though recognizing the mass extermination of the indigenous people living on the island.

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40 In summary, the time between Columbus and first half of the 17th century saw little forest exploitation in what is modern day Haiti. The 18th century saw the most agg ressive land clearing and tree cutting during the colonial period as various political powers vied for fertile lands to meet agricultural demands fro m the external export market. Countless other political processes and policies affected the process of de forestation during the colonial period but are beyond the scope of this thesis. Post colonial Tree cutting The beginning of the 19th century saw the establishment of an independent Haitian republic, headed by Jean Jacques Dessalines. However, independence did not halt the process of deforestation that Haiti was undergoing. Just a few years after the founding of the Haitian republic, several major state level political events contributed to One such incr ease started in 1804 when Dessalines, ruling by decree, enacted a policy that prohibited land transactions of any sort ( Moya Pons 2007). Dessalines hoped to continue the plantation system enacted under the French. He proceeded to consolidate land under th e rule of the Haitian state. According to Moya Pons thirds of Haitian territory under state to power were enacted (2007 :170). This later successor Alexandre Petion believing a more harmonious Haiti would emerge with high levels of individual land ownership, began a process of land redistribution that would forever change the landscape of the country: Between 1806 and 1809, most of the cultivable lan d in the Republic of Haiti was privatized, and the economy of the region underwent a radical

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41 transform ation. In addition to the large plantations under mulatto ownership, a new free peasantry emerged, consisting of former slaves who cultivated family plots on the lands previously owned by their French masters ( Moya Pons 2007:171) A second major wave of land redistribution occurred several years later, when Pierre Boyer, succeeded in unifying the northern and southern portions of the country, delineating a landmass that constitutes modern day Haiti. This unification happened after the death of Henri Christophe, who had ruled as king in the northern portion of the country since independence. Boyer began th e project of land redistribution in the north in a manner similar to what Petion had already done in the south. This high level of individual land ownershi p continues today, with nation level data from censuses carried out in 1950 and 1971 suggesting betwe en two thirds and 80 % of Haitians own land (Zuvekas 1978:77). With these historical redistributions of land, the north began to experience a phenomenon already familiar in the south a lack of labor ( Moya Pons 2007: 171 173). W ith so many new land owners, t here were simply not enough hands to maintain plantations that could have previously procured products for an export market. The result was that Haitian farmers turned to subsistence farming and small scale cash cropping for internal markets instead of pr oducing for the external market as in the previous epoch ( Schmidt 1995; Diamond 2005). Moya Pons reports that sugar exports from Haiti in 1823 dropped by a factor of ten thousand times from export levels in 1789 ( Moya Pons 2007:173 ). Thus, the combination of new land redistribution policies with the resultant drop in labor availability in the newly unified southern and northern portions

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42 To compensate for the decline in planta tion exports, m any Haitians turned to logging and exported precious lumber and dyewood. The French had extensively exploited the mahogany forests of Saint Domingue [modern day Hai ti] before the Revolution, but some uncut wood remained because Dessalines ha s prohibited logging ( Moya Pons 2007: 173 174) Yet small holding Haitian farmers who turned to logging were not the primary cause of this continued tree cutting. Wider scale impacts were made at the hands of foreign companies in timber procurement contract s with the new Haitian government (Murray woods, leaving littl e for : 217). Unfort unately, little of the money from such foreign industrial logging arrangements stayed in the hands of the Haitian government. The tree cutting which began in the colonial period for the establishment of plantations and was continued to a smaller extent by Haitian farmers was driven industrially in newly independent Haiti to pay for foreign debts (Pierre Louis 1989). That is, logging was promoted by a government which sought to sequester monies in the form of taxes which could address the debt. According to encouraged logging to The debt due France in the amount of 150 million francs Moya Pons 20 07:181). Initially agreed upon by the n the economy for years to come. The debt prevented the establishment of well functioning state institutions and contributed to the co ntinued degradation of the land through over farming and timber procurement.

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43 The Haitian economy suffered tremendously under efforts to meet agreed upon payments to France, taking out loans from French banks, and eventually renegotiating the terms of the debt in 1838 ( Moya Pons 2007:182). Moya Pons exportation of mahogany almost doubled, surpassing 4.0 million cubic feet in 1842. intensification of tree cutting de monstrates the unique way that politics at an international level (France) affected national deforestation rates in Haiti. In summary, early national level policies of land redistribution resulted in a turn to logging as Haiti was unable to maintain the export plantation system of the colonial period. Logging was further exacerbated by international policies namely debt that France demanded from Haiti in lieu of revenues lost when Haiti gained independence. Other policies of the latter half of the 19th c entury added to the problem, though an exhaustive account is not possible here. Tree cutting in the E arly 20th century The extensive tree cutting activities of the 18th and 19th centuries did not result in In particular, the southern portion of the country retained notable stands of forest cover well into the 20th century. An article from an early National Geographic Magazine (1920), with explorations made in the southeastern corner of the country, reported that mountains above 3,000 feet were (Johnston 1920:483). Of the country as a who le, an article in the same magazine

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44 The early part of the 20th century saw the American occupation of Hait i, from 1915 to 1934. Much has been written on this period, though it is uncertain to what extent the occupation directly affected tree cutting. One source reported a reforestation project at the hands of the occupying force, though its scope and outcome I was unable to discover (Ferguson 1987:26). However, there were attempted agricultural reforms implemented by the occupying force, though they are largely considered to have failed: Americans did make...a systematic effort to introduce m odern agricultural techniques. This was extraordinarily difficult because of the tremendous gap between peasant technology and American technology. Peasants were basically skeptical about new machines and methods and about foreign white civilization in general. The experienc es of their ancestors with French colonists and the more recen t American forced labor corve of 1918 19 did not encourage confidence in the white f (Schmidt 1995:181) Another way in which the occupying American forces affect ecology has to do with the emphasis on infrastructural development in the capital city of Port au Prince ( White 1994; Schmidt 1995). Such infrastructural development contributed to the centralization of the state, and resulted in pull fact ors from the rural countryside: [T]the marines implemented a national plan for infrastructu ral development for all Haiti. Rural roads and bridge s were built and health clinics e stablished for the first time. Nevertheless, as t he rural infrastructure develo ped, the centralization of economic and political power away from the rural sector and to th e urban centers continued. The system became more evident as a r esult of the occupation by the United States. The construction of roads and bridg es enabled rural residents to travel more easily to urban areas and to better paying jobs an d va rious amenities (Catanese 1999:20)

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45 The influx of hundreds of thousands of people into Port au Prince and other major cities resulted in a large urban deman d f or rurally produced charcoal a trend that continues today. There are likely other ways in which the occupation affected the presented here. Suffice to say that any localize d reforestation projects promoted by the marines were most likely negatively offset by the urbanization trend they helped usher in At the close of the World War II, and approximately ten years after the end of the American occupation of Haiti, the Instit ute of Inter American Affairs under the auspices the U.S. Department of State underlying interests which li kely influenced the commissioning of the report: Forests in Haiti of commercial importance are practically non existent. Small stands of pine, logwood, lignum vitae and mahogany still exist in isol ated spots, but the total area of these probably does not e xceed 2,000 square kilomete rs (672 square miles). Most of this is located in the pine forests of the La Selle Mountai ns in the Southeast and in the more accessible mountains of the North. It would be an exagg eration to call this timber of commercial import ance, although there are some trees of merchantable quality and size. The small volume and its inaccessible location make it o f little importance except for local consumption. Timber exports are in insig nificant volumes (Klein 1945:5) Thus, near the middl e of the 20th stands were c lose to being depleted. The l engthy period of timber exploitation by international companies was coming to an end. This is further evident by the dive of timber exports reported in the Inter American Affairs report: Ma ximum export of logwood for the country in past y ears was 120,000 tons in 1920. This was exceptional, as in most of the years up to 1930 exports averaged between 25,000 to 35,000 tons. Then volume diminished rapidl y

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46 until the years 1940 to 1944 when only 2 ,000 to 3,000 to ns were exported (Klein 1945:6) While the report states that some of this later rapid decline in exports can be attributed to a fall in demand, the decreasing export trend is nevertheless telling of the overall depletion o imber stands. exportation in 1920 was exceptional is baseless in the absence of figures for the period before the middle of the 19th century to 1920. Klein may simply have been noting a rapid drop off in exp ortation that corresponded with an exhaustion of timber resources during the latter half of the last century and the first decades of the 20th Whatever the case, Haiti was now entering what I have framed as the final stage of primary forest loss, fueled p rimarily by agricultural cl earing and charcoal production. That is not to suggest that these practices did not contribute to earlier deforestation but simply to highlight that extractive practices of foreign entities were not as influential during this p eriod. Deforestation in the Last Fifty Years Were one to visit Haiti any time during the last fifty years, without any knowledge of the long history of foreign political interventions in the country, it would be easy to mistakenly contribute the vast defor estation of the land entirely to the a ctions of rural Haitian farmers. Here I have endeavored to suggest that such a simplification ignores complex historical and political processes and policies Yet while the colonial and post colonial periods were majo ignore the e ffects of a population that has rapidly increased. State census data report an increase from approximately three million people in the 1950s to an estimated 10 million people at the time of this research (Zuvekas 1978: 13; Smucker et al. 2007). The

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47 influence of seven million new people in a country where two thirds are estimated to be involved in rural agrarian endeavors cannot be overlooked. Let me be clear in saying that Hai direct cause of continued land degradation. Indeed, the myth of population growth within the proletariat as the primary contributor to ecological degradation has been adequately deconstructed. Nevertheless, under oppressive conditions, a large population can have an equally large net affect. The conditions may be exacerbated by high trends toward urban migration. As one respected political ecology theorist notes, "attention to high density urban development and the associated energy costs and infrastructure demands of mega cities have created justifiably renewed attention to population as an According to a recently commissioned report, some key dri vers of recent unplanned urbanizati Under different conditions, Haiti may very well have been able to absorb the seven million person incre ase without serious consequences for the land. Unfortunately, the political conditions that existed concurrently with the rapid growth in population resulted in an overall negative a ffect on its inhabitants (Catanese 1999). growth each in turn strengthened the migratory flow toward the urban centers, and most particularly toward P ort au Prince" (Trouillot 1990: 142). Therefore, the final epoch I examine is delineated by the last 50 years. This period of examination is marked by an immense population increase general agricultural decline, rural to urban migration

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48 trends and by eriod corresponds approximately to both the time period during which I conducted research in Fondeblan and to the major earthquake event of January 12, 2010. As with the case with the American occupation of Haiti, a great deal has been written on Frano (see for example Trouillot 1990 ) The interested reader should have no difficulty finding literature on the subject. Here it will suffice to say that Franois Duvalier reigned as president for life in Haiti, from 1957 until to his death in 1971. He was replaced by his son, Jean Claude Duvalier, who also reigned as president for life until he was overthrown in a popular uprising in 1986. Much of the literature on the Duvalier era stress es that the proletariat bore extensive abuses, which served to solidify and maintain power in the hands of an elite few: The regular assassination of opponents, predation on community organizations which did not explicitly espouse Duvalierist tenets, and the gene raliz ed and strong infusion of fear and distrust, all but eliminated leadership and organizat ional skills from the country. This repression and its attendant impoverishment also effect ively attacked the very social fabric which is conductive to innovation and technology development ( White 1992:11) Statements such as these are not hard to come by. Indeed, the human rights violations inflicted during this period have been well documented ( Abbott 1988; Ferguson 1987 ; Trouillot 1990; Farmer 1994 ) Fewer refere nces were found to actual ecological changes ushered in during this period. One researcher was able to report a historical phenomenon that occurred near the site of an ecological reserve where he was conducting research Here we have a perfect example of p olitics of this era reaching into the realm of ecology:

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49 During the Duvalier dictatorship, the long term state leas e was usually only one form of political connection that the local elites held. Many of the se same local elites were also members of the Duval ier rural militia and many absentee leaseholders were politically powerful individuals who lived downstream. In this way, the roots of the Duvalier political machine reached all the remote forests of La Hotte. It created a rural elite and a system of fores t exploitation based on sharecropping. Withi n decades after the state land lease system becoming [sic] the predominant means of ac cessing land, the forests were removed (Monaghan 2000:137) This particular account of the state of affairs during the Duvalie r period could be described as a reverse Robin Hood syndrome In this scenario, Duvalier plays an antithetical Robin Hood taking from the poor and giving to the rich. The merry men are played by those who profited by the politics, policies and projects o f the Duvalier regime In this version though, there is no happy ending, and Sherwood Forest all but disappears. There are other accounts of the affects the Duvalier family policies had on deforestation Murray documented respondents along the Haitian Dom inican border was more likely a border localized effort of the Duvalier gover nment, in an attempt to lessen widespread reports of stark environmental differences between the two countries differences clearly observable along the border regions. Like Murray, another researcher has noted the existence of laws against tree cutting dur ing the Duvalier period: Prior to the fall of the Duvalier regime in February 1986, people had to have permits (and illicit payments to government agents) to harvest trees. This policy limited tree harvesting but also gave control to the local police. With the fall of Duvalier, this system broke down and tree harvesting, charcoal production, and wood transport exp loded overnight (White 1994:15)

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50 White notes that while the Duvalier policies may have slowed tree cutting, they placed little incentive on tree p lanting The result was that when the policy was removed, deforestation accelerated (White 1994) If Franois Duvalier slowed tree cutting, he did little to improve overall ecological conditions in Haiti, and his son Jean Claude offered few change s in th is regard As [from Jean Claude Duvalier] to attend to the rural needs such as poverty and Catanese 1998:21). The popular uprising that saw the end to the D uvalier regime did not result in any (White 1994) Neither did the ushering in of populist president Jean Bertrand Aristide. But one particular political event during this period did af fect tree cutting and by extension, ecological degradation and exacerbated human misery. In the last century of the last millennium, the United States intervened again in Haitian affairs in the form of an embargo sanctioned to restore democratically elect ed president Jean Bertrand Aristide One unexpected and one would hope, undesired e ffect of the embargo was that elite segments of society that had effects of the embargo, which were largely borne out on the proletariat. In particular to the analysis at ha nd, the embargo encouraged tree cutting on the part of rural Haitians: A more recent cause of tree cover removal was the em bargo of 1991 94, when se lling trees for fuel was o ne of the only options for cash (Swartley and Toussaint 2006:4). While more trees were cut during this period, poor rural Haitians are reported to have fared quite well, as import petroleum based fuels were replaced with charcoal, bringing

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51 higher profits to charcoal producers. The urban poor are said to have been the most negatively by the embargo (Catanese 1999:69 70). In summary, tree cutting in Haiti during this period was exacerbated by the policies of dictatorial government s that were extractive from the poor and generous to the rich what I have referred to as a reverse Robin Hood syndrome Tree cutting increased later in the period, ushered in by the politics and policies that resulted in a U.S. embargo against Haiti. These influences were set to the back drop of immense populati on growth and wide spread rural to urban migration. The combined result of these events and others was that rural Haitian famers cut more trees, either to increase agricultural yields or to make incom e via the internal charcoal and timber markets (Diamond 2005). Summary time in which my research was conducted A summary of a recent Haitian Ministry of Planning report in 2002 provid es an excellent review : Columbian times and 60% in 1923, Haiti now has true forest cover on only 1.5% of its land area (Swartley and Toussaint 2006: 22). In this brief history I have endeavored to suggest that while peasa nt tree cutting has been the vehicle of much of has often been external politics and policies that have been the engine and driving force of this tree cutting. This diachronic review divided the literature into distinct epochs, in or der to highlight some distinct political events and policies that promoted deforestation. Other political contributions exist, but are beyond the scope of this thesis. The events chosen are illustrative of political influences on ecological conditions. With a basic understanding of some of the historical influences on

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52 an examination of the intertwined ecological and human crises that have resulted in part from this wide scale loss of tree and vegetative cover. Vulnera bilities Caused By Deforestation By now the reader should have a basic grasp of some key historical and political events that led to wide spread deforestation in Haiti. I turn now to highlight some current and wide spread results of this deforestation. I m ake no claims o f environmental determinism as such, though I do pay particular attention to the interplay between ecological conditions and their measurable effects on some aspects of Haitian society. As suggested in the introduction of my thesis, Haitian s and their environment are intertwined in a complex system that mutually contribut es to ecological and human vulnerabilities. Here I disaggregate the people from the land, simply for the sake of examination. First, I briefly highlight some of the current ecological vulnerabilities experienced first hand by Haitian s Ecological Vulnerabilities While the forests of Haiti are now mostly a thing of the past, many ecological t reasures remain. There are at least 12 designated national park areas with ecological significance, and over 25 other areas have been identified as worthy of protection because of their ecological diversity (Swartley and Toussaint 2006:16 17). Several repo rts have highlighted that Haiti still possesses virtually untouched coral reefs of high ecological importance (Howard 1998; Swartley and Toussaint 2006; Smucker et al. 2007). Furthermore, the diversity of flora currently found in Haiti is said to be extens ive degradation problems Haiti has, together with the Dominican Republic, the second most

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53 diverse flora in the Caribbean, after Cuba (Swartley and Toussaint 2006: 20). The s ame report indicates that Haiti is home to over 2,000 species of vertebrates two thirds of which are endemic ; at least 236 species of birds with an estimated quarter as endemic ; and of the 217 reptile and amphibian species on the island, 98 % are endemic, w ith fully one third found only on the Haitian side (2006:20 21). In short, from an ecological point of view there are many reasons to protect the remaining stores of biological diversity in Haiti. These ecological treasures continue to be directly and indi rectly threatened by deforestation. Beyond the obvious loss of habitat that continued deforestation is causing for the flora and fauna of Haiti, issues related to water compound the problem. Widespread erosion has led to a situation where mountains are n o longer able to efficiently retain water, resulting in negative ecological side effects. In urban and peri urban areas, particularly surrounding Port au Prince, inaccessibility to reliable water sources has led to a situation of over pumping of undergroun d aquifers, leading to salt water intrusion in the water table (Howard 1998:18). Deforestation has altered the hydrologic cycle, causing rivers to run abnormally low or not at all during dry seasons, and has affected other natural drainage systems import ant for ecological functions (Swartley and Toussaint 2006:23; Smucker et al. 2007:9). Continued soil erosion and landslides Toussai nt 2006:23). Silt in flood plains also causes a dropping of the water table, seriously affecting mangrove trees tha t rely on a higher water table (Howard 1998:18).

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54 All of these negative ecological situations related to water are further compounded by Hait the region (Crdenas 2008). Suffice to say that the removal of trees and vegetation biological d iversity of the species they contain. Human Vulnerabilities The standard of living for many Haitians is negatively impacted as a result of deforestation and removal of vegetative cover These impacts can be direct, but are often indirect and insidious. By the 1970s, a rep ort on agricultural development, using data f rom Haitian government censuses, continuing to grow and exerting more pressure on already overworked land, it does not require much perception to see that living standards for many Haitian families are likely ity: You can read about deforestation and its effects in the books an d pamphlets written by these experts, and then you can read about it in the faces a nd bodies of Haitian peasants. The bloated bellies and orange hair of the children of the No rthwest are chapters in a long book about the failed bean crop, the persistent drought, the pitiful corn harvest, the lack of green pasture for livestock. The bony arms and legs of the mountain women, and their skeletal babies, are passages about the lack of water in the countryside, and testimony to drinking water that is stagna nt, infested (Wilentz 1989:246) As a result of decreased fertility due to topsoil loss, many Haitians have abandoned the rural countryside en masse for the promise of urban jobs (Howard 1998:

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55 wide urban migration (Catanese 1999) Yet the crowded urban areas that confront rural Ha itians who make this migration offer a standard of living considerably lower than rumored in the countryside: The urban poor in Haiti often have no choice but to occupy the least valued plots of land in disaster prone areas such as riverbanks, unstable hil lsides deforested lands, or fragile catchment areas. In general, the densely coastal cities are located to a large degree in flood plains. These populat ions are vulnerable to disease and natural disaster (Smucker et al. 2007:9) It takes no stretch of the imagination to picture who suffers the most when a tropical storm or major hurricane hits Haiti. By extension, the injuries and the large death toll from the earthquake of early 2010 were very likely exacerbated by the approximately three million Haitians living in a sprawling urban area originally designed for no more than half a million people Furthermore, the highly stratified urban social pyramid that the rural Haitian enters provides little opportunity for upward mobility and ample opportunities to experience the negative effects of Haitians who stay in the rural country side do not fare much better. One report ost families who cho se to remain in rural areas saw diminishing ret urns 1998:8). Rural areas continue to be susceptible to flooding and landslides from hillsides destabilized from tree and vegetation removal. Educational and employment opp ortunities in rural areas are either scarce or nonexistent. In summary, loss of tree cover and vegetative cover has negatively impacted Haitian s lives Those that stay in the countryside continue to scratch out a living of low value cash cropping, mostl y for the internal market. Those who brave the migration to

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56 urban areas are subsumed in the vast and vulnerable slum areas, with no guarantees of reliable or well paying work, or of any improvement in their standard of living. The R ole of Trees in the Hait ian Peasant Economy In light of the dire consequences related to tree removal, some have asked why rural Haitian farmers continue to cut trees on their lands. To adequately address this question, one must understand the role that trees play in the Haitian peasant economy. Traditional tree use by rural Haitian farmers is diverse. Trees are used to delineate property borders, to construct living fences, to provide fruit, for animal forage, for construction, for medicine, for religious and spiritual purposes for tool and furniture making, for shade for animals, for shade for coffee, and to provide firewood (Mintz 1962; Smucker 1981 ; Balzano 1986; White 1994 ). Additionally, trees are sometimes not cut, for perceived environmental services such as soil erosion prevention and moisture retention (Conway 1986 ). All of these trees uses continue today. Here I limit my examination to those tree products that Haitian farme rs have oriented toward markets: ( 1) fruit; ( 2) charcoal; and (3) planks and poles. This approac h is taken primarily because Pwoj Pyebwa posited the marketability of tree products as the primary tree planting motivator. This is not to say that other markets they do. The tree products chosen for examination her e simply reflect their predominance in internal Haitian peasant markets. Fruit The continued procurement of fruit requires that fruit trees not be cut. Most fruit trees used by Haitian peasants are found within the lakou (multi household compound) or with in the nearby jaden (established gardens, often adjoining the lakou) (Smucker

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57 1981:46). To the Haitian farmer, f ruit plays an important role in offsetting agricultural losses from drought years or years experiencing low crop yields (Smucker 1981). Most f ruit in Haiti is consumed locally, regionally, or nationally at home, in local markets, regional markets, or in Port au Prince. Because many species of fruit trees bear fruit all at once (Murray 1989:7) fruit does not fetch a high market price why buy you abundantly ? This is the classic economic problem of supply and demand. Difficulties also arise in directing fruit toward internal and external markets because of issues related to transport, storage (shel f life), an d quality control (Smucker 2005; Smucker 2007). Nevertheless, some external marketing occurs, though usually at higher levels of agricultural production or within the confines of well networked and highly organized cooperative arrangements. Gene rally, Haitians are very reluctant to cut fruit trees, but will do so if they are deemed post productive (Balzano 1986). The extent to which fruit factors into livelihood strategies varies considerably from area to area, but can be said to b e high for most of rural Haiti. Charcoal Estimates of the national energy need met by charcoal or firewood in Haiti range fro m 66 85 % (Howard 1998:18; Van der Plas 2007:3). Interestingly, charcoal making was not a traditional activity of the rural Haitian peasant ry For cooking, firewood was collected or branches cut for cooking on a twa wch dife (three rock fire) pictured in Figure 3 1 (Van der Pla s 2007:16, 35). Charcoal production in the current rural Haitian economy is a development that is paralleled and largely dr iven by urban charcoal demand ( Van der Plas 2007 ). That is, enterprising Haitian farmers turned to charcoal

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5 8 production largely as a means to acquire money, as the internal charcoal market slowly develope d in tandem with the trend toward urban migration. It is estimated that over 80 % of charcoal produced in Haiti is consumed in the capital of Port au Prince (Van der Plas 2007:21). Just as rural Haiti is not homogenous, neither are the conditions favorable to benefiting from the charcoal trade. Availability of trees, species of trees, climate variations, seasonal demand, location, accessibility and many other factors play an important role in measuring the risks and advantages a rural farmer might take in entering the charcoal market (Smucker 1981). Thus, so me households produce charcoal as a primary livelihood strategy, while others engage in charcoal production as a supplementary income producing strategy (Smucker 1981; Smucker J. 1981; Van der Plas 2007:19). Women and men engage in different aspects of ch arcoal production. Far from an easy task 1981:20). Generally speaking, men are more involved in cutting trees, cutting wood into small pieces and transportation, and women are mor e involved in the actual production and marketing aspects of charcoal (Smucker J. 1981). The considerations just highlighted play a major role in determining the extent to which a farmer may benefit from charcoal production. The direct benefits of charco al production (income) generally take precedent over long term, indirect costs (loss of valuable topsoil ; loss of environmental services ). It is hard to make generalized claims about the charcoal market for all of Haiti, given the heterogeneity of circumst ances.

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59 Nevertheless, charcoal like fruit, factors substantially into many Haitian livelihood strateg ies The extent to which a farmer profits from charcoal is variable. Planks and Poles In addition to the charcoal market albeit to a lesser extent poles and planch (planks) play an important role in Haitian pe asant tree uses. Murray explains that the Poles are generally used in construction and planks are generally used for furniture. Poles are often procured from trees tha t have already been cut and are coppicing. Interestingly, planks fetch a substantially higher amount of money in the internal market than charcoal made from the same type of wood (Conway 1986 ) Planks are generally sawed by hand in a labor intensive proce ss: In Fond des Blancs, as well as in other rural locations of Haiti, lumber is sawed by hand. In this process, workers build a huge platform large enough to hold the log and allow a person to stand on top of the log and another at partner stands below the platform to pull the other end of the saw. This is a very slow and painstaking process, and producing just a few pieces of l umber takes many days hard work. (Thomas and Fendall 2003:107) However, only certain trees ka f planch (c an make planks) and because the work of sawing can take several days, the financial attractiveness of the endeavor may be limited Nevertheless, Haitians will certainly make planks over charcoal if the overall price is right: [F]armers tended to hold matur e trees as a store of value, and harvested trees when they needed cash. They preferred to hold out for high va lue wood products particularly plankwood and polewood. (Smucker 2005:4)

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60 Thus planks and poles constitute an important part of Haitian farme r mark et oriented tree products, and by extension an important component of overall livelihood strategies. Further research on the plank or charcoal decision making process is needed. Su mmary In thi s section I have provided the briefest overview of information related to the top three Haitian farmer tree uses Fruit provides much in the way of food and forage for animals, and occasionally provides income in the internal markets. However charcoal, pol es, and planks have a particularly important place in the income procuring livelihood strategy of the rural Haitian peasant Related to these latter uses trees act as a kind of reserve a rural bank ite 1994:16). That is, in an unexpected event such as a wedding, funeral, or hospital visit, a Haitian may cut a tree to provide the necessary income to pay for the event. Having a grasp on these important tree uses particularly market oriented tree uses i s crucial to understanding the measures recommended by Murray in the design of Pwoj Pyebwa. Equally important is an understanding of why many previous tree planting projects in Haiti failed. A Brief History of Tree planting Projects in Haiti V arious p oli cies aimed at slowing or stopping tree cutting, from the colonial period to the 20 th century, enjoyed very minor success es in Haiti (Lindskog 1998; Moya Pons 2007). However, it is widely held that reforestation projects in Haiti have met with little to no success (Murray 197 9 ; White 1994). In the sections that follow I examine these early tree planting projects and the reasons they failed. I end by highlighting a particular success story Pwoj Pyebwa.

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61 Early Tree planting Projects The first found instance o occurred in the first half of the 20 th recognized as a problem in Haiti since the first United N (Murray 1989:1 ). The first rural development project of the United Nations (UN) in Haiti, which included soil conservation and forestry activities, was in the Marbial Valley in the late 1940s ( White 1994:26; Schuller 2007 ). Literature detailing specifics on the UN proj ect and subsequent related projects was difficult to come by although a summary report of findings from this period is available (Murray 1979). Perhaps development oriented organizations were not eager to sound the ir trumpets of failure. Perhaps the report s have simply been lost. One researcher reports that his reforestation shows a variety of interpretations and no consensus other than Catanese 1999:36) Murray provides perhaps the most succinct explanation of the phenomenon of failed tree projects during this period : [F]or decades numerous development organizations have tried to take at least some concrete steps toward reforesting one or another region. There is now a substantial list of local trees planting efforts undertaken during the past four decades. At different times in recent history, international or bilateral development projects such as FAO, UNESCO, BID, USAID and CIDA have financed development projects which have attempted to plant trees in one or another part of Haiti. There is a lengthy list of smaller Private Voluntary Organizations who have financed and/or managed smal ler local tree planting efforts (Murray 1983:2) Whi le the wide scale failure of previous projects is hardly a contentious subject, skeptics noting the lack of literature presented here can a lleviate their doubt s simply by visiting rural Haiti

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62 Reasons for Previous Project Failure s Why have most reforestation and soil conservation projects in Haiti fail ed ? Anthropologist Gerald Murray had been investigating issues related to peasants, land tenure, soil erosion, and tree planting in Haiti for sev eral years (Murray 1977 ; Murray 1978; Murray 1978b) when he was commissioned by the United States Agency of International Development (USAID) to answer this very question Using anthropological methods of inquiry Murray examined 19 previous or currently o perating conservation projects in five different regions of Haiti ( Murray 197 9 ). I n a published report to USAID, Murray reported general observations, technical considerations, institutional considerations, operational recommendations, and project design r ecommendations based on his research (1979:2 25). In sum, h e highlighted specific factors contributing to the l ong history of project failures, and furbished a series of recommendations for future project s rojects failed include: 1. Terracing and wall building to prevent erosion is unlikely to succeed on a large scale because the work to payoff ratio is not high in the eyes of Haitian farmers. 2. Farmers are not likely to participate in restoration projects unless there is a financial incentive to do so. 3. Some previous efforts focused on planting indigenous trees many of which grow slowly there by negatively offsetting any financial attractiveness of the endeavor to Haitian farmers. The planting of fast growing tree species would be a better strategy to slow soil erosion while simultaneously providing farmers with the economic incentive to participate 4. Some projects advocated a resettlement of peasants a strategy of ethical questionability and likely to be heavily res isted by farmers. 5. Previous projects ha d growing or other livelihood activities important to the Haitian farmer is a better approach because it allows for the continuation of other activ ities such as growing crops or tending of animals.

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63 This brief list highlights some of key discoveries as to why previous soil conservation and tree planting projects in Haiti had largely failed The reader interested in a comprehensive listing inc luding recommendations for future projects is encouraged to consult the report (Murray 1979) and later summations of the project (Murray and Bannister 2004) While other site specific conditions should play an important role in specific project implementat ions in this report Murray provided a clear over arching picture of why previous projects h ad failed. It would be 2 y ears later that his recommendations from this report would be used in the policy development of Pwoj Pyebwa. Pwoj Pyebwa The Agrofores try Outreach Project and Agroforestry 2 Pwoj Pyebwa was an agroforestry tree planting project based on anthropological tenets, funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), implemented primarily by the Pan American Development Organization (PADF) and CARE and carried out through numerous nongovernmental organizations (Murray and Bannister 2004). It was the largest tree decade 5 from 1981 to 1991 the project operated under two diffe rent names. Originally called the Agroforestry Outreach Project (AOP) operations were renamed Agroforestry 2 in the late 1980s ( Campbell 1994) In this thesis, project operations during the entire decade have been collectively referred to by the Haitian Creole name Pwoj Pyebwa (The Tree Project). 5 Tenets from Pwoj Pyebwa continued to inform PADF project policie s through a second decade from 1992 to 2000 but are not examined here because these latter projects deviated from a strictly tree planting approach (Murray and Bannister 2004:391).

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64 Shortly before the project commenced USAID contracted another anthropologist with experience in Haiti to conduct a feasibility report on the insights and suggestions put forward by Murray (Smucker 1981; Campbel l 1994:26 27). Many of t he se insights provided by Murray and evaluated by Smucker were incorporated in to policy when USAID decided to commence Pwoj Pyebwa in 1981 : The approach was based on several factors, including (1) the adaptation of the project to p re existing Haitian land tenure, tree tenure, and market systems, (2) the elevation of micro economic over macro ecological themes, (3) the decision to bypass the Haitian government and operate the project through local NGOs (non governmental organizations ), (4) the use of a joint venture mode i n which smallholders supplied land and labor and the project supplied capital in the form of seedlings, (5) the use of professionally managed small container seedling technology rather than backyard nurseries, and (6 ) a project management policy that encouraged farmer induced deviations from project assumptions in matters of tree deployment and harvesting schedules (Murray and Bannister 2004:384) In addition to the points outlined here, a variety of fast growing spec ies were made more widely available after they proved popular with farmers Although the dictates of this thesis prevent a detailed explanation of all of these factors, the interested reader is encouraged to consult the recent and succinct project summary provided by Murray and Bannister (2004). With the anthropologically informed project architecture in place, the first tree seedlings were delivered to non governmental organization s operating throughout rural Haiti. Some ten years later the overall figures f rom the project were astounding: It is known that many farmers receiving 200 or 300 seedlings would distribute a substantial but impossible to quantify number to relatives or friends, who thus became de facto but uncounted project beneficiaries. A co nservative estimate of numbers of distinct households planting the 48 million seedlings distributed during the first decade would be 190,000 households, or about 250 seedlings per household (Murray and Bannister 2004:391)

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65 To put these figures in perspecti ve, if 48 million seedlings were distributed in Haiti today, every Haitian in the country would receive approximately five trees. An evaluation based primarily on seedlings distributed or on numbers served would deem the project highly successful. Simil ar proclamations have been made using the rubric of tree demand. clear from the overwhelming demand for trees that the Project can already be count ed 228). A similar o utcome surfaces when success is measured against the fulfillment of two primary objectives: ( 1) to motivate Haitians farmers to plant and maintain trees for the primary purpose of income generation ; and ( 2) to achieve the first objective in large numbers with secondary goals of soil conservation and improvement provision of fuel wood, and the provision of other environmental services (Murray and Bannister 2004) Two years into project operations Pwoj Pyebwa won the prestigious internationa l Anthropology Praxis Award in applied anthropology. In spite of these indicators of success, several criticism s of the project have surface d. Critiques of Pwoj Pyebwa The literature review revealed several criticisms of Pwoj Pyebwa (Escobar 1991; Campbe ll 1994; Catanese 1999). Some of these criticisms deserve attention, while others are apparently the result of a limited review of publications available on the project I will briefly treat those criticisms worth highlighting.

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66 In common, two critics noted the tendency to evaluate project success based on numbers served either in seedlings distributed or in households participating 6 (Escobar 1991; Campbell 1994). changed in the process, materially and cultu rally. In other words, the reader is supposed to accept the study at face value given the amount of trees planted or income generated, but she or he is not presented with a broader context in which to assess the real impact 6 74). Murray and Bannister acknowledge and beyond crude number crunching. We consider the qualitative descriptions of emergent agroforestry systems presented in the prec eding section to be better indicators of the These qualitative descriptions are nevertheless offered at a high rung of project implementation. Less common are site specific qualitative descriptions a major goal of my research. Catanese appears to conflate the projec agroforestry approach with goals of reforestation efforts aimed at encouraging farmers to plant trees will have any meaningful impact on While protection of remaining forests or forest regeneration may have been a desired or hypothesized side effect of Pwoj Pyebwa, it was never explicitly listed as a project objective. Murray made it very clear that previous approaches aimed at reforestation had largely failed (Murray 1979). The primary project object ive was to provide 6 The research presented in this thesis attempts to further address this cr iticism by providing a qualitative, site specific outcome evaluation.

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67 environmental services (such as soil conservation) while simultaneously providing fa rmers with a source of income through the planting of fast growing trees. Escobar, well known for his critiques of development, attacked the project on several fronts in a prominent anthropological journal (Escobar 1991). However, i t appears that he read only one account of the pr oject. Were he to have consider ed the other literature on the project, I suspect he would retract many of his criticism s Most importantly, critique demonstrates a misconception of the distinct nature of the peasant sy stem as it uniquely developed in Haiti. Murray and Bannister have addressed this last point elsewhere (Murray and Bannister 2004). was run by external PVOs [private volunteer organ izations]. Haitians had to fit into a obar 1991: 672 brackets mine ). This claim is quite simply wrong. A report of the first five years of the project written by a respected anthropologist 7 cle arly explains that fourths of all subprojects are local organizations rather than internat 8). Undoubtedly unintentional, Escobar numerically misrepresent s the article, saying Not only does this incorrect number exceed the full decade of Pwoj Pyebwa estimates by over 25 million trees, it also exceeds cumulative USAID funded tree planting estimates from two decades ( 1981 2002 ) (Murray and Bannister 20 04). The correct numbers are clearly listed in the article Escobar attacks : 7 Glenn Smucker was the invited keynote speaker at the Haitian Studies Association in 2009.

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68 By the end of the fourth year, the project had planted, not its originally agreed upon three million trees, but twenty million trees. Stated more accurately some 75,000 Haitian pea sants had enthusiastically planted trees on th eir own land (Murray 1987:221) This grave numerical error on the part of Escobar misguided notions about the project implementation, and his misunderstandin g about Haitian peasant market systems call into qu estion the other claims ma d e in his article Thus, Escobar fails to provide a convincing critique of Pwoj Pyebwa, which he notes is 1991: 671) An other i nteresting criticism of the project is brought up by Campbell, who worked on Pwoj Pyebwa for some years in the north ern part of Haiti: A surplus of fruit in relation to local consumption or possibly of wider marketing is noted [ by Murray ] and taken as evi dence that project promoted planting of additional fruit trees is not called for. Murray thus indirectly compliments the peasant farmers on their ability to grow, without project assistance, even more fruit trees than they need. Yet, he does not ask, nor o ffer any answer to, the question of why, if it is such a good idea for them to they are not already doing so (Campbell 1994:23) To succinctly paraphrase the claims of Campbell, Murray and others have noted that Haitians are ingeni ous and resourceful cash croppers. Furthermore, it has been established that H aitians know how to plant trees. Why then, were they not already planting wood trees if it is economic ally advantageous to do so ? Here, it appears that Campbell did not read the anthropological explanations by both Murray and Smucker, which explain why Haitian p easants traditionally do not grow wood trees in large numbers (Murray 1981; Smucker 1981; Murray and Bannister 2004). These authors have noted that Haitian farmers will pro tect and nurture volunteer wood trees, but rarely

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69 plant them. Nevertheless, Campbell seems to provide some anecdotal evidence for wood tree planting. Further research into Campbell s claims is needed. In summary Pwoj Pyebwa has expe rienced some minor criticisms. Some of these criticisms can be chalked u p to poorly conducted research narrow literature reviews, or little understanding of conditions unique to Haiti. The question raised by Campbell is interesting, but has little relevancy to this thesis, due to its post facto nature. Furthermore, the enthus iasm for seedlings expressed by most farmers ( Smucker 1986; Murray and Bannister 2004) implication that the trees were pushed on farmers ( Campbell 1994). Finally, t he claim of project success being measured by numbers served deserves attention. My r esearch, conducted in Fondeblan addresses this criticism. Fondeblan (Fond des blancs) Preceding the data collected for this thesis are the findings of an anthropologist who lived in Fondeblan and published a report as well as a d issertation on the early years of Pwoj Pyebwa operations (Balzano 1986 ; Balzano 1989 ) The same anthropologist returned approximately 10 years later and wrote a qualitative assessment of cha nges to the area. In this section of the literature review, t he se reports are supplemented by the published memoirs of the chief Pwoj Pyebwa implementer newsletters enting NGO, and the occasional brief mentioning of the area in other reports The sum result is the availability of a ri ch store of longitudinal data reports and assessments related to Pwoj Pyebwa, spanned over the time period of approximately 30 years since commencement (Balzano 1986; Balzano 1989; Smucker and Timyan 1995; Balzano 1997; Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fenda ll 2003; Smucker

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70 2007). Here I review the literature available prior to my research, to paint a picture of Fondeblan that will ground and contextualize the findings presented in my thesis. Geography and Demographics Fondeblan is located in the Depatman S id (southern department), Komin Aken (Aken County). There is no visible line demarcating where Fondeblan begins and ends, iles in diameter and made up of a states that Fondeblan is a rural area with approximately sixty different neighborhoods ( Balzano 1986). A key informant told me that Komin Ake n is composed of 12 different sections, four of which are referred to as Fondeblan Balzano suggests that this latter parameter was an idea promoted by nonprofit organizatio ns working in the area (Balzano 2010, personal communication ). According to Balza no, the Komin Aken is composed of four sections, and the seksyon kominal nevym (ninth section) is what he refers to as Fondeblan. I was unable to access census data that would give demographic details on the population of Fondeblan. A recent article in the New York Times about the post earthquake urban to ommunity leaders [in Fondeblan] say the population, counted at 45,000 by a government census in 2001, has swelled by a :2). way between Port au 7). Thus,

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71 miles north of the southern coast. Its geographical coordinates, according widely used satellite imagery software, are 18 17' 0" North, 73 8' 0" West. Geographically, Fondeblan, like much of rural Haiti, consists of rolling hills cut by deep and wide valleys. The majo by steep slopes (peaking at 380 400 meters) and is interrupted to the southeast, first by a singular mountain and then by the Moussignac Hist ory of Fondeblan A readily available and reliable history of Fondeblan was not available to me at the time I conducted this research. Nor was such a history attainable given the goals of my research and the limited time in the area. Similarly, most of the residents I communicated with were unable to provide concrete details, save speculations on Polish influences in the area. These speculations are well captured by Thomas and Fendall: rest They were among the few whites allowed to remain in Haiti after it won independence. A group of them settled in the Fond des Blancs area, which still has a large number of light skin ned, green eyed, straight haired residen ts. (Thomas and Fendall 2003:47) Various versions of this story were relayed to me in both Bl Rivy (a neighboring town) and Fondeblan, when I asked residents about the history of the area. It is reported that appr period between 1802 to 1803 (Rypson 2007:31). Folk E tymological Origins of the Name Fondeblan /Fond des Blancs The French des fon

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72 (Valdman 2007:247 Valdman 2 007: 247 coalition would offer is interesting, considering the local oral history of a defection of Polish soldiers that fought on the side of Haitians. The author of a dis sertation on Polish influences in Haiti speculated similarly on des both of these similarly named but distinct locations claim different reasons for the origin of their towns hips names. While residents of Fondeblan widely contribute the name of the area to the influence of Polish settlements, such is not necessarily the case in Fond Blanc: When I asked several informants in Fond Blanc and Cazale as to the origin of the name Fo nd Blanc, without exception they answered that it reflected the French and the Kreyol [ sic ] means foreigner, so it might also have been a reference to the white settlers that settled there. Importantly, Fond Blanc is the first location where the Polish Legionnaires decided (or were granted permission by Dessalines) to settle. This is testified to by both the inhabitants of Cazale as of Fond Blanc. It is therefore impossible at this point to totally reject the idea who settled this remote village. (Rypson 2007:74) Rypson goes on to indicate similar phenotypic features between residents of Fond Blanc and Fondeblan, further asking whether it can be pure coincidence that two widely accepted locations of Polish settlement share such similar names; moreover, n ames in Rypson 2007:74). Thus, while the name Fondeblan could have emerged from a variety of different contexts, given the oral history about Polish settlements, the presence of unusual phenotypic fe atures, and

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73 the similar name with another area settled by Polish people, it is possible that the Thomas and Fendall account is true Balzano report s having seen h istorical documents which place French migrants in Fondeblan at least a generation before the Haitian revolution (Balzano 2010, personal communication ) He added that d eeds documenting land grants in F ondeblan from the 1806 to 1816 have only yielded French family names. According to Balzano, t here was no known memory of Polish origins in F ondebl an until the visit of the pope, in 1983. E cology The ecological data on Fondeblan is of the broadest nature. In one account it was noted that the area much different than many other places in rural Haiti. It of deforestation, namely the loss of top soil to erosion A second account confirms have subjected the vulnerable hillsides [of F ondeblan] to extensive sheet erosion. Such erosion has stripped away its limestone based top soil and deposited it in the plenn 1986: 6). B alzano r eported that the area has no major permanent surface water and that ainfall avera ges 600 800 millimeters per year Furthermore, according to residents, the area receives no rain from May to July and from November to January ( Balzano 1986). Details on t he soil conditions, while not elaborate from an ecological point of view, have been reported: red white system that corresponds quite accurately to their lime stone and basalt bases, the presence of alluvial deposits, and the occurrence of sheet and gully erosion (Balzano 1986:6)

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74 Balzano attributes wide scale erosion in the area principally to agricultural activities (Balzano 1986 ). These activities, c ombined with two rainy seasons, have r esulted in the s oils currently found in Fondeblan One interesting feature of Fondeblan that differentiates it from much of the rest of rural Haiti is the existence of rak bwa (plots of tree covered land). Balzano reports that many of these rak bwa are vestiges of original forest, while some of them appeared to be managed to some degree (Balzano 1986). Some of t hese rak bwa existed before the implementation of Pwoj Pyebwa. In r eturning to Fondeblan some 10 years after the research conducted for his PhD, Balzano noted that the hills in the area did not appear any more or less forested than before (Balzano 199 7 :21). Having just returned from a recent trip, Balzano confirms the sam e observation, from the same location where he stood in 1997 (Balzano 2010, personal communication ). However, he reached consensus with a local agronomist that the valley had about 25 % to 30 % canopy cover provided by Pwoj Pyebwa trees. In his first return visit Balzano noted many project trees that were allowed to grow to heig hts of up to 60 feet (1997:21). As most Pwoj Pyebwa trees were planted within the lakou (compound) or nearby jaden (cultivated gardens), it makes sense that the hills themselves woul d not appear particularly more heavily treed However, a six fold increase in the number of charcoal trucks leaving the area daily begs the question of where the wood for the charcoal came from (Balzano 1986; Smucker et al. 2007). It is presumable that a substantial percentage of the wood used to meet this increase came from Pwoj Pyebwa trees.

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75 that a ince 1982 with trees of project derivation now covering a large percent of the land et al 2007:37). Smucker believes that there may have be en a shift toward including project trees within rak bwa (Smucker 2009, personal communication) Balzano made an initial distinction between woodlands and hardwood lots According to his distinction: hardwood woodlots appear to be vestiges of natural forests (i.e., they were not deliberately planted but are actively managed). This is evident in the vegetati ve structure of the woodlot. Trees of varying maturity and size form a canopy for a shrub b y and herbaceous undergrowth. These woodlots have not supported agricultural activity in living memory . No one species appears to be dominant in these woodlots. Nearly every species present is considered to be a source of good hardwood sawtimber. They also provide a variety of wood products (e.g., wood for charcoal, wood for agricultural tools) and shade for tethered livestock (Balzano 1986:17) Conversely, th e woodlands species: either bayahond (Prosopis juliflora) [sic] or kanpch (Haematoxylum campechianum) or dilen ( Leucaena glauca) (Balzano 1986: 17). It is in this latter uld suspect project trees would have been added to beyond the yard or lakou, as Smucker suggests. However, I did not observe this practice and neither has Balzano (Balzano 2010 personal communication ). While Balzano initially made this important distin ction, he goes on to lump the Balzano claims the distinction still holds true (Balzan o 2010 personal communication ). The existence of rak bwa in the area prior to the project is important, and research into their species content and history is important

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76 Culture and Society Fondeblan appears to have a level of societal stratification more diverse than other parts of rural Haiti. The earliest reports from the area (~1980) indicate the presence of wealthy rural elite: A few wealthy families monopolized the business in Fond des Blancs. Most of them were connected with the militia of the Duval ier regime. They owned the means of transportation, controlled the sale of processed goods, and made informal loans to those willing to pay their 100 percent interest rate (Thomas and Fendall 2003:47) This arrangement is not inconsistent with the era, and could be found in other places throughout rural Haiti. Balzano, while acknowledging the presence of these wealth y families, also noted a second ary social level This second level of well off peasantry is seemingly at odds with the traditional elite peasan t dichotomy that has traditionally dominate d much of the Haitian countryside: A few residents are bona fide members of the urban middle class. They own and/or rent property and businesses in Port au Prince More common though is the well o ff peasant with extensive landholdings but still poor by urban middle class standards. This well off peasantry forms a distinct rural elite class though no family or person in that class holds economic or political sway over it. [E]lite often have immedia te kin who are members of the urban middle and working classe s. They send their children to the United States, Canada, or France. Thus, any characterization of the people would not be complete without mention of their strong urban ties (Balzano 1986 :9) The extent to which the success of Pwoj Pyebwa was related to the elite in Fondeblan is personal communication 2010). Like much of rural Haiti, land ownership is high in Fon deblan. Earlier nation level c ensus data from the southern portion of the country indicate d an 85 % land ownership rate ( Zuvekas 1978:77) This high regional level of individual land ownership

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77 demonstrates the continued legacy of the post colonial land redi stribution policies enacted by Petion, and continued later by Boyer in the north ( Moya Pons 2007) In Fondeblan, individual land ownership was reported at a similar rate, with 20 % of the population described as large scale land owners, 60 % described as sma ll scale land owners, and 20 % as owning no land at all (Balzano 1997:9). The first survey of religion in Fond eblan found that Catholics represented 85 percent of tree planters in the project, with a respective 8 5 2 5 percent distribution of Catholics and Pr otestants in the ge neral population (Balzano 1986: 13) A decade later Balzano noted incredible increases in the Protestant population, attributing them to the work of the local Baptist mission and the election of several Baptists to local government posi tions (Balzano 1997). Vodou (voodoo) the western name for the popular folk religion is practiced widely throughout rural Haiti. That Haitians are reluctant to publicly affiliate with Vodou is widely known and has produced an oft quoted and oft paraphrase d adage: eighty five percent of Haitians are Catholic, but one hundred percent practice Vodou A more modest estimate is that between half and three fourths of the population of rural Haiti practice Vodou (Murray 1985). Whatever the case, it would be di fficult to meas ure the effect of Vodou on tree planting given reluctance to publically admit affiliation. Interestingly, Balzano noted an increased openness to talk about the practice of Vodou on his follow up trip to the area (Balzano 1997). Development and Infrastructure in Fondeblan The earliest available account of the infrastructure in Fondeblan indicates the isolation and the lack of access :

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78 Getting to Fond des Blancs was not easy, since the roads were so badly neglected that they could barely be called roads at a ll. Only the toughest vehicles co uld make it up the steep hills. (Thomas and Fendall 2003:47) The result of poor road conditions meant that the peasant communities living the area had unreliable access to regional and national markets access which was fav ored, and factored substantially into peasant livelihood strategies. These problems were compounded when heavy rains made roads completely impassable. The result was that those in Fond des Blancs who had charcoal, livestock, or produce to sell would not b e paid a decent amount for these commodities because of the difficulty of transporting The seemingly natural solution was the improvement of the main road that ran through Fondeblan and connected to other major artille ries, eventually leading to the capital city of Port au Prince. Major road projects commenced under CODEF, the development arm of the local Baptist mission: Between 1994 and 1996, CODEF improved over two hundred miles of road around Fond des Blancs and a m ajor connection between the National Road Cote de Fer and Benait. More than 10,000 people found temporary employment. The traffic between Fond des Blancs and the nat ional road drastically improved (Clavissaint 1998:1) Balzano confirms this recent improv ement to roads during his 1997 visit (Balzano 1997). A trend away from agricultural activities appears to be taking place in Fondeblan. In the first report of the anthropologist living in the area, he noted that very few opportunities for finding work out side the realm of agriculture. His research reported that gangan (traditional priests), two schoo l teachers, and a health aide While the major road improvements occurred from 1994 to 1996 (Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003), the trend that Balzano reports appear s to start prior

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79 to, and independent of road improvements. Fonds des Blancs has experienced a construction boon and a shift in ec onomic activity (Balzano 1997:8). It is possible that the primary road improvements occurred first allowing substantial changes in the two years between the It is also possible that urban demand for rural resources during the U S impos ed embargo necessitated these changes the area, regardless of road conditions. An influx in the availability of vehicles able to traverse these roads may also have played a fa ctor. Many of the changes that have taken place in Fondeblan can rightly be said to be ushered in through the work of several influential non governmental organizations working in the area, including the catholic hospital, the associated peasant cooperati ve, and the protestant mission that oversaw Pwoj Pyebwa in Fondeblan. Pwoj Pyebwa in Fo n deblan Fondeblan has a unique history in relation to Pwoj Pyebwa. Namely, it was the first location in Haiti that project seedlings were delivered to, in the sprin g of 1982 (Smucker et al. 2007:37) After several seasons, operations were handed over exclusively to the Cooperation de Developpement et Planification (CodePla), a development organization of the Council of Evangelical Churches of Haiti Several years la ter CodePla tree planting operations transitioned over to the Cooperative de Developpement de Fond des blancs (CODEF). It should be mentioned that CODEF is a cooperative, and the development arm of the Haitian Christian Development Fund (HCDF) a faith ba sed evangelical nonprofit organization run by a charismatic Haitian pastor. Regardless of the somewhat confusing shifting of names and administ rato rs, the

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80 project remained essentially the same, and CODEF served as the primary project implementer for most o f the decade. The operations of CODEF were not limited strictly to Pwoj Pyebwa. As already noted, they were involved in road building in the area. Additionally the cooperative continues to sponsor stock improvement p The cooperative deviated from many of the other Pwoj Pyebwa NGOs that received seedlings from external nurseries ; CODEF constructed its own on site nursery (Thomas and Fendall 2003:103; Smu cker et al. 2007:37). A comprehensive report on the first five years of Pwoj Pyebwa operations indicates that 33 of the 182 NGOs participating at that time had their own nurseries (Smucker 1988). F igure 3 3 displays the early years of the project. This nursery had the capacity to produce approximately 250,000 seedlings per year (Smucker et al. 2007:37). C ODEF estimates that approximately two million trees were distributed to farmers in Fondeblan during this decade (C lavissaint 1998). A n application of the survival rate of 35% (Thomas and Fendall 2003) suggests that at least 700,000 project trees successfully took root in the hills of Fondeblan To what extent has this tree planting continued? T he primary administrator of the cooperative reported that CODEF no longer plants trees (Clavissaint 1998). Ten years later, Smucker offers a seemingly different account: CODEF has 3,000 local farmer members, most of whom have tree gardens of 250 to 500 tre es. Cooperative members commit to planting 10 new trees for each mature tree that is harvested (Smucker et al. 2007:3 7) Perhaps Clavissaint meant that CODEF no longer distributes free seedlings. It is possible that farmers are now purchasing their own se edlings or protecting volunteers from project trees, as other aspects related to the project continue. For example,

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81 a sawmill and charcoal making project that would harvest the current stock of trees and enc ourage the participating farmers to plant new trees to r same document he mentions that CODEF does not plant trees, but that CODEF wants to enc ourage farmers to plant trees. This suggests t hat a behavioral ch ange has occurred in Fondeblan. That is, it was previously believed that Haitian farmers would not ons both economic and cultural. In 2002, with the help of a donor, CODEF received a portable sawmill and bega n cutting boards (Thomas and Fendall 2003). FIGURE 3 3 displays this saw mill, in addition to early nursery phot o. Thomas, head of the nongovernmental organization that runs CODEF, explains the rationale behind the purchase of a saw mill: [W]e placed strict requirements on whose logs we would purchase and convert into lumber. First, we encouraged the farmers not to harvest all their mature trees at once. In our system, no more than one third of their trees may be harvested at any one time, and land owners ha ve to agree to plant ten trees for every one they harvest. With recent drought conditions, the survival rate of newly planted seedlings may be no better than 20 percent, but even them our system of harvesting and planting means that twice as many new trees survived as were harvested. Up to this time, none of our cooperatives had a processing and marketing component. But in our reforestation and harvest system, it is very important that people have a cash income, that they be able to sell their mature trees at a fair price (T homas and Fendall 2003:107 108) One can see a clear understanding of the role of trees in the Haitian peasant economy in this approach. That is, CODEF recognizes the labor required to saw timber, but also recognizes the much larger profi ts that timber can provid e over charcoal. Even without a sawmill, it would still likely be more profitable to let some trees grow longer for timber. planted in Fonds des Blancs [sic] as part of the US AID financed Proje Pyebwa [sic]

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82 (1982 1987) are still standing or being managed for long 1996:21). That is, prior to the labor saving sawmill, the strategy of leaving trees to grow for later timber harve st was being employed (Smucker and Timyan 1995) Yet not all Pwoj Pyebwa trees in Fondeblan are being used for timber. When Balzano first visited the area in 1985, he noted that one full truck of charcoal, e area for Port au Princ e daily (Balzano 1986:7). More than 25 years later, Smucker reported a six fold increase in the number of trucks leaving with charcoal: There are presently six trucks carrying out one thousand 35 lb. sacks of charcoal daily to Port au Prince, and this charcoal is mainly from project related trees. Charcoal sales are now second in importance to local farmer revenues (after animal raising) (Smucker et al 2007:37) Given that Balzano noticed no negative changes to the hillsides of Fond eblan over a ten year period (Balzano 1997:21) and given that over at least a 25 year period (Smucker et al 2007:37), I average these findings to safely conclude that the hills of Fondeblan did not experience subst antial increases in deforestation since 1981. This observation, added to the noted increase in charcoal trucks leaving the area leads me to concur with Smucker that charcoal needs were at least partially met by Pwoj Pyebwa trees. As Balzano noted as earl y as 1996, des Blancs [sic] export, and charcoal making one of the bes t ways in Fonds des Blancs Thus a review of the literature available on Fondeblan leads me to cautiously c onclude that while further study is needed it appears as if the primary objective of Pwoj Pyebwa was at least partially achieved as were other aspects second ary objective

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83 Summary of Literature Review The purpose of this literature revi ew, conducted with a political ecology approach, was to bring the reader from the far to the near both historically and spatially. Starting with the colonial era and working forward in time, I highlighted specific historical and political events thought to substantially contribute to the deforestation of Haiti. After a treatment of these contributions, I turned to examine nation wide human and ecological vulnerabilities that are linked to wide scale deforestation. After I examined the role of trees in Haitian peasant economy I looked at previous tree planting project s and the explored the reasons t heir failure s Pwoj Pyebwa was briefly treated, as were some of its criticisms in the social and natural science literature. Finally, the site of the res earch presented in this thesis was examined. In addition to providing specific detail s about Fondeblan, an effort was made to examine changes to the area over a 30 year period. This period of time was not arbitrarily chosen, but is a refl ection of availab le literature on the area, which commence around the time that Pwoj Pyebwa started Taken as a whole, this literature review contextualizes Fondeblan as a specific place in time, and helps to make the findings presented in subsequent chapters of this thes is meaningful and instructive

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84 Figure 3 1. A traditional twa wch dife (three rock fir e)

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85 Figure 3 2 Photos of Pwoj Pyebwa n ursery o perations in Fondeblan, and a s aw m ill that c ame y ears l ater

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86 CHAPTER 4 METHODS Introduction The data presented and analyzed in this thesis were collected over a two month period spent in rural Haiti, during the summer of 2009. The first two weeks were spent in Bl Rivy (Belle Rivire), a village neighboring Fondeblan (Fond des blancs) The se two weeks were spent as a member of a linguistic s team from the University of F lorida, headed by Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite. The team consisted of an undergraduate student, two graduate students, and an assistant professor. Team time was spent administering the goals of Dr. Haitian Creole Scrabble Literacy Project I spent the remaining six weeks of research time in Fondeblan. Following an ambitious interview schedule, I collected quantitative and qualitative data through semi structured interviews with farmer s and several key informants. I outline the methodolo gy informing data collection and the specific methods employed in the following sections of this chapter. Methodology The methodology informing the data I collected is in line with the literature reviewed in Chapter 3 and the theory presented in Chapter 2 it is based primarily on a materialis t approach. Thus, quantitative data were collected through interviews with farmers on a variety of variables thought to reflect concrete ecological conditions, as well as sociocultural and economic realities. Qualitat ive statements were also gathered

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87 during these interviews to assess farmer attitudes and behavior s 8 in relation to land uses and to livelihood strategies. Language Preparation I came to this research with the distinct advantage of having been born and rais ed in Haiti. Unfortunately, due to my attendance at an English speaking primary school, I had never fully mastered the local language. Nevertheless, I was familiar with many of the sounds and rhythms, and remembered many words in Haitian Creole In particular, I was easily able to make the nasalized consonant and vowel sounds that so many non native speakers have difficulty reproducing. The stage for rapid language acquisition was set. At the commencement of my studies at the University of Fl orida, I was fortunate to be awarded Title VI funding from the U.S. Department of Education, in the form of a Foreign La nguage and Area Studies (FLAS) f ellowship to study Haitian Creole. The summer before I began courses at the University of Florida, I co mmitted myself to an aggressive independent summer scholarship schedule. That summer was spent bringing myself up to par with the level of comprehension most people acquire in their fi rst year of language studies. I entered second year Haitian Creole stud ies during my first semester at the university, and was teaching introductory Creole by the second semester. By the time I left for Haiti to conduct this research, I was functionally proficient and able to conduct with ease the interview schedule I had de signed. 8 I consider Haitian farmers as local ecological experts, intimately involved with their land. They have developed their own systems of identifying processes, conditions, and constraints related to land use. Furthermore, I consider Haitian farmers to be socioeconomically pragmatic in their approach to diversifying and maximizing their livelihood st rategies

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88 Selection of the Research Site Several factors led to the choice of Fondeblan as a research site. First, it is unique for its status as the very first site that project seedlings were distributed to, in 1982. Second and rather fortuitously, an an thropologist living in the area wrote a report, as well as his PhD dissertation on the early years of Pwoj Pye bwa operations (Balzano 1986 ; Balzano 1989 ). Approximately ten years later the same anthropologist returned and gathered qualitative data on chan ges to the area (Balzano 1997). Such longitudinal data made the site an attractive place to conduct a diachronic study. Third, Dr. Pwoj Pyebwa administer helped to secure room and board arrange ments, and had the potential to open doors to key informants. Fourth, the site had been mentioned in the literature as exhibiting cker 2007). Finally, Fondeblan has a reputable and well established hospital, good road access to Port au Prince, a small airplane runway, and was rumored to have an internet cafe. These latter factors made it an especially promising location for continu ed long term fieldwork during the later explanatory stages of my research schedule. All factors combined made the case for an excellent fieldwork site. Formulation of the Research Question As mentioned in the introductory chapter, the primary goal of thi s research is to provide a site specific outcome evaluation of a previous tree planting project. Typically, outcome evaluations are measured against the fulfillment of the primary project objectives, as outlined in the original proposal. Pwoj Pyebwa had two such primary objectives:

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89 1. to motivate Haitians farmers to plant and maintain trees for the primary purpose of income generation ; and 2. to achieve the first objective in large numbers with secondary goals of soil conservation and improvement provision of fuel wood, and the provision of other environmental services (Murray and Bannister 2004). The literature related to the site suggested that farmers in Fondeblan had initially fulfilled both objectives (Balzano 19 89 ; Smucker and Timyan 1995; Balzano 1997; Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003; Smucker 2007). What remained unclear was whether they continued to meet these objectives over a 30 year period, and if they did so contemporaneously. That is, had permanent behavior change occurred as a re sult of the project? Furthermore, an outcome evaluation limited to addressing the original project objectives runs the risk of reinventing the wheel. That is, it runs the risk of producing the kind of project evaluation s that are already common namely de claring success at a high rung of analysis, primarily by citing numbers served or numbers of trees distributed. As the literature review in Chapter 3 indicated, this has been a major criticism of the literature assessing the project (Escobar 1991; Campbell 1994). Therefore, a secondary component to this outcome evaluation is to provide an overall assessment of changes in the area tree planting behaviors, and ecological changes to the land. In sum, the rese arch question was formulated in such a way to facilitate the collection of data that would provide a fact check on earlier claims of project success based on stated project objectives, provide an assessment of overall changes in farmer behavior and ecologi cal changes to the area, and point to any correlations between continued tree planting and other social, cultural, economic and ecological factors

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90 The r esearch q uestion : Nearly 30 years since the commencement of a major tree pla n ting project, which partic ular cultural, social, economic, and ecological conditions have influenced some Haitian farmers to continue to plant tre es more than others? Formation of Preliminary Hypotheses In traditional exploratory research, hypotheses are generated after data is col lected, for use in the later explanatory stage. Here, I departed from this traditional approach and proposed several plausible hypotheses based on the literature, site location, and research que stion. Due to research design authentic scientific hypothesi s testing is not possible Instead, hypotheses are used as points of departure to search for relationships and correlations between the research question and the data. Thus, hypotheses are simply accepted or rejected based on the findings of the data. I n all cases hypotheses posited that certain conditions would result in continued tree planting by rural Haitian farmers: 1. H.1 : Protestant farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than Catholic farmers. 2. H.2: Wealthy farmers are more likely to pla nt trees on their land than poor farmers. 3. H.3: Farmers with large land holdings are more likely to plant trees on their lands. 4. H.4: Farmers who participated in Pwoj Pyebwa are more likely to plant trees on their lands. 5. H.5: Farmers who utilize agroforestr y practices are more like ly to plant trees on their land. Objectives of Data Collection The objective of data collection was to provide multiple and diverse data sets capable of being analyzed to: ( 1) generally address the research question; ( 2)

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91 specifical ly address the preliminary hypotheses; ( 3) contribute to a solid evaluation Pwoj Pyebwa against its stated primary objectives; ( 4) contribute to an overall lives ; (5) provide qualitative statements about ecological changes to the area; and (6 ) establish a reliable baseline for a later explanatory research stage at the same site. Sample The realities of rural Fondeblan made sampling a somewhat challenging process. The absence of a well functioning local g overnment equipped to provide a basic demographic account of the site eliminated m ost possibilities for probability sampling. Furthermore, two months in the field did not provide enough time for the type of informal census that might facilitate probability samp ling Therefore, I used purposive, non probability sampling, with the goal of capturing a sample that had a high (x 50 % ) household level participation in Pwoj Pyebwa. To achieve this goal, I used geographical cluster sampling, choosing four of the neighborhoods surrounding the location of the project nursery and seedling distribution site. Within each of these four clusters, a convenience sampling was taken, in the acquisition of approximat ely 15 interviews per cluster. Thus, interviews (n=61) with farmers were conducted in an geographical area delineated by a radius of between one to two miles, extending outward f rom the original nursery and seedling distribution site. While the Pwoj Pyebwa operations eventually extended to even the farthest neighborhoods of Fondeblan, th is specific sampling approach was chosen for several reasons. In addition to the likelihood of yielding a high number of project participants, such a sample was also expected to have substantial numbers of participants who planted in the early years of the decade over which the

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92 project was implemented. The land of these planters was more likely t o provide windows into ecological changes such as soil conservation or amendment s Data Collection Data were gathered within the sample parameters as outlined I conducted semi structured interviews with 61 heads of households, during which time a wealth of information was gathered on variables designed to be accurate measures social, cultural, economic and ecological conditions. The variables employed are provided in Table 4 1. Table 4 1. Variables measured in data collection Variables 1. age 1 4 owners hip or access to of rak bwa 2. animal types 1 5 participation in project 3. crop types 1 6 religion 4. literacy 17. remittances 5. livelihood ranking 18. sex 6. N of children 19. size of total land owned 7. N of different crops grown 20. soil types 8. N of different tre es on land 21. tree cutting 9. N of people per household 22. tree planting b 10. N of uses for trees 23. tree species on land 11. N* of different animals owned 24. use of agroforestry practices 12. other land holdings 25. wealth 13. own land Notes: N* = number b = y variable; research q uestion The analysis of these variables in the subsequent chapter will have no meaning if they are not properly operationalized. A p pendix A provides brief description of what was mea sured by each variable. The Logic behind Targeting Heads of household A note should be made in regard to targeting head s of household. As outlined in Chapter 2, a political ecology approach is interested in examination at multiple levels international, national, regional, local, and household. Chapter 2 discussed the

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93 existen ce of another level, the lakou (compound), between the local and the household level. Such a level would prove interesting to examine, though data were not collected at this level because individual household decisions are said to be auton omous of lakou ar rangements : [I] n times past it is reported that the lakou functioned at least to some degree as an economic unit, elder parents retaining some authority o ver the economic activities of even their married children. If this structure in fact existed, it has long since disappeared through out rural Haiti. The pattern today is for each household to function somewhat autonomously as an economic unit, though there are lab or and food exchanges which do occur (Murray 1981: 3) Thus, while the lakou may be acknowled ged as a rung for examination, data in this research were gathered specifically at the house hold level in light of the economic autonomy described by Murray. Supplement ing Primary Interviews Farmers were not the only people interviewed for the purpose of data collection. Several interviews were also conducted with key informants, including the head of a Catholic peasant organization involved in a variety of development projects, the head of the Protestant mission who oversaw Pwoj Pyebwa operations in Fon deblan, and same Finally, several trips to the central market were made on market days. The purpose of these trips was to find discover the local price s for various planks ( timber ) and bags of charcoal. Visits were also made to several carpenters to cross check the plank prices given in the market place. Hiring a Research Assistant In a rather surreal experience during my first morning in Fondeblan, I watched a man cutting down tr ees on a tree covered h illside across from the house where I was

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94 staying I climbed the hill and started a conversation with this gentleman. He identified himself by his work, stating that he was both a farmer and a charcoal producer. J ak (a pseudonym ) and I became friends and he would frequently accompan y me on my trips out to visit farms. Not ing that accompanying me he would lose out on daily money making opportunities he suggested that I monetarily compensate him at a level commensurate with local stan dards. I agreed. Well liked in the community, Jak served as a gate keeper, winning over the occasionally skeptical or reluctant farmer with assurances that I was a university student and had no ulterior motives beyond research related to Pwoj Pyebwa. Fu rthermore Jak was creative and patient in discovering new and innovative ways to explain the definition of the occasional word that was new to my lexicon. Jak became a good friend, and it different ways we were able to give each other sage advice on a va riety of different subjects. A Typical Day of Interviewing Interviews with farmers were typically conducted each morning, shortly after sunrise. This approach was followed at the advice Jak, because starting early meant avoiding the hot afternoon sun and also increased our chances of catching heads of household s usually coinciding with strong rains the day before that would result in farmers leaving their houses early to plant the pitimi ( sorghum ). On such days, interviewing started after noon, under the unrelenting Caribbean sun.

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95 Regardless of the early hour that interviewing started most morning s I was usually soaked i n sweat by the time I arrived at the first farm. This is due to the fact that Haiti is a very mountainous country, and the rollercoaster of crisscrossing small mountain paths that lead to different farms ensured a vigorous work out session. Any initial f ears about my ability to perform fieldwork that involved so much walking abated after the first day, and I began to enjoy the beautiful vistas and lively conversat ions with Jak that such mornings provided (My afternoons were spent recovering from these lon g excursions). When a farm was first approached, Jak would bellow out on ( honor ) or kay gen moun? (anybody home?). This nicety ensured that no one was caught off guard. If someone appeared, we would usually enter the lakou ( communal courtyard). I wou ld start by introducing myself, explaining the purpose of my research, and asking if a head of household was home. When absent, the farm was skipped and if possible, returned to later. When the head of household was present and summoned, I would again ex plain my research and ask if they were interested in participating through an interview. Most famers graciously and enthusiastically agreed, and were subsequently read an informed consent statement in Haitian Creole. They were then interviewed in a semi structured manner that allowed them to talk at their own pace and provide qualitative data, while also allowing me to occasionally steer the course of the conversation for purposes of collecting quantifications on specific variables Tools Utilized The pri mary tool used in interviews was a small digital voice recorder, which directly records onto SD disks. The mechanism, smaller than a cell phone, recorded each interview as a separate file. The SD disks are removable, and are already in MP3

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96 format when tr ansferred to a computer. Furthermore, the digital voice recorder had playback features which allowed me to slow down the recordings a useful feature when re listening to recordings of the occasional rapid rural speaker Additionally, a clipboard, pen, an such as whether or not they lived in a cement house, to jot down new words, and to note other observations particularly related to ecological features. Finally, a ruler was brought along t I later discovered this to be a rather fruitless endeavor, as different trees grow at different rates in different soils and ecological conditions. Nevertheless, the measurements provided a way to learn about different trees while soliciting estimates on their age from farmers. All tree trunk sizes were taken at breast level, or approximately four feet Between three to five interviews were conducted every day, depending on factors such as the weat her, the strength of the interviewer, the distance traveled from the point of departure, and the ability to find farmers at home. Transcribing the Interviews A substantial amount of interviews were transcribed each night by diesel generator powered light, flashlight, or candle light. Interviews were transcribed directly into Haitian Creole. A portion of these interviews were submitted to Haitian Creole professor Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite as part of a summer lon g independent study contract. Some e xcerpts from these transcripts are used in the following chapters of this thesis, and represent some of the qualitative contributions to this research.

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97 Mining the Data I learned the hard way that it is more desirable to conduct interviews with sheets of paper t hat can be used to directly record quantitative data. Unfortunately, in my case most such data were embedded in the audio recordings of the interviews. This required re listening embedded context. While certainly improving my Kreyl t his effort took quite some time. Nevertheless, listening to each recording multiple times ensured that the numbers and quantifications were correct. Eventually everything was sorted out and my dat a sets were ready to be analyzed. Analysis of Primary Data To look for correlations that could address the research question and the preliminary hypotheses, quantitative data were analyzed with PA SW v.1 8 .0.1 9 ( 2009 ) All variables were measured against th e dependent variable whether or not farmers currently plant trees on their lands Analysis began with c hi square test s performed on all outcome variables. A logistic regression was then performed on all outcome variables that demonstrated initial signif icance. Due to design, results are not predictive, but the analysis is strengthened by descriptive statistics, qualitative findings, and by supporting literature on the topic. The results of the data analysis are presented and discussed in a mixed format in Chapter 5. 9 PASW is software commonly used by social scientists in the analysis of quantitative data.

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98 CHAPTER 5 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Introduction In this chapter I provide a qualitative assessment of Fondeblan in 2009, and discuss the results of quantitative data analyzed to address the research question This chapter is comprehensive it addresses the findings on all variable s outlined in Chapter 4 and defined in A ppendix A Where statistical significance was discovered, further discussion and extrapolation e nsue When possible, findings are related back to findings presented by an earl ier anthropologist in the area (Balzano 1986 ; Balzano 1989; Balzano 1997 ). While d loosely compared, the non random nature of my sample makes definitive statements of shifts or change s impossible Furth ermore, the findings suggested by my data cannot be extrapolated beyond the sample. The findings discussed below inform the conclusions presented in Chapter 6. A Qualitative Assessment of Fondeblan In 2009 I fi rst arrived in Fondeblan in July of 2009, hav ing spent the two previous weeks in neighboring Bl Rivy. The initial thing that struck me about the area was how many of the hills were covered with trees. I was born approximately 55 miles (~90 kilometers) from this area, and have traveled between Okay (Les Cayes) and Ptoprens (Port au Prince) on numerous occasions, and as recently as 2001. Never in my life ha ve I seen this kind of tree cover in Haiti. I observed my first rak bwa (parcel of tree covered land) in Bl Rivy but only one. Fondeblan appea rs to be full of rak bwa Figure 5 1 displays photos of rak bwa in the hills surrounding Fondeblan.

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99 Figure 5 1.

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100 Fondeblan has undergone major changes since the first days of Pwoj Pyebwa. The exist ence of a large Catholic run hospital in the area is illustrative of such changes. Fully equipped with four wheel drive ambulances, this hospital serves Fondeblan and the surrounding areas. The hospital also ushers in medical teams on a regular basis. I soon learned of another development in the area that is both new and contentious a large, half finished structure in the middle of the local marketplace. The government decided to build a new and improved covered market, but ran out of money before the st ructure could be completed According to residents the giant slab of cement with no roof accomplishes little more than serving as a solar conduit that radiates undesired heat, and thickens traffic in the market by limiting the space available for vendors. See Figure 5 2 which displays a photograph of the crowded market and the new cement structure. Residents also report that commodity commerce has increased in the Fondeblan market, providing additional livelihood inputs beyond traditional cas h cropping. A third interesting development is the extent to which communication technology has reached this rural corner of Haiti. The area has a large satellite signaled internet caf, run by the Catholic hospital. I also noticed many cell phones in use. Despite wi de scale tree cover, new developments in the market, and increased access to communication technologies, Fondeblan remains an area largely involved in the agricultural endeavor. What the Data Suggest I started my data analys i s by running chi square tests o n each individual outcome variable against my dependent variable. Using all outcome variables that showed initial significan ce I ran a simple logistic regression. Because my expected cells counts were

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101 less than five, the most appropriate test for signifi The regression model and the chi square tests of variables that demonstrated p values of significance are listed in A ppendix B. The logistic regression indicated four variable s of statistical significance related to the y variabl e 10 This test suggests that the outcome variables most closely correlated with farmers decisions to plant trees are : ( 1 ) the number of different tree species already on household land; ( 2 ) whether or not farmers participate in agroforestry practices; ( 3 ) the number of different types of animals a household keeps; and ( 4 ) how trees rank in overall household livelihood strategies I approach the analysis of these significant variables and other in a mixed results and discussion format. The findings are disa ggregated into the following three sections that provide a thorough review of the data and paint a solid picture of life in Fondeblan: (1) The Farmers; (2) The Land; and (3) Land Uses and Livelihood Strategies. This disaggregation is not meant to deny the important ties and relationships between these three categories. It simply serves the purpose of organizing the data in a matter whereby specific findings on specific topics can be easily located. This approach is supplemented by the voices of Haitian farm ers, transcribed from the interviews I collected. The goal is to present the qualitative and quantitative findings in a context that is both meaningful and interesting. 10 The y variable (tree planting; see Chapter 4) is a binomial categorical variable representing the primary research question whether or not farmers curren tly plant trees on their land

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102 The Farmers This first section provides a demographic analysis related to the farmers themselves. Subsequent sub sections detail land characteristics and land uses. Age T he sample captured farmers of all different ages An interesting phenomenon would often surface when I asked heads of households what age they were. Many of the younger people knew exactly how old they were, and responded immediately with a discrete number. However, many respondents over the age of approximately 40 often paused when asked how old they were. Sometimes they would think for a while and offer a number, othe r times they would tell me the year in which they were born. Often they would yell for one of their nearby children or kin to ask them how old they were. Interestingly, their children most often knew exactly how old their parents were. Perhaps this phenom enon is reflective of the older generation's conception of time 11 while the newer generation often attending school, wearing watches, and some using cell phones is more grounded in western calendrical conceptions of time. The youngest farmer interviewed was 18 year o ld, and the oldest was 90 year s old, with a mean sample age of 49.75. Consider Figure 5 3 which displays three graphs: (1) a histogram of the actual age distribution of my sample, with a normal curve; (2) a bar graph of ages in Balzano's 1986 sample, distributed by age categories; and (3) a bar graph of ages in my 2009 sample, distributed by age categories. Comparing the second and third bar graphs displayed in Figure 5 3 it becomes apparent that a key 11 Rural Haitians often mark the progression of time by the occurrence of major events such as the deposition of political leaders, hurricanes, and earthquakes.

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103 difference of distribution in these two sample fell in the 51 65 age category. In my sample, ages were more evenly distributed between the 36 50 and 51 65 categories. Unfortunately, my sample was not random and therefore cannot be compared to Balz in general. Nevertheless, loose comparisons can be made with this fact kept in mind. One possibility for these differences in age distribution of heads of households may be attributable to out migration in the ar ea. That is, because people continued to migrate earlier for younger people in the current era, resulting in the more equal distribution between two age categories in my sample. Gender A large percentage of households in Fondeblan are woman sample, 16.5 % of households were headed by women. He notes that this is higher than expected, and attributes this percentage primarily to outward migration of men ( Balzano 1986:vii). In my sample 34.4 % of households were headed by women over twice the due to the non random nature of my sample. Nevertheless, loose comparison is possib le. My initial inclination was that the large difference of woman headed household between our samples was a reflection of a continued and increased out migration that Balzano hypothesized. I conducted a cross tabulation between my gender and remittances data sets, yet no correlations were revealed. Thus, the high percentage of female headed households in Balzano's sample, and twice that percentage in my sample could be attributable to increased out migration, though such

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104 migration does not necessarily cor respond with remittances sent to those left behind. As one woman shared with me, her husband had left her and her two children years ago to work in French Guiana. While he calls on a regular basis, he is unable to send money home and unable to secure the funds to return. Balzano recently stated that he would now attribute any increase in female headed household s to the consequences of proletariatization initiated by the aforementioned non governmental agencies working in the area. According to Balzano, t here has been no observed g ender imbalance among the Fondeblan Diaspora (Bazano 2010, personal communication) Remittances Balzano did not collect data on remittances, though 62 % of his sample indicated they had at least one family member working overseas. I did not collect data on the number of households with members overseas, but instead on the number of households receiving remittances from relatives abroad. Thus, comparisons between these data sets are speculative at best. Approximately 13 % of househo lds in my sample receive some level of support from relatives living in other cities or abroad. The Number of People per h ousehold Balzano found an average number of people per household of 4.98. In my sample, the average number of people per household was 5.62. These differences are very slight, suggesting very little change in the average number of people per household over the period of approximately twenty five years between the collection of these data. Again, these comparisons are speculative, given t he non random nature of my sample. Figure 5 4 contains two bar graphs that display the average number of people per

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105 household from: (a) Balzano's sample; and (b) my sample. The similarity of these two graphs suggests the potential of little change in house hold number levels. Children My sample found that heads of household in Fondeblan have, on average, 4 children. These children currently reside with the head of household, reside elsewhere in Fondeblan, or have migrated out to other areas. Balzano collec ted no information on numbers of children. Religion Approximately 85 % were Catholic. Ten years later, Balzano reported that he suspected those numbers had evened out dramatically 12 My sample appears inhabitants in my sample fell fairly evenly along the lines of Catholic and Protestant, at 46 % and 49 % respectively. Only two informants indicated they svi lwa (practice the folk religion that western scholars hav e come to call Vodou ), and one was the local oungan (Vodou priest) 13 One respondent identified as an atheist. This struck me as somewhat unusual. When pressed, he simply offered that he had lost his way, and no use was the worst of all the different types of houses I observed in Fondeblan, seeming to confirm the hard times he had fallen upon. Normally such houses are only temporarily occupied built when a farmer needs to stay near a far off field, away from his p erman ent home. See Figure 5 5 which contains a photograph of the atheist's house, along wi th other house types I observed. 12 See the literature on Fondeblan, Chapter 3. 13 See Chapter 3 for an explanation of the complexities involved in comprehensively measuring religious affiliation in Haiti.

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106 Figure 5 2 The new and unfinished structure in the m arketplace at Fondeblan, pictured on the left in both photos

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107 2 3 Figure 5 3 A ge d istribution s in F ondeblan: (1) Actual Age D istribution with Normal Curve from 2009 ; (2); Categorical Age Distribution, by percentage from 1985; and (3) Categorical Age Distribution, by Percentage from 20 09. 1

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108 A B Figure 5 4 T he average number of people per household from: (A ) Balzano's sample 1985 ; and ( B ) my sample 2009

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109 Figure 5 5 Different types of houses observed in Fondeblan

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110 As highlighted in the literature review on Fondeblan, Balzano contributed the shift in religious affiliation that he perceived from a predominance of Catholic religious affiliation to a more evenly distribute affiliation between Catholicism and Protestantism to the activities of the local Protestant mission. I suspec t he is correct The local Protestant mission is involved in road improvement projects, cooperatives, water proj ects, animal husbandry projects and educational projects Perhaps most influential in this perceived shift of religious affiliation has been th involvement in evangelism and church construction (see Thomas and Fendall 2003). suspect a return shift to Catholicism. Two thirds Catholic to one third Protestant is where Ba lzano would place the current religious affiliation in Fondeblan (Balzano 2010, personal communication). Wealth A s indicated in my definition of variables 14 the presence of a cement house was used a s a proxy for wealth. Th e use of this proxy circumvented u ncomfortable inquiries into people's income level s, in addition to addressing inadequacies in measuring gains through informal exchanges or within internal markets i.e. non cash exchanges such as labor exchange or trading. The overarching assumption one em ployed by Balzano as well is that because construction with cement is very expensive, those households residing in cement houses 15 in mud or thatch houses can be deemed "not wealthy." Again, see Figure 5 5 which displays p hotos of some of the different types of houses found in Fondeblan. 14 See APPENDIX B. 15 Balzano measured cement cisterns while I measured cement houses See CHAPTER 4.

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111 U sing the presence of cement as a proxy for wealth was helpful in look ing for correlations between wealth and tree planting in Fondeblan because one of my initial hypotheses was that weal thier farmers would be more likely to plant trees than non wealthy farmers Balzano found that only 6.5 % of people in his sample owned a cement cistern. Within my sample, 44.3 % of households resided in a cement house. Acknowledging sample influenced limits on comparability, t he perceived differences in the ownership of a cement house could be attributed to a variety of different influences. First, there could be an increase of available capital as the area shifts from historically agrarian activities toward more commerce. Second, families may have saved enough money since Balzano's time to since construct cement houses. Another possibility is that these houses were buil t with remittance money sent from abroad. One hou se hold I visited had about seven men working on a large (for the area) new cement house. When I asked them whose house it was, the indicated they were building it for a relative that lives in New York. Whatever the case, differences between the samples su ggest that Fondeblan appears to have experienced an increase in the number of cement houses perhaps reflective of an increase in wealth or in expendable capital. Education While no relationships of statistical significance were noted between wealth and tre e planting a n interesting correlation surfaced in cross tabulations between wealth and education in my sample A pproximately half of my entire sample fell in the quadrant of "not wealthy" and illiterate This makes logical sense, as expendable income i s required to send children to school. Meanwhile, the other half of my sample falling in

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112 the is fairly evenly distributed between literate and illiterate. From these data I extrapolate a connection between a lack of education and pover ty, though the presence of wealth in Fondeblan does not appear to result in a large increase in education levels. As association does not imply causation, this correlation is admittedly speculative. % of farmers surveyed indicated t hey had some formal education. My sample indicated a literacy rate of 32.8 % Between these two samples education levels appear to have fluctuated little in a span of approximately 25 years. However, due to the non random nature of my sample, neither extr apolation to Fondeblan as a whole nor proclamations of demonstrated change over time are possible. In spite of this fact, comparison should not be shunned entirely. A n increase of wealth independent of an increase in education may be due to other factor s already discussed in this chapter namely remittances, family saving s or a gradual shift from agriculture to commerce. It is also possible that some families cho o se to invest capital in their house as opposed to in their children's education Further ext rapolation on this issue is beyond the scope of this paper and beyond the level that data were collected at. Participation in Pwoj Pyebwa % were participating in Pwoj Pyebwa In my sample, 73.8 % of respond ents indicated that they had participated in Pwoj Py ebwa. If these two samples were solidly accurate representations of Fondeblan at large, one might suggest that this difference could be due to continued tree seedling distribution as the projected conti nued for some time after Balzano

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113 departed. While the chi square test between project participation and current tree planting revealed no statistical significance, approximately half my sample had both participated in the project in the past and currently plant trees. The Land Land Ow nership % of households owned some portion of land. In my sample, 95.1 % of households owned some portion of land. land ownershi p percentage is consisten t with data from censuses carried out in 1950 and 1971 indic ating between two thirds and 80 % of Haitians own land (Zuvekas 1978:77). My any number of factors. One possibility includes an increase of expenda ble capital in the area due to increased market access that led to an increase in land purchase. Another possibility includes more availabl e land due to out migration. Another possibility includes more land availability due to land divisions through inhe ritance A final possibility includes sampling bias or error. Ownership o f Multiple Land Parcels Balzano found that of his sample, the number of different parcels of land owned per household averaged between three and four. While I did not gather data on the number of parcels owned, I did gather data on whether or not households owned additional land beyond that on which their house was situated In my sample, 83.6 % of households indicated they own additional parcels Land Sizes Balzano did not collect data on land sizes. I did collect these data, though it was challenging for a variety of reasons. First, not all farmers k new exactly how much land

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114 they had, or were not interested in disclosing the quantity. response to my questi o n of how much land he owns: Nou pa gen anpil. Nou pa gen anpil, men sa di gen plizy moun nan fanmi an, ki kenbe C hak... gen yon pati, yon pati, yon pati. Men pati te ale yon bl val. M pa konn ki val li ye. Men chak moun kenbe yon pati. is because there are many people in the family who are holding land. Each has one piece, one value. But each person has a piece). With such f armers, g etting reliable numbers required a process narrowing down the possibilities by asking if they owned more or less than a certain amount of land For example, i f they indicated they owned more than a kawo ( in French, carreau ; 1. 29 hectares), I would ask esk ou genyen plis pase yon kawo (do you have more than a kawo)? If they responded no, I would narrow down further, if they responded yes, I would scale up further, and so on. This process often required return visits to farms and what may have been estimations on the part of some farmers. an a variety of things, including kawo also means Therefore, a farme r might respond, li ka ka e ka (it could be a kawo and 1/4th). However, this same phrase could simply be emphatics (common in Kreyl), stuttering, or simply the repetition one makes when one is estimating. Luckily all interviews were audio recorded and I was able to listen multiple times to ascertain the correct land sizes. As is the case with much in Kreyl, everything is context 16 16 Kreyl doesn t gender nouns, for example.

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115 Average land size in my survey sample is 2. 6 hectares (ha), with approximately one third of the sample owning less than a hectare, another third owning more than 2 ha, and the final third falling somewhere in between. These figures are notably higher than previous national estimates, which placed the mean land hol ding at 1.5 ha (Zuvekas 1979). One original hypothesis was tha t the larger their land holdings, the more likely farmers would be to plant trees on their land. This theory has been supported to some extent in the literature (Balzano 1986; Bannister and Nair 2003). The assumption was predicated on the idea that with more than enough land to grow crops, remaining land would be utilized for income generating trees. An analysis of the data indicated no such trends. Next, land holdings wer e regrouped categorically into small (x<1 hectare), medium (1 hectare< x <2 hectar es), and large (x>2 hectares) units of analysis and reexamined for significance. No significance was found. Therefore, in the case of my Fond eblan sample, size of land holdings appears to bear no direct correlation on tree planting decisions by farmers Assuming no margin of error in the collection of land sizes, one possible explanation might be that farmers with large plots of land prefer to rent their extra land, as opposed to planting trees there. However, I am fully aware of the possibility of err ors in the collection of land sizes. Future research will require walking the perimeter of all parcels claimed by a farmer, to establish stronger confidence in land size figures offered by farmers

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116 Soil Types In addition to many trees, Fondeblan displ ay s a wide variety of different soil types. As noted by Balzano and confirmed in my research, the local farmers have developed a soil classification that is largely based on the color of the soil. Farmers reported t nwa (black soil), t wouj (red soil), t j n (yellow soil), t blanch (white soil), and t wch (rocky soil). Figure 5 6 displays a pie chart of different soil types farmers indicated their land contains, by percentage of each type named. If farmers named more than one type of soil, their re sponse is Generally speaking, these soil types form a spectrum, with t nwa as the most coveted and t blanch as the least productive. T wch seems to be an exception to this classification. As Jak pointed out one morning, t wch kenbe dlo anba (rocky soil retains water underneath Essentially, these rocks serve as a shield from the sun, protecting water held by soil deposits lower in the profile, which have l ong since drifted below the rocks. The most coveted soil dominates, with approximately one third of farmers claiming their land was t nwa. Mixed soil and t blanch follow at 26.23 % each. T wch and t jn are the least common soils found on the lands of farmers in the sample, named at 6.56 % and 3.28 % respectively. Tree Ownership Tree tenure in Fondeblan and in much of rural Haiti is related to land tenure, in such that the owner of a parcel of land generally owns the rights to the trees on the land. Ho wever, creative arrangements can be reached:

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117 Figure 5 6 by percentage.

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118 If the ultimate disposal of the trees can be arranged for by agreement of all the parties involved, then the issue of land tenure becomes muted. For example, one kiltivat [farmer] who sharecrops a parcel of land in Mn Zb [ pseudonym land after coming to an innovative agreement with the landowner about the disp osition of the trees. They bent the prevailing rules of tree tenure by deciding that the sharecropper would plant, care, and receive one half of the worth of the trees [after they ] are harvested (Balzano 1986: 33 brackets mine ) I found a similar situati on in my sample, which included only three households which do an arrangement could be made, to which he responded, wi, fifti fifti (yes, fifty fifty ). That is, the land owner woul d take a 50 % cut of whatever trees were taken from the land. Number of D ifferent T rees on L and Farmers were asked to name all of the different types of trees on their land holdings. Initially I had planned to use free listing to determine which trees were the most important, under the assumption that farmers would name the most frequently used trees first. I quickly noticed that farmers would often start by glanc ing around while naming the trees visible to them. After naming the trees within visibility, they would continue to name trees without glancing around. Therefore, I decided that free and therefore abandoned the free listing method F armers listed many differen t tree types on their land. On average, farmers had approximately six different species of trees on their land. Consider Figure 5 7 which displays how many times 4 2 different documented tree species were named when heads of households were asked to name the types of trees they have on their land. The most f requently named species were pomelo ( Citrus maxima ) and orange ( Citrus spp .), named 35 and 42 times, respectively. That is, over half of the 61 informants have

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119 these trees on their land. It is not imme diately clear if either one of these tree species were aggressively distributed through Pwoj Pyebwa, as fruit trees were only added later in some locations wood trees were promoted in the original design (Murray 1981). Haitians are generally very reluct ant to cut their fruit trees, made further evident by the high number of times that coconut ( Cocos nucifera ) and avocado ( Persea Americana ) were named, at 25 and 27 times, respectively. As one farmer put it: Si pyebwa...si se yon pye fwi, li...ou gade w l vin...pa ka f fwi ank, li granmoun, kounye a w koupe l. Konprann? Men si l jenn, chak ane ou reklte, non men se pa posib ditou pou koupe l ( fruit anymore, its old, now yo u cut it. Understand? But if it s young, each year you harvest, no, it i s not possible at all to cut it). Of interest, the third and fo urth most commonly named tree s were Pwoj Pyebwa trees cedar ( Cedrela odorata ) and neem ( Azadirachta indica ), named 34 a nd 31 times, respectively Balzano never saw cedar trees being distributed during his research period from 1985 to 1986, and has stated that there is a long tradition predating Pwoj Pyebwa of planting cedar in Fondeblan (Bazano, personal communication 201 0). However, multiple farmers indicated to me that their cedar trees were in fact given to them by the project Whether or not Pwoj Pyebwa distributed cedar in Fondeblan is a question that needs to be researched further. That cedar and neem trees have i ncredible regenerative tendencies in Fondeblan should be noted. I observed many volunteer neem trees along the main road side roads, foot paths, and in many people's yards. Stumps of neem tree s were frequently observed coppicing with multiple shoots man y of sizeable amounts. Consider Figure 5 8 which displays coppicing neem trees in Fondeblan. Cedar volunteers were

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120 also observed widely, though more frequently in people yards. Indeed, neem and cedar I observed in Fondeblan The initial variable, which measured the number of different tree species on a values. When restructured as a 17 indicated a p value of 0.0 21 for the portion of the sample with six or more differ ent species of trees. That is farmers with more than six different types of trees are more likely to plant trees. I suspect that farmers with many different types of trees on their land have made thei r land this way that is, there are many species present because they plant trees there or permit volunteers to grown. If this is the case, the correlation here is more observational than causal That is, it is not likely the case that farmers with many d ifferent kinds of trees on their land will plant trees more so much as it is the case that some farmers have more trees on their land simply because they have planted more trees. Another explanation of the observed p value significance is that farmers wi th many different species of trees on their land currently plant trees because they make money from a variety of different trees. Ownership or A ccess to R ak Bwa The presence of rak bwa (wood lots) has already been discussed 18 These woodlots or vestiges of original forest cover many of the hills in the Fondeblan area. In my sample, 45.9 % of farmers indicated that they own or have communal access to rak bwa Communal access here simply means that a rak bwa exists on land inherited by 17 See APPENDIX B. 18 See the literature review on Fondeblan, Chapter 3.

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121 Figure 5 7 Number of times 4 2 different documented tree species were named by heads of households in Fondeblan.

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122 Figure 5 8 An example of widely observed coppicing neem ( Azadirachta indica ) trees in Fondeblan.

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123 siblings and undivided. Balzano noticed a similar trend, whe n he reported that unseparated inherited land ( t min informal arrangements for the use of rak bwa exist, and need to be f urther researched. While ownership or access to rak bwa did not generate statistical significance in the chi squares or the logistic regression a small level of statistical influence was noted with a p value of 0.09. Liveliho od Strategies The vast majority of inhabitants in Fondeblan can be described as farmers employing multiple livelihood strategies While some inhabitants are involved in small scale commodity commerce, virtually all inhabitants grow crops on their land, te nd animals, and to a varying degree utilize trees to supplement their income. Here these strategies, with the exception of small scale commodity commerce, are examined. Animals A total of eleven different types of owned animals were named in the Fondeblan sample. Animals named include goat, pig, cow, pigeon, sheep, turkey, horses, mule, donkey, guinea fowl, and chicken. Within the sample, 90.2 % of households owned at least one animal. The maximum number of different kinds of animals owned by one househo ld was 8, and this was an exception. The average number of different kinds of animals owned by a household was 2.88. Consider the bar graph in Figure 5 9 which displays the number of times each different type animal was named within the sample. Goat an d chicken were the most

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124 Figure 5 9 Number of times 11 different documented animals were named by heads of households in Fondeblan.

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125 common in the sample, both named 42 times. Pig was next named 32 times, followed by cow named 22 times, and donkey named by approximately a third of the sample. Balzano recorded some information on the percentages of households owning certain animals. Balzano noted a goat ownership percentage of 70 in his sample. In my sample the percentage of households that own a goat i s similar, at 68 % In % of households owned pigs, while in my sample 52.4 % own pigs. This potential increase random sample and my non random sample, could be attributable to the reintroduction of pigs by the local Protestant mission in the wake of the near island wide pig slaughter of the 1970s 1980s 19 ( see Thomas and Fendall 2004). % of households owned cattle. This is a notable difference from the percentage of cattle named in my sample which was 36 % Balzano recorded that three fourths of his sample owned a pack animal. If I combine my categories of horse, mule, and donkey, 36 % of my sample owns a pack animal, indicating a hypothetical decrease in pack animal ownership. Such a decrease could be due to an increase in motorcycles or other forms of transportation in the area. Finally, Balzano noted that 93 % of his sample owned fowl. If I combine my categories of chicken, turkey, pige on, and guinea fowl, 70.5 % of my sample own fowl. The initial structure of my var iabl e measuring the number of different animal types owned by a given household indicated little significance in the logistic regression. When restructured as a binomial variable, the Fi 20 indicated a p value of 19 Pigs were slaughtered throughout Haiti during this period, for fear of African swine fever virus 20 See APPENDIX B.

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126 0.018 for the portion of the sample with more than three different types of animals That is, in my Fondeblan sample, farmers with more than three different types of animals are more likely to plant trees. Anima l ownership has long been believed to ameliorate tree cutting (Jean Thomas 2009, personal communication ). Conversations with farmers revealed that animals not only fetch a higher price than charcoal or timber, but that they may be sold much more rapidly. Farm animals serve as a rural bank for Haitian farmers and have been recommended as an important component for inclusion in natural resource projects in Haiti (Shannon 2001). This knowledge was reflected in the early years of Pwoj Pyebwa, when the initi al seedling distributing organization was also involved in pig distribution and goat improvement projects (Balzano 1986). The director of a high membership Catholic based peasant cooperative in the area told me that the purpose of their goat distribution program was primarily to ameliorate tree cutting (Briel Leveill, 2009 personal communication ). Crops If free was changed in the case of crop naming by farmers. Nearly every single farmer queried about what crops they grow began their response in the same way: nou plante mayi, pitimi, pwa corn, millet, beans...). Variation occurred after these three were named, indicating that they are the staples of the area. All told, 16 different crops wer e reported as being grown 21 though additional crops were occasionally observed in the marketplace. The largest number of different crops 21 Ba nann (pla ntain) was considered a tree, because farmers referred to it as a tree.

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127 grown by a household was eight, and the smallest number of different crops grown by a household was two. The average number of crops grown by households is 4.6. Consider Figure 5 10 a bar graph that displays the number of times each individual crop was named by heads of households in my sample. Trees Tree tenure, the number of different tree species, and access or owner ship to rak bwa have I briefly discuss tree planting, tree cutting, and tree uses by farmers in my sample. % of people indicated participation in Pwoj Pyebwa, but he did not provide information on the number of people that planted trees In my sample, 70.5 % of respondents indicated their household plants trees. When asked where they get their seedlings, respondents indicated they bought trees, assisted volunteers, or found trees in different locations and transported them to planting sites. Andrew : Epitou, ske ou plante pyebwa sou t w? Enfmat : Wi. Andrew : Ki kote ou jwenn ti bwa pi pitit pou plante? En fmat : L yo respouse ank, l yo f ti grenn l lapli tonbe ou jwenn ti grenn nan, w gen dwa pran youn, ou plante sou t w, pou apre sa l vin grandi. (Andrew: And, do you plant trees on your land? Informant: Yes. Andrew: Where do you find the seedli ngs to plant? Informant: When they grow back again, when they make see d s when the rains falls you find the little seeds, you can take one, you plant it on your land, and after that it begins to grow ). These sorts of responses were very common in my sampl e. Respondents from one neighborhood indicated they received free trees from a gentleman in another zone.

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128 Figure 5 1 0 The number of times 16 different documented crops were named by heads of households in Fondeblan.

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129 Unfortunately, I do not have exac t quantifications of where tree seedlings were procured. I can confidently say that approximately half of the sample indicated they simply found seedlings and transported them to their lands. Consider F igure 5 11 a photo of cedar ( Cedrela odorata ) tree volunteers which one farmer had transferred to plastic bags, to plant at another location. Many farmers indicated they could receive more income from trees than from response was a lack of space, or the longer time required to wait. Consider this Pyebwa, pafwa, l w ap plante li, sa k f w pa ka kontinye plante pyebwa...ou ka plante yon pyebwa, e ou kapab jwenn yon patisipasyon nan pyebwa apre twa, kat, sen k ane. Men l w f rekt sa a, ou plante t a, plant sa a, chak twa mwa, kat mwa, ou jwenn manje (A tree, sometim es, when you plant it, that ca n make you unable to continue planting trees...you can plant a tree, and you can make use of it after three, f our, five years. But when you make this kind of harvest [corn], you plant the land, plant this [corn], every three months, four months, you find food). Other farmers indicated they planted trees, but only along the borders of their property: L ou plante pyebwa, l ap pran nan de tan pou l grandi, pou l vin f kb la. Ou gen dwa plante sou lizy. Si w plante anpil sou lizy, men ou pa plante fwi sa a, l ap touye l! Sa vle di ou plant e sou li, sou ran. Si li [...] plante, sou li, li ap bon nan de tan, pou kite l grandi, pou f gwo pyebwa yo ka siye. (When you plant a tree, it takes time for it to grow to where it can make the money. You can plant on the border. If you plant a lot on the border, but since you plant in the middle of the land completely, the same just like this fruit tree, that will kill it That means you plant on it, in a row plant on it [the border] it will be fin e over time, to leave it to grow, to make big tree s you can saw [to make planks]).

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130 Figure 5 1 1 Cedar ( Cedrela odorata ) volunteers placed in plastic bags for planting, by a farmer in Fondeblan.

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131 As for cutting trees, 78.7 % o f my sample indicated they p ar take in this activity. This is a slightly higher percentage than those who indicated they planted trees. One simple explanation might be that tree cutting is currently taking place at a higher percentage than tree planting simply because a large number of trees of project derivation are currently reaching maturity as determined by farmers. Tree cutting in Fondeblan usually takes place with a machete, and is a very labor intensive activity. When asked why they cut trees, farmers invariably responded, no u koupe l nou bezwen (we cut when we have a need). In the words of one particular farmer: N ou toujou koupe pafwa nan mwa ou pan gen lajan pou rete timoun lekl, se pyebwa nou koupe pou f lajan. Ou koupe l, ou f chabon av l, ou jwenn lajan nan chabon. .. pou ret timoun lekl. ( We always money to keep children in school, then we cut tre e s to make money. You children in scho ol). Further u nderstanding about the motivations behind cutting or planting trees can first be understood in the context of what trees are used for. In interviews, farmers listed a total of eight different uses for trees, though I suspect several others e xist. The largest number of different tree uses found in a household was five, and the average number of different tree uses for a household was 2.4. Consider Figure 5 12 a bar graph that displays the number of times eight different documented tree uses were named by farmers in the Fondeblan sample. Clearly, fruit is the primary use listed by farmers in Fondeblan. This is consistent with the frequency of fruit trees noted in Figure 5 7 Use of fruit does not require the cutting of trees. It is not cle ar whether fruit yields more income than charcoal or planks. Data were not collected on fruit prices and the fruit economy of the area. T he second and third tree uses charcoal and planks

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132 Figure 5 1 2 The number of times eight different documented tre e uses were named by farmers in Fondeblan.

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133 respectively require the cutting of trees. Some of the other tree uses listed may be met by cutting branc hes instead of the whole tree. In the rural countryside, most farmers cook with branches and fallen wood, not charcoal. As one farmer explained it, kmsi nou andey, nou svi ak bwa, men gen kk moun andey svi ak chabon an lakay li (As we are in the country, we use wood, although there are some people in the country who use charcoal in their house) Agrofor estry P.K. Nair is considered by some as one of the world s foremost experts on agroforestry I was fortunate enough to take his course on agroforestry at the University of Florida, where he defined agroforestry as ps scheme that is: (1) intentional; (2) intensive; (3) inter active; and (4) i ntegrated. Agroforestry practices observed in Fondeblan were diverse and wide ranging reflect ing : (a) farmer ingenuity; (b) Pwoj Pyebwa agroforestry recommendations; and (c) traditional systems that likely evolved due to the Haitian land inheritance custom that informally divides existing land between all sons and daughters of the deceased (Murray 1977; S mucker et al. 2000). Thus, as inherited plots get smaller and smaller, the response has been to develop unique combinations of trees, plants, and a nimals that both diversify livelihood strategies a nd cope with limited land areas agroforestry. over time as their experience matures, the characteristics of their field s changes, or

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134 Thus, agroforestry as practiced in Fondeblan is not homogenous, and blanket statements about systems of practices would not be accurate. M any farmers indi cated that they mix trees and crops because trees kenbe dlo (hold water) and protect land from tropical storms and sikl n (hurricanes) both of which may be considered behavioral choices in regard to perceived environmental services. Most of the agroforest ry practices observed were using project trees. Consider Figure 5 13 which displays several agroforestry practices I observed in Fondeblan. Note the tethered goat in the picture on the left, and the presence of cedar ( Cedrela odorata ) and neem ( Azadirach ta indica ) trees. Within my sample, 52.5 % of farmers indicated that they practice agroforestry, generating the highest level of outcome variable value of 0.001 22 That is, the data suggest that farmers in F ondeblan that engage in agroforestry practices are highly likely to plant trees. Livelihood ranking T rees are just one way in which farmers in Fondeblan generate income. Income can also be derived from the sale of crops or animals. Admittedly, some incom e may be derived from small scale commodity commerce in the market, but only one person in my sample indicated involvement in such commerce. Thus, the vast majority of my sample generates most of their income through trees, animals and crops. Farmers with in the sample were asked to rank animals, crops, and trees in descending order, starting with the one that normally provides the most income in the course of a year, and ending with the one than normally p rovides the least income in the 22 See APPENDIX B.

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135 Figure 5 1 3 Ph otographs of observed agroforestry practices in Fondeblan.

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136 course of a year. Consider Figure 5 14 which displays farmers' ranking s of average annual income derived from animals (A), crops (C), and trees (T) The largest number of respondents listed an A T C ranking indicating they derive the most annual income from animals, followed by trees, and ending with the crops they grow. The second largest ranking response also listed animals as most important annual income producer Very few people indicated that trees were their primary source of income, although over one third listed them as the second most important income source. When the data are restructured to determine what percentage of Haitian farmers listed trees as first or second annual money ma ker two thirds of farmers fall in this category Thus, trees play a substantial role in the income generating strategies of farmers from the sample. A lthough farmers in the sample list ed fruit as the primary tree use 23 it is unclear if fruit is sold for substantial amounts of income in Fondeblan Given transport and shelf life issues related to fruit, and the fact that most fruit trees in the area bear fruit at the same time, it is highly unlikely that fruit plays a major role beyond providing fodder for animals. On the other hand, charcoal is lucrative and produced nearly exclusively for the urban bound market. Figure 5 15 displays a photograph of this thesis author sitting on charcoal bags a common site in Fondeblan placed along the side of the road an d waiting for pick up by trucks that leave the area daily. Planks, while occasionally used domestically for the construction of doors or beds, are most often sold to local carpenters in Fond des blancs. Therefore, I cautiously conclude that charcoa l and p lanks are the top income producers within the tree use category, and rank first or second in overall farmer livelihood strategies in Fondeblan. 23 Refer back to Figure 5 2 0

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137 Figure 5 1 4 Farmers' rankings of average annual income derived from animals (A), crops (C), and tre es (T).

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138 Figure 5 1 5 Charcoal in Fondebla n, by the side of the road and in one of many trucks that leave the area daily

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139 C HAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS Lessons Learned This was an ambitious thesis. In retrospect I am amazed at the amount of data I was able to c ollect over a two several components of my data collection methods and ask additional questions that would have prove d useful in my analyses. As the saying goes, hindsight is 20 20 Nevertheless, some meaningful conclusions can be drawn from the research presented in these pages. Revisiting the Research Objectives It would do well to recall that there were three primar y objectives of this thesis: (1) t o add to the aging corpus of anthropological literature on human nature interactions in Haiti; (2) t o compile baseline data through exploratory research that would inform and contribute to a later explanatory research stag e my doctoral dissertation; and (3) t o provide an anthropological site specific outcome evaluation of Pwoj Pyebwa, approximately 30 years after its commencement. Revisiting the Theoretical Orientation of the Thesis The three thesis objectives were attemp ted from a political ecology perspective. This perspective and other preceding anthropological human nature theories were examined briefly in the chapter on theory. I framed the problem deforestation and its associated ecological and human crises as a res ult of politics Through the literature review, it was suggested that ecological destruction in Haiti has often been orchestrated from higher rungs transnational, international or national level politics.

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140 The concept of politics in this thesis was expande d to include policies and projects. Pwoj Pyebwa was briefly treated nationally, though primarily examined locally and at lower rungs of a political ecology analysis. Viewing Pwoj Pyebwa as a form of politics, one becomes aware of ways in which politics can actually have a beneficial effect on ecology. That is to say, not all politics are bad politics. Addressing the Research Objectives I hope to meet the first objective of this research. That is, I hope to continue researching ecological issues in Ha iti, and making that research available to interested parties through the university and by publishing my findings In a small way, I will have added to the corpus of anthropological literature on human nature interactions in Haiti. I expect to meet the s econd objective of this research. That is, I have received funding from the National Science Foundation (NSF) to continue researching tree planting in Fondeblan. Thus, this research will serve as baseline data, and was most certainly an exploratory exerc ise. The explanatory stage will culminate in my doctoral dissertation In regard to the third objective outcome evaluation s are usually measured against the fulfillment of the primary objectives of the project (read politics). In the case of Pwoj Pye bwa, the primary objectives were : 1. T o motivate Haitians farmers to plant and maintain trees for the primary purpose of income generation; and 2. T o achieve the first objective in large numbers with secondary goals of soil conservation and improvement provi sion of fuel wood, and the provision of other environmental services (Murray and Bannister 2004). My experience in Fondeblan appears to confirm what the initial literature had suggested that both objectives have been fulfilled (Balzano 1986; Balzano 1989 ;

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141 Balzano 1997; Clavissaint 1998; Thomas and Fendall 2003; Smucker 2007). Thus, as far as traditional outcome evaluation s go, Pwoj Pyebwa may be considered a success in the case of Fondeblan. Revisiting the Re search Question As highlighted in the early chapters of this thesis traditional outcome evaluation s of Pwoj Pyebwa left something wanting. While previous evaluations may have provided an excellent overarching assessment and history of the project, they were not contextualized in a specific place they were generalized 24 I t was the general nature of such previous outcome evaluation s that drove the formation of my research question: Nearly 30 years since the commencement of a major tree plating project, which particular cultural, social, economic, a nd ecological conditions have influenced some Haitian farmers to continue to plant trees more than others ? It was hoped that the research question would provide answers about receptivity to, and continuity of tree planting in the broadest sense. The br oad nature of this research question was spatially contextualized in the location of Fondeblan, and temporally contextualized through an examination of literature on the area that spanned 30 years. Ree xamining the Hypotheses in Light of the Data Analysis In addressing the research question, I would like to briefly return to the five preliminary hypotheses it generated: H.1: Protestant farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than Catholic farmers. 24 Some early evaluations exist, but were written within the decade of project operations.

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142 H.2: Wealthy farmers are more likely to plant trees on their land than poor farmers. H.3: Farmers with large land holdings are more likely to plant trees on their lands. H.4: Farmers who participated in Pwoj Pyebwa are more likely to plant trees on their lands. H.5: Farmers who utilize agroforest ry practices are more likely to plant trees on their land. For reasons elucidated in the Results and Discussion chapter of this thesis, hypotheses one to four failed to generate any statistical significance in the data analysis Hypothesis five was the onl y one that generated significance, displaying the highest p value of all s Therefore, based on the data I c ollected, I reject hypotheses 1 to 4 as being influential variables in continued tree planting decisions of farmers in Fonde blan. Variables of Unexpected Statistical Significance While only one of the preliminary hypotheses generated significance, the following outcome variables generated unexpected significance: (1) the number of different tree species already on household lan d; (2) the number of different types of animals a household keeps; and (3) how trees rank in overall household livelihood strategies. When these three outcome variables are a dded to hypothesis number five, the result is the identification of four factors that correlate to concurrent tree planting by farmers in Fondeblan. A nswering to the Research Question I am reluctant to say that I have definitively discovered the key var iable s that affect tree planting decisions in Fondeblan It is entirely possible a nd likely that I missed other key considerations. Furthermore, the correlations I have discovered may only be noting the effects of the previous project as opposed to causes for its success.

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143 Finally, my non random sample makes extrapolation beyond the sam ple speculative. Whatever the case I am bound by the data I collected. While I will not come out with hard conclusions I can cautiously extrapolate on each variable that generated significance in search of a sufficient answer to the research question. Hypothesis five appears straightforward and generated the most statistica l significance. If farmers already participate in agroforestry practices then it makes perfect sense that they would continue to incorporate trees into their agroforestry practices Further research needs to be conducted on agroforestry practices that existed in the area prior to Pwoj Pyebwa as well as project practices that are still in place. The first outcome variable of unexpected statistical significance suggests that farmers w ho already posses a large number of different tree species on their land are likely to plant trees. It could be that these farmers have a large variety of tree species because they were initially receptive to the project, planted many trees, and continue to do so. It could be that there are a variety of different species of trees on their lands because trees factor high in their livelihood strategy, and a diversity of trees means to livelihood strategy. Further research is needed to determ ine the nature of the correlation discovered The second outcome variable of unexpected statistical significance suggests that farmers are more likely to plant trees if they own several different types of animals; and that they are less likely to plant tre es if the y own only a few animals. A strong preference for selling animals over cutting trees was noted in the thesis. Such an economic activity not only pays more, but provides income much faster ; charcoal

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144 making and plank sawing take many days. It is no t immediately clear why a higher ownership of different animal species is associated with a higher level of tree planting One possibility is that farmers with many different animals derive the majority of their income from those animals, and are not as o ccupied with or as dependent on crops. That is to say, they are vested in other livelihood strategies (animals) that leave their land open to the planting of trees. Another option is that farmers with multiple animals are planting trees to provide shade and fodder for their animals. The third outcome variable of unexpected statistical significance indicates that farmers who rank trees as first or second in their overall livelihood strategies are likely to plant trees. This appears fairly straightforward one continues to plant that which one makes a living from In answering the research question it appears that there are at least four factors which motivate farmers to continue planting trees, nearly 30 years after a major tree planting project. These fa ctors appear to be primarily economic and ecological. One might make the case that certain agroforestry practices are molded and shaped by cultural conceptions, though I did not gather data at a level to where I could ascertain such occurrences Assessin g Behavior and Land Changes While not explicitly stated as an objective of this research, assessing behavior and land changes has been an underlying theme th roughout this thesis, as evidenced by their mention in the thesis title Interestingly, Balzano di d not notice many changes to hills of the area during his first return visit, 10 years after his departure, although he has noted changes to one of the major valleys (Bazano, personal communication 2010) Perhaps 10 years is not enough to truly gauge land changes. It has now been

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145 approximately 14 years since his last visit, and approximately 30 years since Pwoj Pyebwa operations commenced. Every key informant I talked to insisted that the land of the area has improved dramatically since the pre project da ys. This observation coupled with the near seven fold increase of charcoal trucks leaving Fondeblan daily, suggests that substantial land changes have occurred. Otherwise, such an increase in charcoal might have registered visible changes to the hillside s of the area. Balzano has suggested that some of this increased is simply a perceived increase, due to charcoal trucks passing through Fondeblan from other areas (Balzano 2010, personal communication) However, I observed many charcoal bags for sale by the side of the road. One morning I observed different households bringing their charcoal to load on a truck which had intentionally stopped in Fondeblan for charcoal. It is very possible that Pwoj Pyebwa trees have met a need that otherwise would hav e resulted in denudation of the hillsides in Fondeblan. According to Balzano, some of the charcoal needs are met by the rak bwa that existed prior to Pwoj Pyebwa (Bazano, personal communication 2010) Whatever the case, the area has certainly not become more deforested as charcoal production has increase d Finally the case of land change can certainly be made with reference to the planting of 2 million trees, though this is an angle I have avoided in this research. Further research is needed to underst and this and other land changes that may have been ushered in by the project. If discrete land changes are hard to measure, even harder to measure are behavioral changes ushered in by the project. Furthermore, no strong claims to change can be made with a non random sample. While Murray pointed out that most Haitians

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146 rarely plant wood trees though they may nurture volunteers it is not immediately clear if this has always been the case in Fondeblan. O ne apparent behavioral change is that multiple farmers in Fondeblan claimed they are now willing to pay for wood trees. This claim by farmers was confirmed by a key informant, who was also quick to note that increases in the price of wood trees may have since rendered such claims null. That is, farmers may be thinking of prior prices when claiming to be willing to pay for wood trees. Murray posited that a farmer willing to pay for wood trees was a very unlikely scenario This may be a phenomenon unique to Fondeblan. It is a question that needs further res earch. Other behavior changes in the area have been suggested throughout this thesis, al though it is uncertain to what extent they have been ushered in by the project. For example, there has been a n apparent shift toward commodity commerce. Another examp le is that farmers in Fondeblan appear to be keeping fewer cattle than in previous periods. These two example s serve to highlight the difficulty in teasing out which behavioral changes are directly due to the project, which changes are indirectly due to t he project, and which cha nges are not due to the project at all. In summary from the presence of several for profit tree nurseries, farmers who indicated that they purchase seedlings, an increase in charcoal production in the area, and the presence of sev eral carpenters making product s from locally produced planks, I conclude that farmers in the area are generating income from Pwoj Pyebwa trees. By extension, an increase in income is considered a valid measure of project success because income can improv

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147 As a final qualitative statement, farmers in Fondeblan are not entirely homogenous and utilize a diversity of livelihood strategies of which trees may play an important role. Differing interest in tree plantin g is likely reflective of differing abilities to procure money from trees. As would be expected further research is needed in the formation of definitive claims The final chapter of this thesis highlights steps forward for both further research and fur ther tree planting projects in Fondeblan.

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148 CHAPTER 7 STEPS F ORWARD AND FUTURE RE SEARCH Future Tree planting Projects in Fondeblan Planners of future tree planting projects in Haiti would be wise to consult the summary of find ings from 20 years of tree planting experiments during the latter decades of the 20th century ( see Murray and Bannister 2004). In the case of Fondeblan several revelations from exploratory research have generated the following suggestions for the futur e success of tree planting projects in the area: First, while the origina l Pwoj Pyebwa design provided fast growing species of c ommercial value, data from Fondeblan seem to indicate that trees with strong regenerative capacities do well. Therefore, I would suggest promoting trees that are also known to regenerate multiple times. Second, as the data indicated a strong tendency for those farmers practicing agroforestry to continue to plant trees, I would recommend matching tree species that do well with agr oforestry practices in use in the area. Third, as there was a strong correlation between farmers who make money from trees and tree planting, I would suggest the promotion of trees that farmers feel will yield the highest profits. Fourth as there was a tendency for tree planting to increase with animal ownership, I would suggest that animal husbandry and animal distribution projects be developed in tandem with tree planting operations. While animals may provide a buffer to tree cutting, challenges rem ain particularly with goats in ensuring seedling survival. Fifth, CODEF has a new and fully functional saw mill that is collecting dust for lack funds and lack of an individual with the time and initiative to put the mill to work As planks fetch a high er price than charcoal, the saw mill should be considered an important component of future tree planting projects Six th Haitian farmers should continue to be involved at all levels of future tree planting projects, as they are experts in their own right. Finally, the presence of well organized peasant cooperative s in the area was well noted, and should be considered in any future tree planting project.

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149 While these recommendations may be helpful to projects within the Fondeblan area, it is uncertain if the y are applicable to all of rural Haiti with its heterogen eous landscapes and farmer livelihood strategies. Future Research in Fondeblan There are always ways to improve research. That is, there is no such thing as a perfect research design, because there are always new and innovative methods which are being tested and explored Nevertheless, some key considerations for future research on tree related issues in Fondeblan are given here: Future research in Fondeblan needs to be conduct ed over a longer perio d of time. Deeper relationships, deeper trust, deeper access, and by extension deeper understanding can only be established over a longer period of time. Furthermore, d ifferent farmer habits are practiced in different seasons, and these seasonal differenc es need to be observed The sample size for future research should be increased and random sampling needs to be employed to increase external validity. Use of modern tools such as GPS GIS and others should be employed to provide digital maps of the a rea. Such maps could be added to over time to clearly demonstrate ecological changes to the area. Other t ools like social network analysis should be employed to note relationships between farmers, charcoal middlemen, carpenters, and others purchasers o f wood products. Multiple methods need to be employed for proper triangulation in an effort to cross check data. In particular, the relationship between the correlations discovered in this thesis need to be revisited and further researched. A comparison b etween Fondeblan and another area (of similar geographical conditions) that did not participate in Pwoj Pyebwa would be revealing. The species compositions of rak bwa need to be discovered and documented. The conditions that owners of rak bwa share in co mmon need to be discovered Whether or not Pwoj Pyebwa trees are being planted in rak bwa would be revealing. The role that remittances play in relation to the rak bwa needs to be discovered.

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150 Most importantly, l ocal Haitians should to be involved at all l evels of the research process for three reasons. First, local Haitians are local experts. Second, such an approach would provide employment and training in methods for these individuals. Finally, such experiences have the potential to be empowering I am certain that other recommendations for future research will reveal themselves to me as I continue in two more years of course work before I conduct this research. I will continue to explore and experiment with appropriate methods up until the time I depart for two years of ethnographic field work in Fondeblan. Rather fortuitously the National Science Foundation has funded my research into the rak bwa of Fondeblan for the next three years. I am interested in looking at the relationship between the rak b wa and Pwoj Pyebwa, as Balzano noted their existence

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151 APPENDIX A DE FINITIONS OF VARIABL ES 1. A ge : This discrete quantitative variable represents the numerical value of a head of as reported by the head of household. 2. Animal types: This discrete quantitative variable lists the different types of animals owned by a household, as reported by the head of household. 3. Crop types: This discrete quantitative variable lists the different cr ops grown on the land owned or access by a household, as reported by the head of household. 4. Literacy: This dichotomous categorical variable represent whether or not heads of household are literate, as reported by heads of household. 5. Livelihood ranking: Thi s ordinal variable recorded ranking of average annual income procured from trees, crops and animals. Rankings are from highest to lowest. Ranking was performed by the head of household. 6. Number of children: This discrete quantitative variable measures the n umerical value of total children produced by the head of household. 7. Number of different crops grown: This discrete quantitative variable measures the numerical value of distinct types of crops grown per household, as reported by the head of household. 8. Numb er of different trees on land: This discrete quantitative variable measures the numerical value of distinct types trees on land owned or accessed by household, as reported by the head of household. 9. Number of people per household: This discrete quantitative variable measures the numerical value of people living at a particular household, as reported by the head of household. 10. Number of uses for trees : This discrete quantitative variable measures the numerical value of different uses for trees, as reported by the head of household. 11. Number of different animals owned: This discrete quantitative variable measures the numerical value of different types of animals owned by a particular household, as reported by the head of household. 12. Other land holdings: This dichot omous categorical variable represents whether or not a household has ownership or access to more than one parcel of land, as reported by the head of household. 13. Own land: This dichotomous categorical variable represents whether or not a household owns land.

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152 14. Ownership or access to rak bwa: This dichotomous categorical variable measures whether or not a given household has ownership of or access to, woodlots, as reported by the head of household. 15. Participation in project: This dichotomous categorical variable measures whether or not a household participated in Pwoj Pyebwa, as reported by the head of household. 16. Religion: This categorical variable measures the religion practiced by the head of household. 17. Remittances: This dichotomous categorical variable measur es whether or not the household receives money from family members or friend living outside of Fondeblan. 18. Sex: This dichotomous categorical variable measures the sex of the head of household, as reported by the head of household. 19. Size of total land owned: This continuous quantitative variable measures the total size of land owned by a household, in hectares, as reported by the head of household. 20. Soil types: This categorical variable measures the type of soil on land owned or access by a household, as report ed by the head of household. 21. Tree cutting: This dichotomous categorical variable represents whether or not the household cuts trees on their land, as reported by the head of household. 22. Tree planting: This dichotomous categorical variable lists whether or n ot a household currently plants trees on their land, as reported by the head of household. 23. Tree species on land: This nominal variable lists kinds of species on land owned or access by a household, as reported by the head of household. 24. Use of agroforestry practices: This dichotomous categorical variable lists whether or not the household utilizes agroforestry practices, as reported by the head of household or observed by the principal investigator. 25. Wealth: This dichotomous categorical variable measures whet her or not a household is wealthy, by the presence or absence of a cement home. A previous study in the area measured wealth in a practical way by presence or absence of Cistern ownership is a reliable indicator of economic status. Thes e are usually expensive items being all concrete and fed with a system of gutters from all adjacent sheet metal roofs within the lakou. To have a cistern, one must be able to afford sheet metal roofing and concrete (Balzano 1986: 32). Following this logic but adjusting for the subsequent development of water (Thomas

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153 and Fendall 2003) I used the presence of a cement house as a proxy for wealth. That is, for the purpose of this variab le households residing in cement houses are considered wealthy, and those residing in mud or thatch houses are considered not wealthy

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154 APPENDIX B LOGISTIC REGRES SION AND CHI SQUARE TESTS Variables in the Equation B S.E. Wald df Sig. Exp(B) Step 1 a lit erate .791 1.327 .355 1 .551 2.205 CementHouse 1.646 1.199 1.885 1 .170 5.186 NEWNumberOfTrees 2.629 1.138 5.337 1 .021 13.854 rakbwa 1.329 1.280 1.078 1 .299 .265 agroforestry 3.093 1.219 6.443 1 .011 22.049 NEWNumAnimal 3.075 1.357 5.138 1 .02 3 21.645 cuttrees 1.003 1.350 .552 1 .457 2.727 codef .845 1.295 .426 1 .514 .430 newrankuse 3.806 1.511 6.349 1 .012 44.992 Constant 5.588 2.090 7.148 1 .008 .004 a. Variable(s) entered on step 1: literate, CementHouse, NEWNumberOfTrees, rakbwa agroforestry, NEWNumAnimal, cuttrees, codef, newrankuse. Chi Square Tests (rak bwa) Value df Asymp. Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (1 sided) Pearson Chi Square 3.378 a 1 .066 Continuity Correction b 2.422 1 .120 Likelihood Ratio 3.482 1 .062 Fisher's Exact Test .093 .059 Linear by Linear Association 3.322 1 .068 N of Valid Cases 61 a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 8.26. b. Computed only for a 2x2 table Chi Square Tes ts (# of different trees) Value df Asymp. Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (1 sided) Pearson Chi Square 5.956 a 1 .015 Continuity Correction b 4.626 1 .031 Likelihood Ratio 5.862 1 .015 Fisher's Exact Test .021 .016 Linear by Li near Association 5.858 1 .016 N of Valid Cases 61

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155 a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 6.79. b. Computed only for a 2x2 table Chi Square Tests (agroforestry) Value df Asymp. Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (1 sided) Pearson Chi Square 13.117 a 1 .000 Continuity Correction b 11.160 1 .001 Likelihood Ratio 13.930 1 .000 Fisher's Exact Test .001 .000 Linear by Linear Association 12.902 1 .000 N of Valid Cases 61 a. 0 cel ls (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 8.56. b. Computed only for a 2x2 table Chi Square Tests (# of different animals) Value df Asymp. Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (1 sided) Pearson Chi Square 6.149 a 1 .013 Continuity Correction b 4.771 1 .029 Likelihood Ratio 6.960 1 .008 Fisher's Exact Test .018 .012 Linear by Linear Association 6.048 1 .014 N of Valid Cases 61 a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expect ed count is 6.20. b. Computed only for a 2x2 table Chi Square Tests (livelihood ranking) Value df Asymp. Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (2 sided) Exact Sig. (1 sided) Pearson Chi Square 8.055 a 1 .005 Continuity Correction b 6.465 1 .011 Likelihood Ra tio 7.847 1 .005 Fisher's Exact Test .007 .006 Linear by Linear Association 7.923 1 .005 N of Valid Cases 61 a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 6.20. b. Computed only for a 2x2 table

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156 LIST OF RE FERENCES Abbott, Elizabeth. 1988 Haiti: The Duvaliers and Their Leg acy. New York: McGraw Hill Book Company Balzano, Anthony 1986 Socioeconomic Aspects of Agroforestry in Rural Haiti. University of Maine Agroforestry Outreach Research Project. R eproduced by U. S. Department of Commerce. Washington, D.C. 1989 Tree Planting in Haiti: Agroforestry And Rural Development in a Local Context. PhD. Thesis, Rutgers University. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms International. 1997 A Haitian C ommunity: Ten Years After. Paper presented to The Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges: 1997 An nual Meeting. Toronto, Canada: April 16, 1997. B annister, M.E. and P.K.R. Nair 2003 Agroforestry adopti on in Haiti: the importance of household and farm characteris tics. Agroforestry Systems 57: 149 157. Campbell, Ernest Paul 1994 Do Farmers in a Deforested Environment Need Help to Grow Trees?: The Case of Lascahobas, Haiti. MA t hesis. Univers ity of Florida: Gainesville, Florida. Crde nas, Jos 2008 U .S. Humanitarian Response to the Hurricanes in Haiti. Testimony of Jos Crdenas (Acting Assistant Administrator, Bureau for Lat in American and the Caribbean, USAID) Before the Western Hemisphere Subcommitte e of the House Foreign A ffairs Committee, US Government. Tuesday, September 23, 2008. Washington, D.C. Electronic document, http://foreignaffairs.house.gov/110/car092308.pdf accessed April 1, 2010. Catanese, Anthony 1999 Haitians: Migration and Dias pora. Boulder, Colora do: Westview Press. Clavissaint, Clervil

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15 7 1998 Comm unity Development Report. CODEF Newsletter: March 1998. Electronic document, http://hcdf.hcdf.biz/index.php?option=com_content& view=category&id=36&Itemid=50 accessed December 7, 2009. Conway, Fred erick J. 1986 Synthesis of socioeconomic findings about participants in t he USAID/Haiti Agroforestry Outreach Project. Un iversity of Maine Agroforestry Research Project. USAID/Haiti Project Number 521 0122. U.S. Agency for International Developm ent, Port au Prince, Haiti. Diamond, Jared 2005 Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. New York, New York: Viking Press Escobar, Arturo 1991 Anthropology and the Development Encounter: The Making and Marketing of Development Anthrop ology. American Et hnologist 18( 4 ): 658 682 Farmer, Paul 1994 The Uses of Haiti. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press. Ferguson, James 1987 Papa Doc, Baby Doc: Haiti and the Duval iers. Oxford, UK. : Basil Blackwell. Harris, Marvin 1966 The Cultural ttle. Current Anthropology 7(1): 51 66. How ard, Philip 1998 Environmental Scarcities and Conflict in Haiti: Ecology and Grievances port prepared for the Canadian Intern ational Development Agency. Electronic document, http://faculty.washington.edu/pnhoward/publishing/articles/haiti.pdf accessed March 15, 2010. Johnston, Harry

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158 1920 Haiti, The Home of Twin Republics. The National Geographic Magazine. XXXVII(6): 483 496. Washington, D.C. Klein, Morton A. 1945 Forest Conditions in Haiti: A Special Report. The Institute of Inter American Affairs, Food Supply Division. Washington, D.C. Lewis, Lau rence A. and William J. Coffey 1985 The Continuing Deforestation o f Haiti. Ambio 14( 3 ): 158 160. Lindskog, Docent Per 1998 From Saint Domingue to Haiti: Some Consequences of European Colonisation [sic] on the Physical Environment of Hispaniola. Caribbean Geography 9( 2 ): 71 86. Mintz, Sidney 1962 Living Fences in the Fond des Negres Re gion, Haiti. Economic Botany 16: 101 105. Monaghan, Paul 2000 Peasants, the State, and Deforestati PhD d issertation. University of Florida : Gainesville, Florida. Murray, Gerald F. 1977 The evolu tion of Haitian peasant land tenure: A case study in agrarian adapt ation to population growth. PhD dissertation. Columbia University: New York, New York. 1978 Hillside Units, Wage Labor, and Haitian Peasant Land Tenure: A Proposal for the Organ ization of Erosion Control Project s. Report to USAID. Washington, D.C. 1 978b Land Tenure, Land Insecurity, and Planned Agricultural Development Among Haitian Peasants. Report to USAID. Washington, D.C. 1979 Terraces, Trees, and the Haitian Peasant: An Assessment of Twenty Five Years of Erosion Control in Rural Haiti. Report t o USAID. Washington, D.C.

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159 1980 Haitian Peasant Contour Ridges: The Evolution of Indigenous Erosion Control Technology. Development Discussion Paper No. 86. Harvard Institute for International Development: Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1981 Peasant Tree Planting in Haiti: A Social Soundness Analysis. Report to USAID. Washington, D.C 1987 The domestication of wood in Haiti: A case study in applied evolution. In Anthropological P raxis R. Wulff and S. Fiske, eds P p. 223 240. Boulder : Westview Press. 1989 Programming Tree Flows in Haiti: A Case Study. Case Study No. 1 of the Coolidge Cent er for Environmental Leadership: Cambridge, Massachusetts 1991 The T ree G ardens of Haiti: From E xtraction to D omestication. In Social forestry: Communal and private management strategies compared D. Challinor and M. Hardt Frondorf eds. Pp 35 44. Washington, D.C.: School of Advanced International Studies, The Johns Hopkins University. 1994 The Tree Project: A Proposal to USAID for Rapid Reincorporation of High Volume Wood Tree Planting into the Mi ssion Portfolio. Pan American Development Foundation, Port au Prince. 1997 A Haitian peasant tree chro nicle: Adaptive evolution and institutional intrusion. In Reasons for Hope. A. Krishna, N. U phoff, and M. Esman, eds. P p. 241 253. West Hartford: Kumarian Press. Mur ray, Gerald and M.E. Bannister 2004 Peasants, A groforest ers, and A nthropologists: A 20 year V enture in I ncome generating T rees and H edgerows in Haiti. Agroforestry Systems 61: 383 397. Murray, Gerald F., Matthew McP herson, and Tim Schwartz 1998. The Fading Frontier: An Anthropological Analysis of the Agroeconomy and Social Orga nization of the Haitian Dominican Border. Report for USAID/DR. Univers ity of Florida: Gainesville, Florida. Pierre Louis, R.

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160 1989 Forest Policy and Deforestation in Haiti: The Case of the Foret des Pins (191 5 2 985). MA thesis. Cornell University: I thaca, New York. Pons, Frank Moya 2007 History of the Caribbean: Plantations, Trade, and War in the Atlantic World. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers. Robbins, Paul 2004 Political Ecology : A C ritical I ntroduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishi ng. Rypson, Sebas tian 2007 Being Polon in Haiti: Origins, Survivals, Development, and Narrative Production of the Polish Presence in Haiti. Doctoral Thesis. University of Amsterdam: Amsterdam, The Netherlands. Schmidt, Hans 1995 The United States Occupatio n of Haiti. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. Shannon, Dennis A. and J.D. Lea, L ionel Issac, and Sarah Belfort 2001 Productive Land Use Systems Project: Haiti. USAID/Haiti Economic Growth Office. South East Consortium for Inte rnational Development. Auburn, Alabama: SECID/Auburn University Publications. Schuller, Mark 2007 Society in Haiti. PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Rev iew 30(1): 67 89. Schuller, Mark 2009 Gluing Globalization: NGOs as Intermediaries in Haiti. Political and Legal Anthropology Review 32( 1 ): 84 104. Smucker, Glenn R. 1981 Trees and Charcoal in Haitian Peasant Economy: A Feasibility Study of Reforestation. Repor t to USAID. Washington, D.C.

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161 1986 Addendum: Agroforestry Update. In Politics, Projects, and People: Institutional Development in Haiti. D. W. Brinkerhoff a nd Jean Claude Garcia Zamor, eds. New York, NY: Praeger Publishers. 1988 Proje Pyebwa Th e First Five Years: PADF Agroforestry Outreach Project, 1982 1986. Pan American Development Foundation. Washington, D.C. Smucker, Glenn R. (Ed.), Gardy Fleurantin, Mike McGahuey and Ben Swartley 2005. Agriculture in a Fragile Environment: Market Inc entives for Natural Resource Management in Haiti. Report to USAID. Washington, D.C. Smucker, Glenn R. (Ed.), Mike Bannister, Heat Portnoff, Joel T imyan, Sc ot Tobias, and Ronald Toussaint 2007 Environmental Vulnerability in Haiti: Findings and Recommendations. Report to USAID. Chemonics International Inc. and the U.S. Forest Service. Washington, D.C. Smucker, Glenn R., T. Anderso n White, and Michael Bannister 2000 Land Tenure and the Adoption of Agricultural Technol ogy in Haiti. CAPRi Working Paper No. 6. International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington D.C Smucker, Glenn R. and Joel C. Timyan. 1995 Impact of Tree Planting in Haiti: 1982 1995. Haiti Productive Land Use Systems Project. South East Consorti um for International Development and Auburn University. Report to USAID. Washing, D.C. Smucker, Jacqueline Nowak 1981 The Role of Rural Haitia n Women in Development. Report to USAID, Port au Prince, Haiti. Washington, D.C. Sontang, Deborah 2010 Rural Haiti Struggles to Absorb Displaced. In The New York Times, March 16, 2010. Electronic document http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/17/world/americas/17rural.html accessed April 5, 2010. Steward, Julian H.

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162 1990 Theory of Culture Change: The Me thodology of Multilinear Evolution. Champaign IL : University of Illinois Press. Swartley, Ben D. and Joseph Ronald Toussaint 2006 Hait i Country Analysis of Tropical Forestry and Biodiversity: (Sections 118 and 119 of the Foreign Assistance Act). U SAID; US Forest Servic (METI). Washington, D.C. Electronic document http://www.usaid.gov/locations/ latin_america_caribbean/environment/docs/Haiti_118 119_Report.pdf accessed November 11, 2009. Tarter, William V. 1985. Load Not Hea (Min Anpil Chay Pa Lou): A Study of Participatory Communication in Rural Haiti. MA Thesis. University of Washington: Seattle, Washington. T homas, Jean L. and Lon Fendall 2003 At Home with the Poor Newberg, Oregon: Barclay Press. Timyan, Joel 1996 Bwa Yo: Important Trees of Haiti. South East Consortium for International Development: Washington, D.C. Trouillot, Michel Rolp h 1990 Haiti: State Against Nat ion: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism. New York, NY: Monthly Review Press Unknown 19 20 Haiti and its Regeneration by the United States. The National Geographic Magazine XXXVII(6): 497 511. Washington, D.C. Valdman, Albert 2007 Haitian Creole English Bilingual Dictionary. Bloomington IN : Indiana University Creole Institute. Van der Plas, Robert

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163 2007 Haiti: Strategy to Alleviate the Pressure of Fuel Demand on National Woodfuel Resources. Energy Sector Management Assi stance Program, The World Bank Group. ESMAP Technical Paper No. 112/07. Electronic document, http://vle.worldb ank.org/bnpp/files/TF027963ESMA6202007 75512HaitiEnglishWoodfuelResources11207.pdf accessed Feb 14, 2010. Verner, Dorte and Willy Egset 2006 Haiti: Social Resilience a nd State Fragility in Haiti: A Country Social Analysis. Report to the World Bank. Report No. 36069 HT. Electronic document, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/SOCIALANALYSIS /1104894 1115795935771/20938696/Haiti_CSA.pdf accessed April 1, 2010. Wil entz, Amy 1989 The Rainy Season: Haiti Since Duvalier. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster. White, Leslie 1943 Energy and the Evolution of Culture. In Anthropological Theory: An Introductory History. R. John McGee and Richard L. Warms, eds. P p. 229 248. San M arcos TX : McGraw Hill, 2008. White, Thomas A nderson 1992 Pea sant Initiative for Soil Conservation: Case Studies of Recent Technical and Social Innovations from Maissade, Haiti. The Environmental and Natural Resources Policy and Training Project, No. 3. D epartment of Forest Resources University of Minnesot a : Madison, Minnesota. 1994 Policy Lessons From Haiti and Natural Resource Projects in Rural Haiti. Environmental and Natural Resource Policy and Training (EPAT) Project; Midwestern Universities Consortium for International Activities. Working P aper No. 17. University of Minnesota : Madison, Minnesota. White, T homas Anderson and Jon L. Jickling 1995 Peasants, experts, and land use in Haiti: lessons from indigenous and project technology. Journal of Soi l and Water Conservation 50: 7 14. Wolf, E ric

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164 1972 Ownership and Political Ecol ogy. Anthropological Quarterly 4 5( 3 ): 201 205 Zuvekas, Clarence Jr. 1978 Agricultural Development in Haiti: An Assessment of Sector Problems, Policies, and Prospects under Conditions of Severe Soil Erosion. Rep ort to USAID/Haiti. Washington, D.C.

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165 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Andrew Tarter was born in Okay (Les Cayes) a city located toward the end of southern peninsula He received his BA from the Program on the Env ironment an interdisciplinary environmental studies program. At the University o f Florida, Andrew received an MA (2010) from the Department of Anthropology, under the supervision of Professor Gerald F. Murray. He is the recent recipient of a fellowship fro m the National Science Foundation (NSF) which will allow him to pursue a PhD in anthropolo gy His focus continues to be on Haiti, the wider Caribbean, and ecological anthropology.