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1 LANGUAGE REVITALIZATION AND IDENTITY POLITICS: AN EXAMINATION OF SIRAYA RECLAMATION IN TAIWAN By CHUN (JIMMY) HUANG A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREME NTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 20 10
2 2010 Chun (Jimmy) Huang
3 To my Siraya family and friends and my grandparents
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENT Ursula K. Le Guin once wrote, Like and differenc e are quickening words, brooding and hatching. Better and worse are eggsucking words, they leave only the shell. S uch is the value I hope to represent in this work, a value the fullness of which I have only learnt from Dr. M. J. Hardman. I thank Dr. Hardm an for being a great teacher, a mentor, and a loving grandmother for me, as well as for teaching me about worlds and worldsenses that are always diverse, plural, and equally valuable. Indeed, she has made me who I am, not only as a researcher but also as a n honest human being. Without Dr. Hardman, this work would never be possible. I would also like to thank my other committee members for their continuous support and endless patience towards me. Dr. Blondeau has taught me a great deal about language policy and planning, and she has read my manuscript on the matter and given me invaluable comments. Dr. Boxer is the reason I decided to come to the University of Florida in the first place. She has guided me throughout my doctoral career. Dr. LoCastro has helped me in so many ways in and outside of school that I cannot thank her enough. I will always miss our conversations in her office, CDA Study Group, and Thanksgiving dinners. Dr. Peir and his wife Zhang Laoshi have taken me into their home for several Lunar N ew Year celebrations. They are like my family in Gainesville. I must thank Uma, Edgar, Agoan, Peichen, Chaokai, and everyone in the Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association. Their dedication to awakening and continuing the Siraya culture is the biggest inspi ration for my work. I cannot wait to rejoin them. My indigenous activist friends Dr. Wesley Leonard, Dr. Rolland Nadjiwon, Richard Zane Smith, and Heather Souter, have shared with me the invaluable experiences of their peoples. And most importantly, they r emind me that the Siraya people and I are not alone. Other friends, Dr. Alice Taff, Dr. Bill Rubink
5 (Uncle Bill), Dr D a n i e l K a u f m a n Dr. Margaret Florey, Dr. Oliver Streiter, Jennifer Teeter, Takayuki Okazaki, and Yuka Hayashi, have also had discussions with me on various is sued related to indigenous rights and/or cultural continuation, which I truly appreciate. My parents and my sister Ping have provided me a worry free life. Their support has made my pursuit of an academic career possible. And I thank my fiance Machel Mal ay for the love and also for inspiring me in various aspects of life, including science, politics, culture, art, and countless others. I am honored to have been funded by Foundation for Endangered Languages, Taiwanese American Foundation of Boston, and Ty bel Spivak Scholarship Fund for Anthropological Linguistics at various stages of this work. I thank their trust and generosity. I would like to thank my friends: Priyankoo Sarmah, Mutsuo Nakamura, Belle, Forrest, and Fame Laphasradakul, Carolina Gutierrez, Sean, Ahyea, and Sarah Park, Sakib, Siddrat, John Foster and Ying, Rui Cao, and Binmei Liu; Robert Andrew Gibson, Sluggo, Wally, Omi, Donna and Howard Holcomb, Marino, Jessica York, Meatball, Four Twenty, Two Ten, and Emerald; Melissa Lane, Amy Ongiri, Be ssie Ongiri, and Kai Bittermann; Chelsey Campbell, Michael Crandell, Robert Lasley, Sun Kim, Patricia Cabezas Padilla, Franois Michonneau, Jenna Moore, and John and Jodi Slapcinsky; Fongyi, Ben Wu, Noah Weller, Peter Barry, Steve Na, and Troy; Ai Laoshi, David Borenstein, John Garnetti and Shaochun Hsu, Mike Horn, Mike Smith, Brian Borse, Cindy Chan, Rob Sharr, Mi Niko, Ben Klein, Tina Chen, and all my former and current students. Each one of them is unique and has brought warmth and joy to my life in Gain esville. Last but not least, place means a lot to me; it is crucial for me to always have a sense of belonging. Gainesville has really become my favorite place in the world. I thank it and the following locations and/or persons associated with it: Paynes P rairie, Gainesville Hawthorne
6 Trail, San Felasco, Kanapaha Botanical Gardens, Ichetucknee Springs, Flaco s, La Tienda, Pho Hanoi, Satchel s, Ward s, Common Grounds, The Atlantic, The Top, Tim & Terry s, Java Lounge, Deja Brew, Anthem Tattoo Parlor, Hippodr ome State Theatre, Umoja Orchestra, Against Me!, Whiskey & Co., Michael Claytor & His Friends, Harry Crews (and Steve Flocks who introduced Crews to me), and Willie Green.
7 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENT ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 12 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 13 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 14 CHAPTER 1 LANGUAGE ECOLOGY OF TAIWAN ................................ ................................ ............... 16 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 16 Taiwan: A Colonial History ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 18 Taiwan Prehistory ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 18 The Dutch Period (1623 1661) ................................ ................................ ........................ 19 The Zheng Period (1662 1683) ................................ ................................ ....................... 21 The Qing Period (1684 1895) ................................ ................................ ......................... 23 The Japanese Period (1895 1945) ................................ ................................ ................... 27 The Republic of China Period (1945 Today) ................................ ................................ .. 28 ................................ ............... 30 T he Austronesian Languages ................................ ................................ .......................... 30 The Han Languages ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 32 Hakka ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 33 Manda rin and the Mainlanders ................................ ................................ ................. 36 Southern Min ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 38 Other languages ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 40 Fo r Diversity and a Healthy Environment ................................ ................................ .............. 41 2 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 45 Nationalism and Political Discourse ................................ ................................ ....................... 45 The Hegemony of Nationalism ................................ ................................ ....................... 45 Analyzing Political Discourse ................................ ................................ ......................... 47 Agent and structure ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 47
8 Micro and macro analysis ................................ ................................ ...................... 52 Local and global ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 55 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 59 Language and Worldsense ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 62 Phonology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 63 Morphology ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 65 Syntax ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 68 Semantics and Pragmatics ................................ ................................ ............................... 71 Discourse and Other Language Practices ................................ ................................ ........ 74 ................................ ................................ ....................... 75 Naming ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 76 Conclusion: Cultural Emes ................................ ................................ .............................. 78 Language Policy and Planning ................................ ................................ ............................... 79 French LP in Canada ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 84 Mandarin LP in Singapore ................................ ................................ ............................... 89 Threatened Indigenous Languages and Language Activism ................................ .................. 93 Endangered Languages? Extinct Languages? ................................ ................................ 93 Language Activism ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 97 Identity Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 102 Learning Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 104 National Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 109 Narrative Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 113 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 116 3 TRIANGULATION: A METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ........ 119 The Big Discourse and Critical Discourse Analysis ................................ ............................. 120 The Data ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 120 The Method ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 121 The Small Discourse and Ethnographic Interview ................................ ............................... 124 Definition and Method ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 124 The Individuals Who Share Their Stories ................................ ................................ ..... 126 Siraya Activism and Par ticipatory Observation ................................ ................................ ... 137 My Homework ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 138 4 THE CO CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN TAIWAN .......................... 141
9 Linguistic Background ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 142 The Linguistic Postulates of Mandarin Chinese ................................ ............................ 143 ONEness and sing ularity ................................ ................................ ........................ 143 Comparative ranking ................................ ................................ .............................. 147 Centrism ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 150 Seniority ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 157 Summary: the discursive frame of Chinese national identity ................................ 160 Interconnection of Terms ................................ ................................ .............................. 169 Peoples ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 169 Nations and/or regions ................................ ................................ ........................... 173 Political parties ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 176 Main political issues ................................ ................................ ............................... 180 Representative teams and delegations ................................ ................................ .... 183 Additional discussion on the overseas ................................ ................................ ... 185 Language Policy and Planning in Taiwan ................................ ................................ ............ 187 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 1 87 KMT 1949 ................................ ................................ ................. 189 2000 ................................ ................................ .............. 191 2008 ................................ ................................ ................ 194 LP for Naming ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 199 The Politics of Naming ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 200 Names as Cultural Heritage ................................ ................................ ........................... 202 Critical Approach to LP for Naming ................................ ................................ ............. 203 Public Domain ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 204 Naming the island ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 205 Linguistic Landscape before 1945 ................................ ................................ ......... 206 LL in the KMT era: 1945 2000 ................................ ................................ ........... 210 LL change by DPP: 2000 2008 ................................ ................................ ........... 215 Private Domain ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 218 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 223 The Big Discourse ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 224 ................................ ................................ ................ 225 Identification vis vis China ................................ ................................ ................. 226 Identification towards Taiwan ................................ ................................ ................ 231 The chasm ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 234 ................................ ................................ ............. 236
10 Identification against China ................................ ................................ .................... 237 Identification towards Taiwan ................................ ................................ ................ 239 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 245 The Small Discourse ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 250 Reflection on LP ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 251 Ref lection on Identity Discourse ................................ ................................ ................... 265 Connection b etween Language and Identity ................................ ................................ 271 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 282 5 THE SIRAYA EXPERIENCE ................................ ................................ ............................. 287 My Personal Journey ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 287 Summer Trip 2008 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 296 Background and Traditions ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 313 Linguistic Background ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 314 Suggested sound system ................................ ................................ ......................... 316 Word and sentence structures ................................ ................................ ................. 318 Siraya Traditions as of 17 th Century ................................ ................................ .............. 321 Matri focality overview ................................ ................................ .......................... 323 Marriage ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 327 Religion ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 329 Warfar e ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 330 Continuations and Changes ................................ ................................ ........................... 333 Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association and Its Efforts ................................ ...................... 340 Linguistic Activities ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 343 The Onini band ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 343 Siraya language and culture camps ................................ ................................ ........ 345 The Siraya dictionary ................................ ................................ ............................. 348 The Siraya School project ................................ ................................ ...................... 350 Political Activities ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 352 Conclusion: Towards a Discourse of Diversity ................................ ................................ .... 356 Mutual Influence b etween Nation State and the Indigenes ................................ ........... 356 The Discourse of ONE ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 358 Towards Multiple Expressions ................................ ................................ ...................... 361 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 371
11 Theoretical and Practical Implications ................................ ................................ ................. 372 Limitations and Future Research ................................ ................................ .......................... 374 APPENDIX A ............................. 377 B ................................ ................................ ................................ 378 C SIRAYA PETITION 2009 ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 379 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 382 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 395
12 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 U nited N ations E ducational, S cientific and C ultural O rganization Red Books definitions of language endangerment ................................ ................................ ............. 117 2 2 I nternationa l U nion for C onservation of N ature Red List on endangered species ......... 118 4 1 Interconnections of terms ................................ ................................ ................................ 286 5 1 Suggested Siraya c onsonants ................................ ................................ .......................... 364 5 2 Suggested Siraya vowels ................................ ................................ ................................ 365 5 3 Siraya pronoun system ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 366
13 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Indigenous languages of Taiwan ................................ ................................ ...................... 43 1 2 Austronesian dispersal ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 44 4 1 Han Chinese philosophy of social organization. ................................ ............................ 284 4 2 Concentric conceptualization of Han Chinese nation. ................................ .................... 285 5 1 Rather be savages ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 367 5 2 An altar of the Siraya religion ................................ ................................ ......................... 368 5 3 A pot of the Siraya religion ................................ ................................ ............................. 369 5 4 A pestle and a mortar for betel nut offering of the Siraya religion ................................ 370
14 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy LANGUAGE REVITALIZATION AND IDENTITY POLITICS: AN EXAMINATION OF SIRAYA RECLAMATION IN TAIWAN By Chun (Jimmy) Huang M ay 2010 Chair: M. J. Hardman Major: Linguistics In this inter disciplinary research, I combine anthropology, linguistics, and political science in search for a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between language and identity politics. With a triangulation approach, I ex amine the historical development of language policy and planning in Taiwan, the contemporary discourse of Chinese as well as Taiwanese nationalism, and the identity narratives I collected from several persons of the country. I also conduct a detailed analy sis of the linguistic structure of Mandarin and as a result develop an emic analysis of its discourse of national identity. Then I apply the approach and the analysis to the evaluation of the Siraya Continuation program led by Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture As sociation, in which I have pers onally participated. The result show s that language, culture, and identity are truly intertwined and they mutually influence one another. In addition, I analyze how the different languages and cultures surrounding the modern Siraya people, i.e., Siraya, Southern Min Taiwanese, and Mandarin Chinese, affect the effort to reclaim their indigenous mother tongue and native identity. I point out some problematic areas that demand
15 special attention. In the end, I of fer ways for the Siraya people to redirect their effort in the future.
16 CHAPTER 1 LANGUAGE ECOLOGY OF TAIWAN Introduction prefaced by a brief and perfunctory statemen t concerning the number and location of its speakers do justice to the l anguages, and more importantly, to the speakers, for a language is not a living speech community and the larger environment that incorporates insights from anthropology, sociology, political science, and psychology. In particula r, Haugen encouraged the undertakers further suggested that, as such, language ecology should go beyond descriptive science and see its applicability to social movemen most linguists still pay minimal attention to the sociopolitical environment that affects the livelihood of a speech community they study. However, as will be reviewed in Chapter 2, some have also t In this research, I examine the languages of Taiwan and the environment surrounding them, with a special focus on the interrelation between language and identity. There fore, this research as a whole is about the ecology of language. In particular, I dedicate the main parts of my work to the people called Siraya, an indigenous group to which I personally belong, whose
17 ancestral language has been dormant, or sleeping, for over a century. However, the language is awakening, as the people are becoming more aware of the uniqueness of their own heritage. My main goal is hence to investigate how this newfound self awareness has motivated, shaped, and affected the outcomes of Sir aya language reclamation. Chapter 1 serves as background information for the readers. I provide a concise summary of the history of Taiwan, the languages, and the number and location of their speakers. But I also supplement the inorganic cold facts and num bers with exciting sociopolitical events that have real impact on the peoples, their lives, and their languages. In Chapter 2, I review the literature from several academic disciplines and sub disciplines that all contribute to the study of the relation be tween language and identity, and to language ecology, in different ways. Chapter 3 discusses the research methods I have employed for this study, which mainly include critical discourse analysis (CDA), anthropological linguistics, and ethnography. Chapter 4, THE CO CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN TAIWAN, is where I analyze both the top down and bottom up identity discourses within a CDA framework. I hope it to broaden as well as deepen the background information in Chapter 1 such that it would prepare the readers for the appreciation of Chapter 5. Chapter 5 is the focal point of this dissertation where I discuss various aspects of the present day Siraya movement that concern language revitalization and identity reclamation. I also detail my personal inv olvement in this movement, such as the roles and tasks 2009). The main body of Chapter 5 is my attempt to braid the identity discourse of Taiwan and the Siraya exp erience together. Finally, I conclude in Chapter 6, showing how the Siraya identity is awakened via the realization of linguistic activities.
18 Taiwan: A Colonial History First of all, I would like to clarify that in most parts of this dissertation, when I w rite about Taiwan I speak of it as a place where the lives of ordinary people take place. This place of living differs from the legal organization whose definition and operation are controlled only by the powerful individuals who adhere to the ideology of nationalism. Hence, when necessary, I would consequence, the account I am presenting below does not accord with the national history given history in the textbook that starts with a mythical Chinese origin 5,000 years ago in Mainland China, whic h then moves on to include Zheng, Qing, among other imperial dynasties, and ROC, but excludes the indigenous Autronesian Taiwan, Dutch Taiwan, and Japanese Taiwan. Until the late 1990s, it also excluded historical events that could impair the image of the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party KMT, such as the 228 Incident that took place in 1947. My account, on the other hand, is local centric. It not only begins with the Austronesian origin but also locates the indigenous peoples in different periods of time. I n this way, I believe, the complexity and diversity of Taiwan the place would be better represented. Taiwan Prehistory Taiwan Island as a place was already inhabited by human beings as early as 6,300 years ago 1 Archeological evidence derived from comparin g numerous sites in Asia suggests that the predecessors of this first group of Taiwanese people came from South China. Historical linguistics, on the other hand, while agreeing with archeology that these people belong to the 1 Based on Neolithic artifacts found in Da Beng Keng.
19 cultural ethnic group Austrones ia, is unable to identify any Austronesian root on the Asian Mainland. In fact, linguistic findings suggest that Taiwan is the original homeland of the Austronesian peoples, who now reside in the vast region of Pacific Ocean 2 (Blust, 1988). Many words and phrases just presented in this paragraph have generated strong political connotations and are used in the nationalistic debate concerning the Taiwanese identity vis vis the Chinese identity, as discussed in Adelaar (2005) and Ku (2005). Later in Chapter 4 I will come back to this debate. It suffices now to conclude that Taiwan is originally an Austronesian place and any account of its history and/or cultural composition should always address the Austronesian indigenes first. The Dutch Period (1623 1661) T he written history of Taiwan begins in the 17 th century, left by the employees and Calvinist missionaries of the Dutch East India Company ( Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie or VOC). They named the island Formosa, after a Portuguese sailor exclaimed Illa Formosa 1623, an inlet that is now part of the Tainan City located on the southwest coastal plain, home of the Siraya people. Back then, Taiwan was still mainly an Austronesian place 3 ; only a few people on the west side of the island had contact experiences with the traders and/or fishermen from China, Japan, Malaysia, and the Philippines. According to Brown (2004), the initial intention that VOC seized Taiwan was fo r its geographically strategic location: the Dutch hoped to utilize Taiwan as a middle point for them to compete against the Han Chinese from Fujian of Southeast 2 I will provide further explanation of the Taiwan as Au stronesian origin hypothesis in the next section. 3 Brown (2004: 37 39) estimates that the indigenous population of Taiwan in the 1650s was somewhere between 64,000 and 68,000 and the immigrant Han population around 15,000.
20 China, the Japanese, and the Portuguese who then controlled Indonesia. But soon they realized that Taiwan was a lucrative land, and hence they established Fort Zeelandia in Tainan as an administrative center for controlling (the western part of) the island. The Dutch were pleased with the deer skins they acquired from trading with the indigenous Si raya people, but they sustainability 4 After some futile attempts to persuade the indigenes into mass agricu ltural production, around the 1 6 30s the Dutch started inviting Han male farmers from Southeast China to the island to cultivate rice and sugarcane. The Dutch also applied various taxes on the indigenes and the Han (Brown, 2004: 38 40). Because the Han participated more in cash economy, they might have felt th e taxes to be particularly heavy, which in some way led to the gong in 1662. Also the historical archives of this period document the first language contact experience between the Dutch and the Siraya indig enes, which, unsurprisingly, shows a mixture of negative and positive evaluations. For example, in a 1623 VOC document, an anonymous author wrote, them in this respect you would not think them to be savage but to be outstandingly wise men et al., 1999: 30). Later, in 1625, a request was made by Missive Governor Martinus Sonck in Taiwan to Governor 4 rich, and fertile soil, nevertheless they do not cultivate or sow more than the need themselves for their daily
21 the name of the Lord will be spread in these parts and th e barbaric [sic] inhabitants of the island learned the Taiwanese indigenous languages Siraya and Favorlang for missionary purposes. Moreover, Reverend Daniel Gravius d eveloped a Siraya writing system based on Roman letters and published The Gospal of St. Matthew in 1661 (Campbell, 1996 ). According to Adelaar (2005) and Macapili (2008), until the early 19 th century the Siraya people were still literate in this Rom an writing system. The Zheng Period (1662 1683) Zheng Chenggong (1624 1662) defeated the Dutch and took over Taiwan in 1662. Chenggong was born in Japan as the first son of an Okinawan mother and a Southern Min 5 Han father. Her name is seldom mentioned in his tory, and her native culture and ethnic identity are never thought to be important to Zheng Chengong. Until today, Zheng Chenggong is considered solely as a Han person. na Sea. He surrendered to Ming Dynasty (1368 1644), an empire established by the Han people in Mainland China, and served as a navy commander. Despite the fact that in 1646 Zhilong defected to Qing, a Manchurian people that overthrew Ming and founded a 300 year old Qing Dynasty (1616 1911) in China, Chenggong remained loyal to the Han Ming (Brown, 2004: 41). Even after Ming had lost most of its Chinese territory to Qing in 1644, Chenggong still 5 Southern Min a label for the group of Han people originally from southern Fujian of China and their language, is also know as Hokklo In a personal communication, Oliver Streiter told me that both labels were given to the people by Northern Han, who are considered the authentic Han Chinese, with derogative connotation. But for lack of more politically correct alternative, and also for the fact that the derogative me anings of these two terms mainly come from the Chinese characters used to write them, I will maintain the term Southern Min in this dissertation.
22 supportted the son of the last Ming emperor and established a m ilitary base in the Fujian area. In 1645, the last Ming King rewarded Chenggong for his loyalty, giving him the royal name, Zhu, and hence Zhu Chenggong. The Southern Min people hence see Chenggong as a hero and refer to him as Koxinga which in the Southe last In 1661, Qing finally removed Zheng Chenggong from Mainland China, and so he fled to Taiwan. Soon after Chenggong evicted the Dutch in 1662 and took over Fort Zeelandia, which he renamed Chen brought, along with the support from the early Han immigrants in Taiwan, had proven to be strong enough for the Zheng family to seize control over (the west side of) the island. Taiwan European colonists exploring the North American Wild West. While the Dutch infl uence on Taiwan was mainly limited to the central to southwest plains, Zheng expanded its control over the whole west side of the island and also to the flat land on the northeast corner. All these areas were traditionally resided by the low land indigenes However, Zheng, through what Brown (2004: 41 for the new Han immigrants to cultivate. Jiang (1960 : 244, cited in Brown, 2004: 40) estimated that Zheng brought around 100,000 Han people over to Taiwan within the first four years of its ruling. This number, even without adding the 15,000 Han population in the 1650s under the Dutch, is greater than that of the indigenous population, around 60,000 at the time. In su m, in the 17 th century alone, Taiwan changed terms four times (Austronesian Dutch Zheng Qing). While for the most part the indigenous peoples managed to keep their
23 traditional cultures from outside influence, the demographic composition and social st ructure of Taiwan had changed dramatically. Since then, Taiwan has never gone back to being a predominantly Austronesian country. Also note that these earliest Han immigrants were Southern Min and Hakka. Although from (the southeast parts of) Mainland Chin a, their languages and Mandarin language and the northern Han culture. This historical fact has led to the modern identity debate in Taiwan China nationalisti c discourse, a topic to be discussed in Chapter 4. The Qing Period (1684 1895) Despite the development by the Dutch and Zheng, initially the Manchurian Qing did not consider Taiwan a land of much importance. In late 1683, when Qing had gained the upper han d piece of land; getting it would add no benefit [to the empire], and not getting it would do no harm 6 ory in April 1984, as a prefecture of Fujian Province, after General Shilang successfully persuaded the emperor to do so. Because of the concern with potential ethnic conflict between the majority Han immigrants in Taiwan and the Qing Manchurian ruling cla two basic principles: (1) let the Han (employed by Qing) manage the Han, and (2) (in case of Taiwanese Han insurgence) let the indigenes fight the Han. Hence, instead of assigning Manchurian officials to Taiw an, Qing sent Han men, most of who were Southern Min and had served as provincial administrators in China, over to Taiwan as local governors. Brown (2004: 43 53) divides the Qing history in Taiwan into three periods, the early Qing (1683 1730s), the 6 Guo Hong Bin, The History of Taiwan by Taiwanese People at http://www.taiwanus.net/history/media.htm Accessed 1. 09 .0 9
24 middle Qing (1730s through 1860s), and the late Qing (1860s through 1895), based on the changes in Han Qing periods were characterized by ethnic tensions among the Han [that is, between the Hakka population increased and the deer population decreased, the indigenes were no longer considered as important by late Qing. Moreover, as Brown (2004: 43 53) obs erves, the role of the low land indigenes is of great land indigenes were treated relatively well by Qing, thanks to their contribution in Qing military to suppressing several cases of Han insurg ence. However, during the middle period, Qing encountered a few instances of rebellion by the low land indigenes, because they were bullied by the Han officials, and became suspicious. Consequently, in the late period, Qing no longer trusted the low land i ndigenes to control the Han, albeit it would use the low land to fight against the mountain indigenes. As a identity [and made] them completely subordinate t o Han socially, economically, and politically meaningful and revealing. Since Brown (2004) has given a detailed and comprehensive account of the changes in, and of, th e Taiwanese low land indigenous identity, especially in political economical terms, I would save space here. Basically, what she describes is to a great extent ed to the African American because they are in the bottom of the socio economic ladder (see Satris, 1995), and strict identification measures were applied to the First Nation peoples because of the value of their native land (see Jaimes, 1995). In the case of Qing Taiwan, the acquisition of an
25 indigenous identity was at first easy (e.g., people of mixed indigenous and Han bloods were categorized into indigenous) because its usefulness in military recruit. However, it turned hard when Qing realized that Han, with their skills of producing agricultural surplus, could pay more tax. In the early 1730s, intermarriage between the Han and the indigenes was banned. In the social spheres outside of economics, the low land indigenous peoples of Taiwan under Qing rule experienced a cultural shift to the Han as well as a language shift to the Southern Min language. This is not only attributed to the increase of Han population, which had become dominant, but also to the fact that Qing founded schools in low land villages to teach the indigenes Chinese writing and reading. Yu (1959 ), a businessman who traveled in Taiwan in the late 17 th century, noticed the presence of interpreters in an (unspecified) low land village he visited. This account suggests that around tha t time (at least some of) the low land languages were still quite vital. However, the popular belief today is that by the late 19 th century, the Siraya franca fo r several low 7 This account cannot be true, for as a person of both Siraya and Southern Min heritages I can well identify the differences between these two cultures, even in the 21 st century. Also, although no one today speaks Siraya natively, the variety of Southern Min I and my Siraya family and friends speak employs several Austronesian linguistic features that are not found in the Standard Southern Min 8 and the substrate resistance has been overlooked. Nevertheless, the Qing period does seem to be 7 This popular belief is informed, and perpetuated, by a few famous linguistic figures in Taiwan and/or working on (not with ) the Formosan Austronesian languages, whose names I would no t mention here, for courtesy as well as for silent protest. 8 I will give some examples in Chapter 5.
26 a critical historical point when many low land peoples had to change their cultural and linguistic behaviors for soc ial survival. On the other hand, the indigenes who resided in the mountains and east coast were able to keep their languages and traditional ways of living relatively intact throughout the Qing period. As Hsueh et al. (2005; 133) point out, the Qing govern ment did not have all of Taiwan under its hands; its control over the indigenous peoples was limited to those who dwelled on the (mostly ( sheng fan hua fan ) 9 The acculturated (from a Han perspective) low land peoples paid taxes and their villages were under Qing administration; the raw peoples did not, as they lived in the mountains and/or the east coast, far away fr om Qing and Han influences. In fact, during my fieldtrip in the summer of 2008, I met a group of Siraya people whose ancestors migrated from southwest to the east during the Qing period. Hence the alignment of hua fan with Taiwanese low land indigenes and sheng fan with mountain indigenes is not definitely precise. Worth mentioning now is that the different historical experiences of identity politics of Taiwan, a matter I will discuss later. 9 Sheng fan hua fan In a personal communication, Mr. Jaso n Pana, a low land activist from the Bazai tribe, tells me that he prefers the come from the concern with political correctness. However, I wou ld stick to the most literal, that is, truest to the original sense, translations for these derogative labels because (1) I mean to let the readers figure out the original connotations of these terms, and (2), simply, this is a linguistic study.
27 The Japanese Period (1895 1945) After losing the First Sino Japan War in 1894, Qing on April 17, 1895, signed the Treaty of Shimonoseki and gave Taiwan to imperial Japan 10 The description in this section and the next would be concise. Further details of the historical facts and sociopolitical implications related to language policy and planning are discussed later in Chapter 4. Considering Taiwan as land of the enemy, at the initial stage (1895 1919) of its ruling, Japan exerci sed high handed governance. The Japanese governors to Taiwan at the time all came from a military background, and they brought army with them. The army was not only used to control the majority Han and the low land indigenes, whose ethnic label was changed from ripe land peoples were incorporated into the Japanese army to serving as the vang uard, or frontline force, in the fights against the mountain tribes. A few cases of Han insurgence also took place, and hence immigration from China was also banned. After having gained control, the Japanese government started focusing on economic developm ent and cultural assimilation. Japanese governors to Taiwan at this second stage (1916 1937) were of civil service background. They built railroads and sugarcane factories all over the island. East Taiwan and mountain areas formerly unaffected by outside f orces now saw Japanese officials and (Taiwan internal) Han migration. The Japanese government also built public schools, teaching the National Language Japanese, which served as the medium of instruction. Han Literature classes were offered as a subject, m ainly instructed in Southern Min by the local 10 The war is also known as thje Jiawu and the treaty Maguan in the 5,000 year old Chinese nationalistic history as a
28 teachers. Still, wary of potential ethnic conflict, schools for the Japanese people, for the Han (including the low land peoples who lived among the Han), and for the indigenes, were separate. Assimilation turn ed into total Japanization in the third and last period (1937 1945), as Japan decided to invade China and then entered World War II. It needed more man force for the military and hence a national campaign called Kominka peop le [in Taiwan] subjects of the Japanese Emperor, Tenno them were brought to the military brothels as ianfu Japanization policy were the local languages. Except Japanese, all other lang uages were banned in public domain. Once again, identity change here has a sociopolitical motivation behind and leads to complicated cultural, linguistic, and psychological consequences. The Republic of China Period (1945 T oday) The Chinese Nationalist Par ty, or KMT ( Kuomintan ), overthrew Qing and established a modern nation state Republic of China in China (henceforth ROC) Mainland in 1912. When Japan lost World War II in 1945, ROC took over Taiwan. Whether there is a legal basis for iwan remains debatable (cf. Hsueh et al., 2005; Rubinstein, 1999). A staff, and some of their families, then moved to Taiwan in 1949, after they lost China to the Chin ese Communists. Mainly due to cultural and linguistic differences, the early ROC KMT years were characterized by conflicts between the Mainlander newcomers and the native residents of Taiwan. The Mainlanders spoke Mandarin Chinese, a language unknown to th e locals. The ethnic conflicts exploded into the infamous 228 Incident on February 28, 1947, when a KMT
29 policeman hit the head of a Southern Min woman, Lin Jian mai 11 with the handle of his pistol on a street in Taipei. In the ensuing months, several cases of local people attacking the Mainlanders took place around the island, which became the onset of an over 40 year long Era of White Terror, as the government declared Martial Law in Taiwan, and tens of thousands locals were charged as political criminals, put in jail, executed, or simply disappeared by KMT. The whole In 1987, the Martial Law was lifted by President Chiang Chin kuo. As the society became ly, from agricultural to industrial, and then to same time, people were able to enjoy more political freedom, and in particular, the freedom of expression. The Sou thern Min led Taiwanese nationalistic Democratic Progressive Party (henceforth DPP) was formed underground in 1986 and became legal in 1987. The permitted legality allowed DPP to participate in several elections ranging from regional to congressional (Legi slature Yuan ). Significantly, although DPP lost the first presidential election in Taiwan history in 1996, the elected president KMT, Li Teng hui, a Southern Min who went through full Japanese education, was the first Taiwan born ROC president. DPP nominat ed Chen Shui bian, also a Southern Min, then won the next two presidential elections in 2000 and 2004. The current president of ROC, Ma Ying jeou, a Hong Kong native KMT politician who claims to be Hakka, won the election in 2008. Both Chen and Ma were bor n after the 228 Incident. And hence many comment that ethnic conflict is no longer in Taiwan. Later on throughout this dissertation I will show that this comment is only superficial. 11 Lin was a 40 year old widow selli ng contraband cigarettes on the street.
30 On the linguistic front, ROC Taiwan has been captured by Mandarin Chinese dominance. At the very beginning, KMT made Mandarin the one and only official, and national, language. Although later with the political change some Taiwan local languages became audible and visible in public media, the decades of Mandarin only policy has made its high status legalize all languages in Taiwan as national languages, but today people in Taiwan still use guoyu us term to Mandarin Chinese. As a result, all non Mandarin languages in Taiwan are threatened. In this section I introduce the languages that are, or have been, spoken in Taiwan, with their linguistic typology, locations, estimated numbers of speakers, social and vitality status, and other related information. Note that the relation between (the labels of) a language and a speech community is rarely one to one. Many speech communities, especially if the social status of their native language is low, are multilingual. The Austronesian Languages Southern Min Han in their casual speech, the indigenous peoples in Taiw an are now generally called yuanzhumin 1). When a yuanzhumin person from X zuyu indigenous peoples, and hence languages, officially recognized by the ROC government of Taiwan. They are Amis (177,909), Bunun (50,132), Kavalan (1,169), Paiwan (85,617), Puyuma (11,670), Rukai (11,348), Saisiyat (5,696), Sakizaya (340), Sediq (?), Tayal ( 81,545), Thao (647), Tsou (6,580), Truku (24,514), and
31 Yami/Tao (2,510). The numbers in parentheses indicate tribal population registered in, and of speakers. Th e official indigenous population 494,107 makes up to only about 2% of the total population of Taiwan (23,040,000). Except for Kavalan, who obtained official status in 2002, all nd Japan. However, there are still at least 11 low land peoples, who have never physically disappeared, without recognition and hidden, as far as official statistics is concerned, among the Han. They are Babuza, Hoanya, Hoho, Kahavo, Ketagalan, Makota, Pap ora, Pazeh, Siraya, Taivoan, and Taokas. All these indigenous peoples and languages of Taiwan belong to the cultural linguistic literature, they actually belong to various branches in the Austronesian typological tree. More specifically, the languages of Taiwan (except Yami, which locates outside of the main Taiwan Island) take up all but one (Malayo Polynesian) of the branches, in spite of the fact that linguists ha ve not reached an agreement on the exact numbers and ways of Formosan branching (e.g., Adelaar, 2005; Lyovin, 1997). In other words, among the places in the vast Austronesian region ranging from Taiwan (north) to New Zealand (south) and from Madagascar (we st) to East Island (east), Taiwan enjoys the greatest diversity. Of course, the diversity is enjoyable only if the to their low social status 12 Among the lang uages that are still spoken, the rate of trans generational learning is very low and the shift to the dominant Han language(s) is prevalent. Every indigenous person is hence necessarily multilingual; most likely she speaks Mandarin 12
32 Chinese, and besides tha t she may also speak the neighboring Hakka or Southern Min. Still, the typological evidence has led linguists to hypothesize that Taiwan is the original Austronesian homeland (Figure 1 2). The idea is that, within the region of a language family, the area of the greatest linguistically genetic diversity is most probably the root of dispersal, or migration (originally proposed by Sapir, 1968, and elaborated for Austronesian in Blust, 1988). Today, even though there is an increasing interest in the indigenous cultures of Taiwan, the condescending paternalism. During my 2008 fieldtrip to Taiwan, a former linguistic student told me their personal story below. I will not na me names. Student X was about to visit a village for fieldwork. The supervising Professor Y, who was associated to an indigenous research project funded by the government, you to help them. Do not listen to them. You should just ignore them. You only need th e data. Get the data and leave. (Personal communication with Student X) a pre stigious academic status are often considered experts by the government. They are invited to various official meetings that decide how the resources of the nation state are to be appropriated to the indigenous communities. Given the circumstances, many fee l that the success of cultural preservation and/or revitalization relies on indigenous initiation and participation. A relatively successful effort is the Paiwan of the Lalaulan community, and the Siraya Movement to be discussed in chapter 5 is an attempt to emulate the success. The Han Languages Three major Han languages are spoken in Taiwan: Hakka, Mandarin, and Southern Min. While Hakka and Southern Min are also the names of the ethnic groups associated with the languages, Mandarin is not. As mentioned e arlier, Mandarin was first introduced to Taiwan in
33 public perceives the Mainlanders as a homogenous group, they are not. The Mainlanders originally came from d ifferent areas in central and northern China such as Zhejian g Henan, Hebei, and Shandong that all have their own regional linguistic varieties. However, many second and third generation Mainlanders today have indeed become monolingual in Mandarin; the soc ial and ideological reasons behind will be discussed later. Also note that I refer to Hakka, Southern Min, and Mandarin as three distinct languages of the same language family, instead of following the Chinese language, Mandarin. My choice is based on the principles of spoken precedes written and mutual intelligibility: although the three Han language varieties arguably use the same writing system, the linguistic difference among them is so great that they are unintelligible to one another when spoken. Hakka As with the Austronesian case, while general demographic statistics indicates that Hakka sp eakers 13 From my personal estimation, I am convinced that the native speakers of Hakka are much fewer than ethnic Hakka. The Hakka ancestors mostly immigrated to Taiwan in the early 18 th century, only a few years later than the Southern Min. Both groups be ROC arrived in the late 1940s; the government then carried out a strict Mandarin only policy for several decades. I was born in 1978, and many Southern Min people in my generation can still speak their native language, but none of my Hakka friends speaks Hakka they know nothing more than a few Hakka native 13 The statistical number also does not explain how the descendents of interracial marriage, which is common in Tai wan, are taken into account, if at all.
34 words. Yet besides Mandarin, some of the Hakka people do speak Southern Min as well, for Southern Min enjoys a slightly higher social s tatus than Hakka due to its dominantly larger population. Also, several low land indigenous peoples who have lived around or mingled with the Hakka people have adopted Hakka as their first home language after their heritage languages went unused. On the ot her hand, Hakka stereotypes have crept into the public perception, which characterized by superb perseverance and stinginess. The term Hakka, as so pronounced in the l anguage, can be morphologically construed as hak ka hak bears some negative ka Hakka people alike for th e designated cultural ethnic group. In either analysis, Hakka is in contrast with the local, or native, people. Hence, it is reasonable to suspect that this ethnic label ests or strangers? The late Sinologist Hashimoto Mantaro (1973) proposed that the Hakka ancestors adopted and maintain their proud identification with Central Pla ins, which in Chinese nationalistic history is believed to be the birthplace of Han. Although without a specific historical linguistic analysis, with the history of Hakka migration that shows a very close contact relation between the Hakka and the Cantonese. Hashimoto identified five major waves of Hakka migration: (1) Between 4 th and 9 th t of their homeland in Zhongyuan central Mainland and moved south to
35 lower central China. (2) From the end of 9 th century to early 12 th century, considering the barbarian rule of the Five Dynasties unbearable, a group of Hakka m oved further south to as far as northeast Canton, the native land of the Cantonese. (3) From 12 th century through 17 th century, more Hakka people immigrated to Canton because of the Tartar and Mongolian invasion. (4) From the mid 17 th century to the mid 19 th century, the remaining Hakka in central China migrated to Canton, and some off to Taiwan, because of the Manchurian expansion (which led to the Qing Dynasty). (5) Finally, because of ethnic conflict with the Cantonese, some Hakka moved to deeper into so uthwest China or further south to Southeast Asia. Today, like other Han groups, the Hakka people can be found in virtually every part of Taiwan, especially when there is promising business opportunity. Still, four areas are traditionally regarded as Hakka places: Taoyuan, Xinzhu, and Miaoli in central northwest Taiwan, and Pingdong Meinon in the southeast. The Hakka villages in these places are generally located between the Southern Min villages on the plain side and the indigenous villages on the mountain side, for when the early Hakka came to Taiwan the more fertile agricultural lands were already taken by the Southern Min. Because of such a history of opportunistic settlement, these Hakka groups did not share much communication among one another. The Hakk a language in Sixian Accent, the Hailu Accent, the Dapu Accent, the Raoping Accent, and the Shao an Accent. Also, the fact that Hakka is the close to second bigges t ethnic group in Taiwan 14 makes the Hakka identity a political commodity of special interest. As my Hakka consultants told me during a 2004 interview, when it comes to election time, many politicians would suddenly show 14 According to a 1998 census in Chen (2001: 95), Southern Min takes up to about 72% of the total population of Taiwan, Mainlanders (which is not really a homogenous group) 14%, Hakka 12%, and Austroneisan 2%.
36 up in the Hakka villages and even pu blicly claim that they have Hakka heritage, including the former president Chen, a Taiwanese nationalist, and the current president Ma, a Chinese of the Hakka identity and promise s to invest in Hakka preservation as mere lip service, it is a fact that in the last 15 years or so the government has paid more attention to the Hakka culture and language. The non commercial Hakka TV was founded in 2002 and started broadcasting in 2003, Hakka language classes are offered in elementary schools as an elective Mother Tongue Class, and one consultant ka language remains low. For instance, Hakka accented Mandarin phrases such as [f n haw] ([h n Mandarin and the Mainlanders who were brought to Taiwan by KMT in the late 1940s and early 1950s. It is originally wai shen ren province the ROC constitution, the nation state still owns the territory over all Mainland Chi na that also includes Mongolia and Taiwan. And Taiwan is but a province of the nation state. Mandarin was at first a Han language native to Beijing, the capital of Qing, pre Taiwan ng Dynasty, it was used as an official language for communication between the Manchurian ruling class and the Han officials. KMT overthrew Qing and founded ROC in 1912. In 1913, Mandarin was declared the National Language. Therefore, before settling down i n Taiwan, the Mainlanders had already spoken Mandarin to one another for some decades in their work domains, i.e., military and
37 governmental offices. After arriving at Taiwan, because many were from different regions in Mainland China, the Mainlanders had to rely on Mandarin for communication and hence extended its use to several lower sociolinguistic domains. Although in the first decade or so after juan cun family soldiers and fam ilies according to their regional origins and therefore their heritage languages thrived for a while in home domain, the relocation and rearrangement of juan cun in late 1950s and 1960s have mixed all Mainlanders together. While regionally cultural and lin guistic difference was ignored in the composition of these juan cun they were organized along the military ranks and the amount of governmental stipend. Homes for the generals received the highest address numbers and best living quality, those for the lie utenants were of second rate, then those for the sergeants, and the living condition for the petty soldiers, who were the majority, was dire. This observation indicates that a pure socio economic explanation of the ethnic conflict during early ROC period i n Taiwan is insufficient. Many Taiwanese nationalists argue that when KMT first occupied Taiwan, the Mainlanders took all the good jobs from the Taiwanese natives and hence the latter were bullied by the former. This may be true when applied to the better off Mainlanders (and not all of them), but to accuse all Mainlanders as perpetrators is just unfair and hasty. I believe that linguistic disparity must have had played a significant role: at that time, Mandarin was all new to Taiwan. There was no shared la nguage between the Mainlanders and other groups of peoples. Many early Mainlanders then became the primary Mandarin teachers in school after their retirement from the military and/or government. Therefore, Taiwanese people who grew up in the 1950s and 1960 still an ideal of Standard Mandarin close to the Beijing variety was heard on radio and television.
38 t was due to the Today, after 60 years, a variety of Standard Mandarin has been developed naturally in Taiwan that is different from both the early KMT ideal and the Standard Mandarin in China. However, the prestige of Standard Mandarin (and the Mandarin language) remains. The stereotypes of the Austronesian accented Mandarin, the Hakka accented Mandarin, and the Southern Min accented Mandarin are a main source of jokes targeting the people with such accents, who are perceived as lazy, uneducated, and/or plain stupid. In addition to the socio historical reasons such as the relocation and reorganization of juan cun many second and third generation Mainlanders to day do become monolingual Mandarin connection to Mainland China and/or initial loyalty to the nation state Republic of China, the Mainlanders are among the most fe rvent supporters of Chinese nationalism. As a consequence, it is logical that they identify with Mandarin, that is, the Chinese language. Southern Min The Southern Min people came to Taiwan in the late 17 th and early 18 th century. Their original homeland i n Fujian, also known as Min, Mainland China, is approximately 80 kilometers, or 48 miles northwest to Taiwan across the Taiwan Strait. The Southern Min is now the largest ethnic group in Taiwan (about 72%), but it is not the largest linguistic group. Manda rin has to be the most dominant language today. Almost everyone speaks Mandarin as (one of) their first language(s). Some in the younger generations of ethnic Southern Min do not speak the mother tongue at all, and among those who do, many speak it with le ss fluency than their parents or grandparents. On the other hand, several low land indigenous peoples such as the
39 Siraya, whose heritage languages are currently in a dormant state, now speak Southern Min as their first language at home. Also, as the langua ge of the dominant ethnic group, Southern Min is a preferred choice of second language besides Mandarin and/or English. It is a very useful business language indeed. When hiring people, many Taiwanese companies would require at least minimum communicative skills in Southern Min. Hence, it is hard to tell if the Taiwanese variety of Southern Min is really a threatened language or not. Its lack of a standardized and popularly accepted writing system makes trans generational learning as well as permeating into higher social domains difficult, but still it is a quite popular spoken language. Although like other non Mandarin languages, Southern Min had been oppressed for about four decades until the lift of Martial Law in 1987, it has been imbued with high politi cal values since. As the Southern Min natives in Taiwan are self Southern Min language is now commonly known as the Taiwanese language, which in the national identity discourse is raised against the Chinese language Manda rin. The prototype of such a discourse with regard to language can be summarized as such: if you love, or identify with, Taiwan, you speak Southern Min, and if you speak Mandarin, it means you identify with things and values associated with Chineseness. As such, not only the Taiwanese nationalists use Southern Min as their default language of expression, but some Chinese nationalists today would also occasionally speak Southern Min to counter the accusation of them betraying Taiwan. This is probably why the government does not seem to be concerned with funding a specialized public TV station, like Hakka TV (in 2002) and Indigenous TV (in 2005), for Southern Min. There are already a couple of Southern Min speaking, broadcast as well as cable, commercial TV st ations (under the Formosa TV Corporation), in addition to plenty of Southern Min shows elsewhere.
40 Still, I think that it is unjustified that some radical Chinese nationalists today use a reversed racism argument against Southern Min Taiwanese. They may to some extend admit that the Taiwanese people (Southern Min as default) have been treated unjustly by the Chinese people (Mainlanders as default) in the early ROC history, but then they go on to say that in g the Chinese people. Quite often they would mention the popularity of Southern Min as an example. But if one takes the constitutional structure of the ROC nation state as well as the international popularity of Chinese into consideration, they will soon r ealize that the status of Mandarin and the pertaining Chineseness is just too dominant to be challenged. Other l anguages Other languages of certain importance in contemporary Taiwan include English, Japanese, and several Southeast Asian languages such as T hai, Filipino, and V ietnamese. English, needless to s ay, is considered the global language. It is the only required foreign language taught in the school system. In fact, more hours are allotted to English than to the Mother Tongue Class, making it the sec ond most important language in school after Mandarin. The government often vis other Asian countries with great importance. Japanese is still one of the first languages for the non Mainla nder people who are now in their 70s and/or above. Although it was banned for several years by KMT after 1945, the Japanese linguistic and cultural heritage has left a discernable mark in Taiwan. Many sociolinguistic behaviors such as other oriented polite ness and pragmatics driven by collective face would serve as examples (see Huang, 2004) Today, because of the popularity of Japanese pop culture in East Asia and its relatively healthy economy, many young people in Taiwan have a strong preference to Jap anese as the most important foreign language next to English. The
41 Southeast Asian languages, on the contrary, do not attract people much and are often overlooked. Their significance, however, continues to grow, as the number of contract workers (as constru ction workers, home helpers, and personal caretakers, etc.) from these countries increases every year. Moreover, some women, many of whom mail order brides, have married Taiwanese an Sons media. Unfortunately, the society in general has not paid much attention to the welfare of these Southeast Asian people, let along their linguistic needs. As far as I know, only one radio station, International Community Radio Taipei, has d edicated a few hours a week to the Southeast Asian audience, playing music from their countries and welcoming call ins, but the programs are actually broadcasted in English. For Diversity and a Healthy Environment This chapter has provided a rather concise linguistic diversity, which I consider covert, or recessive. It is not overt because the general perception of Taiwan is still quite singular and homogenous. Despite the growing Taiwanese nationalism, Taiwan remains in pub assertion of being Taiwanese must predicate being Chinese. I do not think so, for Chin eseness is only an iota of the whole cultural diversity in Taiwan. I further contend that both Chinese nationalism and Taiwanese nationalism are false choices for the peoples on this island. Both of them are Han enterprise, and hence both lead to a root in Mainland China, however defined. It is not that the Chinese root is insignificant, but that it has morphed into the Han linguistic postulates imagination of the nation 15 I hence believe that for the 15 I wil
42 peoples in Formosa to truly appreciate diversity, we need to first assert the ownership of the Austronesian indigenes. Recognizing the Austronesian root, we can then embrace the beauty of difference that is essentially local. When conceiving of the future for the language ecologists a descriptive science, but in its application has become the banner of a movement for s a healthy environment that does not discriminate. Hence, my work here is an attempt to look for ideal supplements to such health. In the next chapter, I begin the search by reviewing literature that provides meaningful clues.
43 Figure 1 1. Indigenous lan guages of Taiwan
44 Figure 1 2. Austronesian dispersal (Source: http://www.nature.com/nature/journal/v405/n6790/images/4051052aa.2.jpg Last accessed 10.5.09. Figure 1. In Gray D. and Jordan F. M. (2000) Language trees support the express train sequence of Austronesian expansion. Nature, 405, 1052 1055.)
45 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Nationalism and Political Discourse The Hegemony of Nationalism Many linguists concerne not only often leads to language planning and policy that privilege one dominant linguistic va riety in a society, but it also generates a xenophobic and patriotic discourse that reinforces ethnic or racial inequality. However, in my opinion, linguists have not dealt enough with the fundamental problem, that is, the ideology of nationalism which ca rries implications beyond the state boundary, beyond socialism and capitalism, and beyond left and right. Political scientists, on the other hand, have long realized that it is nationalism that shapes Waltz, 1959 ). These men, and the women who play their game, have created the modern nation state that affects the life of all. Anderson (1983) argues that this nation state, however, is not real, in the sense of being absolutely essential and inherent; rather, it is imagined Or, in the terminology of critical discourse analysts, it is discursively constructed (Chilton & Schffner, 2002). The nation state has to be supported by an elaborate discourse because it is a by product of colonialism, in the first place for the colonialists to justify their expansion, and later for the post colonial states to reassert their existen ce. Therefore, the next question is how such a 135) analysis, a nation, or national identity, is composed of (1) a collective name, (2) a myth of common origin, (3) a shared ethno history, (4) cultur al characteristics that serve to demarcate members from non members, (5) an
46 association with historic territory, or homeland, (6) a sense of solidarity, (7) a definite territory or homeland, (8) a common economy, (9) a shared public, mass education based c ulture, and (10) common legal rights and duties for all members. These components indicate an obvious tendency towards homogeneity : all is one and the same If you do not comply, you do not deserve to be treated equally like everyone else. In other words, in a modern nation state, there is little space for difference. This is why I consider nationalism as the primary obstacle to cultural and linguistic diversity. Still, since nationalism is created, or imagined by human beings, there should be other concei vable ways of organizing human social life. In fact, in as early as 1873, the late Russian philosopher and activist Mikhail Bakunin presented the political model of anarchism which is a governmental system that does not function hierarchically and does no t discriminate along class anarchism. Furthermore, anthropologist Barcl ay (1990) convincingly shows that anarchy as an actual practice has indeed already existed in the traditional societies of the Pygmies, Eskimos, Makhno, and Durruti where no one single authority can push judgment on and make decision for all the people. Un fortunately, the anarchic alternative is often not taken seriously by grass root activists today who strive for equal rights for the minority and/or indigenous groups. Probably because nationalism is so dominant and universal, many activists take it as the default route. The following is an example given to me by Heather Souter, a native activist from the multilingual M tis political leaders have privileged one of our own traditional languages over others! This is causing problems for our own people! This has been done for nation building purposes. Somehow the leaders of our
47 M similar situation is taking place in the Siraya Movement, which I discuss in detail in Chapter 5. Analyzing Political Discourse The discipline of linguistics actually offers a solid approach to studying the discursive means employed by the nation state to normalize its control over t he general public. This approach is known as critical discourse analysis, or CDA. Because of the awareness of as well as concern with the pervasiveness of political ideology in language, CDA analysts are among the first in linguistics to openly question th e Western ideal of scientific objectivity which in turn investigators (there are no others!), and being committed does not excuse you from arguing imbue linguistic consciousness to the general public such that the latter can move towar ds emancipation CDA mainly follows a post structuralist framework when approaching the powe r structure of modern society. Three sets of relations thus form the core of CDA: (1) on the theoretical level, the relation between Agent and Structure, (2) on the analytical level, micro vs. macro analyses, and (3) on the empirical level, local interac tions vs. global discourse. Agent and structure The question with respect to the relation between Agent and Structure is not simply a concern for the critical theorists; it has concerned Western scientists in general for centuries. At the beginning of the Agent
48 conceptions of the relation between the mind and the world. For Plato, the human mind is independent of the natural world that is out there ; human beings have the ability to observ e and analyze the world objectively against the ideal world that only exists in their minds. For Aristotle, however, the knowledge in human minds is never devoid of human experience in the world; hence, knowledge is a subjective rather than an objective, product. The difference is hence ontological as well as epistemological. The Platonian tradition has led to scientific positivism which presumes that we as human beings can construct knowledge about the world through the formation of theories and the test ing of such theories in the one, singular, real world out there. Such knowledge, the positivists argue, is objective in that it is a product of rationality that is unaffected by subjective motivations and emotions. Positivism has dominated Western science for centuries, but recently it has attracted scrutiny from social science and natural science alike 1 Political scientist Onuf (1989: 38) notices th century as a critical reflection upon positivism. Info ontology and epistemology and propose a linguistically constructed reality instead. They argue that human beings only know, or conceptualize, the world through language H ence the Platonian dichotomy between Self/Agent and Reality/World and its assumption of an absolute world linguistic turn came the critical theories, the central thesis of which is an undividable construct of 1 In this section, I only discuss the reflection on positivism in the social science. For reflection on positivism in natural science, see Keller (1996).
49 (e.g., Onuf, 1989; Hopf, 1998). It is from here the fundamental assumption of CDA, that is, the (social) world is discursively constructed arises. While sharing the epistemological convictions that the world/reality is co constructed by Agent and Structure through intersubjectivity, th e CDA analysts disagree in terms of how the relation between Agent and Structure is established. As Erickson (2004: 161) observes, in many affected by the existing social Structure passively. Other critical theorists, such as Erickson himself, choose to hold on to the middle point in the Agent Structure relation. For this latter group, the middle ground between local individual actions and global social disc ourse is the construction site of social reality. According to my understanding, such a divide is derived from two different theoretical paths. On the one hand, CDA analysts such as Fairclough and Van Dijk formulate their theories on the basis of Antonio G ideological hegemony (Howson & analyses of habitus and field theory of structuration which language. In the space below, I will examine these two paths and their implications. For simplicity in reference, I refer to the Foucault to Fairclough path as Path 1, and the Wittgenstein to Eric kson path as Path 2. The influence of Foucault on Path 1 CDA is not only explicitly pointed out in Wodak et al. 2003; Van Dijk, 1996, 2006). In particular, the Foucauldian theorization of the order of discourse shapes the basic understanding of the Agent Structure relation for the Path 1 analysts. For example, according to Fairclough (2003: 200), although empirically speaking there are many
50 different ways to order different elements in a text, or local discourse, the practical choice of the the freedom for the Agent to construct a local discourse is constrained b y the larger, more developed around the concept of habitus structured structures predisposed to function as s tructuring structures Swartz, 1997: 100, my italics). Habitus functions in several socially structured fields and conventionalizes human social practices. Put differently, individual Agents act in social fields following the normative force of habitus, which is for the most part predetermined by the social Structure. Hence, Bourdieu sometimes also referred to habitus as mental habits However, if one looks closely, they would see that habitus is more than merely normative; it is also re gulative, for [social] relations he construct[ed] are invariably competitive ra ther than cooperative, analysis of power relations is predominantly, if not always, class based. These traits are also works. Terms and concepts such as power struggle control manipulation dominance and ideological hegemony are in almost every page of their theoretical writings as well as analyses of empirical data. As such, their discourse does not differ much from th e symbolic elite. It hence seems ironic to me that the Path 1 CDA analysts may be reproducing the very ideology they criticize, as they themselves are engaged in the same meta discourse using the metaphors of hierarchy and violence. Violence in hierarchy c reates victims
51 of manipulation as a form of power abuse the individual human Agents are, in Erickson (2004) terminology, pas sivized In sum, despite making, they nevertheless depict a scenario where Agent succumbs to Structure, which is monopolized by the powerful and/or the dominant 2 Unlike Path 1 scholars who of ten treat Structure pivotal for the Agent Structure relation, the Path 2 scholars are committed to the middle point between Agent and Structure. For them, this is the main construction site of discourse and hence demands attention. As Onuf (1989) points ou t, constructivism which serves as the foundation for Path 2 CDA, is for the most part structuration theory 3 He e deed. I call this position constructivism. In simplest terms, people and societies construct, or constitute, each Structure co construct or mutually constit ute each other into a reality (e.g., Hopf, 1998; Onuf, th parts of a time/space whole Note that type of human activity; they crucially refer to the linguistic activity. British sociologist Anthony 2 The p owerful and the dominant, as conceptualized in Path 1 CDA, do not refer to ordinary individuals. For groups and institutions that control the manipulative resources. The y are more than Agent in that only they are privileged to define/construct the Structure. 3 I shall note here that in his later work, Fairclough (2003) also acknowledge the contribution of Giddens. However, what Fairclough gains from Giddens is primarily t he analysis of globalization and new capitalism, which is very different from the epistemological theory of structuration discussed here.
52 e basic domain of study of the social sciences, according to the theory of structuration, is neither the experience of the individual actor, nor the existence of any form of social totality, but social practices ordered 4, cited in Onuf, 1989: 58). According to this view, neither the individual Agent nor the social Structure receives primacy, and a purely subjectivist approach is as insufficient as a purely objectivist one. It also follows the conviction that the social s tructure through their activities agents reproduce the [social structural] conditions that make these Hence, in conclusion the difference between Path 1 and Path 2 is beyond directionality. While Path 1 conceives of a Structure Agent direction of social influence, Path 2 does not present an Agent Structure antithesis. Rather, Path 2 perceives Agent / Structure as an insepa local, or top down, macro analysis, Path 2 does not presuppose any direction on the analytical level. Micro and macro analysis Fairclough (2001) is one of the most i nfluential CDA works. It presents many central ideas for Path 1 that have significant analytical implications. Therefore, I start the analytical level discussion by reviewing the ideas in this book. s social practice determined by influence of (post orders of discourse se is determined by socially constituted orders of
53 the potenti al to affect social structures and hence initiate social change, his core definition of discourse nevertheless indicates a deterministic view on social structure. The social structure, however, does not exist in a vacancy where human beings are excluded. I t is maintained by human beings as groups for agency in Path 1 is defined collectively in terms of power. participants controlling and constraining the contribut ions of non powerful participants 38 active and the other passive 4 The powerful groups, that is, the symbolic elites, control not only the discursive resources but also the access, and they keep these resources away from the non powerful general public. With discourse and power relations thus defined, Path 1 CDA analysts tend to emphasize the manipulative effect of the big discourse controlled by the powerful for sustaining the status quo need to be formulated at least at the mac ro level of analysis in terms of groups memberships, on the s tructural factors in and above the discourse, rather than the individually initiated subversive factors that start from the bottom. This can be seen in the texts they choose to 4 The former passively wait for a savior, but the latter may actively work their way towards empowerment.
54 analyze: most of the examples are public texts administrated by the mass media and/or political 1 analysts hence are more apt to carry on macro ana lysis that examines the top down influence of discourse than the other way around. 6), and 5 They indicate, if only implicitly, that while Path 1 focuses on the top linguistic interaction. This observation also holds as one examines the actual examples used by these two groups of scholars for analysis. Two cases studied in Erickson (2004) are: (1) a dinner table conversation in a working class family, and (2) a college student visiting his academic advisor to discuss the registration big small Style wise, case (1) is casual and case (2) semi wise, case (1) i s about home economy (short of money), and case (2) is personal career choice. The details of these interactions are well documented and analyzed by Erickson, with the supplement of small contextual information such as personal and family background or int eractional history Still the big issues are not overlooked. They are actually incorporated in the analyses as the larger, socio 5 Ruth Wodak, or the Vienna School, is also considered as one of the leaders of CDA research, which I present here through the methods of ethnography, for example. I hence consider Vienna School as capable of offering some solutions to the local global problem. These solutions will be discussed later.
55 ic suggestion to the student is related to him trying to help the student avoid military draft to the Vietnam War. Throughout his analysis, Erickson makes a clear distinction between personal interactional history and the formal, big, History with a capita (Erickson, 2004: 82). constrained by the social Structural conditions. These individuals may be less powerful than those who have direct access to the big discour se and hence better life choices, but they are not completely impotent, or non powerful. They participated actively in the undercurrent that eventually changed the big discourse and the Structure, as exemplified in the economic revival of US and the withdr awal from Vietnam War. Therefore, in Path 2 analysis, the Agent is surfaced and stands alongside the Structure, i.e., Agent/Structure. For the fact that while using History as a background context Erickson does not include big speech and the media reports in his analysis, one may tend to categorize his analysis as a micro level analysis that pays attention to only the bottom up social influence. However, as pointed out earlier, in the analytical details, influences from both th e top down and bottom up directions are exposed. Therefore, although micro in appearance, the analytical flow of Path 2 is actually bidirectional, including both top down and bottom up, and therefore holistic. Local and global At the center of the pair loc al and global is a contrast between the small linguistic interactions that take place at a particular moment with immediately identifiable individuals participating and the big social discourse that is above and beyond the immediate observable
56 social inter actions. The small is the local and the big the global In general, local refers to the action of the readily recognizable Agent, and global the prevalent Structure that provides conditions for the local action. But still there are three variations of the expanded interpretation of local vs. global, as illustrated below. (1) Local text vs. global discourse Fairclough (2003: 3) defines text rather generously; it transcripts of (spoken) conversations and interviews, as well as television programmes and that address the same issue but carry competing ideologies comprise a discourse Also, a discourse in fact often precedes a text, with the former normalizing orders (based on power relations) for the latter. Therefore, the immediate text is local, but the general discourse is global. For Fairclough, while text is indispen sable in a discourse analysis, the focal point has to be the discourse and its orders. This is so because the ideologies and/or hidden agendas can only be revealed through looking at the orders of the discourse, but not the texts alone. Such a distinction disciplines of Discourse Analysis, especially Conversational Analysis (CA), which is criticized by the CDA analysts for focusing only narrowly on the description of lingu istics proper (e.g., back channeling, code switching, etc.) in local texts but ignoring the larger social factors. Following this line, CDA defines context differently from CA. Context in CA refers to the interconnection in and between linguistic texts onl y; but in CDA it is an intermediate stage between text and discourse that provides the general social conditions Context mediates between text and discourse via interpretation (Fairclough, 2001: 21). Thus defined, context in CDA becomes more social than t extual, and another concept, intertextuality is introduced for
57 describing the interconnection at the textual level. Then, a logical consequence is that interconnection also takes place at the level of discourses, which, in the CDA terminology (Fairclough, 2003: 35), is called interdiscursivity In sum, at the local level are texts, as units, and intertextuality, as relations; at the global level are discourses and interdiscursivity. And linking these two levels is the context. Still, I shall point out that the distinction between text and discourse along the line of local vs. global is more readily received by Path 1 CDA than by Path 2. I will show later that Path 2 analysts such as Erickson actually talk about local discourses sometimes. (2) The local and global co construction of discourse. Erickson uses the notions of local and global quite frequently in his work. He defines local social actions topics of talk were of immediate concern and each and every comment was addressed in a global social actions While this definition overlaps to some extent with the definition of text and discourse in Path 1, it has broader applicability. Remember that the focus for Path 2 scholars is the nexus between local and global discursive actions, which they consider as the construction site of the discourse as a whole. As Erickson puts elements and the global elements mutually constitute each other (ibid: 107). He further correctly points out that Path 1 scholars such as Bordieu, Fairclough, and Foucault would not be able explain how oftentimes the local discourse practices do make history. This question can only be answered if co construction, rather than global to local dominance, is recognized as the normal process.
58 (3) Local politics vs. global politics. Another in terpretation of local vs. global is illustrated in the analysis of the discourse of globalization (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999; Fairclough, 2003). Local here refers to the regional space time, or Europe, and global refers to the globalization discourse and the space time it covers. While here the terms local and global follow their most general definitions, Fairclough also reveals his top down thinking by stating time is that the latter is framed by state as a constitutive element of the nation state as a form goes in tandem with the emergence of a world system of nation construction in my termino logy, prevails. According to him, the nation state, or local/domestic politics, and the world system, or global/international politics, mutually constitute each other, a fundamental assumption overlooked by Fairclough. In addition, I would like to point ou t that the disparity between Giddens and Fairclough corresponds to the Third Debate in the discipline of International Relations (IR). Traditionally, the academic field of IR is dominated by Realism, which treats states as autonomous rational actors partic ipating in a competitive world system. Since the 1980s, however, there have been three debates within IR: the first regards Realism vs. Idealism, the second Realism vs. Behaviorism, and the third Constructivism vs. Structural Realism and Positivism. What i s relevant to my discussion here is the third debate between the IR constructivists, who are informed by the Path 2 critical theorists Wittgenstein and Giddens, and the structural realists. The structural realists argue that war and conflict are inevitable because the individual states
59 would always seek dominance, for they are constrained by the world system that is defined by competition. On the other hand, the contructivists argue that war is not inevitable because the local agents (including states and N GOs) can alter the make up of the current international relations by defying (parts of) the existing system and acting out new orders. Fairclough, who portrays a state Agent whose (discursive) actions are passively framed by the global Structure, implicitl y supports the Realist thesis and goes against the constructivist Giddens. Last but not least, as well ror 6 This position is, ironically, one that Fairclough criticizes constantly. Discussion Today CDA is often criticized for not being able to handle the bottom up analysis, or the local to global influence. Below are some responses to such criticism. First of all, since Bourdieu argued that everyone acts according to habitus, which includes thought habits, defined by the pre existing power relations in Structure, he faced the dilemma of how the social scientists may refrain themselves from abusing power in their own production of knowledge. He responded to that social scientists need to reflect upon their own practices, including the socio historical conditions that have made the science into existence. I have applied this reflexive practice to CDA and pointed out that many CDA scholars, especially those on Path 1, risk reproducing the ideology of dominance by evoking metaphors of violence and hierarchy. They also ri sk victimizing the individual social actors they promise to emancipate As such, they imply that only they know what the lay people do not know. I call this This 6 See Cox (1986) for a neo Marxist criticism and Tickner (1992) for a feminist criticism.
60 burden is unfavorable because it denies the ability of the mass soc ial individuals to act, and it life experiences. Indeed, it overlaps with philosophers that have inspired them are White males, but that their conceptualization of the world reality is based upon the experience of an adult White man. The White men rationalize, they compete, and they feel obliged to protect the weak. They have in general overlooked the female experienc e, that is, the experience of the other half of humanity as well as the other half of their own existence. Furthermore, to facilitate the reflexive practice, many CDA scholars call for an interdisciplinary approach. This is often understood as triangulatio n (Van Dijk, 2006; Wodak et al., 2003), or transdiciplinary dialogue (Fairclough, 2003). However, this call for interdisciplinary perspective is interpreted slightly differently by different CDA scholars. For Fairclough and Van Dijk, the major concern is t heoretical depth. For example, in the series number of theoretical problem some of which need more sustained attention than they have so interdisciplinary in a broader sense, incorporating not only theoretical or analytical construction but also methodological implementation. When studying the discursive construction of national identity, Wodak et al. (2003) not only ground their theoretical framework with theories from linguistics, sociology, and psychology, they also incorporate differ ent research methods including attitudinal questionnaires, discourse analysis of public texts, biographical narrative interviews, and ethnographic notes acquired from participant observation. Ethnographic
61 participant observation is also included in Ericks on (2004) in addition to some CA transcription. This disparity, I believe, also emerges from the difference in the fundamental assumption of the Agent Structure relation. For Fairclough and Van Dijk, Structure receives primacy, and hence to implement their CDA work the focus has to rest upon implementing the (theoretical) understanding of Structure. But for Erickson and Wodak, who commit to the inseparability of Agent/Structure, various methods are required in order to approach the Agent in Structure. In co nclusion, the solution to the local to global problem lies on a reflexive inspection on CDA itself and an interdisciplinary approach that includes not only the theoretical but also the methodological A mere reflection on social science is not enough and t oo general, for it may still lead to a lack of self implementation is insufficient, for it gains little with respect to approaching the local Agent. Furthermore, researchers who share the co nviction that all linguistic practices are sociopolitical actions can learn with the individual social actors through acknowledging the legitimacy of these simultaneously informing and inform ed by position and experience how an active individual enacts global structural changes. Last but not in which the analyzed texts are written should not be neglected. Analysts of political discourse cannot afford to assume an anglo e majority of CDA resea rch is Western. Not only is the informing philosoph y Western, as reviewed earlier, but the analytical details such as the European. Many non Eu ropean languages make a grammatical distinction between inclusive we
62 and exclusive we and hence the pronoun would function differently in the discourses in these languages. In the next section, I will review the framework of linguistic postulates developed by M. J. Hardman in the hope to expand CDA to account for the non Western discourses. Language and Worldsense Linguistic postulate is a linguistic anthropological concept developed by Hardman (1993, 1004, 1996) that takes Lee Sapir Whorf Hypothesis 7 or L inguistic Relativity as its theoretical language, a feature that is used repeatedly by [the speakers of] the language to organize the : 25). When approaching a discourse, the analysts hence look for the common rather than the specific. In other words, instead of (or, before) identifying the specifics that allow the powerful to manipulate and those which enable the less powerful to resist the analysts research the linguistic features shared by and available to all those in the speech community. In this way, an access to the native emic sense of a particular linguistic community is permitted, for only through grammar can the actual categor presented. Therefore, this approach not only precludes the danger of imposing Western notions on non Western contexts, but it also helps account for the local, agent oriented, processes. Because Linguistic Relativity is often overlooked by academia, in what follows I will 7 Many in linguistics distinguish between a stron g Sapir Whorf Hypothesis and a weak one (e.g., Cipollone et al., 1998), where the strong is interpreted as language determines and hence constrains human thinking. However, this position is never proposed by Dorothy Lee, Edward Sapir, and/or Benjamin Lee Whorf (see Lee, 1987, for an original account, and Elgin, 2000: 49 71, for a thorough discussion on Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis). Hence, here I use Lee Sapir Whorf Hypothesis with its original sense, rather than the deterministic version conjured up by some others.
63 so by examining some basic linguistic constructs and supplying them with cultural linguistic examples. P honology There are many physical sounds in the natural world; only some of them are detectable by human ears because of our biological constraints. Among the sounds human ears can detect, only some are used in human languages. They are the linguistic sound s. Phonology (and phonetics) is the academic area devoted to the study of the linguistic sounds. Among all linguistic sounds, only some are perceivable by an individual human being. For example, by making the tongue tip slightly touching the alveolar ridge in the mouth and loosening the vocal folds, we can produce two physically different consonantal sounds that may be represented as [t h ] and [t], the former with an airflow coming out of the mouth but the latter without it. If we follow the articulatory mec hanism described above, and then constrict our vocal folds, we would produce yet another physical sound represented as [d]. However, if we present these three physically different sounds to a monolingual English native speaker that has never received any l inguistic training, she may most possibly only perceive or hear, two distinct sounds. The English speaker would perceive [t h ] and [t] as one sound and [d] the other. On the other hand, a monolingual Mandarin Chinese speaker would have no problem perceivin g [t h ] and [t] as two distinct sounds, while she cannot distinguish [t] from [d]. This is so because [t h ] and [t] do not contrast meaning in English as they do in Mandarin Chinese, and [t] and [d] only contrast meaning in English but not in Chinese. Lingui sts hence make a distinction between phonemes and phones The phonemes of a language are those perceivable for the speakers of that language. In other words, they are not (physical) sounds but mental representations of sounds (Hardman, 2000: 30). Put diffe rently, a
64 phoneme represents a bunch of sounds that contrast meaning with other bunches in a language stored in a human mind/brain. The discovery of phonemes is significant in that it shows that human beings do not interact with the natural world directly. Human beings interact with the World through language Moreover, the fact that phonemes are represented in human minds according to the function of contrasting meaning indicates that a language is systematically structured As a consequence, we as human b eings perceive the world as a structure. Last but not least, because there are many different human languages, there are many different representations of the World out there. In other words, there are many different world realities structured in different languages by and for different groups of people. These different world realities, we call culture Notice that while the r e is, theoretically speaking, an outside World, out there because all realities are constructs in our minds. A s traightforward example is onomatopoeia words are such words in a language that are closest to the World. However, even these words show variation across languages. For example, the sound a dog makes is bow wow in English but [wang wang] in Mandarin Chinese, and a rooster sounds like cock a doodle doo for English speakers but [ku ku ku] for Manda rin Chinese speakers. Still, while these examples indicate that the sign sound relation in human language is arbitrary, it does not mean that human perception is arbitrary. Human perception is conventionalized or structured, by language. A Mandarin Chines e native speaker would not just arbitrarily accept the English perception; she would find it difficult to perceive, for example, [l] in the sound a rooster makes.
65 Morphology Phonemes then form morphemes, which are the minimal meaningful units in a language Like phonemes, morphemes are not objective meaningful units in the World. There is actually nothing meaningful in the World, for the World itself does not tell Meaning only exists in language, and hence in human minds. As different languages use differe nt sets of phonemes to contrast meaning, they also have different sets of morphemes for categorizing and understanding the things in the World out there. In this way, speakers of different languages construct different worldsenses 8 in their respective cult ures. With morphemes words are formed. Since the number of phonemes and morphemes in a language is limited and their relations structured, words and the ideas they represent are limited and structured as well. These ideas guide the speakers to act in a lim ited and structured way. It is very important to know that without these ideas we as human beings would not be able to act, and therefore language not only confines us but also empowers us. Take English for example, Hardman identifies three linguistic post ulates: (1) sex based gender, (2) number, or singular vs. plural, and (3) comparative ranking. Their respective morphological manifestations are, for example, (1) wo/man, s/he, (2) a dog vs. two dog s, and (3) er and est. English grammatical genders are based upon biological sex, in which the morphological base, or the norm is male (man, he) and fe/male (wo/man, s/he) is derived. As n, 1993: 252). In other words, females are marked as deviant 9 This 8 perceive the world through viewing. I will explicate this point later. 9
66 all human beings Grammatical number is another linguistic postulate pervasive in English. Eve ry English sentence is marked either as singular or plural. The grammatical marker lies on both the is s are s rdman, 1993: 252). The third English postulate refers to comparative and superlative, which take the suffixes er and est respectively. According to Hardman (1993), while comparative may not seem as overt as sex based gender and number, it is as prevalen t and gives rise to constant hierarchy in the culture. All the things that are compared cannot be just different or the same; they have to be ranked against one another. A recent example is sports news on ESPN, December 19 th 2006: the famous professional basketball player Allen Iverson is transferred (by the team owners) from the Philadelphia Seven Sixers to Denver Nuggets, which has a franchise player Carmelon Anthony. the best player for Denver N linguistic discipline. One only needs to take a look at the Chomskyan ge nerative grammar to find all sorts of theories and analyses based upon hierarchy (cf. Junker, 1992). While each of these postulates carries certain cultural implications on its own, it is their interplay that contributes to the more general thought pattern s of a people. As Hardman (1996: why they also act as mutual reinforcers of wo/man, fe/male, and s/he are what most English speakers perceive as true. It is the native speake
67 play of English linguistic postulates, Hardman calls attention to the derivational thinking that fortresses sexism and racism in the culture: singular is the norm from which plural is derived, wo/men are derived from men, and since all things have to be ra nked, only one (type of) man can be the best. This man is the White man, who holds the nalized and structured rid of even after some improvement has been made in legislation to address the right issues of women and minorities. The organization of word class or lexical category serves as a morpho syntactic example that illustrates the linking between language and worldsense. A class of words is defined as the words that share the same morphological and syntactic properties. English has the word cl asses noun verb adjective and adverb for example. Among them, the noun class is conceptually the most important. English children learn nouns first, and they perceive the world reality through (naming) things. In Navajo, on the other hand, the verb cla ss is the most crucial. When Navajo children learn the language, they learn verbs first, and hence they perceive the world through actions and events. As Navajo people construct the world through action, they perceive themselves as within the world. Englis h speakers, however, consider the world as outside of the essential human existence; they define things in the world so as to control them (for naming implies controlling). When something unfortunate happens, or as in the Navajo sense, some unfortunate hap pening takes place in the individual person, Navajo people take it as it happens, but English speakers would look for something in the world to blame. For example, the Navajo people do not perceive death as a thing ; they talk about the natural process death taking place
68 thing that is separate from and uncontrollable by human beings. Another lesson we learn from morphology is that if a language does not have a word, it doe s not necessarily mean that the people of that language/culture do not have what may be referred to by the word. Lee (1987 ) pointed out that the Dakota language do not have the Dakota people do not the concept of it is also absent in the Da kota worldsense. Dakota grammar does not generate of everybody, and hence nobody can command another person. On the contrary, while English For Lee (1987 : 53), this indicates that the feeling of an urgent need for freedo m in the English speakers is due to the fact that they are constantly obliged to do something. The word language/culture is a system of structured relations: what is ( represented) there is not just there; it is there in relation to something else also present there. Syntax So far I have only discussed the English linguistic postulates in morphological terms. o not merely exist in one aspect of language; rather, they permeate through all linguistic and cultural aspects. As I have shown, according to English derivational thinking, masculine singular sits at the top of the
69 conceptualization of hierarchy. We can f ind correspondence in the organization of English syntax. Since the standard word order of English is SVO (Subject Verb Object), the thematic subject often overlaps with the grammatical subject that occupies the leading position in a sentence 10 In the real world reference, this subject is usually kept for a man while the lower, or conceptually less important, object position, is kept for a woman. When occasionally a woman referent does take the grammatical subject position, she is often a victim Specifical ly, when a woman as victim takes the subject position, the sentence is most likely manifested in the passive Taylor and Hardman (2004: 12) point out, in En glish news concerning domestic violence we beaten by her husband construction functions to exempt the p erpetrator of responsibility and hence is called passive exonerative 11 Also serveing to exonerate the perpetrator is nominalization As Fairclough (2003: 13) who generates, the multinational corporations that collaborate with go vernments in changing the world to cater to their parochial interests (in dispense of the well being of the public) are freed from scrutiny. In addition, nominalization can, and often does, work together with passive voice 10 Cf. Tagalog, a VSO language, where the thematic subject is often manifested as a verbal suffix and the grammatical subject position is left empty. It appears to me that the Siraya syntax also fu nctions in a similar way. 11
70 to obfuscate agency and responsib ility. Take for example the passive phrase ubiquitous in revelation of the damage to the victim itself would cause too much scrutiny for the hidden perpetrator the p owerful nation states. Besides passive voice, Taylor and Hardman (2001) point out that the English functional verb to be perceiving (existence) and of naming (identity) outside the perceiver and namer, making the example, a per son growing up in Alaska may consider a 40 degree Fahrenheit temperature as warm and pleasant, but another person growing up in Florida may feel it cold or freezing. When erve, when not comparison may help people share their different exper iences, which may contribute to mutual appreciation, yet the tyranny of IS keeps the sharing and appreciation from happening. Taylor and Hardman (2001) also observe the prevalence of IS and passive construction in the language of science, which many people objectivity of it: Who forms the hypotheses? Who designs the measures? What (assumptions and implications) do the hypotheses and/or measures carry with them? As we can see, the syntactic exa mples examined here all have repercussions in thought patterns. In turn, the thought patterns yield observable behavioral patterns. For example, as we observe passive women in English sentences, we also find women victims in an English
71 speaking society. It is also not surprising that many women suffering domestic violence would blame themselves instead of their spouses, for they have internalized the passive exonerative into their thinking. People who support War on Terror have a hard time perceiving that m any other 12 perceive changing as inevitable and often promising. Finall y, if an absolutely indisputable objective truth existed (in science and/or religion), why would so many people fight against each other for the in the (English) language Therefore, people vi rtually behave in language (the language constructed reality), in addition to through using language to do Semantics and Pragmatics A language system is composed of linguistic sign s that combine a linguistic form perceivable by human beings and some meaning associated with it (Cipollone, 1998: 478). We can hence understand a linguistic sign as a coin with form on the one side and meaning on the other. Or we can formulate the relation mentioned earlier, is arbitrary, and yet the arbitrariness is conventionalized. By analogy, we can c ertain linguistic meaning because it is a linguistic sign that refers to an entity (as an object, action, concept, etc.) in the World. The referencing process is also arbitrary as well as conventional, for meaning is only for humans and their cultures. Thu s, in a sense, as Suzuki 12 For a detailed account of how the language of war and weapon desensitizes beings, s ee Cohn (1987) and also Collins & Glover (2002).
72 ins is often multiple. Such multiplicity is attributed to the senses mediating in between the linguistic sign and the reference. For example, the proper name George W. Bush refers to an identifiable person in the World, but that person alone does not make the full meaning of the word because the associated sense in the mind of individual and so on. It is hence apparent that linguistic meaning would not exist if no one makes sense of it. Therefore, meaning is indeed pragmatic, rather than semantic. As language is a societal property rather than a personal one and human society a structure based on relations, the linguistic meanings generated by a language reflect (and also guide) the relations in the society. Take English for example, the words referring to female beings, when 13 Also observable is t hat a word referring to a type of woman may connote a neutral meaning initially but after a while it becomes imbued with negative senses (for refer to the same entity in the World but they could have very different meanings because the peoples of the two cultures make different senses o not mean the same. In English, the word for a female dog connotes an insulting sense towards 13 connote insult due to the prescribed gender roles.
73 14 points out that a Japanese pet owner sometimes abandons her dog when she finds herself unable to take care of the dog properly. Even if the dog is extremely sick, the Japanese pet owner would lucky enough to be picked up by some speaking people accuse such a Japanese practice as cruel, Suzuki points out that the Japanese mercy Japanese have t made by the speakers of the respective languages differ. Lee (1987 ) made a similar point through examining the different meanings of the ish. As mentioned earlier, Lee pointed out that English speaking people are constantly propelled to do something and hence they long for freedom all the time. However, even when they do have free time, they still feel obliged to engage themselves in some s kill/fill for (some) nothingness as somethingness do nothing in free time 14 Source: Multiculturalism and Linguistic a gue st lecture given by Addie Sayers in a Language and Violence class of Hardman in the Spring term, 2006, at University of Florida.
74 while making full use of it by enjoying its essence. This again shows that the meaning of a word making, but this process of sense making is itself embedded in a multiplicity of structured relations. The meanin g of in relation to other the term worldsense in place of worldview because not all human languages cultures privilege seeing as the dominant sense of perceiving. As Elgin (1990: 122 124) points out, sight is the preferred sensory mode for English speakers, which explains their obs ession of visualization. The English hear Speakers of different languages m Discourse and Other Language Practices We have seen that words do not stand alone. They work with each other in a system to create senses and meanings. We have also seen that meaning making is carr ied out by human beings through action. Therefore, we can understand language as social practice (Fairclough, 2001). Such a practice goes beyond the mere utterance of words or sentences; it involves the (re)production of discourse. For example, through a c omprehensive analysis of the media Iraq war, Howard III & Prividera (2004) are able to show how the American public discourse perpetuate s the stereotypical gender roles. Besides pointing connotations, they identify several linguistic formations such as passive exonerative that also functioned to sexualize and victimize Ms Lynch and deprive her of the soldier warrior identity.
75 Importantly, the large body of collected data help illustrate that it is not one or two blatantly sexist comments but the recurrence and pervasiveness of the implicitly sexist linguistic on of gender. On the other hand, Russ (1983) approaches English sexism by examining the writing about English literature. Her data consist of various texts including literary works, notes by individual female writers, comments from literary critics, anthol ogy, and syllabi used in English literature courses. She identifies the following ways used by the society to suppress women writers (or, to keep women in their place ): Denial of Agency, Pollution of Agency, the Double Standard of Content, False Categoriza tion, Isolation, and Anomalousness 15 Each of these categories corresponds to an actual discursive practice, and all of them together reinforce the English accused of hiring a male scholar to write language is a structured social practice; through repeated practicing, the spe akers/users of the language internalize the structure into their thinking and action. As mentioned earlier, language confines us and at the same time empowers us. Language empowers us because we conceptualize through it; language confines us because it leads us to think in a structured way. In addition, (human) language has the characteristic of reflexivity that is, we can use language to talk about, or reflect on, language itself. As a consequence, a language user is not always passive. She could make conscious decisions with regard to how she wants to 15 See Hardman & Taylor (forthcoming) for a five way categorization Simple Denial, Pollution, False Categorization, Isolation, and Anomalousness and further clarification.
76 use the language. Some people utilize language in a way that only fits their own parochial interests. They manipulate language through its vagueness 16 Such vagueness exists because although all languages enable their speakers to express every possible thought, each of them nevertheless requires explicitness only in certain areas that are crucial to the respective cultures. One example of the manipulation of vagueness is the discursi al. (1999) point out, it permits more than one logically possible interpretation. Two common examples are the addressee inclus ive we and the addressee exclusive we. The former incorporates the speaker with the addressee(s) but the latter excludes the addressee(s). Many languages of collectivistic cultures lexicalize both, but the languages of individualistic cultures, such as the Indo European languages, often have only one word, and as such its interpretation create a bonding feeling among Us through evoking a sense of uniformity and al so conjuring up an unfavorable Other/Them Wodak et al. (1999) give examples of how such manipulation is done by the Austrian nationalists, and Breuer (2004) that by the German nationalists. Fariclough (2003), on the other hand, shows that British Prime Mi to create a sentiment of Us vs. Them Naming Generally speaking, when we define a thing or an action in the World through language, we are naming and thus creatin g. But here I would discuss naming as it specifically applies to 16 Here I use manipulative/manipulation only for its instrumental sense but also for it being an illegitimate form of power abuse. Ille forms of interaction, communication or other social practices that are only in the interests of one party, and against
77 persons. As mentioned before, the derivational thinking pattern that emerges from the English postulates becomes part and parcel of the English cultural thinking. Based on the conviction that language is a social practice, we would expect to find manifestations of derivational thinking in every domain of social life, and personal names are no exception. Since English gender roles are based on biological sex and women derived from men, women ar e considered in the culture as passive and trivial. As a consequence, in English given names for women, we can find elements that convey properties and qualities that are weak (Gracie), trivial (Candy, Flora), little (Kat y ), and that are dependent on men a ). As far as last names are concerned, marries. Before marriage, she depends on her father; after marriage, she depends on her husband. She never stands on her own and has little chance to self define. Hence, Boxer and Gritsenko (2005) conclude that this patriarchal naming practice not only perpetuates the inequitable sex Also through examining the patronymic practice, Hardman (1994) explores the issue of imported sexism as a consequence of the introduction of Spanish to the Jaqi community in the Andes 17 She points out that not only has colonialism brought sexism to the Jaqi community through the import of the colonial language and its practices, but the current developmental efforts or international aids also add to the effect. In traditional Jaqi practice, a woman and her husband never shared the same last name; in fact, surnames did not exist. Hence, for Jaqi people, were blood kin, the 17 For an examination of the imported European sexism in th
78 name of the owner of a land was the name of the land. In other words, before colonialism, a Jaqi woman had her own land/property and her husband his own. The woman (and her propert y) was not a property of her husband. However, today the Spanish language has become spoken by many Jaqi people and the Spanish patronymic practice imposed on them. Consequently, the modern Jaqi women are gradually losing their names as well as their lands Without their own properties, they also become dependent on the men. Conclusion: Cultural Emes In this section I have demonstrated that language is a structure with which, and in which, human beings construct the world. People live and act in a world thu s constructed, not the World out there. In short, language is culture. Since human beings act according to the senses of their linguistic making, they act via the cultural emes (1954) emic approach empt to discover and to describe the pattern of [a] particular language or culture in reference to the way in which the various elements of that culture are related to each other in the functioning of that particular pattern, rather than an attempt to desc ribe them in reference to a generalized classification derived in advance of the study of that our native sense making to a cultural phenomenon unfamiliar to u s. Ideally, with patience, when different peoples meet, they should be able to interact in a way that allows them to learn from one another. However, due to various socio historical circumstances, peoples have acquired unequal power and influence. Therefor e, when different peoples are brought into contact, those with larger or wider influence may prevail while others are subordinated or even eliminated. In the next section I will review the literature of Language Policy and Planning that explores the unequa l relations among peoples and their languages.
79 Language Policy and Planning Traditionally, sociolinguists consider nation state as the main arena of Language Policy and Planning (LP) and the government the main actor. This perspective is reflected in Holme (2001: 95) juxtaposing national language (NL) with LP in her introduction to sociolinguistics. The sociolinguists also make a distinction between a national language and an official language 18 refore, in reality the governments, who hold the power of definition, often disregard the academic distinction and use the two terms in ways that suit their political agenda. affective value over social fu nction in serving, or being chosen, as a symbol for national identity. For example, in Paraguay the colonial language Spanish functions in most high social domains such as administration, education, and business, and it is believed to be the language of so cial appropriateness. On the other hand, the indigenous language Guaran fulfills low social functions in family and/or talk between friends, and it is often associated with negative evaluations such as lack of education. However, despite the fact that bot h Spanish and Guaran are legalized as the national languages, it is the Low language Guaran that is considered by most Paraguayans as the actual national language because of its affective value of solidarity (Holmes 2001: 95). Many over sea Paraguayans c hoose to use Guaran, rather than Spanish, with one another, for it symbolizes the 18 government but is not necessarily used for governmental functions. Such a language has an official status but is not used officially.
80 Paraguayan identity. Hence, Fasold (1984: 259) accurately points out that language planning is usually also identity planning However, while Fasold (1984: 259) recognizes a definite relationship Shohamy (2006) warns against jumping into the conclusion that this relationship is absolutely dominant. She points out that other social factors s uch as religion and history may affect identity the different la example. While different groups of people speak different vernaculars, many of which are mutually unintelligible Han Chinese varieties, they generally recognize only one Chinese language that is, the NL Mandarin, and one shared national identity. Holmes (2001: 101) thus Still, in some other cases, the NL may be divisive rather than unifying. This is often because the pertinent process is considered unfair by some. For example, although it may seem logical for a government to choose the language of most speakers as its NL, this is not always the case. While an NL often corresponds to the most dominant language in the nation state, this dominance does not have to be defined quantitatively (as number of speakers), but it could be defined qualitatively as sociopolitical power. In the Philippines, Tagalog is the NL, but other native languages such as Cebuano and Ilocano also have a considera bly dominant number of speakers in their respective regions. Tagalog being chosen as the sole NL of the Philippines 000: 101). Agcaoili (2009), a linguist, a native speaker of Cebuano, and an advocate of Cebuano for Filipino NL, hence speaks vehemently of
81 towards the modern hist ory of the Philippines struggling for post colonial political autonomy, such as Rafael (2006), would recognize Tagalog as the language of the sociopolitical elites of the time when the nation state was founded; the common language of the nationalista then became the NL. This last observation leads to my next point: language planning as identity planning is also political planning for nationalism. As Holmes (2001) points out, underlying nationalism is the myth of one nation = one people = one language. Holme s argues that this conception of linguistic nationalism was not observed before the modern nations emerged in Europe between the 16 th and the 19 th century (ibid: 101). Similar point of view can be found in Edwards (1994) as well. However, the Chinese natio nalism may have a longer history than (and hence a different origin from) its European counterparts, as Qin, the first dynasty that conquered Mainland, had already administrated a language policy that lead to the standardization and unification of Chinese writing system in 3 nationalism, as discussed later in the LP cases of modern China (PRC), Singapore, and Taiwan linguistic rights which are legally defined as basic human rights in many international regulations and/or laws 19 Many scholars have devoted themselves to the linguistic 19 See, for example, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (both from UN), Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and Universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights (from European Parliament), and Document of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimensions (from OSCE Organization for Security and Co operation in Europe)
82 rights issues and advo cated for a more politically sensitive approach to LP studies (e.g., Heller, 1999; Pavlenko, 2002; Zhou, 2004). While Edwards (1994) and Holmes (2001) associate nationalism to a state government, I believe that a distinction between nation and state is in need for a finer understanding of the various issues concerning LP. If the state was the only actor of nationalism, then LP should simply be a monotonic state order. However, in actual practice, LP is often expressed in and functions as a discourse, where the state and non state actors simultaneously participate. Albeit relatively less influential, the non state actors could often find room to express their own LP legal consist of more than one nation/nationalism, as exemplified in the co existing French nationalism and English nationalism in the state of Canada. Later in Chapte r 4 and Chapter 5, I will also show that, in the state of Taiwan ROC, the competition between Chinese nationalism and Taiwanese nationalism has led to fervent discussions and debates concerning LP. Still, keep in mind that multiple nations in a state do no t guarantee multiple expressions in cultural linguistic diversity, especially when the thriving nations take for granted the ideology of ONEness = SAMEness in modern nationalism. In Francophone Canada, the Native Americans are as marginalized as in the Ang lophone Canada; in Taiwanese Nationalist Taiwan, the Austronesian indigenes are as overlooked as in the Chinese Nationalist Taiwan. In addition, notice that a nation or an expression of nationalism may cross the state border as well. An obvious example wou ld be the international Hebrew nationalism. Also, the people called the Ivatans in the Philippines and the Taos in Taiwan are actually one ethno linguistic group divided
83 into citizens of two modern states. They dwell on a geographically related chain of is lands, in the middle of which the Taiwan Philippines border is marked. in LP. Haugen ( 1996 ) identifies four steps in language policy and planning: selection (of norm), codification (of form), acceptance (by the community), and elaboration (of function). He defines the second and fourth steps as linguistic whereas the first and third social : The social steps concern social actors such as politicians, but not ling uists and the linguistic steps concern only the linguists. Accordingly, LP is understood as a linear process where the politicians first choose a specific language, the linguists then codify/standardize its linguistic features and then elaborate/develop t hem so as to allow the language to, for example, express new concepts in modern technology, and finally the politicians make the public use this language and accept the established standards. In my opinion, this view is not only nave but also dangerous. T he motivations and power relations behind language selection and LP administration (to make accept) are overlooked, and the linguists are falsely portrayed as non social and non political beings, or single minded craftspeople, that are rid of the social re sponsibilities for the things they do. It also reinforces the erroneous assumption of scientific objectivity that treats language as a politically neutral matter outside of human conscience. Heller (2006: 166), on the other hand, points out that language i Heller (1999), she takes French LP in Canada as an example and shows that many linguists are indeed engaged in political action and associated with certain political agenda when th ey embark on LP. Hence, I believe that we as linguists should at least bear some political awareness of our own action. While LP is particularly sensitive because it usually concerns laws and regulations, this applies to the minutest linguistic research as well. Since language is a necessary condition of
84 human existence, what we do and how we express our ideas all have certain resonances in the society. In what follows, I will review in detail the French case in Canada and the Mandarin Chinese planning in S ingapore. The French Canadian case helps reveal that even an identity that has received one singular label still has multiple expressions, and these expressions often in turn affect the LP decisions. The Singaporean case, on the other hand, would facilitat e deeper reflection upon the one nation = one people = one language ideology. I intend to show that the proclaimed multiculturalism is in effect overruled by the obsession with ONEness in Chinese nationalism. French LP in Cana da First, an examination of the historical development of the French linguistic ideology is necessary before assessing the relevant LP issues. Bourhis (1997 ) notes that the Standard French today is derived from a sequence of events that privileged t he Ile de France variety in the past. This variety, originally spoken by the political elites in Paris, was incorporated into modern French nationalism through LP. Before the 16 th century, France was a multilingual country, but since 1539 when French was d eclared the only official language of the France nation state, (Bourhis, 1997 : 308). In 1793, Abb Grgoire conducted a national survey in France with funding aligned patriotism with the speaking of French while non French speakers were viewed as potential traitors to the Revolution and a threat to the political unity of the emer ging French introduced to schools and military with the aid of sets of policies favoring Ile de France, the
85 status of which was further secured by planned standardizati on and codification. Since the French Revolution in 1789, no other languages and/or French varieties was taught. As a consequence, other languages and French linguistic varieties withered away, and the prestige of Ile de France continues today. Its influen ce also goes beyond France thanks to the colonial expansion in the 19 th century. On the other hand, Bourhis (1997 ) points out that despite the prestige of Ile de France, the loyal speakers of other nonstandard varieties have also found ways to expre ss themselves. This is often done through the discourse of cultural/regional nationalism and the practice of ethnic revival movement These movements resulted in the passing of a law called Loi Deixonne in 1951 that allowed teaching some regional linguisti c varieties as second languages. classes are only optional, often scheduled at inconvenient times and are assigned to teachers who lack proper second language training The situation in modern day Canada is quite complex, for it involves the state of Canada that is predominantly English speaking, a domina nt version of French nationalism in Quebec, and other versions of French nationalism representing the French speakers outside of Quebec. English culture as the goal o f Canadian government, English has become the dominant language in the state. Nonetheless due to geographical separation and difference in religious affiliation, French nationalism emerged in Quebec. This version of French nationalism was originally, as He Church and the emergence of new socio economic elites in the 1950s. The fact that this so called
86 Quiet Revolution is an elite initiated top down process has led to what Heller (1999: 145) calls linguistic purism : the Quebecois elites monopolize the selection and standardization aspects in LP and are in favor of French monolingualism. As Bourhis (1997 : 317) points out, although because of 200 years of separation from France the Quebecois have developed a linguistic variety different from Ile de France, Ile de France is still considered as the Standard French and imbued with positive social values. As a result, Quebec has since the 1960s introduced va rious LP plans that cater to Standard French and denigrate the Quebecois variety. On the other hand, since the 1970s more new immigrants have come to Quebec. This has contributed to the expansion of English because English has overall socioeconomic advanta ge over French not only in Canada but also in the world. As a consequence, a series of laws are enacted by the Quebec localist government aiming to secure the status of French in Quebec. Before the immigration wave, Quebec had two parallel government finan ced education systems serving both the French majority and the English minority, but since the immigration wave and as a reaction to the growing English dominance, the government has passed Bill 22 that restricts only (Bourhis, 1997 : 319). This implementation of such a LP, however, was not successful in reducing the use of English. Hence, in 1977 the Quebecois government passed Bill 101 that decreed French as the official language, making it the language of work. However, as Heller (1999) points out, the success of this bill in solidifying French monolingulism is not simply due to the granted official status. It is also because of the fact that French was made into a linguistic capital that promises economic mobility. Besides, in the preface of Bill 101, Heller (1999: 155) observes an identity expression
87 attributed to its reinstating the affective values of the language. As far as the Federal Government of Canada is concerned, the Quebec based French nationalism and the related LP pose a threat. As mentioned earlier, in its inception the Canadian state was imagined as unified English speaking territory. When responding to the French nationalism, however, the government does not argue straightforwardly for English monolingualism. Ra t h er, it argues for multilingualism in the hope to counteract French monoling ualism. The government has advanced several LP proposals that seemingly follow the LP proposed by the Canadian government] ignores disparities of power betwe en French and English, putting too much weight on helping English speakers learn French, thereby helping Francophones discern that multilingualism is utilized by th e federal government more as a discursive means than a genuine ideal. However, they often find themselves in disadvantage because the argument of multilingualism is supported and reinforced by a grander and quite popular discourse, one that which re imagin es the contemporary Canada as a cultural mosaic Again, the observation here shows that LP does not function alone as legal matters, but it is integrated into the more general discourse. Heller (1999: 156) points out that the Quebecois version of French na tionalism challenges the legitimacy and identity of the one million Canadian Francophones outside of Quebec as well. These minority Francophones find their linguistic and cultural varieties delegated to a lower status than Standard French as well as the Qu ebecois. In addition, they also worry that the federal
88 out, one can now observe a newly formed Francophone identity in Ontario and also a French speaking Acadia n revival movement in New Brunswick, both of which dissociate themselves from the Quebecois as well as the English Canadians. In sum, the relation between LP and identity discourse has come full circle. Not only could identity discourse guide LP decisions, as exemplified in the Quebecois case, but LP could also influence identity choice, as in the case of the emerging minority Francophone identities. The minority Francophone case also indicates that identity has multiple expressions. French Canadian is more than one singular label for one group of people; its definition and ownership are rather fluid. (Heller, 1999: 159), and apolitical entity is taken by the Canadian fede ral government to justify their disregarding the variationist view helps the minority Francophones assert that the local varieties a re indeed distinct from Standar d Fre nch and Quebecois. It also contributes to the legitimization of the localist movements and results in actual LP such as the curriculum planning in Franco Ontario schools funded by Ontario Ministry of Education (Heller, 1999: 163). These instances show that language matters are truly political, and they have been political for a long time. As Bourhis (1997 : 314) points out, in the very beginning a Belgian linguist named Goosse had
89 Mandarin LP in Singapore Like Canada, Singapore also prides itself for being a multilingual and multicultural state. within each ethnic community rather than heterogeneity within the nation[ Heng, 1999: 235). For example, the Singapore government identifies three major ethnic groups in the state, the Chinese, the Malay, and the Indian, and for each of them, the government prescribes one and only one language: Mandarin for the Chinese, Malay for the Malays, and Tamil for the Indians. This prescription then becomes the guideline for its language and ethnic policies. Below, I will use Mandarin Chinese as a suffocates cultural diversity. In 1979, the then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew launched the first of a series of annual Speaking Mandarin Campaign. According to Bokhorst is campaign was at first advanced as a reaction to the dominance of English. While some saw English as an building, many considered it as a threat to the Asian values crucia values such as individualism and materialism while the local native languages were assigned positive values such as solid arity and family oriented morality. Eventually, Lee Kuan Yew evaluati Heng, 1999: 240). The Speaking Mandarin Campaign (SMC) was conceived of by the government as a necessary means to restore the Chinese identity and traditional values. But ironically, none in the so labeled Chinese
90 Singaporean community spoke Mandarin as their heritage language: 39.8% Min Hokkien, 22.6% Teowchew, 20% Cantonese, 6.8% Hainanese, 6.1% Hakka, and 4.7% others (1957 Singapore national census). The selection of Mandarin as the Chinese language for the Chine se people hence appeared ad hoc in nature and aroused uncomfortable feelings. In its own defense, the government presented three arguments: (1) cultural argument Mandarin would provide the st the threat of English, (2) educational argument children who are required to learn English and Mandarin at school, and (3) communicative argument Heng, 1999: 243). It is clear that none of the arguments actually explains why Mandarin has to be the language, except for the fact that the equation of Mandarin to Chinese is taken for granted in modern time 20 Never ideology. The reiteration of this ideology was deemed sufficient by the Singapore government to justify their decision. SMC is implemented in both the public and the private social domain s. In the public domain, the Singapore government enforces a bilingual education program at school that uses the mother tongue of the Chinese ethnic group, i.e., Mandarin, as the medium language and English the second language. In the private domain, the r esistance to Mandarin is greeted by slogans such Heng (1999: 251 252) further identifies several discursive themes used by the politicians to privilege Mandarin against othe 20 More discussion on the history that made Mandarin the Chinese language will come in Chapter 4.
91 learn have no value, neither culturally nor economically; Mandarin is linked to a 5000 year old history Many of them are apparently paradoxical and self contradictory. For example, Mandarin embodies history and represents the future, while the dialects do not promise future because they represent the past! Still, as I have pointed out earlier when discussing linguistic meaning, in real life situations the effect of language does not have much to do with logic. Bokhorst Heng (1999) shows that in a couple of decades SMC, as an LP as well as a top down discourse, has inde ed successfully made Mandarin the mother tongue of many Chinese Singaporeans. Today, in many Chinese Singaporean families, the older generation and the younger generation have difficulty communicating with each other. In sum, through Chinese nationalism, M andarin has been prescribed to the (imagined) Chinese community in Singapore, and as a result the non Mandarin varieties, that is, all Chinese languages originally spoken there, and the distinct cultures encoded in them are diminishing. Additionally, in th e context of the Singapore state, SMC is often perceived as a threat by the minority ethnic groups. As internal diversity is overruled by singular labeling, Singapore sees only three ethnic groups: Chinese is the largest (77.5%), and Malay (14.2%) and Indi an (7.1%) are the minorities. SMC, although focusing on the Chinese, has been carried out as a national Kwon Yew and Goh Chok Tong, are both ethnically Chinese. Bokhorst Heng (1999) points out that many Malays and Indians hence have doubts on the claimed multiculturalism by the state
92 strengthen the already disproportionat e power of the Chinese. Instead of directly addressing such discourse to blur the issue. For example, as in Bokhorst clear if examination of discourse and the sociopolitical context would help shed light on a linguistic issue, even as specific as one LP project. As far as the linguists are concerned, most of them took the role of silent perpetrators in SMC. As I have revealed ab ove, the discourse behind SMC is full of what anyone with basic linguistic training would consider common non sense. However, except Bokhorst Heng, I have not heard any other linguist speak out against it. For example, on July 11 th 1980, Senior Minister o do] the swear words in Cantonese, Hokkein, Teochew and Hainanese. In Mandarin, the swear words ( Bokhorst Heng 1999: 250). The fact that no linguist stood up against the falsehood of this comment might be taken by the general public as implicit endorsement. Even worse, by keeping silent, the linguists helped pollute the agency of the Cantonese, Hokkein, Teochew, and Hainanese speakers (see Russ, 1983: 25 words, the non doing does not make the apathetic linguists politically neutral; at best, it makes them seem irresponsible and unconvincing.
93 Threatened Indigenous Languages and Language Activism Now I would shift focus from the linguistic concerns of (minority) immigrants to indigenous languages, especially those that are threatened due to colonialism, nationalism, and improper L now consider inappropriate (e.g., Grenoble & Whaley, 2006; Harrison, 2007; Leonard, 2008). Also in this section I will introduce a new concept called language activism proposed by Florey et al. (2009) that prompts the linguists to address the language related sociopolitical issues and to actively participate in movements that would bette r indigenous rights. Endangered Languages? Extinct Languages? People who care for the continuation of less spoken indigenous languages often speak of language endangerment or endangered language conservation (e.g., Fishman, 1982; Hale, 1992; Wurm, 1991). They are academically trained linguists and/or self taught language leaders who have at least some field experiences meaning that they have either visited or stayed in an indigenous community for some time to learn the language from the locals. Besides be ing a convenient rhetorical strategy that can be easily used to approach the general public, the biological metaphor that analogizes the decline of speakers with the erosion of natural resources has certain additional merits. Today, the indigenous peoples usually live in colonial or post political oppression or socio economic pressure. They lose not only their languages and traditional cultural values, but als o their land and the biological diversity that comes with it. Skutnabb Kangas (2000) observes a correlation between linguistic diversity and biological
94 diversi ty may be decisive mediating variables in sustaining biodiversity itself, and vice versa, as long as humans are on the earth crucial. Simply imagine a scenario where a hundred dictionaries of differ ent languages are dropped on an uninhibited land; the number of animals and plants should not increase as a result. It is the peoples who speak the languages and acquire the encoded knowledge about the natural environment that have an impact on biodiversit y. An example would be what Harrison (2007) calls folksonomy or folk taxonomy which is the natural classification system in a language that differs from (Western) science 21 The Mongolian language identifies various species of what the Western science lab many different animals that are all categorized as one animal by the western scientists. For the scientists, as long as some individual horses survive, the horse species survive s But for the Mongolian natives, it is important that all of these animals (or horses) survive because each of them has a specific place, and use, in the Mongolian life. Indeed, the Mongolian speciation (of diverse than Western science, and as a consequence, the species gain(s) a better chance of survival. Moreover, natural linguistic knowledge provides alternatives to Western science. It is a simple fact that science does not always work. How many times has a scientific solution failed to clear the problem it is purported to solve, or create even more problems? The more languages we human beings have, the more options we have when we need them. As Harrison (2007: 51) the Language and Worldsense section, the linguistic meanings are systematic and interrelated. Hence, it is unlikely that we could bring the Mongolian knowledge of horses to English by 21 But of course, Western science is also (the result of) a folk taxonomy.
95 simply transla ting the horse terms; we have to know the Mongolian language to access the whole set of system. Therefore, the loss of a language is the erosion of human knowledge and may cause the survival of entire humanity (see also Evans, 2010; Harrison, 2007). The an alogy of languages in peril with endangered species, however, leads to several undesirable implications. For one thing, language loss is happening in a much faster rate than the disappearance of animals and plants. Krauss (1992: 7) estimates that, if nothi ng corrective is done, 90% of human languages will no longer be spoken by the end of this century, while only about 10% of mammals and 5% of birds are facing extinction 22 In other words, the biological metaphor fails to pinpoint the dire situation many lan attention, it does not prompt them to act. Still, what is seriously dangerous about the biological metaphor is its connotation that language is an organic being independent of human beings. In a way, the discours e of language extinction or language death may actually be a self fulfilling prophecy. This is because when people speak of threatened languages as endangered animals or plants, they think of them as such. As a result, there are many language documentati on projects where a linguist goes to an indigenous community to collect linguistic data, analyzes them, and then publishes articles or books to be stored in libraries, not unlike a biologist collecting samples for the museums. The problem is that while man y museum exhibitions are open to the public, the academic writings in the libraries are often inaccessible to the indigenous people. The people do not learn the language, and as a result it remains largely unspoken and unused. An unused language, even if i ts sounds are recorded and words written, does not mean much (except for its symbolic value for the people who embrace it as their heritage). It is hence not very convincing 22 The statistics in Har ris on (2007) is slightly different: 40+% of languages, 5% o f fish, 8% of plants, 11% of birds, and 18% of mammals. But it nevertheless shows that human language is disappearing faster.
96 made into archives. Informed by a panel of linguists, UNESCO has published a Red Book of Languages in Danger of Disappearing (Table 2 1) that categorizes world languages based on the degree of op using them in favor of a more absence of human beings in the UNESCO definition, and so they redefine extinction as follows: with no rem aining speakers emphasis). Unfortunately, this point is often overlooked by the general poblic. Probably because the biological metaphor is too powerful and also because the categories in UNESCO Red Book are very similar t o those in the IUCN Red List of endangered species (Table 2 2), the public habitually equate language extinction to the extinction of a people For example, my people, the Siraya who still live healthily in Taiwan with a population of around 5,000, were on ce referred to although not natively, as a result of a language recla mation effort that I introduce in Chapter 5. Wesley Y. Leonard (2008), a native to the Oklahoma Tribe of Miami and a linguist, hence proposes language dormancy or sleeping languages Miami case is quite comparable w ith Siraya: The Miami language has not been spoken natively for a generation or two, but the decedents still live well and are devoted to brining their native
97 awakening revitalization the language to the younger generations. Leonard makes it clear that his choice of metaphor is a level of accessibility to the wide range of audiences that one 2008: 32). The metaphor of extinction has caused ignorance on the one hand and paradox on the other. The government and the public think that the language is gone and the people are dead, and so they are not worth of any attention, or, it is too late to do anything about them. The my hope th at, through rephrasing the language in peril situation as sleeping, the Miami people, the Siraya people, and many others who share a similar experience, could receive just treatment and gain confidence in their uninterrupted continuous survival. Language A ctivism Relabeling, or re conceptualizing, the issues regarding threatened languages is but a step towards language activism a proposal recently spelled out by Florey et al. (2009) that advocates positive sociopolitical involvement with the native communi ty by the linguists. In fact, language activism is not a new idea, nor is it a new practice. The linguistic works of M. J. Hardman, Leanne Hinton, and Wesley Leonard, for example, all fulfill certain social responsibilities for the native communities in va rious ways. However, as Florey et al. (2009) point out, there remains in scien bring the threatened native tongue back to a community. According to this view, the linguists are
98 23 and the burden of sustaini ng or reclaiming a language (through teaching, learning, and real life usage) lies solely on the native people. Some may argue that such dichotomy is derived from a cautious reflection on some White burden with the native affairs. I disagree. What matters should be attitude not group affiliation. With a disrespectful attitude, a linguist can do just as much harm to a native community even if they xample, as I mentioned in Chapter 1, a famous linguist in Taiwan told his their problems and want you to help them. Do not listen to them. You should just ignore th em. not just unhelpful, but it could be detrimental to the community involved. Florey et al. (2009: 4) define a language activist getic action and community activists is erased. If a linguist is to study the language of a people, she must get involved in all aspects of the right to speak for the in digenous people. If the linguist does not take her involvement with hence has no right to speak. On the other hand, out of the academic conscience, many still find it imperative to distinguish the linguists from outside and the local indigenous people on the inside. For example, in Resource Network Linguistic Diversity, an online mailing list that welcomes 23 Again, this is to falsely assume that language exists independent of human beings.
99 people to discuss anthropological linguistic issues, many lin guists have posted comments on may risk being intrusive Ironically, the linguists who share such worry tend to be those who actually care; those who do not are just apathetic. And I believe that the answer lies on a correct understanding of the relationship between language and culture. As I explicated earlier, language is culture. Hence, if a linguist has learnt an indigenous language well, she would be able to act in a way appropriate to that culture and not impose her own cultural emes to the local worldsense. This, I am convinced, is the true value of language activism. Moreover, as C rippen (2009) points out, a fact often overlooked is that many linguists are they themselves indigenous. This statement may not be true in the past because higher education used to be monopolized by the social group with higher socio economic status, and such a group generally did not include the indigenous minority. However, toda y, especially in countries that are economically better off such as Taiwan and U.S., many indigenous people do receive solid academic training. Many of them are linguists devoted to both the academic aspects and the community aspects of work pertaining to their heritage languages. My involvement with Siraya activists are commonly perceived as inherent insiders by their respective native communities, despite the fact that they do not necessarily speak their heritage languages with native fluency since most indigenous languages are threatened today. Hence, as Crippen (2009), who is a native Tlingit person and a linguist, points out, the insider status of the heritage linguis ts 24 could 24 Grippen gives a more detailed distinction b the two terms here, which follows English commomsense for its practicality in my discussion. For Grippen, an
100 simultaneously be a blessing and a burden for them. On the positive side, the insider status allows the heritage linguists short or no adaptation time to adjust to the indigenous community and its culture. After all, as C rippen (2009:11) puts it, home being an insider, or an inherent community member, also allows the heritage linguists relatively easy access to s pecific events and knowledge, such as those that are regarded as sacred and ought to be kept from the outsiders. However, the insider status also causes certain difficulties because (1) preexisting social relationships may interfere with the research, (2) the heritage linguists may experience lower tolerance level from the consultant(s), (3) they often face the temptation to them fr om their friends and famili es (C rippen, 2009: 13 14). Moreover, in many cultures the insider status also translates to tremendous communal responsibilities: (5) the heritage linguists comm unity may ask them to teach other than just to research (ibid: 15). Indeed, the heritage linguists are all different individuals and hence they may not all consider the abovementioned burdens and difficulties as undesirable. I, for one, do enjoy my politic with the Siraya. Chapter 5 has a section that shows how C experience. It suffices to conclude here that heritage linguistics is a sensitive topic, and as it is becoming more common, it deserves mo re serious attention from the linguistic discipline. While individual efforts are important, the continuation of a threatened language relies on the participation of the whole community. However, not all the so called community projects are place for those indigenous linguists whose heritage languages are sleeping and hence have not been spoken by anyone for a long time. In reality, however, this third group shares many experiences with the two gro ups of linguists identified by C rippen. It is their shared experiences that concern me.
101 truly community based or community oriented. For example, it is becoming popular for the linguists to build dictionaries for the language they work with, but many of them simply take the Western model for granted such that they impose the Western categories (for worldsen ses as well as word classes) on a non Western language. As a result, the end products either become unintelligible, i.e., do not make sense to the native people, or they create an undesirable break between the linguistic artifact and the native culture 25 Hence, Cash Cash (2009) envisions Endangered Language Management (ELM), which I rename as Language Continuation Management (LCM), to be a holistic program that holds the language/culture inseparability as its for language sustainability. It is not that the individual linguistic practices are trivial, but that the communal practices often bring several cultural aspects together and hence help reveal the interrelat edness of meanings. For example, when documenting data, Cash Cash does not, like most field linguists do, sit down with a consultant and record her or his speech. Rather, he puts a camera recorder in the background (so as not to be too intrusive) of commun ity activities such as a traditional Nes Perce ritual and documents the whole event that includes gestures, positioning, material artifacts, music, and language(s). The data thus documented also include code switching, an authentic, natural, linguistic phe nomenon (and hence culturally important) that is eliciting or extracting only certain linguistic artifacts from one focal language 26 25 Cf. Aymara on the Internet at http://test.aymara.ufl.edu for an online language teaching and learning project that truly reflects the native senses, or Mosel (2009) for a dictionary project that is candidly informed by the native people and designed to fit t heir practical needs. 26
102 Besides documentation for preservation, successf ul language continuation programs need the passing of the languages and traditions onto the next generations. This often requires good political skills to negotiate for better language and ethnic policies, which would ideally lead to better, and more, fund ing opportunities. But still, even with sufficient monetary support and the determination from within the native community, as Hinton (2009) points out, most language continuation projects concentrate on issues such as literacy, classes at school, and mast er apprentice programs, while ignoring the fact that language sustainability crucially depends upon intergenerational transmission After all, a language continues only if it is spoken natively. Otherwise, it falls asleep. Therefore, as Hinton (2009) sugge sts, the indigenous communities need to show willingness to use their languages in the domestic domain, even though these languages usually do not carry as much socio economic value as the dominant languages do. The linguists, heritage or not, can lend a h and by developing programs useful and feasible at home. The same applies to those peoples whose heritage languages have been sleeping. They can still be awakened as long as they are spoken again. For instance, Hinton (2009) gives an example of a young Miam i father speaking the mother tongue reclaimed from the Maimi Awakening project to his child while playing games at home 27 Such is another good example of language activism. Identity Study In all the topics reviewed so far, identity bears significant implic ations. As Ager (2001) points out, identity is one of the main motivations behind the language planning (LP) associated with nationalism. Accompanying such LP is the nationalistic discourse that prescribes a homogenous people who speak one standardized lan guage and share one common culture. Yet, 27 This episode can be viewed in the Myaamiaki Eemamwiciki: Miami Awakening DVD published by Miami Tribe of Oklahoma in 2008.
103 as any sensible mind would observe, the natural state of human societies is multilingual. Therefore, the identity based LP often meets resistance from the minority and/or indigenous peoples. These peoples cherish th eir traditions and refuse to see them denied. The traditions, and hence cultures, are encoded in their languages, which in turn constitute a sense of identity for the peoples. As such, the struggle against nationalism and nationalistic LP is also the strug gle of an identity. This explains why even though most of the minority and/or indigenous languages do not carry as much economic value as the dominant languages, many of the peoples who inherit such languages still desire to bring their native tongues back Reviewing Western classical literature such as the Bible, the Hebrew history, and the Smith, 1995: 129). In themes. While I cannot find the exact equivalents of these I related questions in the classics of the East and the Oceanic, where cultures ar e often directed towards collectivity, the concern of identity is still prevalent in the myths of origin that define a people or classify different peoples. However, because it is so common and essential, (the question of) identity has long been overlooked by modern academia, which tends to treat identity as a biological given. It is not until quite recently that the issue of identity has gained attention from some in social science, who begin to realize that the definition and positioning of a person and t hose of a people are mostly cultural, fluid, and multiple 28 In what follows, I will review the young academic discussions on identity in education and LP, in nationalistic discourse, and in narratives. I hope to find proper 28 Le Page & Tabouret Keller (1985) is often considered as the first research where the identity related issues are examined sociologically and linguistically.
104 theorization as well as methodol ogy that would lead to a comprehensive understanding of identity. Learning Identity 29 Modern nation states are with no exception of an originally multilingual and multicultural composition. But they usually have one variety of language stand out as the stan dard and socially prestigious, due to the ideology of nationalism, socio historical context, and inequitable power relations. Many immigrant and indigenous minorities are pressured to learn the prestigious linguistic variety, which often represents the col onial remnant, in order to gain socio economic success. However, when they acquire/learn this socially preferable second language, they often also acquire a new identity. It is hence no surprise that a major field of identity study is Second Language Acqui sition, or SLA. The traditional approach to SLA, as Norton (1997, 2000) and Norton Peirce (1995) point out, often takes a code based view where the (target) language is set in the foreground. That is, (McKay & Wong, 1996). Therefore, if a student fails to acquire the target language, she is blamed for adopting the wrong strategies or lacking motivations. Linguistic Anthropology in Education Norton (1997, 2000) points out that SLA is often s ituated in and reflects the inequitable power relations in the society. When learning the dominant language, the immigrant students do not merely learn to 29 only in langua ge learning. Rather, it takes place in the acquisition of knowledge in general.
105 become the target culture, but they also face the challenge to as well as redefinition of their origi nal culture. Norton (1995: 14 struggling involves agency, the individual learners are re conceptualized as active participants rather than objects passively defined. Moreover, Norton (2000: 10) repla cultural capitals Languages are the carriers of these intangible cultural capitals. As a result, Norton (2000: 10 12) finds learners actively invest in the languages as well as the pert inent identities through evaluation and negotiation. Thus, identity should not be viewed as a constant trait that is biologically given; it is fluid, opportunities to speak McKay & Wong (1996) expand it to include listening, reading, and also writing. Still, the assumption remains the same: SLA and as determin ing their effectiveness of teaching and learning onto the discourse and power relations in the acquisition environment Also noting the importance of sociopolitical context and seeing knowledge as a form of other subjects taught at school. He uses a one academic year empirical study of a ninth grade English history class as an example to show that the acquisition of knowledge in school is indeed inextricable from the construction of social identity. By distinguishing different tim escales of established (hence often stereotypical) cultural historical identity with the local socialization
106 process that takes place in the immediate classroom e vents. He reveals that underlying the seemingly academic learning is social identification based upon the established power relations in the society: two students were identified, socialized, or fit into Furthermore, Pavlenko (2004a) extends the scope of identity acquisition from the classroom to the general public domain. Similar to Norton, Pavlenko starts out criticizing the traditional view that prescribes a one to one indexical correl ation between the language used by the individuals and their identity. Instead, she advocates approaching identity as a discursive process that permits multiplicity. In other words, an individual is associated w ith more than one identity, and this constellation of identities and the meanings within are fluid. Since meanings interaction with the social context changes. Wh ile Norton conceptualizes identity as a site of struggle, Pavlenko (2004a: 20 (non negotia ted or non contested because generally Crucially, she reminds the researchers to always look into the socio historical background that would help explain why a certain identity may be negotiable at a certain time but non negotiable at another. In addition, Pavlenko proposes the concepts of audibility and visibility as indicators of identity negotiation: audibility concerns whether the voice of a person/people can be heard, and visibility concerns whether the perso n/people is included in the imagination of a certain identity (Pavlenko, 2004a: 24 25). These two concepts are closely related to the poststructuralist theorization of the imagination of nation which I discuss in the next section. Below, I will first
107 revi ew another linguistic issue pertaining to the socialization of identity, that is, language ideology. Language ideology is where the social meaning(s) and role(s) of a language are negotiated. nd how they identify with the language in question. In many cases, language ideology is intertwined with the nationalism informed LP issues. For example, to study the construction of the ideology that asserts English as the one and only language for the Am erican national identity, Pavlenko (2002) looks at the change of language ideology in the US and shows that the general tolerance of multilingualism in the 18 th and 19 th centuries has been replaced by English monolingualism since World War I, mostly due to the anti German sentiment. She points out two major discourses that have contributed to this transformation: (1) the Superiority of English, and (2) the de legitimizing of non English languages, which was (and still is) often manifested in debates concern ing bilingual education. As a matter of fact, today the ideology has been materialized into the educational and immigration policies in many states, as English is defined as the only proper language to be taught to immigrant and indigenous children. On the French LP in Canada, which I have reviewed earlier, shows that the debate around language is truly identity sensitive. The French ideology in Quebec is inseparable from the Quebecois nationalistic identity, which e nvisions a monolingual French territory. The Federal Government of Canada counters with policies that are seemingly in favor of bilingualism and multiculturalism, while they actually fortress the English dominance and prevent the recognition of the existin g unequal power relations among different ethno linguistic groups. And the Minority French, located in between as well as outside of the ideologies represented by the Quebecois nationalists and the Federal Government, find their own identity and speech var iety
108 unrepresented, and so they have to strive for audibility and visibility. All in all, by revealing the ideologies behind the negotiation of ethno linguistic identity, Heller shows that the multiple meanings. Last but not least, some policies may not seem as straightforwardly concerned with language as LP in education, but they could also complicate the identity issues. For example, Shohamy (2006: 112 114) shows tha t policies of road signs, toponyms, and names of organizations affect the linguistic landscape (LL) in the public space, and the outcome would further affect the identities of the people(s) who reside in the area. She examines the LL in Israel and finds th at much of the political linguistic ideology is reflected in not only which language is used (Arabic, English, or Hebrew) but also in the semantic contents of the signs and labels. The linguistic landscape hence turns into the mental landscape in the indiv their sense of location and positioning, and thus their identity. On the other hand, manifested in discussed earlier, Boxer & Gritsenk o (2005) and also Hardman (1994) show that personal names are often beyond personal choices (assuming free will) and/or normative practices (assuming cultural tradition). The (change of) naming practice may be an indirect result of colonialism or cultural hegemony, as the indigenes or the minority immigrants accept the dominant culture of the nation state in order to fit in. However, quite often a government would dictate its peoples how to name themselves. For example, some countries such as China, Japan, and Taiwan still have laws that suggest 30 Also for 30 laws that directly states that they should do so. These laws ar e not under the policy of naming. Rather, they take the
109 example, for over fifty years in Taiwan, there have been laws prescribing Mandarin Chinese names to the Austronesian indigenes. It is only until recent ly that the government has replaced the old policy with a new one that allows the Austronesian to register names in their native languages. But for many indigenes, their sense of the Austronesian identity has already been altered due to the imported Chines e culture that comes with the names. I will come back to this last case later in Chapter 4 when I examine Taiwan in detail. National Identity My research primarily focuses on a specific type of identity, namely, national identity for it is what concerns m favorite topic in the mainstream discourse. At the same time, I do not preclude the possibility of other identities (such as gender, age and ethnicity) factoring in the formation identification process. Hence, in this section, I examine the conceptual and social significance of national identity in relation to other varieties of identities. Smith (1995: 130) first defines two essential questions of identi t Who What question asserts continuity through genealogy and residence, but the what question asserts distinctiveness through culture and community. He asserts that national identity belongs to the what question rather than the who que stion. However, according to the conviction that all identity related issues are discursively constructed, one would assume that the distinction between the who question and the what question is only superficial. For example, genealogy and residence are ex pressed as well as interpreted in human languages, and hence they do not properties (or their shared properties) after he demises. Also, in these countries, it is indeed a general cultural norm
110 derived from the Greek root genos meaning race family. And co n temporary DNA technology has sh own that race as it is generally understood is quite different from what is coded genetically. As Zach (1995) points out, most of the so called Black people in the US have Caucasian blood (because of the One drop Rule) and many in the White/Caucasian race have Native American blood. Also, as will be shown later in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5, even the prescribed to the Austronesian indigenes in Taiwan. The concept of lin eage is hence also blurred. Therefore, in real world application, the who question has actually been made into the what question, and the two are virtually inseparable. That is how the nationalists often associate blood may contribute to the confusion in discussion and explanation. For i nstance, as Smith (1995: one might consider collective identit ies as constructs in the global discourse, from which the individuals draw discursive resources to construct their own identities. Collective identification and individual identification are hence not one and the same. National identity operates mainly on schemata, of similar emotional dispositions and attitudes, and of similar behavioral conventions, they have internalized direct relation to the nation state, national identity exerts a special power over other collective identities, such as
111 religious identity, which may exert power only implicitly through the interest groups (Smith, 1995: 131). Still, this last observation needs to be put in doubt when Taiwan is concerned, for it assumes a monotonic expression and hence one unchallengeable version of national identity. In the c state itself cannot be defined singularly. Besides, the expression of national ident ity co exists with but does not overshadow other identity expressions. Take gender for a simplified example: the Chinese nationalist feminists tend to attribute the observed sexism to earlier Japanese colonialism, but the Taiwanese nationalist feminists of ten attribute it to the Chinese colonialism. The attitude of the Chin ese intrusion into Taiwan. Smith (1995: 131) further points out that, generally speaking, the collective identity is the symbols, values, myths, memories, and traditions of the community, and obvious by now, all these cultural elements are embodied in language and discourse. In discourse, a collective national identity often expresses the following themes: (1) a collective name, (2) a myth of comm on origin, (3) a shared ethno history, (4) cultural characteristics that serve to demarcate members from non members, (5) an association with historic territory, or homeland, (6) a sense of solidarity, (7) a definite territory or homeland (other than throu gh historical association), (8) a common economy, (9) a shared public, mass education based culture, and (10) common legal rights and duties for all members (Smith, 1995: 133 135). Later I will introduce the manifestation of these themes in the identity po litics of Taiwan, but now I
112 would just focus on two most well studied, i.e., the myth of common origin and the Self Other distinction. the nationalists who aim to presc ribe one same language and culture to their target members. For example, as Wodak et al. (1999) point out, German is the primary language in which the orginal Austrian nationalism was expressed. This historical fact turned into a profound problem for the A ustrian founding members who sought to create an Austrian people that were distinct from their German enemies. Therefore, they selectively resorted to some historical archives in order to create a common and distinct Austrian origin. One of the selected do cuments is Ostarrichi where 1999: 2). This (myth of) common origin, however, is not enough: a mere name/label for the Austrian people does not make them so different from the German. Distinctiveness needs to be built upon an elaborated separation system. Wodak et al. observe several sub discourses or discursive themes in Austrian national identity that served the purpose of severing the German connection. First there i German as the one to blame (Wodak et al., 1999: 5). Consequently, the German Other is (depicted as) the only one responsible for the Nazi crime, and the Austrian Self is rid of the guilt Other written, o r selectively presented, to allow Self to be exonerated from the wrong doings and/or to put all blame on Other. This discursive means can serve any designated Self. The Self does not have to be Austrian, and the Other does not have to be German. For exampl e, Breuer (2004) explicates how a positive German Self is constructed
113 against the negative French Other in the German nationalistic discourse. Here the German are the brave and honorable, and the French are feminized as incompetent sissies. Note that this example again shows that gender could be incorporated into the discourse of national identity. In sum, a national identity, and hence a nation, is often founded in and through language. Without the linguistic sense making such as a myth of common origin an d the discursive characterization such as the Self Other demarcation, a nation cannot be defined. Therefore, Narrative Identity While national identity is often constructed in the global discourse and connotes identity. A com prehensive identity study hence needs to combine the collective aspect with the study of the linguistic identity of English, which is related to the American natio nal identity, she combines a macro analysis of the historical development of LP and a micro analysis of the memoirs of individual immigrants. For the latter, the method of narrative study was applied along with ethnographic interview (cf. Cortazzi, 2001). Narrative study as a methodology consists of various perspectives (Benwell & Stokoe, 2006). These perspectives often share terminology, but many terms are defined differently by different scholars to fit their respective research purposes. For example, bot h scholars with Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Conversational Analysis (CA) backgrounds study However, while the CDA analysts take the sociopolitical and so cio historical implications into
114 of the construction of gender identit generally understood in the mainstream culture, without dwelling on the social meanings of such a role and questioning the reason why it is assigned to women. Neither is she concerned with the social effects this role not address, on the other hand, are often taken seriously by the critical analysts. For example, even though the major focus is not gender in Pavlenko (2004b), P avlenko nevertheless devotes parts of her discussion to the (re)negotiation and (re)imagination of gender in the formation of an A theory directly developed from narrative study that shares the critical concern of power relat ions is the positioning theory In its original version, the subject position in a narrative is said to be determined by the larger social forces from outside. In other words, the subject is positioned by the structure and the narrator is completely vulner able to the top down social influence. However, Bamberg (2004) later re making notion of subject that acknowledges the subjec to position story teller constructs her own identity (Bamberg, 2004: 135). While the narrative resources (e.g., time sequenc e, social role, genre, etc.) available to the story teller may be pre defined in the social structure, she does take an active role in making creative use of them. By extension, process both of which are observable in an identity narrative. As a consequence, this latest
115 version of positioning theory enables the analysts to incorporate both the top down and bottom up processes of identification. Or as Pavlenko (2 bring together the views of identities as located in [global] discourse and as situated in [local] Last but not least, albeit acknowledging the potential use of personal narratives in the examin als sharing a particular cultural global discourse but spend no discussion on any individual narrative. I consider this as an unfavorable result misled by the Path 1 CDA, for a solely top down account of identity would te lling process that engages individuals as well as groups. Hence, it encompasses both individuality and t another level, identity can be related to another level, identity can be related to the expression, discussion, and negotiation of membership into communit it comes down to the Agent Structure relationship, and just like any linguistic and socio cultural activity, the two co construct each other.
116 Conclusion I have shown that a comprehensive study of the relations between identity, language, and society needs to take into account the public discourse, the official policy and planning, the local discourse that includes personal narratives, and the reflexivity of the researcher. The terms and li nguistic strategies used in the discourses need to be carefully examined without losing the complexity of meaning. The inspection of policy and planning needs to include the public domain as well as the private. And, crucially, all examinations and analyse s must adhere to the making, for only this would help unfold the essential cultural and linguistic elements that braid together the different directionalities, or flows, of social influences and interactions. When all these asp ects are taken care of, a truly holistic research project would become possible. Such a project shall be able to include both the macro level and the micro level of the overall ecology and hence address both individuality and collectivity. In the next chap ter I will introduce the methods I have employed in the quest for my research questions: What are the factors in the relation between identity and language? And how do they interact? I hope that the findings would eventually lead to the establishment of a healthy social environment where diversity is appreciated, rather than feared and/or oppressed.
117 Table 2 1. U nited N ations E ducational, S cientific and C ultural O rganization Red Books definitions of language endangerment Categories Definitions (i) Extinct lang uages Other than the ancient ones (ii) Possibly extinct languages Without reliable information of remaining speakers (iii) Nearly extinct languages With maximally tens of speakers, all elderly (iv) Seriously endangered languages With a more substantial number of speake rs but practically without children among them (v) Endangered languages With some children speakers at least in part of their range but decreasingly so (vi) Potentially endangered languages With a large number of children speakers but without an official or prest igious status (vii) Not endangered languages With safe transmission of language to next generations
118 Table 2 2. I nternational U nion for C onservation of N ature Red List on endangered species Categories Definitions (i) Extinct When there is no reasonable doubt tha t the last individual has died (ii) Extinct in the wild When it is known only to survive in cultivation, in captivity or as a naturalized population well outside the past range (iii) Critically endangered When it is facing an extremely high risk of extinction in th e wild in the immediate future (iv) Endangered When it is not critically endangered but is facing a very high risk of extinction in the wild in the immediate future (v) Vulnerable When it is not critically endangered or endangered but is facing a high risk of ext inction in the wild in the medium term future (vi) Lower risk When it has been evaluated, does not satisfy the criteria for any of the categories critically endangered, endangered, or vulnerable (vii) Data deficient When there is inadequate information to make a di rect, or indirect, assessment of its risk of extinction based on its distribution and/or population status (viii) Not evaluated When it has not yet been assessed against the criteria
119 CHAPTER 3 TRIANGULATION: A MET HODOLOGY Triangulation is a concept originally proposed by the CDA scholars of the Vienna School 9). While I borro w insights from theories in different academic fields, here I use triangulation to refer to a concrete methodology for this particular research that accommodates three major areas of a linguistic inquiry into identity: the big discourse generated collectiv ely in a larger society, the small discourse by individuals and/or small communities, and cultural activism The big discourse represents social control. It is prescriptivism in that it defines the peoples and regulates their linguistic behaviors as well a s cultural thinking. The small discourse is not as audible or visible as the big discourse, but it reflects the individual minds and how they cope with the central control. Note that the labels I use, big and small, do not imply that one of the discour se types is intrinsically more significant or more important than the other; they are equally meaningful to social members. The differentiation is made only for the convenience of discussion, as it follows Gee s (1996) distinction between the socially cons tructed Discourse and the locally constructed discourse as well as Erickson s (2004) distinction between the collective History and individual history. The third element, c ultural activism on the other hand, exhibits social mobility It embodies l ocal agency, its resistance and perseverance, and an opportunity to move to the main or central, stage of social influence Triangulation thus means that it is my intention to integrate these three areas into one academic investigation In the following s ections, I will explain the kind of data needed for examining each of the three areas, how I collected them, and how I am to analyze them.
120 The Big Discourse and Critical Discourse Analysis The Data liticians, and their renditions as big discourse also consists of laws and policies for which these politicians provide explanations and about which they deb ate. The language and identity related laws and policies also crucially affect the speech behaviors and identity choices of the politicians just like they affect everyone else in the nation. In addition, the talks given by other symbolic elites such as th e expert consultants and/or interest group leaders, and, sometimes, the media reports on relevant topics that do not reference any specific individual or group, are of great relevance. The source, such as the name of the newspaper or TV station, is include d in the data as well because it may indicate communication corporations have an implicit political affiliation due to ideological preference or business connection. For the purpose of this research, my collection of media data focuses on issues pertaining to the identity politics of Taiwan. However, the data come from more areas than just Realpolitik; they also include news articles in the Culture & Education column, for example, and/or Entertainment. In the highly identity sensitive context of Taiwan, a seemingly trivial issue such as the name of a sport team representative of the co untry may carry certain ideological implications as well. For instance, the same baseball team representing the nation is often referred to as Team Chinese Taipei or Team Zhonghua by the Chinese nationalist media but as Team Taiwan by the Taiwanese nationa list media. Background understanding of these issues, on
121 the other hand, is implemented by the collection of the (language, education, and ethnic) policy data. While the media data are contemporary and their analysis mostly synchronic, the policy data are examined diachronically so as to show the historical development of top down identity construction. Below, I explain the method I have employed to collect these data and its limitations. The Method Because I do not currently live in Taiwan, I rely on World Wide Web as my news source. I check the main news page everyday in Yahoo Taiwan, read through the news entries, and save the ones useful for this research in Microsoft Word files. The downfall of this method is that the internet news entries tend to be sh orter than their original published version in newspapers or on TV, due to space limitation and rapid renewal. However, the method enjoys the advantage of multiple news sources and cross referencing. For example, through Yahoo News one can access news from all three major newspaper publishers in Taiwan, including the two Chinese nationalist newspapers China Times and United Daily News, and the Taiwanese nationalist newspaper Liberty Times. It also publishes the text version of news from major TV networks su ch as TVBS (which belongs to the ERA Group, a Chinese nationalist cooperation) and Formosa TV (Taiwanese nationalist) in addition to radio sources such as Chinese Radio Network (Chinese nationalist). Besides, news entries from non mainstream sources are of ten available as well. Hakka TV and Taiwan Indigenous TV, both under the commercial free Taiwan Public Television Service, provide different angles from the oftentimes highly opinionated commercial networks. The time span for my collection is between Janua ry 2005 and the present. It witnesses one of the most significant political transitions in the history of democratic Taiwan ROC. Between
122 2004 and May 2008 was the second term of President Chen Shui bien, a political leader of the Taiwanese nationalist Demo cratic Progressive Party (DPP). And Ma Ying jeou, the star of KMT (Kuomintang, also known as the Chinese Nationalist Party), has served the presidential position since May 20 th 2008. This transition has received tremendous attention because it marked exclusive control for 50 years. Therefore, identity politics was particularly heated in the presidential election in March 2008 and the time around it. During the camp aigns, the two competing nationalistic ideologies had generated a vast body of identity discourse, which takes up much room in my data. All of my news data are originally printed in Chinese characters and they predominantly correspond to spoken Mandarin, a lthough occasionally a journalist might use the characters to write Hakka or Southern Min, both of which are Han languages, in a non standardized way that is nevertheless understandable to the native speakers. In Yahoo News Taiwan, the news entries are pre classified into 15 categories in the following order: Headline, (Domestic) Politics, Society (general), Local, International, Finance and Economics, Science and Technology, Sports, Health, Education, Arts and Literature, Entertainment, Travel, Life, and R mentioned earlier, because identity prevails over all aspects of social life, I do not limit my focus on a certain news category. Although most of my data were originally under Headline, Politics, and International (especially its subc ategory China Hong Kong Macao), many others were retrieved from the Education, Arts and Literature, Entertainment, and Sports categories. The policy data, on the other hand, mainly come from academic publications. There is a healthy literature devoted to t he study of Chinese LP (mostly, but not all, about spoken Mandarin) and other related policies, and its scope of examination ranges over China, Taiwan,
123 and also other nations with a Chinese( speaking) population such as Singapore. These publications often include references to the original policies and policy statements published by the respective governments, to which I am free to add my own interpretations. When there is a new policy or change of the old policy in contemporary Taiwan, I would then go to t he websites of the responsible governmental agencies to look for official statements. I also visited the governmental websites to attain policy data concerning other languages and/or identities in Taiwan, which are relatively less documented by the academi cs. Still, given the long colonial history of Taiwan and the fact that not all the previous and current colonists use the same language, my own linguistic ability becomes a limitation. While I have no problem reading Modern Chinese as well as Classical Chi nese and hence can assess the historical development of the Han ruled Taiwan, I cannot read Japanese. Therefore, for the policies carried out in the which in i tself is already a re interpretation. Even worse, the literature dealing with this particular era is surprisingly little, and so my overall policy data are left with imperfection and await future implementation 1 yzed from a CDA perspective (in Chapter 4). I refer to CDA as a perspective because I do not want to confuse it with any particular analytical method I share the CDA perspective that all discourse bears sociopolitical implications and all sociopolitical c ontexts channel meanings into the discourse. Thus, my data consist of policies 1 As far as policy is concerned, the other two non Han periods of Taiwan, i.e., the pre Dutch indigenous Austronesian Taiwan and the Dutch era between 1623 and 166 1, are of little relevance. The Austronesian Taiwan was a natural anarchy, and hence there were no laws or regulations to which the modern standard of policy can apply. Dutch Taiwan was a property of the East India Company, a business oriented agency. Ther e was exploitation of the native peoples and resources, but there was no full fledged policy.
124 and my analytical attention is paid to the policies themselves in addition to the news. However, as discussed above in the review of CDA, many of the analytical concepts used by the contemporary CDA scholars reflect a Eurocentric viewpoint and hence are unsuitable for analyzing non European discourses. Therefore, while I may still use some of such concepts in my analysis when the current Taiwan politics obviously mirrors the West ern model, the majority stic postulates as analytical tools, which I introduce in Chapter 4. The Small Discourse and Ethnographic Interview Definition and Method those talks in the big disc politics and national identity. Moreover, anything a person reveals bears meanings to her life. Hence, no matter how small, or short, the talks seem, they are still significant. To be a ble to truthfully assess the meanings of such significant talks, I follow the guideline of Ethnography of Communication (EC), which was originally developed by Dell Hymes and is summarized by representations of their own culture; therefore, it must be able to describe everyday, ordinary use of speech in addition to such phenomena as patterns of dialect and language use and ritualized judgments and values on them. The method I employed is ethnographic interview
125 requires intensive and t horough knowledge of a community and its values and expectations in order to attempt to learn what the speech community under examination already intrinsically bac kground of the society has provided me with certain advantages. However, as I have pointed out at the very beginning and intend to show through this research, Taiwan is far more diverse than it is generally perceived to be. Hence, I still needed to make a great effort to be able to In the summer of 2007, I went on a fieldtrip to Taiwan with a digital recorder, a note book, and a pen, to interview 1 1 individuals from various (age, ethno linguistic, gender, education, residence, e tc.) backgrounds with open ended questions. Except for some identity related and language related themes that I asked all interviewees to explore, I encouraged them to talk about anything they would like to address. The identity what is your name? language your experience of learning language(s) in and comfortable (when talking to me) since no one is monolingual. As a result, eight of the interviews were conducted main ly in Mandarin Chinese (Han) and two in Southern Min Taiwanese (Han), while other languages such as Amis (Austronesian), Sakizaya (Austronesian), Siraya (Austronesian), Hakka (Han), English, and Japanese occurred occasionally. Some of these languages and/o r expressions I did not understand, but my interviewees were all willing to explain them to me with tremendous patience. Although due to technical problems and my inaptitude as a researcher not all 1 1 interviews went on to be included in my data, through t his
126 ethnographic method I have been able to attain several identity narratives with good quantity as well as quality. The average length of each interview is about an hour and 30 minutes long. But it is the stories and the people who told them that really fascinate me. All of these people and their Besides providing information, they have revealed their truest emotions and feelings while they bore those of mine. They have given me undeserved trust and shared some very private stories. I have learnt a lot. No proper words can really express my apprec section to introducing (my encounter with) each and everyone of them in honor of their individuality. The Individuals Who Share Their Stories In the summer of 2007 I visi ted the following individuals. Although categorizing individual human beings is not to my personal liking, I include some background information after their names for the readers who are accustomed to social scientific writing and also for the convenience of indexing. The demographic categories include age, gender, ethno linguistic background, education, and residence. Age shows the historical periods through which the person has lived. Gender may indicate different sensibilities that come out of the social expectations towards different sexes. Ethno linguistic background helps situate the person into their native culture(s). Different education backgrounds often correspond to the different discursive strategies these individuals use to negotiate their ident ities against the big discourse. those who (originally) live in the North(west) part of Taiwan to be Mandarin speaking KMT
127 (Chinese nationalism) supporter s and those who live in the South(west) to be Southern Min speaking DPP (Taiwanese nationalism) supporters. In this picture, the East, an area densely populated by the Austronesian indigenes, is often overlooked. I hope that my analysis of these individual narratives in the next chapter will help in some way test, or evaluate, the validity of such categories and the perceptions along them. But for now, the generalized categories are not my main concern; the uniqueness of these individuals is. Jian Yu min ( ): 29 years old; female; bilingual in Mandarin and Southern Min, (Central Taiwan). Jian is the first person I interviewed. I met her in late May 2007 through her o lder brother Jian Guo xian, who is a good friend of mine from high school. Her hometown is in Nantou County located in Central Taiwan. But when I met her, she just finished a 3 year nous peoples such as the Amis and the Sakizaya. Later she introduced me to a Sakizaya family whose father I interviewed. My conversation with Jian was very pleasant. She appeared to be calm, open minded and quite impartial. She did not lay much judgment on the issues we discussed, including language policies. Unfortunately, my digital recorder (which I had just acquired a week before the interview) was not set up well a nd as a result nothing was recorded. (The interview was in Mandarin). Qiu Hao zhi ( ): 21 years old; male; with Southern Min and Hakka heritages but language; college junior, double major in English and law; born and grew up in Taiwan but ha d lived in the US from 1 to 7 years old. For me, Hao zhi was an interesting contrast to Jian. He was
128 passionate, outspoken, and very opinionated. He never hesitated to reveal what he liked and what eloquently and fervently in favor of Chinese nationalism, using the arguments and rhetoric commonly used by politicians and/or celebrity experts. Even though during all these interviews I mostly took the role of a good listener I must have revealed to Hao zhi in some way that I am not particularly fond of Chinese nationalism. Our conversation was indeed quite exciting (yet, still friendly). I interviewed Hao zhi on June 3, 2007. He was introduced to me by his older sister, Qiu Hao xi, who went to the same college as my younger sister. (The interview was in Mandarin, with some English input). Huang Guan zhong ( ): 24 years old; male; Hakka Han heritage, bilingual in community in Xinzhu (Northwest Taiwan). Guan zhong is a good friend of my sister and also Qiu Hao xi, the next p erson I was to interview. He is known among his friends as a jokester. When I listened to him during the interview on June 4, 2007, I indeed found him very funny and charming. His lighthearted attitude made coping with animosity seem easy. First of all, as Hakka is a threatened language in Taiwan, it is not very common for a person in his generation to be able to speak it fluently. However, Guan zhong not only speaks (two different varieties of) Hakka natively, but he also has tremendous knowledge about the linguistic and cultural meanings of his heritage. And he made it clear to me that he was proud. While the popular media have constructed and continued feeding on a negative and stereotypical Hakka image through, accen zhong recounted his personal experiences of encountering such racial and linguistic prejudices with nothing but amusement.
129 Even now, when I think of Guan zhong, a young, thriving, Hakka culture often comes to mind. (The interview was in Mandarin, with some Hakka input). Qiu Hao xi ( ): 24 years old; female; Hakka and Southern Min Heritage, bilingual in Mandarin and English, and also knows some Japanese and Spanish; college graduate with double degrees in biology and English; born and grew up in Taiwan but had lived in the US for 7 years since age 3. My interview with Hao xi took place on June 12, 2007. Like her brother Hao zhi, Hao xi is very eloquent and polite. She attributed their eloquence to the home education by their mother, who used to be a journalist. In fact, Hao xi revealed her not so pleasant relationship with her mother, whom she respects but also fears. I truly appreciate her sharing with me such private feelings. According to Hao M andarin Chinese. She not only asked Hao Mandarin of her friends. I asked to meet her mother, but she was not in an ideal health condition at the time. I wish that she had been well. (The interview was in Mandarin). Huang Hong sen ( ): 51 years old; male; Hakka heritage, bilingual in Hakka and Mandarin, and also speaks Southern Min fluently as a second language speaker; college degree in engineering; from a native Hakka community in Xinzhu County (Northwest Taiwan). I interviewed Hong sen on June 16, 2007, when he visited his son Guan zhong. As a high school teacher, Hong sen was very knowledgeable and his opinions on social issues tended to be analytical and impartial. Even when he talked about his own experiences, he gave a lot o f general, rather than personal. Hong occupation, this might also have to do with the fact that I am ju nior to him by about 20 years. In
130 the senior give advice and that the junior listen obediently. Still, Hong sen was very kind to me and to my questions. He w as certainly an admirable senior. (The interview was in Mandarin, with some Hakka as well as Southern Min input). Ng Bi su ( 2 ): 80 years old; female; Southern Min Han heritage, bilingual in Southern Min and Japanese, with some knowledge of Mandarin Chinese but consciously chooses to reject the language; high school degree; originally from Pingtung County (Southwest Taiwan), but has resided in Taipei City (Northwest) for most of her life. Ng Bi su is a grandaunt of mine that I had never met but occasionally seen on TV or in newspapers. Accompanied by my 2007. Grandma and Grandaunt chatted for a while, exchanging news about other family members, and then Grandma left me with Grandaunt Bi su for the interview. As mentioned, Ng Bi su has been somewhat of a public figure in Taiwan. Her father (and hence my gr eat granduncle), Ng Tiau jit ( ), like many other Taiwan natives in his generation who had received higher Japanese education, was following the 228 Incident in 1947 su has role unt il the late 1990s when she felt that the political climate in Taiwan had turned relatively 2 While everyone in Taiwan has a name printed in Chinese characters, not all wish them to be pronounced in Mandarin Chinese, which is the modern default spoken la nguage for the characters. Ng bi su wants her name to be
131 se she is often associated with extreme Taiwanese nationalism that denounces everything Chinese. When I faced her in person, I did feel many heavy emotions like sorrow and anger, but above all I saw a strong and perseverant woman. When Ng was 20, she witne ssed her father being taken away by the police, who gave no explanation of why and where they were taking him. For the next thirty the governmental archives, she smuggled reports about incidents in the White Terror period from abroad (mostly Japan and some US), and she had visited several other families who shared similar experiences. Not all these other victims were willing to talk to her. And she said that sh e understood; she was sympathetic. In the end, she found a piece of official document saying that her father was executed because he had committed treason. Treason, she refused to believe. Ng Tiau jit was just an editor for a newspaper for the Taiwanese pe ople to read (Taiwan Daily). How would he betray his people? As if she needed to justify him, Ng Bi su told me many stories jit Fund to support students from under privileged families. In the end, Ng Bi su rationalized that the is, Republic of China, a nation that she has denounced. She has identified herself only as a Ta iwanese, and she has refused to speak Mandarin, the Chinese language. And yes, both in the image depicted by the media and in my interview, Ng Bi su has made many generalizations owever, while the big discourse reveals only these generalizations, from the small discourse, or small talk, I have learnt the significant meanings behind them. A few months before the interview, Ng Bi su closed down the Ng Tiau jit Museum she had establis hed to commemorate her father because, as
132 was in Southern Min, generally referred to as the Taiwanese language, with some Japanese input). Uma Talavan (Siraya) or Ban Siok koan ( pronounced in Southern Min): 43 years old; female; Siraya heritage, bilingual in Mandarin and Southern Min, attempting to awaken Siraya; theology degree; from Tainan (Southwest Taiwan). After visiting my maternal grandaunt Ng Bi su, I went down south to Tainan County to visit my Siraya (paternal) side of family. Other than my original hometown Jiali Township ( ), I also visited another Siraya community in Sinhua Township ( ), where I found this flyer of a Musuhapa Siraya Summer Camp, in which I en rolled. By then I had already known that I have Siraya heritage and self studied some published academic materials about the language some linguists had as this group of people in the Tainan Pepo Siraya Cultu re Association (TPSCA) who had worked on awakening the dormant native tongue for a decade. Hence, I was pleasantly surprised by the language lessons and music and dance in the Siraya form when I participated in the summer camp in early July. Then I met Uma the chair of TPSCA and organizer of the camp. She treated me like a brother of her own and recruited me and sincerity, Uma told me her stories. By not being afr aid to reveal that she, like many others in our generations, had only realized her Siraya heritage lately and learnt to embrace it, Uma also let me know I was not alone. In the two hour long interview, I was deeply affected by her ories, TPSCA and its language and culture awakening missions, including the summer camp, and the reflection on my own discovery of my Siraya heritage, comes in Chapter 5. (The interview was in Southern Min and Mandarin).
133 Padaw Ngayaw (Sakizaya), or Lin Bin g hong ( ): 61 years old; male; Sakizaya heritage, bilingual in Amis and Sakizaya and speaks Mandarin as a second language; elementary school degree; from Hualian County (East Taiwan). I stayed one night with the Ngayaw family in Hualian on August 3, 2007. The y oungest daughter, Dome, is friend of my first interviewee, Jian. The generosity they offered me is deeply appreciated. The Ngayaw family belongs to an indigenous people of an approximately 10,000 population called Sakizaya, who had just been officially rec ognized by the central government in early 2007. Before 2007, the Sakizaya were mis classified as the Amis people, as a historical consequence of the early Sakizaya seeking sanctuary inside the Amis during the Japanese oppression. Not all in the Ngayaw fam ily shared the same affection towards the Sakizaya identity. While the parents identified with Sakizaya strongly, the three children did not care much about being Amis or being Sakizaya. They did Padaw Ngayaw accepted my interview invitation. We sat down together on August 4. Padaw was very humble and shy at first, about his only having received elementary school education and his occupation of being a contract worker in Hualian Harbor. He said he did no t have many interesting stories to tell. I believe that this shyness had to do with the fact that the interview was conducted in Mandarin, the only language we shared in which Padaw was not very fluent. I apologized for my lack of proper linguistic skills. Still, with my encouragement Padaw opened up and told me many fascinating stories about his life experience, the history of the Ngayaw family, the history of Sakizaya vis vis grateful that Padaw taught me several native Sakizaya place names in the Hualian area, which are only known to the general public in their Mandarin Chinese names. Due to an earlier typhoon, the Ngayaw family had been forced to leave their traditional home in the mountain to the suburban area of
134 Hualian City. I wish that they have recovered their native land. (The interview was in Mandarin, with some Sakizaya input). Xu Jin huan ( ): 72 years old; male; Hakka heritage, trilingual in Hakka, Southern Min, and Japanese, and also speaks Mandarin as a second language; high school degree; originally from Pingtung County (Southwest Taiwan), now residing in Taitung County (Southeast Tai wan). I met Xu Jin huan by chance on August 4, 2007, when I took a southbound train to leave Hualian. I was going to Taitung County to meet the indigenous Paiwan writer/activist Sakinu, and Xu sat next to me. It turned out I did not meet Sakinu as original ly planned; he had other obligations 3 Instead, I had a pleasant encounter with Xu on the trip. Xu initiated the conversation in (very fluent) Southern Min, but later I found out he was Hakka. Like some of the other Hakka people I had met, Xu told me what being Hakka had meant to him. His experience was as unique as the other Hakkas. Their difference might mainly be attributed to the fact that they came from different regions as well as generations. Because I had not originally planned for an interview, the identity and/or language related topics, Xu also talked a lot about his business, for example. I did not record the conversation, but I did take notes afterwards. (The conversation was in S outhern Min). Chen Jun hong ( ): 43 years old; male; with Bunun (Austronesian) and Southern Min (Han) heritages, trilingual in Bunun, Southern Min, and Mandarin; high school degree; from Pingtung County (Southwest Taiwan). Chen is a folk artist masterin g the Bunun craft of wood 3 I did get to meet Sakinu in his hometown Lalauran the next year, when I accompanied Uma a nd two others from the Siraya Association to visit several indigenous communities on the East Coast so as to learn from their experiences of native cultural maintenance. I will recount this field experience later.
135 carving and malat (Bunun word for an indigenous hunting knife) making. In August, 2007, he had an exhibition in the Civil Cultural Center of Taichung City, my home base in Taiwan. My mother worked as a volunteer in the center, and hence through her help I was able to make an exhibition, and so he was in a very good mood. But he was not prepared to talk much about himself, except for his art. B esides, a group of his friends, all of whom indigenous, w as there to congratulate him and to celebrate. Hence, the interview did not take the traditional one on one, face to face, format. Instead, I was cordially invited by Chen to join him and his friends to a banquet in a restaurant, and they agreed to let me put a recorder on the big round table. The food was excellent and the conversation must have been interesting. Unfortunately, because the restaurant was noisy, the recording quality turned out poor. Also we drank a lot, and so afterwards I could not write down any orderly notes. And Chen had to tour the island for his other exhibitions. So I could not make another appointment with him before returning to the US. Still, I thank his generosity and I tru ly admire his art as well as what he has done for his culture through the art. (In the table conversation, there was Mandarin, Southern Min, Bunun, and probably two other Austronesian indigenous languages, which I am unable to identify). Xu Ling mei ( ): 53 years old; fe Zhejiang heritage, bilingual in Zhejiang and Mandarin, and also speaks Cantonese, Hakka, Shanhaiese, and Southern Min as a second language; high school degree; born in Penghu Island (a small island off the w est coast of Taiwan island) in a military camp and grew up in several military settlement villages scattered around the Taiwan island. Xu Ling mei was the last person I interviewed. We sat down in her office on August 16, 2007. Her amazing multilingual abi lity alone shreds the
136 Mandarin), as portrayed in the big discourse. Yet, this multilingual ability does come from a shared Mainlander experience, that is, continuous migration. Probably because of her profession as a family psychotherapist/consultant, Xu was not afraid to reveal her feelings and the deepest emotions that many would keep private. She told me in great detail about her personal life history as well as th e history of her family, who came originally from the Zhejiang province in rather young when they were drafted into the KMT military. They traveled many places in Mainland China to fight the Chinese Communists. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, they were gradually removed from the Mainland to Taiwan as KMT admitted defeat. Then the migration continued in Taiwan, as the KMT government would relocate these soldiers a nd their families villages, peoples from different Mainland origins live together. As Xu told me, in general these peoples have developed a solid friendship and a shared identity that reflects their shared Taiwanese Han comm unities, which could be Hakka or Southern Min. Not all (from the) Mainlander communities get along with (those from) the native Han, but Xu has learnt to speak both Hakka and Southern Min when she was doing business in Taiwan. Eventually, she married a nat Zhejiang or at least a Taiwan nor China as they currently are (which Xu has visited several times) has provided her a secured sense of belonging. I would not be surprised if other Mainlanders share a similar sentiment. And that may explain why Chinese nationalism does seem to have certain appeal
137 particularly to the Mainlanders: The imagined, historical Chin a is a homeland, and an origin, of which these people(s) may still dream. (The interview was in Mandarin, with some Zhejiang input). In sum, all these people I have met have specific stories that only come from their own individual experiences. On the othe r hand, they also share certain larger, or more general, experiences with one another. Hence, the individual identification and the collective identification interplay. Also, the descriptions I have provided in this section are rather incomplete. The ident complex than those which the short paragraphs here could cover. For example, gender actually eling. In Chapter 4, more pieces will come along when I bring the big discourse and the small discourse together under close examination. Siraya Activism and Participatory Observation One way to examine an interwoven pattern is through following the string Siraya activism is the string I follow to get a closer look at the intricate pattern of identification in Taiwan. I collective and individual. The contemporary S iraya Movement is as much a cultural event as it is political. Through several cultural reclamation activities such as language awakening and the reinterpretation/reinvention of music, it aims to attain official acknowledgment of the people. Started a deca hiong ( ), the then Chair of Tribe, home of TPSCA, and it represented a small local discourse collectively formed by th e voices of the individuals involved. It had not gained much attention from the mainstream society.
138 A little more than ten years later, more people from other Siraya tribes, such as I myself, have ross /inter tribal projects. Many of its activities are now reported in Regional News, and some in National News, of the mainstream media. In other words, the name Siraya and its people have gradually moved into the big discourse, although they have not ye t been granted an official status by the central government. On May 2, 2009, the Siraya joined several other unrecognized Lowland peoples of Taiwan in a street demonstration in front of the Presidential House, an event that has made the people even more au dible and visible. My Homework The Si raya movement is also personal to me, as Siraya constitutes part of my own heritage and identity. As mentioned earlier, I met Uma and was recruited into TPSCA in the summer of 2007. Since then, I have served several pos itions in the association, from Special Assistant to the Chair, Linguistic Consultant, to Head of the Siraya School Project, and I have participated in several programs. Most, but not all, of them are language related. I have helped the language awakening team in compiling a modern Siraya Chinese English dictionary that was published in November, 2008 (Macapili, 2008), I have helped develop some language teaching materials, and I have taught several language and language related courses in the 2008 Musuhapa Siraya Summer Camp. Also in the summer of 2008, the Siraya aspect of my research was funded by Foundation for Endangered Languages and Taiwanese American Foundation of Boston, which allowed me to go back to Taiwan again and spend three full months in clos e vicinity to TPSCA and the Siraya people. Here I would like to thank the two foundations for their generous support. When all is in consideration, I, the researcher, have indeed received the status of a raya Movement has become more than a single
139 home native tribe, when Uma introduced me into Tavocan she did explicitly point out my Siraya heritage to the locals such that the ac ademic standpoint, there must be certain specific issues that the researcher wants to explore. In my case, at least in the beginning, I was particularly interested in the political aspects of the Siraya Movement. I wanted to look deep into the political di scourse and to get more first hand information about how the individuals construct their identity. My insider status has helped a lot, as Uma would reveal to me details about the external as well as internal politics, which she would normally hesitate to s political meetings, including some inter tribal meetings where I met and talked to the local activists from other Siraya tribes. On the other hand, while I do sometimes wish to maintain more active involvement. For example, I have edited and also drafted a few political statements for the association, and, if not for financial difficulty, I would have b een physically present in the abovementioned street demonstration earlier this year. In addition, as summarized above, I have been asked to work much on the language proper, which I did not initially expect to do. Originally, I intended the research more a s a sociolinguistic project than an anthropological linguistic one. But then I recognized my responsibility for the people and the culture for whom I care. Being the only academically trained native Siraya linguist, I have little choice but to help awaken our ancestral language because many Siraya people wish to hear it spoken again. In fact, I wish for the same.
140 As a result, my involvement with the Siraya does not completely overlap with the research presented in this dissertation. Many issues, such as a d etailed analysis of Siraya phonology or a discussion on the proper language teaching method for teaching a heritage language as a second language, are left out. It is in spite of the fact that much of what I have gained from working on the language proper has helped me explore the Siraya identity discourse. For example, from the little Siraya language I have reconstructed with TPSCA, I have been able to perceive the native Siraya worldsense better. But, after all, this research is mainly about identity and the sociopolitical role of language. Still, I am committed to the Siraya for a longer term than this the future some of the material that is not included here will be published and shared in In sum, through participatory observing Siraya activism as a developing social, cultural, and linguistic movement I have gain ed insights regarding the relation between language and identity, the interplay of top down influence and bottom up resistance, and the co construction of identity in general. Chapter 5 is devoted to (these aspects of) Siraya and more details are presented there.
141 CHAPTER 4 THE CO CONSTRUCTION OF NATI ONAL IDENTITY IN TAI WAN In Taiwan, identity, especially national identity has been the most influential factor in sociopolitical context is so peculiar that everything event thors should be included for the anthology to be considered fair? The discussion on identity hence prevails over all sorts of discourse, from family, classroom, to Realpolitik. Even when taking an inner city trip in a taxi, one may find it hard to avoid be ing engaged in a conversation about identity politics, as the stereotype of a taxi driver is one who listens to political radios all the time Such an obsession with identity is often attributed by the media and popular opinion leaders to the long colonial However, in my opinion, the perceived crisis has not yet been dealt with carefully enough. For example, it is quite common to see scholars (or ming2 zui3 terminology) in the ever present political talk shows on TV 1 arguing passionately about identity against one another. The debates are often extremely heated but the opinions are rarely situated in professional knowledge. In other words, id entity in Taiwan remains for the most part a subject of opinionated moral debates. As a result, it becomes more of a cause of the social problems and 1 According to my rough estimation, there are at least four or five such TV political talk shows broadcasted in Taiwan everyday from Monday to Friday. They are all aired around the same time (around 9 or 10pm) and have a solid fan base. Each of these TV stations has a known political bias and the fans tend to stick to the shows that confirm their own preferred political ideologies. All the shows accept call ins and encourage antagonistic comments. Therefore, instead of offering the audience a platform for reasonable discussions, the shows are, in a twisted sense, popular entertainment.
142 conflicts than a problem itself that needs treatment. Given this observation, I find it important to have chapter provides a close look at the construction of identity through language in the general society of Taiwan. My discussion focuses on the two competing nation al identities, namely, the Chinese identity and the Taiwanese identity In the discussion the underlying nationalistic ideologies will be revealed. At the same time, I point out how other identities, such as ethno linguistic identity, gender, and age, have featured in the overall discourse. The chapter is divided into three sections. First, it starts with a detailed examination of the postulates of Mandarin Ch inese, which is the language of high social functions and hence affects making. In other words, it is for setting up an emic linguistic behaviors. Discussions on other policies, especial ly those concerning ethnicity and naming, are also included so as to show how they may interplay with the language policy in down and a bottom up analys e s of Taiwa in which the big discourse and the small discourse mutually influence, or co construct, each other. Linguistic Background Since the Chinese Nationalist Party KMT brought Republic of China to Taiwan in 1945, Mandarin Chinese has been the sole national and also official language of the nation state.
143 [ethno protected status of Mandarin remains the same. This prestigious status, and the policy and planning that foster it, have made Mandarin the dominant language in all higher social domains. It is the language of education, co mmerce, media, law, and politics. Indeed, it is the language of a nd/or expressions in other languages. Therefore, I devote this section to the examination of the linguistic postulates of Mandarin Chinese in the hope that it will prepare the readers with a native ide a summary of the recurrent key words in such talks so as to familiarize the readers with them. The Linguistic Postulates of Mandarin Chinese Mandarin Chinese, I have i dentified four linguistic postulates of Mandarin: ONEness comparative ranking centrism and seniority In what follows, I give their definitions, explain the cultural connotations, and provide examples that illustrate such connotations. ONEness and singu larity ONEness in Mandarin Chinese is prevalent. It is encoded in the morphology of singularity and also in the commonly used words composed of the morpheme yi Consequently it underlies the essential cultural values in various domains such as dom estic organization, political discourse, and language ideology, etc. First, take the morphological numbers for example. Although generally perceived as a morphology less language because its syntax is rather analytical, grammatical numbers are not
144 complete ly absent in Mandarin Chinese. Specifically, there is a derivational suffix men ( ) capable of rendering any singular NP that denotes an animate being plural. The distinction between singular and plural is mandatory in personal pronouns: the singular form s are default, and the plural derived with the suffixation of men For example, wo3 ( wo3 men ( ni3 ( / ni3 men ( / ta1 ( / and ta1 men ( / animate being, although in this case the use of men is not mandatory because the unmarked singular form is so strong that it suffic es to provide the same NP a plural interpretation with the support of a quantifier phrase. For example, xiao3 hai2 ( san1 ge xiao3 hai2 ( san1 and ge classi fying the NP. However, if the quantifier phrase is absent, with suffixation xiao3 hai2 men would entail plurality. In sum, singular is the underlying default form in Mandarin Chinese and plural the derived. However, unlike in English where such a default d erived relation is carried over to the general cultural perception and hence singularity is taken as the norm 2 in Mandarin the plural interpretation is often unmarked and more common. For example, when coming across the NP xue2xiao4 li3 de xiao3 hai2 ( xiao3 hai2 the Mandarin intuition is to interpret the NP as an unspecified plural rather than a singular. Such explanation. But later I will s how that it is actually intertwined with the postulate of centrism that organizes the basic social relations based on sets 2 See the discussion of English derivational thinking in Chapter 3.
145 Other than grammatical numbers, the Mandarin postulate of ONEness can also be observed in the lexicalization associated with the fre yi1 ( ). Many Mandarin words and phrases are formed with yi1 and they usually connote constancy, absoluteness, and precision. For example, the APs yi1 zhi2 ( ) and yi1 xiang4 ( Yi1 zhi2 od of time, and yi1 xiang4 connotes habitualness. Through such morphological derivation, Mandarin Chinese associates constant activities with single mindedness and undeviating directionality: one way is the normal way. The AP yi1 guan4 ( one The idiom qian2 hou4 yi1 guan4 ( evaluation of someone whose mind never waivers. Such appreciation of the constancy of singularity also leads yan2 xing2 yi1 zhi4 ( ), her xing2 yan2 deed is not noble, she is at least considered honest an d may be exempted from additional moral scrutiny. After all, once a decision is made, one is expected to stick to it. Flip flopping and/or nonconformity are not appreciated. The Mandarin yi1 ding4 ( ): ding4 yi1 yan2 wei2 ding4 ( ), hence means to keep a promise. Given the meanings of constancy and consistency, Mandarin ONEness also connotes wholeness, collectivity, or totality. The word yi1 cie4 ( ) cie4 yi1 cie4 complexity that interferes with t he ideal wholeness: once the complexity is gotten rid of,
146 completeness is achieved 3 This Mandairn wholeness in ONEness is manifested in many common NPs. For example, while Mandarin does have a quantifier quan2 ( yi1 For example, quan2 guo2 ( ) and quan2 tian1 ( yi1 guo2 ( ) and yi1 tian1 ( ) are capable of connoting the same meaning s. Also, while with the classifier ge ( ), yi1 ge jia1 ( yi1 jia1 ( zhu3 fu4 ( ), of a ho he is the real yi1 jia1 zhi1 zhu3 ( the whole family 4 Now that the connotation of constancy and totality in Mandarin ONEness is understood, it should not be a surprise that yi1 Yi1 yang4 ( Chinese founding fathers hence felt natural to prescribe wu3 zu2 yi1 jia1 ( 5 Repub lic of China (i.e., Taiwan) point to the phrase yi1 xin1 yi1 de2 ( ) in the lyrics of the same mind ( xin1 the same virtue 3 that describe the (inability to) end of the relation between two people. For example, yi1 dao1 liang3 duan4 ( jian3 bu2 duan4 li3 hai2 luan4 ( ) and ou3 duan4 si1 lian2 ( ) situation where the breaking up is unsuccessful. 4 The Mandarin word zhu3 has an adverbial meaning o 5 In fact, there are more than five identifiable ethnically, culturally, and linguistically different peoples in China.
147 ( de2 he Mandarin word for collective identity, ren4 tong2 ( 6 under the influence of this ONE = SAMEness postulate, any call for the attention to the internal conflicts due to real world cultural divers ity in the Chinese nation(s) is easily ridiculed as a separatist attempt. In other words, Mandarin, the sole national language in the two existent Chinese nations, ROC and PRC, has provided modern Chinese nationalism with a solid foundation. Comparative ra nking Like in English, to compare in Mandarin Chinese necessarily entails ranking. That is, if two or more things are compared, one must be better, more, the best, or the most. In comparison, things (that are not categorized into ONE) cannot just be alike or different. However, Mandarin comparison differs from English comparison in that inflectional morphology is never used. While for most adjectival roots English uses the inflectional suffixes er and est to render them comparative and superlative, Mandar in Chinese uses the isolated comparative morphemes bi3 jiao4 zui4 ) to supplement all gao1 ( ); its comparative form is bi3jiao4 gao1 zui4 gao1 Mandarin compar ison is manifested throughout different layers of grammar: morphology, syntax, and semantics. It is encoded in the VP bi3 jiao4/bi3 ( / 6 While ren4 tong2 refers to t he collective identity, the other word, shen1 fen4 ( the individual identity. Ren4 tong2 is hence the word more commonly used in the discourse of national identity, although shen2 fen4 may also appear, especially when the nation state is humanized through metaphorical exp ren4 tong2 is very important because Taiwan has not yet found a distinct shen1 fen4
148 comparative morpheme (also bi3 jiao4 ) and superlative morpheme ( zui4 ) introduced earlier. Notic probably for economic reasons, when the VP is used, the comparative morpheme is absent, as shown in examples (1) and (2) below. (1) Wang2mei3mei3 bi3 Li3ying1xong2 (jiao4) g ao1 Female name to compare male name (jiao4) tall. Wang Meimei is taller than Li Yingxong. (2) *Wang2mei3mei3 bi3 Li3ying1xong2 (jiao4) bi3jiao4 gao1. Female name to compare male name (jiao4) *comparative tall And the following examples show that in Mandarin Chinese it is ungrammatical to compare without ranking. (3) *Wang2mei3mei3 bi3 Li3ying1xong2 Female name compare Male name Wang Meimei compares to Li3ying1xong2. (4) *Wan g2mei3mei3 bi3 Li3ying1xong2 yi1yang4/bu4 yi1yang4 Female name compar e male name same/not same Wang Meimei compares to Li Yingxong the same/different. Example (3) clearly shows that it is impossible to compare two things (in this case, people) without ranking them, or the traits or properties they carry. And (4) is ungrammatical because of this observation is that what makes (4) ungrammatical is not are replaced by any other AP, then (4) be comes grammatical. In other words, (4) is ungrammatical purely for semantic reasons: things compared just cannot be the same or different. Now, following the contextual information in (1), a Mandarin speaker can reach the conclusion in (5), using the compa rative morpheme bi3jiao4
149 (5) Wang2mei3mei3 bi3jiao4 gao1 Female name comparative tall Wang Meimei is taller. Note that the postulate of comparative ranking is so strong that even without any given context (5) would still make sense. When uttered alone as a single sentence, that is, isolated from any human beings). Another example that reveals comparative thinking in Mandarin Chinese would be the use of bu4ru2 ( ). Bu4ru2 is derived from the combination of the negation bu4 and the ru2 X (is) bu4ru2 Y lesser than overall cognitive structure of comparative ranking in Mandarin Chinese can be summarized as such: if someone or something is unlike, or different from, other people or things, then this person or thing is lesser than the rest. This observation corresponds to the well known collectivist culture of Han Chinese. Also, to specify that X is lesser than Y in a certain respect, one only needs to add an AP that is as in (6). (6) Li3ying1xong2 bu4ru2 Wang2mei3mei3 gao1 Male name unlike female name tall Li Yingxong is not as tall as Wang Meimei. In addition, bu4ru2 also has a metaphorical function. Let me use a common scenario for example: if a person complains about the food offered to her, the cook could reproach the diner by saying, Finally, I would like to point out that it is still possible to state that two thing s are alike or different in Mandarin Chinese. Just like in English, all one needs to do is use the simple
150 he2/han4 and Y (are) the kers do have the option to look at things yi1 yang4 ( ), 7 to have things the same is to first mak e them ONE However, the option of seeing things simply as alike or different is often ignored because compare to mentality. The comparative construction discussed in this section is among the first sentence pattern speech. In other words, for Mandarin speakers, comparative ranking has become habitual thinking. Centrism As shown in the previous section, any trait or quality except being the same or different can be ranked in Mandarin Chinese. However, certain qualities are deemed more important than others in Chinese culture. The two qualities in question are centrism and seniority distinction, and their importance is indicat ed through the validation in grammar. What I refer to as centrism is such that the center is the core of the universe and hence Chinese is zhong1 ( ). With zhong1 the Han Chinese people position and identify, themselves. They call their country zhong1 guo2 ( ) and themselves zhong1 guo2 ren2 ( ). Zhong1 guo2 English as the Middle King dom. This sexist connotation in this translation is not wrong, for 7 bu4 ( ) to yi1 ya ng4
151 Confucius, arguably the most influential ideologist in Han Chinese history, did prescribe male slation from one language to another obscures the linguistic development of the original native concept. Again, zhong1 guo2 interwoven relation between centrism and other postulates that assign male dominance. Besides, zhong1 guo2 being an unifying term for all those involved in the land of China and or its nationalistic hist ory has occurred rather recently. In the so called 5,000 years of Chinese history, there have been many nations, or dynasties, each with a different name for itself and oftentimes ruled by a different people. None of the dynasties was named zhong1 guo2 wh ich was only first incorporated into a national name in 1912 by Sun Yet sen, a native Cantonese speaker, when he founded Republic of China, or zhong1 hua2 min2 guo2 of China, or zhong1 hua2 ren2 min2 gong4 he2 guo2 ) s plit in 1949; both of them have decided upon Mandarin as the sole national language (hence the Chinese language), both have claimed to be the authentic zhong1 guo2 and the fight over central authenticity has continued until today. For the Chinese national ists in ROC and PRC alike, there can be ONE and only ONE central nation. However, when it comes to peoples, cultures, languages, and versions of history, these Chinese nationalists tend to ignore the diversity and they would conjure up an imaginary CHINESE ness that is unquestionably singular: there is only ONE Chinese race that speaks ONE Chinese language and shares ONE common history. It may seem ironic that in the history of the expansion of Chinese territory, peoples that lived outside of the territory o f (what is prescribed in the imaginary Chinese history as) Middle Kingdom were all referred to as barbarians and/or
152 savages. But once they are in Recall the ONEness postulates that also enco des ALL and WHOLENESS. Other than the unifying power in organizing the universe and the nation, the concept of zhong1 ) is also considered suitable for managing human life. Confucianism teaches the guan3 li3 tong3 zhi4 ) the people with zhong1 dao4 ( organization around five concentric circles (Figure 4 1). From center outwards they are the relation between the kin g and the ruled ( jun1 and chen2 ), the father and the son ( fu4 and zi3 ), the husband and the wife ( fu1 and fu4 ), the older brother and the younger brother ( xong1 and di4 ), the friends ( peng2 you3 ). The concentricity is interpreted as suc h: the innermost circle is the most important human relation, and in each pair of relation the first nominated individual is ranked higher than the second nominated. Hence, the relation between the male ruler and the ruled is more important than that betwe en the father and the son, which is more important than that between husband and wife, and so on. The male ruler dominates the ruled, the father dominates his son, the husband dominates his wife, the older brother dominates his younger. Also notice the tri vial role of women here: the ruler is male, the relation between the mother and her daughter is ignored, the husband leads the wife, and the relation between female siblings is unworthy of consideration. Also through the metaphor of circle, centrism genera tes the distinction between in group and out group Again, following the philosophy of concentricity, the in group is valued more highly than the out group. Such notion is inseparable from the Han Chinese appraisal of jia1 ): those who are in my family are zi4ji3 ren3 ( wai4 ren2 (
153 always stand by the side of her family members, even if they have done something wrong or dreadf ul. As the saying jia1 chou3 bu4 wai4 yang2 ( ) goes, one should never reveal the ugliness of their family to the outsiders. (7) Jia1 chou3 bu4 wai4 yang2 Family ugliness NEG outside reveal Never reveal the ugly secrets of (your) family to an outside r. Or approximately, Now recall that a Han Chinese family is organized around its male members, and one human relation that features importantly in the organization of human life is that between father and son. Hence, as observed in another Mandarin saying, a woman is born an outsider in her own family, jia4 chu1qu4 de nu3er2 shi4 puo1 chu1qu4 de shui3 ( daughter married out is like water splashed out Chu1qu4 ( ) is the directional phrase that the Mandarin terminology for marriage, which encod es gender specific usage. The male term for qu3 ( phonological and morphological realization. Therefore, one can claim that the derivation is purely semantic. Or one may con qu3 qu3 and that for formed by adding a female charactereme (i.e., emic character element) to Both analyses work fine. They exemplify the male aspect of the Han Chinese marriage 8 And where is she taken? 8 Some may argue that the Mandarin word qu3 ( may work on the surface level, but if one examines the semantic context, she would observe that qu3 ( ) is opposed to she3 ( ), which con
154 jia4 ( jia1 ( ), through changing the tone and adding the female charactereme In other words, it is only when a woman marries does she finally go home In this home/family, she is trivial and lesser than her husband 9 The question is: after a woman marries or goes home immediately become a member of his in Chinese culture is expressed as po2 xi2 bu4 he2 ( po2 ) and her d aughter in law ( xi2 conflict re striving for in group membership An investigation on Mandarin kinship terms first would help achieve this understanding. In the core of the kinship terms is the opposition of nei4 ( wai4 ( gong1 ( ) or nei4 gong1 ( wai4 gong1 ( ); paternal grandmother is po2 ( ), and maternal grandmother is wai4 po2 ( ). A married woman calls her mother in law po2 po2 ( ), as she is exp as her own (paternal) grandmother 10 Moreover, once she bears children, she calls her own birth 9 10 The reason why the wife ref ers to her mother in ascribed to the Chinese postulate of seniority. By moving one age group higher, the wife is expected to pay greater respect. I will provide detailed discussion of seniority distin ction later. For now, also note that her husband still calls his mother (and his mother in
155 mother wai4 po2 ( ), and would do the same, for it is Han Chinese convention that pare same analysis applies to the relation between a married woman and her father in law and that between her and her birth father as well. As a result, a married woman is constantly reminded of her d ubious status: she seems to be in but at the same time she is nevertheless out And what group status than to establish the status of po2 po2 that is, to become the grandmother as well as the mother in law of the family? Such is the psycholinguistic analysis of Han Chinese family feud. The observable gender inequality goes beyond family as an institution built upon marriage. Through metaphors, Mandarin Chinese speakers also talk about the school, a sports te am, and a company or cooperation as a family. The school principal, the team coach, and the boss of the company are all referred to as the father of the family. Moreover, the concept of jia1 so essential that it is also encoded in the morpholog for nation, nation state, or country, is guo2 jia1 ( zhong3 zu2 ( ) or min2 zu2 ( ), derived from (jia1) zu2 Therefore, the society as a whole is a family, and hence the previous analysis of marriage and family reveals only the tip of an iceberg of Han categorization remains ambiguous. For example, the Mandarin linguistic convention instructs a child to address any non kin stranger using kinship terms. When meeting a non kin female adult, the child has to call her yi2 ( maternal kin male adult is referred to as bo2 ( paternal shu2 ( paternal uncle younger than the group and the paternal fa mily in group. Hence, in general, a Han Chinese woman is always an outsider to the society. She may
156 reach a more solid in group member status only when she becomes obviously old. A female adult that is (or, looks) old does get to be called by a non kin per son po2 po2 sometimes. In the next section I will introduce a more complete set of Chinese kinship terms when examining the postulate of seniority. Before moving on, I would like to point out that, in addition to sexism, Mandarin Chinese ce ntrism also leads to racial inequality. China ( zhong1 guo2 ), be it ROC or PRC, literally guo2 jia1 ) is perceived as a family and no clear distinction between n ationality and ethnicity is made, the NP zhong1 guo2 ren2 ( tong2 bao1 ( rom the same placenta Chinese national family are siblings. And they are not just any siblings; they are all identical twins, or N lets 11 Ideally speaking, if these different racial/ethnic groups are truly twins of the same parents, they should receive equal treatment. However, the term zhong1 guo2 ren2 people, or han4 zu2 ( ). The Han Chinese people (allegedly) share the same, ONE, language that other peoples do not, including the writing system zhong1 wen2 ( ) and the Han language han4 yu3 ( ), which today is often synonymous as Mandarin Chinese. Hence, fundamentally, th e Han people, especially those male individuals who natively speak the Mandarin variety, sit in the center of the Chinese nation conceived upon concentricity. In the 11 Notice how the ONEness postulate is also at display here.
157 outer circle there are the Han who speak other Chinese varieties, and further out are the non Han peoples and the women (Figure 4 2). Seniority Probably associated with the focus on family, age is another crucial Han Chinese social institution. In particular, aspects of human social life are organized around the distinction of seniority. On the positive side, such age based ranking encourages the younger to respect the older. However, in many cases, it also provides the conservative, who tend of be older in age, culturally legitimate reasons to oppress those younger than them. Seniority distinct ion as a linguistic postulate is first and foremost presented in the lao3 ( shao4 ( ). Terms for certain social positions are derived from the morpheme lao3 lao3 shi1 ( lao3 ban3 ( ). The Chinese culture reprimands pe ople who retort ( ting1 hua4 ) the teacher 12 and the employees to the employer. Also remember that it is language, rather than some abstract ideas detached from it (if such ideas really exist), that truly guides people to conceptualize the world and behave accordingly. Therefore, it is quite common that a Chinese student or employee fears confronting the teacher or employer, even when they are older than the teach er or employer in actual age. 12 Many observe that compar ed to a Western classroom, a Chinese classroom is utterly quiet. It is a one way lecturing where the teacher dominates all the talk and the students just listen. The students tend not to raise questions. Some social psychologists take Chinese collectivism as a cultural explanation and argue that the
158 Seniority distinction is also encoded in the delicate Chinese kinship system alongside sex division and the in group vs. out group distinction. The core area age distinction operates is the sibling terminology 13 One distinguis jie3 ( mei4 ( ge1 ( di4 ( ). In addition, one also bo2 ( younger brother, shu2 ( ). However, one does not make an age female gu1 ( ), nor does one distinguish among er, are all yi2 ( ) 14 jiu4 ( ). Still, one may have several siblings, aunts, or uncles, who belong to the same seniority jie3 In this da4 xiao3 ), and those designating numerical order, are used. The oldest older sister is da4 jie3 the middle older sister is er4 jie3 xiao3 jie3( jie) or s an1 jie3 marks (conceptual) importance even when seniority distinction is unnecessary. As mentioned 13 Some wo analysis still awaits further observation, I believe that at least for now nothing much has changed because, as mentioned earlier, Chinese kinship terms are br oadly applied to all (non kin) social relations anyway. When a single child meets another single child, they still address each other according to the sibling terms. 14 yi2 ( ), may be related to the word yi2 ( ), which, with the Han Chinese) the moth outsiders
159 categorized into the out group family with the mark of wai4 wai4 po2 po2 wai4 gong1 gong1 Guided by the postulate of centrism, the out group members are considered less important than the in group members. And hence in colloquial Mandarin Chinese, one can also refer to the maternal grandparents as small grandparents, as opposed to the big paternal grandparents. da4 ) an xiao3 ) extend the seniority distinction to psychological ren2 ( ). The NP da4 ren2 ( the contrary, a xiao3 ren2 ( ) is not a person before reaching adulthood; rather, it stabbing. Such association of size with value (often intertwined with seniority) is also revealed in the racial nationalistic slurs. Radical Chinese nationalists, while da4 zhong1guo2 xiao3 ri4ben3 ). Following all the above discussions, it should be clear now that the linguistic postulates rarely operate alone. Instead, they mutually reinforce one an other via natural language usage. Han group vs. out group distinction, nor is it the sole function of seniority distinction. Rather, it is the result of them intertwined with each other. Al so, since Chinese kinship terms are applied beyond the actual family domain, its effect is pan social. This is how the postulate of centrism and that of seniority xia n1
160 sheng1 ( husband, the language still requires her to treat him as someone senior to her, and hence she should respect him and does not retort. Moreover, the term xian1 she ng1 is also the honorific Smith xian1 sheng1 Thus, Mandarin prescribes that any man is an important senior. Also for hai2 zi ( nu3 hai2 zi ( ) nan2 hai2 zi ( ). But only nu3 hai2 zi not apply to a male adult. A woman is, and remains, junior in the Chinese society; a junior always obeys, or listens (to the senior man ). Summary: the discursive frame of Chinese national identity Now, with a rudimentary understanding of the four Mandarin Chinese postulates, their functions, a nd the ways they may interact, I would summarize with a general introduction to the realization of these postulates in the discourse of contemporary Chinese nationalism, especially with regard to the construction of national identity. A national identity, imagined by the nationalists and imposed upon the mass. However, I believe, for it to be normalized and taken for granted, such an identity must appeal to the common perception of the people, and such a perception must be shared. In other words, a received national identity must hold strongly in the common sense of the nationals, who, in the modern context, often share a common language. In the case of contemporary Chinese nationalism, the common sense shared by the Man darin speakers is that China, the country called zhong1 guo2 in the language, is the center ( zhong1 and that there can only be one center. From this seemingly simple belief comes the guideline
161 ple is the English translation of the Mandarin phrase yi1 ge zhong1 guo2 yuan2 ze2 ( ), often shortened as yi1 zhong1 yuan2 ze2 consitutionalize that there is on ly one China nation and Taiwan is part of it As a consequence, since their split in 1949, ROC and PRC have refused to acknowledge the autonomous status of each other (while each claiming the ownership of the territory of the other). Yet such tension has b een mitigated since the 1990s, as the voice of the localist Taiwanese nationalists became hard to ignore and the claim for a political Taiwan Independence began to gain more support. The Chinese Nationalists in Taiwan have realized that they in fact share more in common with the Communists in China as far as nationhood and national identity are concerned, than with the 15 versions and (re )interpretations of the One China Principle have been proposed by the Chinese nationalists across the Taiwan Strait, as shown below. The first semi official face to face meeting between PRC China and ROC Taiwan since 1949 took place in November 1992, in Hong Kong (then under British rule). Representing PRC was Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS), and representing ROC, Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF). Originally, the meeting was set because the two representative governments hoped to find practical solutions to handle the problems arising from the growing 15 Chinese Nationalist Party, also known as Koumintang/KMT, which founded ROC in 1912 and fled from Mainland Chi Communist Party in China, which founded PRC. in Mainland China in 1949. Because Chinese Nationalists and Chinese Communists share the same ideal of Chinese nationhood and Chinese national identity, I will refer to both
162 commerce between Mainland China and Taiwan. After the meeting, however, debates on political ideology, in particular concerning national identity, took the front seat. The then ROC government, led by the Chinese Nationalist Party KMT took the meeting as confirmation that a yi1 zhong1 ge4 biao3 ) was accepted by both PRC and ROC. The Taiwanese nationalists disagreed, who pointed out that for PRC and many of the leading world powers such as the United States, PRC, on the other hand, has since then utilized this conflict to aggravate the so c alled identity crisis in Taiwan to fit its own political goal of seizing Taiwan 16 For example, in April 2004, after the Taiwanese nationalist Chen Shui bian won the ROC Taiwan election statement, 2 004). On March 14, 2005, an Anti separating the fan3 fen1 lie4 guo2 jia1 fa3 ), was passed by the third conference of the 10 th Congress of PRC, which formally grants PRC the use of i.e., military i ndependence. Item Two of this law spells out the One China Principle. There is only one China in the world. Mainland and Taiwan belong to the same [one] China. No division of the sovereignty and territory of China would be allowed. It is the duty of all C hinese people, including the Taiwanese compatriots 16 See the news article, Is there a 92 Consensus ? (2008), for a debate betwe interpretation of One China Principle
163 territory. Taiwan is part of China. The nation would never allow the Taiwanese Independence separatist attempt to separate Taiwan from China by any means At display here are two Mandarin linguistic postulates, ONEness and centrism. There is only one China, namely, zhong1 guo2 the Central Nation. As examined earlier, the ONEness postulate en tails wholeness. The wholeness of the nation in turn is associated with the metaphor of family. jia1) is morphologically composed of thing that should be rid off is the separatist attempt that has caused complexity within the perfect ONE wholeness. s Chinese national identity discourse as examined above may sound jarring to those who sympathize with Taiwan Independence. However, its core motifs do seem to be shared by the Chinese Nationalists in Taiwan. In fact, PRC has often provided a weaker versio n of its national discourse so as to appeal to the (non a more emphatic use of the family metaphor to reinforce the sense that people in Taiwan and people in China are all compatriot kin s In early November, 2008, the vice president of ARATS, Chen Yun lin visited Taiwan for the first time. During an interview, he phrased the conflict between conflicts among the people across the [Taiwan] Strait. We need to resolve them with patience.
164 the compatriots on the two sides of the Strait were all from the same placenta and hence we should care for each other (Chen yun that of PRC. Take Ma Ying jeou, the current presid ent of Taiwan, for example. While having (re)unification with China is the ultimate goal of the Chinese Nationalist Party, Ma frequently tries to convince the people in Tai attempt to co opt Taiwanese localism into the grand discourse of Chinese nationalism is with ronesian aborigines and the resistance of many Southern Min and Hakka immigrants against the sociopolitical control of the Chinese Mainlanders. In addition, Ma and the Chinese Nationalists in Taiwan have labeled ational issues such as language policy and education Chinese wang4 ben3 ). In accusation like this, Chinese culture being the root culture of Taiwan is assumed and taken for granted. The fact that Ma was eventually elected as the President of ROC indicates the successful appeal of such rhetoric. The success, I believe, can b to the (imagined) Chinese national history, in which the Mandarin postulates seniority and
165 comparative ranking take effect. After all, in the alleged five thousand years of Chinese history, Taiwan features about only a few hu marginal and trivial. Functioning through metaphor, a longer history is perceived to be more senior in age. Therefore, a recurrent argumentative theme employed by the anomalous Chinese nationalist who hold an antagonist view towards Taiwan Independence is: China has a long, grand, history, and Taiwan does not; hence, there is no way that the small Taiwan can compare of (Chinese) history and geographic size. the concept of imagined homeland frequently discussed in the analysis of modern nationalism (e.g., Anderson, 1983; Smith, 1995; Wodak et al., 1 999). As mentioned above, it is often constructed through to arouse a sense of belonging. In what follows, I will use my 2007 interview with Xu Ling mei as an exa mple 17 revealed in her sentiments towards the Chinese homeland. However, it is also apparent that her she does not truly feel that she belongs. The interview was conducted in Mandarin, and I have translated it as literally as possible in English so as to maintain a native sense. Below is an excerpt in which Xu the excerpt, P refers to the participant Xu and R refers to me, the researcher. My emphase s are underlined 17 background.
166 my hometown in Zhejiang [Note: P was not born there]. R: um P: I have returned R: um P: The second year after my mother passed away, I returned to Zhejiang+ and when leaving Zhejiang [for Taiwan] we needed to first take a ferry. R: oh P: As soon as I boarded the ferry I star ted crying. Oh no, I started crying as soon as I walked out of the door of my home R: um had transferred onto me. P: Our life expe from those people living on the Mainland. P: We make our own food and drinks [i.e., different from the food and drinks common in Taiwan]. the old hometown provides yo u a sense of belonging? P: Yes it does.
167 R: oh oh traditional Mandarin four word idioms]. R: uh huh huh those who die i n a foreign place to find their way home .] R: hmm of wandering around the world feeling. where. P: because for me [no matter where I die] it is extremely embarrassing/awkward P: And that hurts my fee lings the most. This excerpt shows that while Xu regards Mainland China, instead of Taiwan where she was born and grew up, as her home(land), she does not always confidently project her sense of belonging to the land. In fact, she finds herself alien to bo th China and Taiwan. The politicians feeling of alienation because they are often too obsessed with the grand motif of one singular China homeland. Informed by the Mandarin postulate of ONEness that connotes consistency and
168 constancy, these politicians have imagined a China (its history and its territory) with perfect wholeness that is never changing. The Chinese homeland thus defined hence becomes such that nobody life experiences may disagree with such constant wholeness. It also shows that while the big discourse does exercise some top down influence, its effect is not all encompassing. From an individual perspective, there is always room for alternative interpretations from bottom up, even if such interpretations may not readily be defined as Finally, I would like to point out that, in Taiwan, Chinese nationalism is not the only discourse of identity that is operative. There also exists the discourse of Taiwanese nationalism which is no less influential. Much in my analysis of the Mandarin linguistic postulates and Chinese nationalism should apply to th e Taiwanese national identity discourse as well 18 for the Taiwanese nationalists also use Mandarin as a major linguistic vehicle to appeal to the general the Southern Mi n. After all, Mandarin is the most dominant language in Taiwan and functions as the only true lingua franca among different peoples. In my opinion, it is the competition between the Chinese and Taiwanese identity discourses in and over the Mandarin languag e, rather than some 18 Basically, ONEness, comparative ranking, and seniority all active ly function in the Taiwanese national identity discourse, although sometimes in different ways from how they function in Chinese national identity. Centrism, on the other hand, poses a problem for the Taiwanese nationalists because it is inseparable from C hineseness. Given the fact that Mandarin is the major linguistic arena where Taiwanese nationalism confronts Chinese nationalism, I assume a (linguistically) predetermined disadvantage on the Taiwanese nationalist side.
169 and many others in Taiwan have experienced. Later in the chapter I provide more examples to support my conviction. Interconnection of Terms Before moving on to examine the identity discourse of Taiwan, I would first provide definitions for some key words and phrases. These terms represent the central concepts in the h term, I present the Mandarin origin alongside its English translation and my definition would accord with the Taiwanese context. It will become clear that the connotation in the native language is often more complex than that in the commonly accepted Eng lish translation. Understanding the native connotation will also help illuminate the semantic pragmatic interconnection of these terms and concepts (Table 4 1). And seeing such interconnection is a crucial step to perceiving the complication of the whole i ssue from an emic point of view. Still, the readers should keep in mind that all that which is presented/defined by me does not correspond to the whole truthfulness of the situation in Taiwan. What I provide is just shared common understanding, but the ind ividual groups and persons in Taiwan would also have their own take on each of the specific issues. The individual variations can only be assessed later when the overall discourse is studied. Peoples (1) The Chinese people. Generally speaking, the followin can only be discerned through the Mandarin semantics. In the following space, the relation among terms is indicated through ref erences to the indexical alphabets. (A.) Zhong1guo2 ren2 ( ). Zhong guo ren means person/people. Zhongguo ren
170 current identity discourse, Zhongguo ren is in terpreted differently by different agents. For supporters of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in China (see I) and the Chinese Nationalist Party KMT in Taiwan (see K), the term covers all the citizens in China and in Taiwan and their oversea descendants ; for supporters of the Taiwanese nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) (see J), nowadays it usually refers to the citizens in the modern nation of China PRC (see F) only, but sometimes it is expanded to cover the Mainlander group in Taiwan who, or whose ancestors, came to the island with the defeated KMT in 1945. This latter meaning was socio pragmatically innocent before the 228 Incident that took place 60 years ago, but after 228, it has been loaded with indignation, or hatred, emerging from the 2 28 victims towards the KMT Chinese oppressors. The last interpretation is extremely confrontational: it sees the conflict this sub discourse include wai sheng zhu (out tu tai ke (dirty Taiwanese (B.) Hua2 ren2 ( ). Hua ren refers to the people with Chinese or Han (see C) heritage in general. The origin of the term is unclear, but its usage can be observed in historical texts from as early as 300 AD in expressions such as wu hu luan hua make hua ), referring to the five surrounding non Han countries raising war against the ce ntral Chinese country. A common usage of the word hua ren includes the Chinese immigrants all over the world, as in hai nei wai hua ren (sea in and and term, when used, often includes Cantonese, Hakka, Southern M in, Nothern Min peoples, etc. However, despite the fact that many of the DPP (see J) or Taiwan Independence (see L) supporters do acknowledge their Chinese or Han origin, they tend not to use this term hua ren to refer to their heritage but prefer another term, Han ren (see C). There may be a morphological
171 reason behind this tendency: the Chinese compound words for the proper names of the two modern Chinese nations PRC (see F) and ROC (see G), both of which potentially prevent the political Taiwan Independe nce, have hua as one of the components. (C.) Han4 ren2 ( ) The word Han was first used as a proper name for the Han Dynasty (202 BC real Chinese. The biological or genetic connotation Han ren And it is this biological connotation that distinguishes Han ren from Zhongguo ren (see A). Remember, a broad meaning of Zhongguo ren covers all the peo ple living in the territory of China. However, not all the people living in China are with Han heritage. For example, the Manchurian/Qing people (who established the Chin Han and Mongolians and Tibetans are not considered as Han either. The use of Han as a biological term is unanimously taken by the supporters of one United China (see M) as well as those of Taiwan Independence (see L). (2) The Taiwanese people. (D.) Tai2wan1 ren2 ( ). Taiwan ren existed in the Taiwanese Southern Min vocabulary as Taiwan 19 lang with the word Taiwan (see H) itself borrowed from the indigenous Siraya langauge. Originally, the term was only used by the Han to distinguis h themselves from the Austronesian indigenes. It referred to the Han (see C) immigrants (mostly Hakka and Southern Min) who had settled down in Taiwan since the mid m the 19 The first consonant in the Mandari n word Taiwan is aspirated [t h ], but the first consonant in the Southern Min word Taiwan is unaspirated.
172 Japanese and Mainlander newcomers. Therefore, the term Tawian lang or Taiwan ren has reserved an essential reading exclusively for the mid 1600s Han immigrants as well as a broader reading that includes the Austronesian indigenes. Still, the distinct ion between these two readings is not always clear today. Out of political correctness, the politicians now tend to use the term ultra inclusively, i.e., everybody in Taiwan is Taiwan ren But they also often use an additional term yuan zhu min As mentioned, the politically correct use of the term Taiwan ren today is to call whoever that live in Taiwan Taiwan ren regardless of their origins. In other words, even the Mainlanders should be co that the Taiwanese vs. Chinese confrontation has decreased. However, the reality is that such confrontation remains observable in the undercurrents of the politically correct speeches. For ( Tawan ren ) are Chinese ( Zhonggua ren cians make it clear that acceptable from the perspective of China PRC government because in Mandarin when the word ren is compounded with other words, the creat ed lexical item implies a racially and culturally homogenous people. To call the people in Taiwan Taiwan ren strong position that all the people in Taiwan must be Chinese. Hence, when necessary, China government uses other NP s to refer to the people in Taiwan: Taiwan de renmin (Taiwan POSSESIVE people) or Taiwan tongbao Chinese people in China, Hong Kong,
173 Nations an d/or regions (3) China (E.) Zhong1 guo2 ( ). Zhong guo hence zhongguo 20 It is taken for granted that the direct translation of Zhongguo in English the English word translation came from the western contact with the Qing Dynasty in the late 19 th century, but the meaning of Zhongguo goes far beyond Qing. In contemporary Mandarin, Zhongguo refers to the main land China geographically and historically. School children in Taiwan learn every geographical area of the mainland in Zhongguo Geography Class, and in and history used to be included in these two courses; it is until recently that an independent Taiwan Geography and a Taiwan History courses are offered. What is interesting is that none of the dynasties, countries, or regimes in the 5,000 years of history was named Zhongguo Indeed, the Zhongguo history is composed of the Qin history, the Han history, the Tang history, the Yuan history, the Song history, the Ming history, and the Qing history, etc, each of which was written by a different historian as a different boo k. One trace of this word is the Confucian usage of guo zhong zhi ren (country center/inside POSSESSIVE people) to refer to the people in the center Zhongguo as a superordi nate term of everything Chinese is quite recent. Also, as will be shown below, Sun Yet Sen first formed the Chinese Nationalist Party, as Zhongguo Kuomin Dang (also known as KMT, see K), and the party overthrew Qing Dynasty to form ROC (see G), whose Manda rin name was Zhong hua Min guo Therefore, Zhongguo seems to have its origin in the 20 See the discussion on the Mandarin postulate of centrism for more details.
174 KMT terminology and is carried over to Taiwan and applied into daily use through education and policies. This term was adopted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP, see I) as well, known as Zhongguo Gongchan Dang in Mandarin, which formed PRC, or Zhong hua Renmin Gonghe guo The term Zhongguo has another narrow reading and a specific denotation, that is, the political body of China PRC (see F), for guo in modern context also con notes the western concept of nation state. Popularly known as China, PRC as a nation has its official Chinese name Zhong hua Renmin Gonghe Guo abridged as Zhong guo This being the case, careful readers may have already noticed that the official Mandarin na me of the nation of ROC Taiwan, Zhong hua Min Guo can also be abridged as Zhong guo So the question is: do Mandarin speakers use the word Zhongguo to refer to both PRC and ROC? And if so, do they confuse the two nations? The answer is: yes and no. For som e of the United China (see M) supporters, this abridging potential can be taken as an argument in favor of their political position. But normally the referent of Zhongguo is limited to PRC, and the official Chinese name of ROC remains the unabridged Zhongh ua Min Guo More discussion on this specific issue can be found in H, M and N. Zhong1hua2 Ren2min2 Gong4he2 Guo2 ( ). PRC was formed on October 1 st 1949, by the Chinese Communist Party (see I). Mao Zetong was the Chair of CCP and the first president of PRC. In Mandarin, PRC is Zhonghua (see B for hua ) Renmin Gonghe Guo s Zhongguo (see E). Despite the functioning of a non communist government in Taiwan, PRC spokesperson claims that Taiwan is part of the PRC territory and includes Taiwan in its constitution as a province.
175 ( 4) China Taiwan. (G.) ROC: Republic of China, or Zhong1hua2 Min2 Guo2 ( ). ROC was formed on January 1 st 1911, by an alliance of five political parties that overthrew the Qing Dynasty. These parties later formed the KMT party (see K), led by Sun Yet Sen, who became the first president. The official Chinese name of ROC i s Zhonghua (see B for hua ) Min Guo which gonghe ) is not used in the national name of ROC but is used in the communist nation PRC. ROC had been synonymous to mainland China from 1911 to 1949, and Taiwan has been included in its territory since 1945 when Japan lost World War II. After 1949 when KMT lost its war to the Chinese Communist Party (see I) a nd retreated to Taiwan, Taiwan has become the its inherence, and it ca nnot be changed without the decision of Guomin Daihui [i.e., National Assembly] 21 system) has ceased to exist since 2005. Hence, the constitution guarantees ROC continuous and co the independence seeking Tibet and East Turkistan and parts that overlap with India and Japan), but also the autonomous nation of Mongolia. In short, the territory o f ROC is at best an imagined existence. 21 Number 4, Chapter 1, ROC Constitution, original text translated into English by me.
176 (5) Taiwan. (H.) Tai2wan1 ( ). In the general perception of the non Chinese and non Taiwanese, Taiwan refers to not only the physical island but also a political entity. But officially only ROC (see G) is the legal name of the nation. This linguistic inconsistency has generated con fusion in Taiwan the U.S., the custom would stamp Taiwan and how they identified me. S tressing on such confusion and inconvenience, the Taiwan Independence (see L) supporters and the Taiwanese nationalist DPP party (see J) have started a political movement towards changing the national name to Taiwan officially. Such a movement is known as zheng ming ( rectify developed into a full fledged discourse that concerns not only changing the name of the nation to connotation. More details about zheng ming and its manifestation in actual policies are discussed later. Political parties The three political parties introduced below can be seen as the main characters in the big discourse. They are responsible for defini ng the peoples in modern China and Taiwan either th r ough discursive means or through policy and planning. (I.) CCP: Chinese Communist Party, or Zhong1guo2 Gong4chan3 Dang3 ( ). CCP, is known as Zhongguo Gongchan Dang in Mandarin. Gongchan
177 Dang means political party. But what is crucial to the identity discourse is the first word, Zh ongguo As shown in (E), Zhongguo is interpreted by most Mandarin speakers as the superordinate term of a vast geographical as well as historical body of China, and this interpretation also related to the broad reading of Zhongguo ren (see A) that refers shown below, between the two main political parties in Taiwan, DPP and KMT, one has the word Zhongguo and the other does not. This (lack of) appearance of the word corresponds to their political identity ideolog ies. (J.) DPP: Democratic Progressive Party, or Min2zhu3 Jin4bu4 Dang3 ( ). Democratic Progressive Party is a literal translation of Minzhu Jinbu Dang formed in 1986. Before the Martial Law was lifted in 1987 and the people in Taiwan were legally al lowed to form political parties, KMT (see K) was the sole party in power and controlled all sectors of the ROC government. For being sympathetic to the victims of the 228 Incident and starting the Taiwan Independence Movement (see L) under KMT dictatorship many of the original DPP members had been (defined as) political criminals and kept in jail by the KMT ROC government. Many of them also came from a higher middle class background because they, or their families, had cooperated with the previous Japanese government in Taiwan. Hence, some label the initial Taiwan Independence cause as a native elitist mainstream media align DPP to the middle left of the political spectrum and KMT the middle right 22 In addition, the popular termino logy in Taiwan also defines DPP and the pro Taiwan 22 are some smaller and more radical parties besides DPP and KMT that occupy the far left and far right positions.
178 Independence as the Pan Green group, and KMT to the pro United China Pan Blue group. Green and blue are the iconic colors of DPP and KMT respectively, and so DPP and KMT are taken as the indices or referen ce points for the competing political ideologies. as a political entity on, ROC (see G), is absent throughout. Between 2000 and 2008, DPP took the position in the central government of Taiwan ROC. Its member Chen Shui bian won the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections and has been a hero for Taiwan Independence for a long time, but he has since retirement under trial for corruption. (K.) KMT: Chinese Nationalist Party, or Zhong1guo2 Kuo2min2 Dang3 ( ). Zhongguo Kuomin Dang (used to be spelled as Kuomin t X ing Zhong Hui (Revive Zhongguo [China] Society) in 1894, formed by Sun Yat sen, and overthrew the Qing Dynasty and formed ROC (see G) in the mainland China in 1912. The China period ROC then went through WWII and a civil war against the Chinese Communist P arty. In 1949, KMT lost the mainland to CCP and retreated to, es sentially liberal capitalist nationalist.
179 PRC and Taiwan ROC continued for a few years after until 1958, in the form of a bombing competition. In its early Taiwan period, KMT had set as its goal the restoring of mainland. But with CCP gradually gaining control over mainland China, KMT realized that its original goal was impossible to achieve and hence turned its focus on developing economy in Taiwan. The economic developmen Since losing its sole political control in Taiwan to DPP (see J) in 2000, KMT has seen the Taiwan Independence Movement (L), or Taiwanese nationalism, as an even larger threat than China PRC. Today, KMT seems to consider China PRC as a potential friend rather than an enemy, as revealed in its discourse, non linguistic action, and the policy and/or plans it proposes. On April 1 st 2005, Lian Zhan, former ROC president and KMT ch political leader to visit China PRC. There he visited his ancestral tomb as well as his elementary school alma mater, and he discussed with the PRC leaders on several issues such as open trade and direct flight between China and Taiwan. After the meeting, the PRC leader promised to give big achievement that symbolized the improved relation between China PRC and Taiwan ROC, DPP warned Taiwan Independence pandas finally arrived at Taiwan, and they were named by China PRC as Tuan tuan and Yuan yuan Tuan yuan sensitive to identity politics in the context of Taiwan.
180 Despite its claim of democracy and its loss of regime to DPP, KMT openly claims on its official we Ying This claim worried many people in Taiwan who were sympathetic to Taiwan Independence (see L), and so Ma reassured them by stating that Taiwan Independence is also a potential option for KMT and/or United China since KMT had before been insisted that Taiwan Independence was not an option at all. though it is not an option for KMT no mention of who have the right and how establishment of an independent Taiwan Country s hould be decided by all the people living in Main political issues The political issues discussed below prevail over the life of people in Taiwan. They are not only concern ed with the politicians but are talked about by virtua lly every individual. In a sense, the most popular forms of entertainment is the various political talk shows on TV 23 23 although perceivable when occasionally used, are normally considered as too offensive and impolite and hence are avoided. For a comparative study on the social function of verbal irony between English and Mandarin, see Huang (2004).
181 (L.) Taiwan Independence, or Tai2wan1 du2li4 ( ), often shortened as tai2 du2 ( ). Taiwan as a virtually or practically independent political entity. And since the Taiwanese nationalists seldom use any other word th Taiwan Independence seems contradictory to their practice. Adding to the confusion is the fact the nation, ne vertheless function within the political institution of ROC. They participate in basically observe the ROC Constitution, except that their goal is to revise the constitution such that it would allow changing the name and the territory of the nation to Taiwan and Taiwan only. In sum, Taiwan Independence is essentially politics of naming and thus politics of identity. Taiwanese nationalists, Taiwan Independence is a just call and hence its meaning is necessarily positive. But for the Chinese nationalists (in China as well as in Taiwan), the meaning of Taiwan Independence must be negat ive because it would sever the tie between Taiwan and China. More specifically, the existence of a Taiwanese identity threatens ONE China, whose perfect wholeness presumes the inclusion of the former. Such binary opposition is further elaborated, magnified and polarized in the big discourse by the symbolic elites from both camps. For Independence is directly related to danger, threat, and war, and hence contradictory to peace, and Independence is associated with dignity, historical justice, and self respect. DPP also assures that Taiwan Independence would not necessarily lead to war as long as Taiwan maintains a good
182 Chinese nationalists. (M.) Unification of China, or Zhong1guo2 tong3yi1 ( ). Logically speaking, a united China need not contradict an independent Taiwan: there could co exist a China and a Taiwan. In real life, however, United China and Taiwan Independence (see L) are pragmatically contradictory because United China has be en defined as a huge Chinese nation that includes tong yi [as] Still, while both China PRC and KMT s eek ONE United China, it is not always clear to what extent their ideas of the Chinese nation converge. For China PRC, the United China is a communist nation that has Taiwan in its territory. But for KMT, the semantic value of gative. Nevertheless, the eagerness of the present day KMT leaders to open talk and trade to China PRC has been taken by the Taiwan Independence supporters as suggesting that, at this time being, uniting China seems to be of greater priority than maintaini ng a democratic nation for KMT. (N.) One China Policy, or Yi1ge Zhong1guo2 Zheng4ce4 ( ). China PRC advanced One China Policy as a prerequisite Taiwan ROC governments. Its gist is summarized in a political statement known as One China and Taiwan is an inseparable part of it PRC President Hu hence we would only take war as the last resort in the face of any radical move towards Taiwan
183 ( zhi3yao4 zhi3you3 ). His proposition hence sound s especially cacophonous to the Taiwanese nationalists, who interpret the One China Policy as to prescribe that peace between Taiwan and China is only talkable or negotiable if Taiwan first gives up being. It is unimaginable for the Taiwanese nationalists to conceive a situation where one who does not exist can talk. As a result, the ROC government under DPP during 2000 and 2008 had refused any kind of government to government communication with China PRC. In addition, China March, 2005 that solidified the One China Policy by legitimizing the use of military power against Taiwan Independence. Today, many in Taiwan stack their hope for a less confrontational China Taiwan relation negotiate with China because the ideology of one China is not much of a problem for the fo rmer. Representative teams and delegations The name of the team ( dui4 ) and/or delegation ( tuan2 ) that represent ( dai4 biao3 ) Taiwan ROC is a highly sensitive issue. Towards outside, the government in Taiwan often does not have much choice because China PRC is far more acknowledged as a true political entity and has a say in determining the title Taiwan ROC is to use (on the basis that China does nationalists and the Taiwanese nationalists often disagree upon how the representatives should be addressed. (O.) Team Taiwan, or Tai2wan1 dui4 ( ). Team Taiwan is the preferable name for the Taiwanese nationalists. However, it is rarely used in actual events not only because China
184 PRC would not allow it but also because ROC, the official name of the nation, is a legally more correct choice. Nev ertheless, in news published for the domestic audience, one would nationalism. (P.) Team ROC, or Zhong1hua2 dui4 ( ). Team ROC or Zhonghua dui has been used from t he beginning when KMT brought ROC to Taiwan and hence is the habitual choice for most people in Taiwan. But since the word Zhonghua (see A and B) is used, the name of the nfusion between the Taiwan ROC team and the China PRC team (see R). The confusion may be one of the reasons why China PRC and Taiwan ROC participate. Zhonghua dui (Q.) Team Chinese Taipei, or Zhong1hua2 Tai2bei3 dui4 ( ). Due to China ame most often registered for Taiwan ROC in international events. From China ideal because it avoids the abovementioned confusion in translation and also puts Taiwan in a provincial or regional status relative to China. For example, in 2004 Olympic Games and 2006 Doha Asian Games, there were a Team China representing PRC, a Team Chinese Hong Kong representing the Hong Kong region of PRC, and a Team Chinese Taipei. From Taiwan also puts down the players and/or representatives that came from regions outside of Taipei. Adding to the complication is that, within Taiwan ROC, there has already existed a political with the former feeling indignant about the latter always receiving central
185 (R.) Team China, or Zong1guo2 dui4 ( ). In practice, Team China unmistakably refers to the representatives of China and their audience. When writing/reporting sports news, the journalists tend to use abridged phrases. Now that Zhon ghua dui (Team ROC) and Zhongguo dui (Team China PRC) both have the component Zhong country), a news report titled zhong mei da zhan (ZHONG America/USA big war 24 ) can refer either to a competition between Taiwan ROC and USA or that betwe en China PRC and USA. The audience needs to wait for more contextual information in the news content in order to solve the referential ambiguity. Additional discussion on the overseas that they bear multiple meanings, which in turn often evoke different (sets of) identities and ideologies that are mutually incompatible. I have focused on three groups of people: the Chinese nationalists in China PRC, the Chinese nationalis ts in Taiwan ROC, and the Taiwanese nationalists. But there are still some people left, namely, those immigrants from Taiwan who now live overseas. Regardless of their legally defined nationalities, they often express their opinions on issues concerning th e China Taiwan related identity politics. In other words, they are also real actors/agents in the identity discourse. How do the terms and concepts examined here concern them? Indeed, these people overseas do not all belong to one group. Take the immigrant s in the U.S. for example. For the immigrants from Taiwan and their second and third generations, there 24 Like in English, the
186 Hua ren Taiwan ren (Taiwane the English. T hey are politically pro Taiwan Inde pendence and hence are often offended by the Chinese immigrants from China. The Oversea Hua ren Organization is only for the self identified Chinese people from Taiwan, while there is still another Oversea Zhongguo ren Organization for the people from China. Also for example, in Gainesville, Florida, there are two (Mandarin) Chin ese weekend language schools, one for the immigrant children from China and the other for those from Taiwan. Hence, the cover defined by the mainstream society in the U.S. has speaking children 25 originally from Taiwan and only one from Mainland China. Among the three immigrant 591). These self determined identity choices are 25 In their use, sometimes the term Chinese speaking is synonymous to Mandarin speaking, but sometimes it also refers to Cantonese, Hakka, Taiwanese Southern Min, and other languages. T his shows that the authors take for
187 being Chinese fellow Chinese Chinese cultural identification and my emphasis). In my opinion, s uch an analysis is not only potentially offensive to those whom it purports to address, but it also runs the risk of giving rise to inaccurate interpretation. The two researchers of the study are both citizens of China PRC and speak Mandarin. I suspect tha t they might have projected their own readily they worked with. And I hope that future researchers on similar topics could take into serious rtz, 1997: 270). Language Policy and Planning in Taiwan Overview Indeed, before the modern colonial nation states set foot in Taiwan, there must have been numerous factors that have changed the language ecology of Taiwan and the linguistic behaviors of its peoples, during the 17 th century Dutch and Zheng periods and the 18 th to 19 th century Qing development, and Min speaking officials over Taiwan to rule the locals. However, as reviewed earlier, none of the three abovementioned colonial forces was able to seize control of the whole island and the execution of their policies and plans was mostly partial. Also, since they did not function in the way modern nation states do, the documentation of official policies is scarce. Hence, although not ideal, my discussion on LP in Taiwan excludes these historical periods. Still, I reco mmend Bluss et al. (1999) for those interested in the interaction between the
188 Dutch and the low land indigenes in the 17 th century, and Brown (2004) for those who would like to know more about Taiwan under Zheng and Qing. The Japanese period (1895 1945) on the other hand, is a different story. The Japanese colonial government did function much like a modern nation state. It had developed a sophisticated multi layer governmental system to rule over the whole Taiwan Island, with full fledged policies and plans under central control. Some of the policies and plans certainly concerned language and identity. The lack of a comprehensive examination of the LP from the Japanese period in this research is hence all due to my own inability. I do not read Japanese and hence cannot access the Japanese archives, and I have not found good sources in the languages I know that deal with the relevant LP issues. But, basically, the Japanese government decreed (the Kyushu variety of) Japanese as the national language. Japan ese was the language in public social domains and the medium of instruction in school, while the schools also offered a Han Literature course instructed in Southern Min that taught Chinese writing 26 there is still a generatio n of people who grew up in the end of the Japanese era that speak Japanese as one of their first languages. In this section, I first focus on the LP pertaining to Mandarin. I intend to answer the two Mandarin has become synonymous to Chinese? Who, and what, made Mandarin the Chinese language? I start with a discussion on period. Then, later in the section, I in 26 I do not know if Hakka was also used to teach Han Literature in the Hakka areas. Nor do I know about the wards the indigenous languages, except for the fact that it had funded many anthropological projects to document them.
189 In addition to the general language policy and planning, in the next section I include a discussion field of LP, is in fact a rather direct form of identity planning and hence deserves full attention. 1949 Many who study LP in Taiwan consider it necessary to in China because most of the early LP in Taiwan was direct application of the former (e.g., Kaplan & Baldauf Jr., 2003; Tsao, 2000). In such investigations, the central issue often surrounds the policies and planning that made Mandarin Chinese the National Language of ROC. in 200 BC, the KMT government, soon after it founded ROC in China in 1912, administrated a LP plan that aimed to d ROC citizens (Tsao, 2000: 49). KMT differed from Qin, however, in that its goal was not only to elevate the rate of literacy through a uniformed writing system but also to standardize t he oral th 1912, a meeting on national education was held at the Minister of Education (MOE) in the capital Beijing, the mission of which was to establish a Committee for the Unification of Pron unciation (CUP) (Kaplan & Baldauf Jr., 2003: 49). The CUP committee of 45 members was officially formed on February 15 th 1913, whose first task was to choose one one of the five major Han Chinese language varieties as the National Language. The five varie ties are: Mandarin 73%, Wu 9% (Shanghaiese), Min 4.5% (Hokkien/Northern Min, and Souther Min), Yue 5% (Cantonese), and Hakka 4% (Coulmas 1999: 400). Linguistically speaking, they are all mutually unintelligible, despite the fact that they are generally ref dialects two of them into serious consideration: one is Cantonese, because it was the native language of
190 Sun Yet Sen, the founding father of ROC, and many early KMT members; the other was Mandarin becau se it had the largest number of native speakers, it covered a large geographical area, and it originated from Beijing, the historical cultural center of the Han race. Mandarin ( guo2 yu3 was published, authorized by MO E with the recommendation of CUP. This dictionary and the LP for pronunciation was facilitated by a set of National Phonet ic Symbols ( ) designed by the Committee for the Preparation of a Unified National Language (CPUNL) formed in April, 1919, because the Chinese characters are incapable of transcribing (phonetic and phonological) sounds. However, the National Phonetic Sy mbols, which themselves were designed based on parts of the characters, still need to be learnt and memorized as any other writing system. For example, represented [p ], and represented [p h ]. Therefore, another main task of CPUNL was to train teachers that were later sent to schools to teach NL Mandarin. At first, Mandarin was taught only to the first two grades in zhong1 wen2 guo2 wen2 six grades 27 zhong1 guo2 Thus, even during such an initial stage when Mandarin had not yet been popularized and normalized, its postulates of ONEness and centrism were already effective in guiding the thinking of the Chinese nationalists. 27 of high school. Currentl y in Taiwan, all these 12 years of schooling are mandatory. But in the earliest stage of ROC, only the first 6 years were required by the government.
191 2000 KMT ROC retreated to Taiwan in 1949 as it lost the war against Communist Party of China (CCP). But the NL Mandarin LP had alre ady been carried out in Taiwan since 1945, when KMT ROC took over the island from Japan after World War II. Chen Yi, a KMT general, was assigned the Administrative Head of Taiwan in 1945. When he arrived at Taiwan, he seemed to be unaware of the fact that Taiwan was inhabited by native speakers of Austronesian languages, Hakka, and Southern Min, many of whom had received preparation was evident in his boasting in an in propagation of the national language in Fujian Province [the Southern Min speaking region of mainland China], he should be able to make great headway [in achieving NL Mandarin proficiency in Taiwan] in four years my italics). As a result, Chen implemented the NL Mandarin LP in Taiwan with strict measures. Such strict measures in forcing people to change of the 228 In executed [by KMT] on the grounds of conspiring with the Communist Chinese against the government h the NL Mandarin LP either, for many of those who were persecuted had been editors or teachers of the native languages (mainly Taiwanese Southern Min) 28 As far as i mplementation is concerned, the NL Mandarin planning was administered in Taiwan by the Committee for the Promotion and Propagation of the National Language of 28 See the story of Ng Tiau jit, narrated by Ng Bi su, for an example.
192 Taiwan Province (CPPNL of TW), established in April 1946. Under CPPNL of TW were Mandarin Promoti on Centers (MPC) in Taichung, Taitung, Hsinchu, Kaosiung, Changhua, Chiayi, and Pingtung (Tsao, 2003:72 73). The staffs of the MPC offices were recruited from the mainland and they operated in cooperation with the local school systems as well as city gover KMT. Many of them were not native speakers of Mandarin, but they consulted the Standard Pronunciation Dictionary as the standard and use the National Phonetic Symbols to teach pronunciation. Later, more Mandarin based teacher training sections were offered by the KMT government to elementary and secondary school teachers in Taiw an, and spelling bees, school life (Tsao, 2003: 74 75). Students who spoke their non Mandarin mother tongues at school would either be physically punished or fined, an d sometimes both. Many of them were also forced to sew a black buckle on their school uniforms as a symbol of shame, a scene often shown in the Taiwan New Wave movies made in the 1990s. NL Mandarin was also the only language allowed in the military. At fi rst it was simply a lingua franca for the Mainlander soldiers who moved to Taiwan, but since military service was (and still is) compulsory, or mandatory, for all men in Taiwan, NL Mandarin was also taught and ond school ages. In addition, CPPNL used mass media, mostly radio and newspapers with the National Phonetic Symbols printed on the sides of Chinese characters, as a means to spread NL Mandarin. For the native villages and communities of each region, the MP C offices would also select a few National Language Promotion Families who had learnt Mandarin well to serve as models.
193 On the discourse level, the whole NL Mandarin LP was carried out and covered under the name National Language Movement, which was itself part and parcel of the Chinese Cultural Restoration Movement ( ) initiated by President Chiang Kai Shek in the Chinese culture was made into the mission and d uty of the peoples in Taiwan. Through being given the prestigious status of National Language and implemented in all major social domains, Mandarin was made into the first language of most people in the nation. And, gradually, through collective psychology (the imagined homogenous) Chinese culture was made into the native Austronesian, Hakka, and Southern Min can only speak Mandarin, but not their heritage languages, with na tive fluency. All of the factors listed above may have contributed to the fact actually have a direct M ainland background, but they nevertheless subscribe to the given. It is for the most part sociopolitical ly constructed. KMT, which is again associated with the Mandarin postulates of centrism and ONEness, can also be found in academic works written by the scholars from Taiwan as well as those who are not. r. (2003) and Tsao 17 th returning Taiwan to
194 2008 LP in Taiwan could be thought of as a 29 the DPP government between 2000 and 2008 did not always have full control over legislation. A brief sociopolitical background is provided below. political agenda has also included some general human rights issues. The initial DPP members feminists, environmentalists, and Marxists. They worked together as a political force because they all shared dissatisfactio n towards the early KMT government led by Chiang Kai shek. As mentioned earlier, the National Assembly of ROC in Taiwan, a legislative institution that had the sole rights to elect the president and revise the Constitution, was disproportionately represent ed by the M ainlanders. Since most of its members were Chiang s people, Chiang was granted all the political power. He declared Martial Law in Taiwan such that no political congregation among the natives was allowed, and he also revised the original Constit ution compiled in the Sun Yet sen period such that there was no limit to the terms of a presidency. As a result, Chiang served five terms and 31 years as the president of ROC in Taiwan (1945 1953, 1954 1959, 1960 1965, 1966 1971, 1972 to his death in 1975) All the major NL Mandarin LP discussed before was 29 Between 1945 and 1989 when the Mar tial Law was lifted, KMT was virtually the only legal political party in Taiwan ROC.
195 originated from him. Chiang Kai kuo was then elected as the president by the National Assembly and served two terms until his death in 1988. While still authoritarian, Chiang Chin g kuo declared the end of Martial Law in 1987 and hence allowed different political voices to be heard. That was when DPP became legal and could nominate candidates in elections. After having won some legislator elections and mayor elections over the years candidate Chen Shui bian finally won two presidential elections in 2000 and 2004, and DPP has The present political system Taiwan ROC is as such. Every citizen above the age of 20 can vot e (for local legislators, local mayors, national legislators, and president and vice president). The president may propose a policy, but the policy is designed and planned in the Executive Yuan (nominated by the president). The policy proposal is then sent to the Legislature Yuan, and the legislators would vote to decide if the policy and its budge are to be passed. Then the Executive Yuan could either revise and resubmit the proposal, or it could execute the plan. Between 2000 and 2008, the president and t he Executive Yuan belonged to DPP and represented debates before they were passed and executed. The DPP government had more success in having those LPs concerning cultural diversity passed by the Legislature Yuan, for KMT today also considers general human rights as universally indisputable. Two major cases are the LP f or media and the offering of non NL KMT has a long history of banning non Mandarin languages in media. As early as in 1936, when KMT was still in China, it decreed a law that banned Cantonese movie making. During
196 most of its regime in Taiwan before 2000, there were only three TV stations, all of which were broadcasted in Mandarin, and all were directly or indirectly associated with KMT. In 1994, however, due to pressure from the Taiwanese nationalists, the Governm ent Information Office, under the Executive Yuan, announced one additional opening for the fourth broadcast TV station. On June 16 th 199 5, the Southern Min TV station, Formosa TV, officially aired for the first time. Formosa TV was predominantly funded by the DPP party, and hence its news angle is often in favor of Taiwanese nationalism and the related identity discourse (while the other three Min speaking Formosa TV w as Hakka TV, broadcasted since July 1 st 2003. The establishment of Hakka TV was achieved by the Government Information Office under DPP And it has been a public non commercial station operated by the non profit organization Taiwan (Public) Broadcasting S ystem (TBS). Following the same route, Indigenous TV opened on July 1 st 2005. While Formosa TV and Hakka TV are both devoted to only one language, Indigenous TV has to allot different sessions to various Austronesian languages. This partially reflects Han centrism: while Southern Min and Hakka in Taiwan now have gained linguistic identities independent of Mandarin, Yuan2 zhu4min2 ( label that covers all indigenous Austronesian languages and peoples in Taiwan. On the other hand, it reflects the sociolinguistic fact that the indigenous languages face greater danger of extinction, and hence they do not have as many speakers as the Han languages. Simply put, it is much easier to find a fluent Ma ndarin, Southern Min, or Hakka broadcaster than a broadcaster who can speak any of the Austronesian languages at ease. The sociolinguistic disadvantage against the Austronesian indigenes is also reflected in the implementation of the media policy. In Augus t 2006, a Han person (who does have experiences working with the indigenes), Yu Kan
197 ping, was assigned by the government funded TBS as the Executive Chair of Indigenous TV. On August 31 st a group of indigenes protested against the decision; they asked for an Austronesian executive for the Austronesian TV station. Within a month, Yu resigned, and a new electing process finally selected Mashao Aji, a Tayal indigene, as the new Executive. In the domain of education, the MOE (Ministry of Education) under DPP a s National Language is still Mandarin, this policy has granted some legal status to the other non Mu3 yu3 ke4 ) is only offered in elementary school one hour per week The hours allotted to the National Language (i.e., Mandarin) course have basically remained the same, and the time allotted to the English course in mandatory education has even increased. Moreov er, in many LP requires the Mother Language education for all, but not everyone in Taiwan speaks Southern Min as their native language. Hence, many, especially the supporters of Chinese nationalism, criticize DPP for creating a new Southern Min hegemony While this controversy, on the one hand, again reveals the practical problem that many minority languages lack capable teachers, it also corresponds to the observat ion that the so (and the related policies) in Taiwan can often be a token for the Southern Min dominated Taiwanese nationalists to co opt other non Mainlander groups. m and multiculturalism was Southern Min Mainlander all of the people in Taiwan. With regard to LP, the debate often surrounds t
198 Language class is only one hour per week and the hours allotted to the NL Mandarin class have remained the same. S uch time arrangement was not what the DPP government originally intended: the DPP government in fact proposed more hours in school for Mother Language by taking time away from NL Mandarin. The proposal caused strong resistance from KMT and the Chinese nati onalists in general, who dominate the Legislature Yuan, and hence it was not passed. Chinese Chinese is equival Another controversy concerns what Romanized phonetic system should Taiwan use for Mandarin, as summarized in Her (2005). While still using the Nation al Phonetic Symbols in addition to the Chinese characters, the government considers a Romanized system for annotating Mandarin necessary to cater to the need of the international audience. There are two such Romanized systems available, Pinyin and Tongyong Since the Pinyin system has been used internationally for teaching Mandarin to foreign L2 learners, the choice seems to be simple. However, the issue has only been complicated by the Taiwan China identity politics. Crucially, the Pinyin system was design Phonetic Symbols, and it has been used to teach Mandarin to the nationals of China PRC. Hence, gover nment thus in 2002 decided to use Tongyong instead, for translating all its official documents. On the other hand, the then Taipei Mayor Ma Ying jeou, a KMT member who is currently President of Taiwan ROC, decided against the central government and used Pi nyin in Taipei City. He went on to justify his choice by arguing that Pinyin would be a more practical
199 Taiwanese nationalists, who argued against Ma and KMT by pr esenting expert endorsement that Tongyong is better than Pingyin because Tongyong represents the (Mandarin) sounds more accurately. The validity of such an argument, of course does not hold on linguistic ground. After all, all writing systems are just as good as one another, and as limited, because they are all (sets of) signs that need to be learnt and memorized; no writing system bears a direct relation to the physical sounds it intends to transcribe. However, because DPP s argument was endorsed by some so called language experts, most of whom are college professors, it might indeed affect people s perception about writing and its ability to represent oral language. Moreover, s ome fundamental, or radical, Taiwanese nationalists even accused Ma and KMT o f treason: conspiring with the Chinese Communists. Remember, the exact same accusation had been used by the KMT government against the Taiwanese nationalists during the White Terror period. The nationalism (cf. Smith, 1995). LP for Naming Many who study LP have pointed out the inseparability between language decisions and in separability, however, is not enough, because naming entails power. Therefore, I propose a critical approach to LP for naming that incorporates broad sociopolitical context and a concern with political discourse and power relations. In what follows, I firs t review the theories concerning the politics of naming, names and culture, and critical methodology in LP research. Then I discuss LP for naming in Taiwan by examining its implications in the public social domains as well as the private domains.
2 00 The Polit ics of Naming Researchers of names in general recognize two basic functions of names: one is Helleland, 2002; Landry & Bourhis, 1997). The former is derived f rom the Saussurean structural refers to an entity (a person or a place) in the objective world. The latter, on the other hand, alludes to the socio psychological sense a name means for its re ferent: a name connotes traits, characteristics, and identity with respect to the entity it refers to. However, the French postmodernist philosopher, Derrida, criticized the philosophy of dichotomy prevalent in the Western academic tradition. To him, this binary thinking perpetuated the violent practices in Western hierarchy (Derrida, 1967). Derrida referred to the flux of meanings in modern society as a result of the embarking of mass media, and he contended that the distinction between the signifier and t he signified did not make sense. Oftentimes names are hard to define: they seem to refer to something, but the referents exist not as much in the objective world as in personal perception and feelings. Hence, Derrida proposed to remember and commemorate, [and] to recall those no longer with us but still close to us in defined, a pro per name is no longer merely a label that provides information about an individual (or a thing). It is a property of a group of people. Through a name, the people commemorate their long gone friend, her existence, deeds, and legends. Therefore, to give a p erson a name is to
201 politically dominant group depriving a minority people of their native names, and sometimes imposing on them non native names. For example, Moraru (2000: 50) observes that thousand s of Albanians had their license goes, so goes your iden are indigenes have been denied their native names by the government and received Chinese names that bear no connection t o their culture(s). Derrida (1997: 73) attributed name oppression as such nd if true extends to the labels, and hence names, given to a peopl e, which may in turn be used in other social domains. For example, Bright (2000) points out that the respect to different peoples has US place name practice, and t hat policies have been revised several times to accommodate such social demand. In sum, the study of names necessarily involves the examination of human social relations: the issue of name planning concerns who gets the power and the rights to name, and ho w difference is perceived and dealt with.
202 Names as Cultural Heritage anticipated the currently popular notion of names as cultural heritage because proper names are not just name tags on in dividual persons or entities, but they also encode the culture of a whole re noun and radition, of planning or not, a change of name practice may lead to a change of culture. For example, in (1994) explores the way the colonial Spanish culture imported sexism to the South American Jaqi culture through the introduction of patronymic practice. Hardman (1994:153) explains that according to traditional Jaqi practic name upon marriage and the name of a land is the name of its owner. That is, in the past a Jaqi woman had her own land/property before and after marriage, and her husband his own. She (and her prope women are concerned that with the import of Spanish patronymic practice they will lose their lands as they lose their names. This observation in part explains why now many co nsider the rights to names as general human rights. It has been the main topic of the annual event European Heritage Days and several articles are devoted to the LP rela ted aspects of this issue (e.g., Helleland, 2002; Paikkala, 2000). Helleland good place ublished by
203 European Concil, pointing out that taking care of place nations in addition to Fi nland. All the cases share the conviction that native place names should understanding of history and identity. The conviction also constitutes the premise under whic h the policy makers and language planners in these regions work towards the establishment of a domination, diminishing, or demise of a language (ibid: 29 35). Critical Approach to LP for Naming The above discussion implies that one need not consider LP for naming in particular and LP in general as a sub appli ed simply as an instrument to explain real world observations. On the contrary, one could 30 that the issue of names and naming itself demands theorization; and many researchers stress on the importance of taking 30 I would like to thank Dr. Hardman for introducing this term to me in a personal communication.
204 study of LP should not be limited to formal declared and official policies but rather to the study of the powerful mechanisms that are used in most societies nowadays to create and perpetuate sociopolitical (Shohamy, 2006: xvii). In addition, while history is an indispensable part of the cr itical contextualization, the formal written history should not be taken as all that counts. As Pavlenko history. By examining the history of the less powerful, th e minority, or her story, one may attain a more comprehensive picture of LP and reveal its significance beyond the nation state. Below, I apply this critical approach to the LP for naming in Taiwan along two types of social domains: the public domain and t he private domain. In the public domain, I review the change of linguistic landscape across time as a consequence of policy change. In the private domain, I focus on the policy that affects personal names. Historical background and sociopolitical context i nformation are also included in my discussion as part of the Public Domain ngs, places and institutions, advertising billboards, commercials and personal visiting cards as well as labels, instructions and (1997) point out that LL is arguably th e most visible or apparent of name policies. Their research in French Canada shows that LL, through operating at the socio psychological level, results in
205 percepti on of the language(s) in question (ibid: 29 35). In other words, the visual landscape in oncerning language, identity, and culture. Indeed, in and through the public names, people commemorate a heritage. As a consequence, if public names change so drastically that the new names resemble little to the old ones, the history and identity of a peo ple may face the danger of being forgotten or lost. Having experienced several waves of immigration and endures various colonial regimes, the present and the past, as will be shown below. Naming the island One encounters a landscape when visiting a site. For example, people talk about enjoying the beautiful landscape of Mount Alps. Therefore, before moving on to examine the linguistic landscape in Taiwan, it is neces sary to first examine how the island itself has been named. When the Portuguese crew of a Dutch ship first spotted the island from the sea in the early 17 th century, they exclaimed Ilha Formosa Formosa was hence taken as the name of the island by the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the Spanish, who explored the island from 1624 to 1662. The first wave of Han immigrants came short after, most of whom were Southern Min and Hakka. These immigrants came from the southeast coast of the mainland China and landed on the southwest plain of the island, where they encountered the Austronesian indigenes of Siraya. They inquired of the Siraya people about the place, and the Siraya gave them the word Tayovan (sometimes also spelled as Tavokan ), meaning immigrants borrowed Tayovan into their lexicon and spread it to other places as they explored
206 more suitable lands for agriculture. They pronounced the Siraya word as Taiwan (same pronunciation in Southern Min, Hakka, and Mandarin, with different tones), and eventually this word became the Han name of the island. The island could also be found on the maps drawn by the Chinese Ming Dynasty (1368 1644) around the same period of time. On those maps, the island was labeled as either Big Lioqio Small Lioqio or Lioqio Country But as Wang & Hu (1992: 65) point out, these three names could also refer to the island(s) known as Okinawa today. In other words, for the 17 th century Han Chinese, Taiwan and Okinawa were rather interch angeable, while today in Mandarin Chinese the word Liuqio only refers to the Japanese islands of Okinawa. Wang & Wu also suggest that the interchangeability of names implies that Qing, at least at the beginning, did not care much for these tiny lands. Howe ver, in the late 17 th century, more Han immigrants came appropriated term Taiwan as the name of the island from the earlier immigrants. This name was later adopted by the Manchurian Qin g Dynasty that defeated Zheng in 1684 and became official, as Qing named the local government it established on the island Taiwan Fu (Taiwan Government). Before taking over Taiwan from Qing, the Japanese referred to the island as High Mountains (Zhang, 199 6: 127). But in 1895 when they established the first local office on the island, they followed the Qing convention and named it Taiwan Government also. Since then, Taiwan as the name of the island has been commonly accepted around the world. L inguistic L an dscape before 1945 Because the Austronesian languages in Taiwan had no writing systems before they encountered the Dutch missionaries and modern anthropological linguists, there is little documentation of the aboriginal toponyms. In the early 17 th century, the Dutch first named two
207 places in the southwest of Taiwan Zeelandia and Provintia ; and the Spanish, who occupied the north part of Taiwan, named the northeast San Diego and the northwest San Domingo The Han immigrants, on the other hand, had their own name for the cities occupied by the Europeans. For example, San Domingo was known to the Han people as the Red Hair City ( Hong mao cheng ), or City of the Red haired (Cai et al., 1993: 19). After Zheng evicted the Europeans in 1662, he renamed Provinti a as Cheng Tian ( ). Cheng Tian Zheng gave to the places located in the southwest region of Taiwan included Wan nian ( life for the emperor ), An fu ( Tian xing ( to honor the empire of Ming a prize for his service in the navy. In fact, at that time in the mainland China the Chinese Ming had already been conquered and replaced by the Manchurian Qing Dynasty. Therefore, the Zhen g Taiwan was deemed an enemy by Qing. After defeated Zheng in 1684 and took over Taiwan, Qing basically inherited the emperor honoring place names from Zheng, but the emperor receiving the honor became the Qing emperor(s). The only Zheng place names that w ere demolished or renamed by Qing were the military bases. During two hundred years of ruling in Taiwan, Qing had explored a far greater area than Zheng had before. As a consequence, the Qing officials encountered more native names and were confronted with more naming problems. Cai et al. (1993: 22 23) identified three names. For example, changing Cow Shit to High Officer or Ghost to The Honorable In such cases the
208 substitut ing names are phonologically close to the replaced names in Han languages 31 (2) Replace the original vulgar names with phonologically similar names whose connotation is considered less vulgar, without necessarily beautifying them semantically. For example, a village in the middle west coast was originally Tu ku fact that whenever it rained, the roads were all muddy and people could not keep their pants clean. This name was replaced by Tu ku supposedly pronoun ced with the same phonemes with (3) While the first two name policies targeted towards the places named by the early Han Chinese immigrants, the third pattern applied to the indigenous Austronesian names only. Basically, all the Austronesian place names composed of more than two syllables were reduced to two syllables, such that the new names would fit the phonology of Chinese languages better. For example, the Austronesian place name Ma.lo.u.yan was turned into Wu.yang and Ta.ta.yu became Ta.you This observation reflects the historical fact that a few generations after the first wave, the Han Chinese immigrants and their languages had enjoyed greater sociopoli tical power discussed earlier, the de Austronesianized LL may have contributed to the low belief of the Austronesian towards the ethno linguistic vitality of their native languages, which in turn results in the loss of over ten indigenous Austronesian languages in Taiwan since then. 31 I am unable to provide (the transcription of) the original Han pronuncia tions of the replaced names here. Neither can I specify if each of these names was of Southern Min or Hakka origin. This is because my source, Cai et al. (1993), is published in Chinese print. As mentioned earlier, Chinese writing does not represent pronun ciation well. Chinese language variety is represented at a specific point.
209 The major toponymic reform by the Japanese regime took place in 1920. With new demarcation of administration districts, the Japanese name poli cy in 1920 affected over 100 places that had been identified and named by the Qing government. Cai et al. (1993: 26 29) identified three patterns. (1) Resurrect the old Zheng names. These include the former Zheng military bases that had been demolished by Qing, and the places that, after Zheng left and before Qing officials arrived, were taken back by the Austronesians. In 1920, the Japanese government decided to establish new military based governance in these areas and the Zheng names fit its purpose. (2) Replace the Chinese characters with Japanese Kanji. Although Japanese Kanji is influenced by Chinese writing, not all Chinese characters are pronounceable in Japanese. On the other hand, among those pronounceable Chinese characters, much of the Japanese p ronunciation is dramatically different from the Chinese pronunciation. The Japanese officials decided to Chinese characters with Japanese Kanji that sounded similar to the Chinese pronunciation when pronounced in Japanese (for example, in Chinese characters became in Japanese Kanji). The result of this policy is that many of the new place names in Japanese Kanji bear little semantic sense to the local natives who were literate in Chinese writing. (3) Reduce all tri syllabic names (including Chinese and Austronesian names) to bi syllabic, make them Japanese sense. One example in Cai et al. (1993: 28) is a Hakka village name that was written as refers to the cabbage pickles that Hakka was good at making. When is pronounced in Hakka, it is tri syllabic. The Japanese renamed the place by rewriting into in Kanji. The Japanese pronunciation of is similar to the Hakka pronunciati on of but it does not refer to the smelly (to Japanese noses) pickles. In addition, Zhang (1996:
210 115) recognizes one more pattern of Japanese naming policy: transplanting domestic Japanese toponyms into Taiwan soil. This practice primarily applied to the places in east Taiwan. The west and east sides of Taiwan are geographically separated by a group of high mountains in the middle across the island from the northern tip to the southern tip. There was no traffic between these two sides; the European, th e Han immigrants, Zheng, and Qing had only explored the west side because it was the side of their initial landing. The east had remained unaffected and only been populated by several Austronesian peoples until 1910 when the Japanese government started bui lding a railroad system there. The transplantation of domestic names may reflect the LL in the KMT era: 1945 2000 In this subsection I review the LP for naming of th e KMT government in Taiwan between 1945 and 2000. Notice that although DPP took central power between 2000 and 2008, it had not predominantly the result of the policies discu ssed here. Cai et al. (1993: 32) point out that the new toponyms given by KMT since 1945 lack any relation to the old ones they have replaced, in terms of semantics, phonology, and/or written form. In other words, the LL constructed by KMT is manifested by a discontinuity of history. consistent in reflecting a Chinese nationalist ideology. Essentially, this ideology and the LP it prescribes function to build a nationalisti that the legitimacy of KMT as the government of the nation could be solidified. Or in 135) observes that the discourse of collective national identity often expresses the following
211 themes: (1) a collective name, (2) a myth of common origin, (3) a shared ethno history, (4) cultural characteristics that serve to demarcate members from non members, (5) an associ ation with historic territory, or homeland, (6) a sense of solidarity, (7) a definite territory or homeland other than through historical association, (8) a common economy, (9) a shared public, mass education based, culture, and (10) common legal rights an d duties for all members. Many of these themes are manifested in the LL KMT has constructed in Taiwan. Cai et al. (1993: 32 33) identify three public naming patterns of KMT: names that reflect the Confucian philosophy to symbolize Taiwan as a place that su stains the traditional Chinese culture, names that honor the political philosophy of Sun Yet sen, the founding father of KMT, and names that pray for prosperity in Taiwan. After examining the LL in Taiwan, I extend the number of categories to six as follow s. (1) Names that reflect Confucian morality embodied in Chinese culture, despite the fact that there had been several other schools of thoughts, such as Taoi sm and Chinese Zen that stressed very different moral values. Its eight central moral values love justice/ Taiwan has at least a Zhong Xiao Road Ren Ai Road Xin Yi Road or He Ping Road These moralities are ideal types and they mostly apply to the perceived/imagined Han Chinese only. Behind them is the center based hierarchy of Confucianism that considers the peoples outside of China (Central Countr y), that is, the non Chinese or non Han peoples, as barbaric savages. The story of the Confucian politician Guan Zhong in 7 BC reveals that in the Chinese minds it is not
212 only moral but also righteous to raise a war against the barbaric, for the Chinese wo jiao hua ) them. Today, many of the underprivileged Austroneisan indigenes in Taiwan, who were/are seen by the Han Chinese immigrants as uneducated, live in Village of Benevolent Love ( Ren Ai Zun ) or Village of Honesty and Ju stice ( Xin Yi Zun ). These villages of concrete houses were built and named by KMT on the sites where the traditional tribal communities used to be. This pattern of Chinese culture in LP worked in tandem with the Chinese Cultural Restoration Movement initia ted by Chiang Kai shek and later implemented by KMT as a national policy in the 1960s. The name of this general cultural policy served two discursive purposes: in the domestic discourse, it legitimized and mythified Chinese culture as the common origin of the collective identity of the people in the nation, and in the international discourse, it served to counter the Cultural Revolution in the communist China. (2) Names that honor Sun Yat Sen and his disciples in KMT buil t the nation of Republic of China, now ROC in Taiwan, based on his political philosophy San ), Government for the People. These three major concepts have also been turned into road names in virtually every town and city in Taiwan. They serve to create an representative once one inspects the actual practices of the early KMT government. For example, the represe ntatives who served in the National Assembly brought to Taiwan by KMT, which enjoyed the rights to vote for the president and revise the constitution, were mostly not natively
213 born in Taiwan. In other words, despite the fact that in the LL the people in Ta iwan are always referenced, for decades they were under represented in the actual political system. (3) Names that honor Sun Yat sen and Chiang Kai shek. Just like Zheng and Qing who used toponyms to honor their emperors, KMT uses toponyms to honor its lea ders. Sun Yat sen and Chiang Kai shek are better known in Chinese languages as Sun Zhong Shan and Jiang Zhong Zheng, respectively. Zong Shan and Zhong Zheng have also been turned into road names in every town and city in Taiwan. In addition, most towns, ci ties, and also schools have a Zong Shan and/or Zhong Zhen Hall but it is certainly related to the creation of the myth of common origin. China. The early KMT government fu xing guang fu ). There are now not only many Fu xing Guan fu roads in Taiwan but also schools and villages as well. Many of the Guang Fu schools was originally built by the Japanese and used to bear a different name, but KMT has assigned them the du ty to regain mainland China. As for the villages, some were constructed by KMT for the Mainlander soldiers they brought to Taiwan, and some were indigenous Austronesian tribes. The soldiers lost the war because they were on the losing side. Many of them we re forced to leave their families in the mainland to come to Taiwan. Now in their new homes in Taiwan they are still constantly reminded of the war. Besides the not so glorious reminder, a second generation Mainlander who grew up in one of these military s ettlements adds that the variations of the Guan fu names also imply ranking and different living conditions 32 On the other hand, the Austronesian indigenes do 32 Anonymous author, on www at http://www.socialforce.tw/blog/blog_notes.php?uid=11941&year=2006&month=08 Accessed 1.11.06. Originally in Juan cun [the military villages], b ut
214 hom eland (5) Directly transplanting Chinese toponyms to Taiwan. The KMT government has transplanted several mainland toponyms into Taiwan soil, most of which were turned into road names. There was no logical criterion behind the selection of a certain mainland name for a certain place in Taiwan. For example, in Taichung city, a humid plain on the west side of Taiwan by the sea, there is a road named Gansu ( ), which is originally a desert area in Mainland China. Naming policy as such served to nationalists. In addition, it has led to not only a confusing linguistic landscape in the local Taiwan places but also a confusing mental landscape in the minds of the people. Take for example the personal exp erience of Xu Wen Yi, a pediatrician working in Taitu ng City on the some respiratory problem. [I suggested that the child] should not be exposed to the strong wind Cheng Du Road is right by the sea. But how would Cheng Du Cheng Du is originally the name of the capital of Si Chuan Province in China, which is an inland rainforest. (6) Names that connote the hope for prosperity. This group of toponyms contains Mandarin words connoting wealth and prosperity, such as feng fu gui ), tai ), among others. Many of the referents (roads and or villages) are places that have few know that [the names of] Juan cun imply ranking. If the name is Ju guan ( ), the luxurious village is for the generals and above; and the broken bamboo fences only exist in the villages for the low
215 in the East Asian Miracle in the 1970s and 1980s. LL change by DPP: 2000 2008 Before taking central government in 2000, DPP had set zheng ming ( go rectifying implies aiwanese nationalism is to change the name of the nation from Republic of China to Taiwan name rectifying is also concerned with the general LL, including toponyms, names of organizations, public signs, and personal names. With regard to road names, the f irst instance of name rectifying took place in 1996 and was initiated by the then Taipei Mayor Chen Shui bian, a DPP member who was then elected as the president of ROC in 2000 and 2008. The road in front of the President House, which is in Taipei City, wa s named as Jie Shou Road ( ) in 1947 to celebrate the then KMT president Chiang Kai Jie is the Mandarin pronunciation of Cantonese Kai name, and Shou renamed the road as Katagalan Boulevard ness into the discourse of the Taiwanese (nationalistic) identity, the subscribers of which had before been mostly the Southern Min and Hakka immigrants. Such an attempt has been partially successful.
216 an root of Taiwan, some others consider that it was mostly symbolic or even tokenistic. In December 2004, President Chen Shui bian ordered the Executive Yuan/Department to funded organizations in Taiwan that contai ned the relieve the confusion in the international society. Chen set a two year deadline and announced that the changes would first apply to only the nation owned announcement aroused major dissent from KMT and the Chinese nationalists, who contended that the nation is qu4 Zhon g1guo2 hua4 ( ) 33 year deadline was not met. By 2007, only two name changing cases had been carried o Zhong1guo2 shi2 you2 Tai2 wan1 shi2 you2 Zhong1 hua2 you2 zheng4 Tai2 wan1 you2 zheng4 ). The LL al so changed as a result, for all the signs on the properties owned by the two companies such as gas stations, gasoline transporting trucks, post offices, and post service vehicles, and stamps, needed to be re designed and re printed. The estimate cost of ma king all these changes amounted to billions of dollars. KMT hence added an 33 The term qu4 Zhong1guo2 hua4 ideology and values.
217 government has unnecessarily wasted our tax 34 jeou, who later KMT successfully returns to the center in 2008, we will change these [Taiwan related] names back [to China c Republic Party during the Bush Administration, Lakoff suggests that using a completely different discursive frame, instead of working within the oppone Besides the direct confrontation between KMT and DPP, there was also a voice from something being naturalized and/or normalized by thos e in the power position. According to Shohamy (2006), this is achieved through policy in the discourse that help sustain the status quo In other words, the mainstream opinion could be taken as a manifestation of th an opinion that is often expressed by DPP and the Taiwanese nationalists. While I believe that such criticism bears some validity, I also think that it is not totally justifiable. After all, si nce 34 Ironically, in 2008, the KMT government changed the names of the two companies back. Doing so, it also spent a considerable amount of money.
218 2000 DPP has arguably enjoyed as much sociopolitical power as, if not greater than, KMT. To thoroughly understand how the two competing contemporary nationalisms and their LPs affect the people in Taiwan, it is necessary to examine how they have functi oned in the private domain. Private Domain LP for naming in the private domain first and foremost concerns the names of people, that is, personal proper names. As understanding (the history of) the name of the island is prerequisite to understanding the pr esent day LL in Taiwan, here I start the discussion of LP for personal names by examining the name labels given to the ethnic group most affected by it, that is, the Austronesian indigenes. The Austronesian population in Taiwan consists of about 20 to 30 d ifferent groups of peoples, all speaking a different language. However, currently only 12 languages and peoples are officially acknowledged by the government. The culture within these groups is diverse, but they share certain characteristics that are dispa rate from the dominant Han 1985) the Han Chinese have from their perspective divided the Austronesian into two groups by labels. Sheng fan ( mountains or on the east side, about whom the Han had little knowledge. Shu fan ( ), whom the Han immigrants had extensive social contact. The Japanese (1895 1945) then renamed the former group Mountain Tribes while in effect not all those so labeled resided in the On the other hand, the Han immigrants also referred to the low land peoples as Pepo in Southern Min, or ping2 pu3 zu2 ( ) in Mandarin, meaning Lowland Tribes Pepo was later adopted by the low land peoples and is used by them as a self designated name
219 lowland Austronesian were not recognized by the government at all, a nd individuals from the shan1 di4 ren2 ( ) in Mandarin Chinese. the pragmatics of the Han languages. Today many Han people still refer to the Austronesian as fwan a in Southern Min or fan appropriate) the name label of the Austronesian people and replace it with the more politically correct term yuan2 zhu4 min2 political discourse, yuan zhumin is not absolutely native namely, the Southern Min and Hakka, and excludes the Mainlanders. In such discourse, yuan zhumin is also semantically contrastive to xin1 zhu4min2 coined name label referring to the alien employees and mail order brides from Southeast Asia (mostly the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietna m), and their Taiwan born children. In fact, the yuan zhumin and the xin zhumin especially those with an Austronesian background (such as the Filipinos), share more ethno linguistic traits with each other than they share with the Han Chinese. The early KM T government not only re labeled the indigenous Austronesian people, but it also re named the individual Austronesian persons. This is where LP for naming penetrates into the private domain of social life. First, the KMT regional officials were ordered to give each of the Austronesian individuals in the region a Chinese name. The policy had no specific criterion,
220 and hence the Chinese name giving process was sheer random. As a result, many indigenous individuals found out that the Chinese last/family names given to them are different from those given to their family members. On the other hand, the prescribed Chinese first names often reflect the racial bias of the regional KMT officials: That Little Bird Gas and Passerby are just some examples. No Han per Or, taking into consideration of the Mandarin postulates (since the Chinese names are most commonly pronounced in Mandarin) and their function in the Chinese nationalistic discourse, through naming the indigenes have been imperfectly framed into ON E = SAMEness because of the underlying Han Chinese centrism. In 1995, the Taiwan ROC legislators revised the Bill of Rights to Names (henceforth Bill) to grant the Austronesian indigenes legal rights to resume their native names. However, according to the about 850 individuals had applied to resume their indigenous names and 50 among them had later asked to change the names back to Chinese. The reasons behind include both the pol icy and its implementation. First of all, in the Bill the Austronesian name resuming is categorized under general name changing According to the laws, name changing requests involve complicated procedure: various forms have to be filled in and documents t necessity. As mentioned earlier, only 12 out of the 20 30 Austronesian ethnies are currently acknowledged by the government. The Bill is hence invalid for the indigenes without an official ethnic status, for they can by no mea ns provide any document for proof. Second, the resumed Austronesian names have no better choice than to be put in Chinese print even though the Bill
221 allows Roman spelling, for Chinese writing system is the only official writing system in Taiwan and hence p ractically useful. This limits the phonological applicability of name resuming, for Chinese characters are only pronounceable in Chinese languages, from which the Austronesian languages differ dramatically. Third, on the ID card there are only and exactly five grids, that is, the ID cards permits only five Chinese characters. Moreover, the undertakers (predominantly Han) of the name resuming requests in the regional offices are not all patient and understanding. For example, a Tayal Austronesian woman walke d into a regional office to ask for resuming her Tayal name Bi.si.wei.zi. Yo and she specifically asked for a dot in between zi and yao because Yo is her family name. But the undertaker insistently told her that there could be only five grids (i.e., five Chinese characters) and that she had to accept either Bi.si.wei.zi.yo or B i.si.wei. Zi After a long fight, the Tayal woman forced the undertaker to hand write Yo in Chinese character outside of the five grids (Lin, 2005). Despite its impracticality, many Austronesian indigenes in Taiwan consider the Roman letters an ideal writi ng system for their name resuming for the following reasons. Before the Han Chinese came, the European missionaries had designed writing systems for some of the indigenous languages and today several peoples still read Bible printed in these Roman systems. Also, from a linguistic point of view, Roman letters seem to be more flexible than Chinese alveolar trill, flap, or approximate, or as retroflex. But in Mandarin the default language today for pronouncing Chinese characters, only the retroflex is a phoneme. However, even if disregarding the practicality in real life, this ideal still faces the problem that on the Taiwan ROC ID cards there are only five grids. If such restriction on space is not first removed, transcribing
222 names in Roman letters would never work because five Roman letters normally allow even fewer pronounceable syllables than five Chinese characters 35 Another name policy that affects the private li fe of the Austronesian indigenes concerns the Chinese patronymic practice. As officially stated in the Kinship Chapter in Taiwan Civic Law ( if the mother has no brothers emphasis). The problem is that some of the Austronesian cultures in Taiwan, such as Siraya, were t patronymic practice enforced by LP for naming may hence import Chinese sexism to the in the private domain also affects is forensically unrelated to the name changing/name resuming policy. Therefore, it still applies even after the Austronesian indigenes have resumed their name in their native languages. It is hand, the Explanations in the name changing/name resuming policy lists four conditions for 35 Each Chinese character is a monosyllabic word of the (C)V(C) construction. On the other hand, it u sually requires two to three Roman letters representing C(onsonants) and V(owels) to spell out just one syllable. In other words, with Chinese writing, one grid on the ID card would allow one syllable and five grids five syllables; but with Roman writing, five grids would normally permit two to three syllables at most. And most Austronesian names exceed three syllables.
223 changing the last name, none of which takes into account the possibility that an individual may simply want to discard the last name without replacing it Hence, it leaves one to wonder how, irst name only practice. Discussion Through this section and the last, I suggest that LP in general and LP for naming in particular demands interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary effort. A simple description of the government(s), persons, and institutions involved does not suffice in providing full understanding of the social situation behind the planning and policy. Policy researchers can borrow insights from linguistics to assess the details of policy implementation, as I have demonstrated in the discuss ion of the controversy concerning Chinese and Roman writing systems for resuming Austronesian names. With respect to the issue of names in particular, perspective. Socio psychological theory as that of Landry and Bourhis (1997) allows LP researchers to olved. In addition, sociopolitical theories such as that of Anderson (1983) and Smith (1995) help LP researchers explain the political milieu and the motivations behind. Take Taiwan for example, knowledge about nationalism and (post )colonialism is a prere quisite for understanding the changes in LP, as the political system changes frequently. From before the KMT era, LP in and control the natives. But under modern de proposal often undergoes intense public debates against different political ideologies and hence is involved in complicated negotiation processes. Given the prevalence of debates and
224 negotiations, one need also examine the discourse in order to fully assess the various issues pertaining to language and identity, including, but not limited to, the parts that address LP The Big Discourse As mentioned earlier, between 1949 and 1987, Taiwan ROC was under a Martial Law declared by the KMT government. People not only had no freedom of speech, but they were also prohibited from organizing any political party outside of KMT. Since the law was lifted in 1987, however, more new parties, and thus multiple expressions, have emerged. As a consequence, Taiwan has witnessed dynamic changes concerning national identity, as documented in the ducted by the media and some academic institutions. In 1989, a survey by United Times showed that 52% of the interviewees considered themselves identified as erely 14 years later, in 2003, a survey by China Times (in Taiwan) se lf 36 Granted, the designs of such surveys are self limiting: by giving only three options, they precluded other possible identifications by the individuals. In fact, as I will show later when introducing the small di scourse, many individuals disagree with the tri Zhejiang Sakizaya 36 All statistic data here are from Taiwan Times. On WWW at http://www.wufi.org.tw/inittra .htm Accessed 10.12.05.
225 Therefore, the survey agencies also partic ipated in identity formation They did not just ask the interviewed individuals to identity, but they also taught them how to identify. Nevertheless, the results of the identity surveys to some extent truthfully reflect the changes of political milieu and LP in Taiwan. Specifically, they suggest that with the emerging represented by KMT is no longer the default choice. What the surveys did not show, however, is how th ese identity categories are defined, or constructed in the nationalistic discourse. In this section, I explore the top down construction of national identity in Taiwan by examining the language of the politicians. I divide the sub sections by agent: first of the two sub sections, I point out the discursive themes and/or rhetorical strategies that have been employed. The subject language is Mandarin, and so my analysis is mainly based upon the Mandarin linguistic postulates I developed earlier, with additional help from CDA and the political theories of nationalism. In the end, I show that the linguistic factors must be fundamental: despi te the significant difference in political ideology, and hence content the discourse of Chinese nationalism and that of Taiwanese nationalism share great similarity in linguistic instrumentals They both invoke the ONE = SAMEness postulate so as to homoge nize, while at the same time they also manipulate centrism and summon up comparative ranking in order to justify the Self and exclude the disagreeing Other. is, all citizens of ROC, are all Chinese. As pointed out earlier, this idea is not necessarily a product of modern, Western nationalism; it is rooted in the culture and history of the Han people
226 who originated from central north Mainl and China. As the Han expanded (through conquering expanded. KMT inherited such an ideology when it founded Republic of China in 1912 and brought it to Taiwan in Chinese nationalism was rather secured and unchallenged. Indeed there were the 228 Incident (see The Republic of China Period in Chapter 1) and the short uproar afterwards, but at that time a complete thesis of Taiwanese nationalism had not been formed. Hence, basically, during the 40 or so years, the general public in Taiwan, including the Mainlanders, w as silenced, as KMT monopolized the right to expression. However, since the 1990s, as DPP has become politically active and its Taiwanese nationalism gained more support, KMT has recognized a need to but from three different angles: identification vis vis China, identification towards Taiwan, and the chasm in between. I will show that, for KMT, even though Taiwanese nationalism poses a serious internal, or domest ic, challenge, it is the definition towards outside that creates the biggest problem for it to sustain a coherent (discourse of) Chinese identity. Identification vis vis China As revealed in the field of identity studies, no identification is truly self identification. An self Other against which Self is projected or defined. In other words, any identification faces outwards. This is true for an individual person as we ll as an individual nation. As Smith (1995)
227 Taiwanese identity of DPP and the other is the Chinese identity of China PRC. When facing China, the main problem for KMT is: how to maintain an autonomous How does KMT differ? In ear lier time, when the legitimacy of ROC was endorsed by nation authentic real Chin and as a result Chiang Kai shek withdrew ROC from UN to protest. Since then, the argument by authenticity has lost ground. Nowadays everyone in the world regards PRC as th e China. Thus, KMT needs to find new ways to assure its existence, which include compromise. For example, zhong1 hua2 dui4 ) to refer to the sports teams and/or political delegations that ( zhong1 hua2 tai2bei3 dui4 ) when addressing an international audience or when they them selves are in the delegation. This is because China PRC would boycott an international event if Taiwan is allowed to use its national because it is a geographical term and implies that Taiwan is part of (the territ ory of) China. allows Taiwan ROC an opportunity to be represented. After all, KMT reasons, no international Taiwan. Such reasoning is in direct tai2wan1
228 dui4 Taiwan whether China is going to boycott the event or not. Another o tong2 bao1 ( ). As introduced earlier, tong2 bao1 KMT in Taiwan and Chinese Communist Party in China to use the term to refer to everyone in tong2 bao1 could thus also be seen as a political compromise between KMT and China PRC: instead of using the national geographical terms hinged upon tong2 bao1 is in place. The people in Taiwan are addressed as tai2wan1 tong2 bao1 ), and the people in China are addressed as da4 lu4 tong2 bao1 da4 lu4 ( ). However, the tricky part is that da4 lu4 Comparative Ranking. Therefore, the paired terms could imply that the people in Taiwan are smaller, younger, less experienced, and hence less important than the people in China, and they subordinate born KMT members proposed to the party changing the official China Taiwan Still, some KMT politicians seem to prefer using the all liang3 an4 tong2 bao1 ) instead. For example,
229 Wu Poh hsiung, former KMT Chair and one of the first high rank KMT people that have talked to the Chinese Communist leaders in person since the Chinese Civil War, commented after his visit to China ders] have reached several consensuses [on the Taiwan China issues] and they reflect the ardent expectations of the compatriots from both sides exchange between KMT and Chinese Communist Party, the two states ROC and PRC have disappeared; only a vaguely defined Chinese Nation l eaders, Wu also avoided referring to Taiwan President Mr. Also helping KMT circumvent the issue of statehood is the Mandarin metaphor o f 37 guo2 jia1 ( ), is guo2 jia1 ) allows KMT to avoid mentioning the state by simply conjuring up the second part of the compound. For example, businessman Cao Xing cheng, when campaigning for Ma Ying ent in 2007, commented: Foreigners [the international society] would generally stay away from our family affair, but if China raises war against Taiwan, then it bec omes domestic violence and will provoke the Taiwanese nationalism would lead to war and chaos, and only KMT could assure peace. Another 37 tong2 bao1
230 example is that, in 2008, when attending the Boao Forum for Asia 38 have discussed the possibility of normalizing cross strait [i.e. Taiwan China] business. And the biggest found ation for such a possibility is that we are a family signing a press release with him (One China consensus in Boao, 2008, my emphasis). vis Mandarin helps because this shared Chineseness is but taken for granted commonsense for the speakers of the language, that is, all people in China and in Taiwan. Tong2 bao1 and the family metaphor a itself is incorporated into the discourse of Chinese nationalism. As Liu (2003) points out, the Chinese nationalists frequently refer to the conventional Mandarin phrase tong 2 wen2 tong2 zhong4 ( ) to argue that the people in China and the people in Taiwan are the same. The phrase can further be parsed into two parts: tong2 wen2 tong2 zhong4 tong2 wen2 part has a diachron ic aspect as well as a synchronic one. Examined diachronically, tong2 wen2 with wen2 originally meaning system has long been set since the Qin Dynasty 39 But tong2 wen2 is more often argued in a 38 Boao Forum for Asia was formed in 2001 by China government, http://www.boaoforu m.org/Html/adoutjs en.asp Accessed 11.9.09. 39 writing language
231 synchronic sense, which simply points to the reality that, today, all people in China and in Taiwan speak the same language, Mandarin. As examined earlier, Mandarin being the Chinese language of today is a result of mo dern nationalistic LPs. To use tong2 wen2 to speak in favor of post hoc and unsound. However, such an argument nevertheless pleases those who are sympathetic to Chinese nationalism because, as most linguists would agree, logic has little place in natural language (or at least in the languages of, say, politics and religion). Tong2 zhong4 seed interpretation is thus apparent. mainly appeals to sameness. To what discourse appears all too similar to that of China. Consequently, its ability to represent Taiwan is iwanese nationalism. In particular, DPP questions KMT on the ground of consistency: a few decades ago, KMT was still fighting the Chinese Communists and calling them demons; how could it now agree with them and accept their claims? Identification towards T aiwan discursive theme, or catch phrase, when addressing the audience in Taiwan with re gard to as their guiding ideology since. Its effectiveness in app local land is evident in the identity polls that show that more and more people would now
232 identification in the last decade and hen all Ch but all Taiwanese are Chinese To link Taiwan to China, the Chinese nationalists of KMT have employed two strategies. and is second to none. Taiwanese people are Chinese because all of us (and/or our ancestors) were originally from China. The first strategy is manifested in Ma Ying j I love this land And so let me emphasize that I AM TAIWANESE I am Taiwanese. Who can argue that I am not Taiwanese [in Hakka]? Who can argue that I am not (Presidential election 2008, 2007, my italics born in Hong Kong and brought to Taiwan by his parents, who were both KMT members, in Taiwaneseness Also note that Ma was at first speaking Mandarin, his native language, but he then swit 2007), in as short as five simple sentences, Ma incorporated both pathos the appeal to emotions (affection in this case), and ethos the appeal to the author
233 local languages). No wonder Ma is generally considered one of the best public speakers among the politicians in Taiwan. The second strategy then com Spirits of the Original Homeland: the Model Stories of Taiwan It was published a few months Chin ese nationalism. In the book, Ma as a presidential candidate does not mention any policy proposal; he only focuses on identity. To show that KMT truly loves Taiwan, Ma first gives a few examples of the demised KMT icons such as Hu Shi and Chiang Ching kuo having done good for the people in Taiwan (e.g., brining higher education and developing economy). Also, he f the Taiwanese people, and he ultimately claims that KMT is no less local/localism than DPP (Ma, 2007: 30 major thesis is to argue that the well hailed by DPP as Taiwanese national her provides a list of Taiwanese (Southern Min and Hakka) intellectuals such as Lin Xian tang, Lian Ya tang, and Jian Wei shui, etc., who fought against Japan during the Japanese occupation, and then he mentions Mainland around the same time and eventually concludes that the Taiwanese icons were hence unquestionably loyal to the Chinese nation (ibid: 149 151). He also conveniently points out that immigrants other words, they were all from Mainland China anyway. Later, in April, 2009, Ma, who is now the elected president, leads his staff to face the direction of China and hold a memorial ceremony
234 for Huang Di, the fictional god like figure who is believed to be the original Han Chinese forefather 40 This is a symbolism to assert that, once again, indeed we are all Chinese. e of identification towards Taiwan is built to be a successful strategy. After all, Ma did win the election by significant margin. This result indicates that Lako Taiwan. The chasm The KMT and DPP politicians accuse each other of creating a people(s) in Taiwan. The popular media feed off this belligerent sentiment by selectively quoting and reporting their partial views. Hence, in my opinion, the chasm is really caused by all these parties in the big discourse. Ordinary peop le normally get along with one another; they get fired up at times when the big discourse turns outright antagonistic and violent. Moreover, the chasm not only exists between the competing discourses of Chinese nationalism and Taiwanese nationalism, but it often also results from the incoherence internal to each of the discourses. An infamous case took place in March, 2009, when some DPP legislators found out that Guo Guan ying, an employee of Taiwan in C 40 Note that while the myth of Huang Di leads to a patriarchal Han Chinese origin, people in Taiwan also know of another myth of Han origin that depicts a Goddess Nu wa who created all human beings. A discussion on how such incoherence may be attributed to the bottom up influence of the native Taiwan cultures is presented in my
235 tai2 ba1 zi ( wo1 ko4 ( Chinese patriots to refer to the colonial Japanese), (2) calling Taiwan Island gui3 dao4 ( nt by saying that wo1 ko4 [i.e., Taiwan [supposedly the Mainlanders] flesh and blood to build a new G we Mainlanders are high 2009). The revelation made big news, and the KMT government was forced to respond. Within a month, Guo was fired on the ground of not having reported to the government on time. political correctness and the boundary of freedom of speech, I think that actually reveal, and reflect, a chasm in They also somehow associate the Taiwanese people with, or equated them to, the Japanese evil s, opinion, this is where the so lies. The bottom line is, for these
236 al employee, Guo did not make any comment that is inappropriate to his appointment. [And] as a [ROC] citizen, Guo did not say anything unpatriotic. What do you Gu nationalism becomes more and more popular. DP P has come from a very different path from KMT. While KMT originated from China and has brought ROC and the Mainlanders to Taiwan, DPP was born in Taiwan and most of its leaders are Southern Min natives. Crucially, DPP started when Taiwan was already known as not actively seek for o react to them in order to assert itself, given the sociopolitical imposed on, all people in modern Taiwan e identified, or portrayed. The task is easier when nation state of PRC, a hostile Other threatening the Taiwan nation. But when facing inwards, DPP wavers with regard to the definition of all oppressive rule. However, since DPP has now gained equal popularity to KMT, especially when ta
237 citizens, including the Mainlanders. As a result, the old definition and the new definition do not e been slips. Identification against China For those unfamiliar with identity politics, the triangular relation among the state PRC, the KMT party, and the DPP party, seems incomprehensible. This is so because they do not understand that politics is about language (and vice versa). Indeed, no matter what its official name is, ROC, or Taiwan, is virtually an autonomous state independent of China PRC. It has its own constitution, its own government, which is elected by its own citizens. And, although not man y, its official status is acknowledged by a number of states. It hence appears inexplicable that China PRC would vehemently oppose DPP while conditionally tolerate KMT. What is the difference? To add to the puzzle is that KMT had actually fought the Chines e Communists of PRC in a war between the 1920s and the 1970s. But today it is between China PRC and KMT where a friendly relationship is established, a friendship that DPP has never been able to establish with either of them. Now, to solve the puzzle, one only needs to examine the language closely. The names, or terms, used by the above mentioned political bodies are self hand, wa nts to sustain a (supposedly 5,000 year PRC. state om for PRC identify DPP as an Other, but KMT, which shares the same land as DPP, also alienates it as an Other. DPP does t he same the other way
238 around. Besides viewing China PRC as an evil Other, it also labels KMT, which has stayed in wai4 lai2 zheng4 quan2 ). against both PRC and KMT. And while most discourses of definition (in Mandarin and in English) involve IS and IS NOT, this one is particularly so. The main Mandarin copula is shi4 ( ) and its negation bu2 shi4 ( ); they function much in the same way as the Englis h copula. In March, 2007, PRC passed Anti cessation Law, 2005). The original Mandarin name for the law is fan3 fen1lie4 guo2jia1 fa3 ( ), which presumes that Taiwan is part of the nation of China. The passing of this law generated zealous debate over the One China Principle introduced in the beginning of this c hapter. PRC claimed, and still claims, that Taiwan ( tai2wan1 shi4 zhong1guo2 de ), with possession and ownership. And DPP wan is not ( bu2 shi4 central g overnment (Chen Shui anti anti No compromise has been made on either side. No negotiation is possible. It does not need to, and in fact could not, directly argue for PRC. Laws arise in the state level, and KMT still represents a state different from PRC. Neverthel ess, it would try to reason by
239 92 Consensus Accordingly to KMT (and also PRC), the consensus was signed in 1992 (under ROC President Li Teng hui 41 Association for Relations Across Taiwan Straits, yi4 zhong1 ge4 biao3 Hence, not everyone believes that KMT the arbitrator is impartial. While some consider KMT as gou1 tong1 qiao2 liang2 ) between Taiwan and China, da3 shou3 ). Moreover, since the two participants that signed the statement in 1992 are, by definition, non governmental organizations, DPP insists that the 92 Consensus is not legal (as fa r as state is is is no called discourse. The ordinary people, who are truly affected by the potential war, are left with nothing substantial. Human life takes a back seat to the predetermined ideologies. Identification towards Taiwan When facing outwards against China, a physical exist ence, DPP takes a strong, 41 Li, a Taiwan born Southern Min who received Japanese education, was then a KMT member, but many of his policies were thought to be movin g towards Taiwanese nationalism. After he had served his term, he left KMT and founded a new political party called Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU). TSU now takes over a small population of voters in Taiwan who are even more radical towards Taiwanese nationa lism than the DPP supporters. Li himself denies that there was ever a 92 Consensus.
240 inconsistent. This is mainly because DPP could not make a clear distinction among Taiwan the place, Taiwan nation the ideal, and ROC the state reality. Or, the Mandarin language does not allow DPP to do so. Again, Mandarin has only one word, guo2 jia1 tic discourse, the reference and connotation of the term are often Therefore, the question then is: who are we ? The modern variety of Mandarin in Tai wan only uses one 1 st person plural pronoun, wo3 men ( 42 For instance, if person A brings wo3 men all see the movie together. But A wo3 men but not you, will studied extensively by the CDA scholars (e.g., Fairclough, 2001; Wodak et al., 1999). Most of the case Western politicians all seem pretty skillful; they seem to be able to manipulate the vagueness of unaware of the fact that wo3 men is ambiguous, but the meanings of wo3 men wo3 men 42 The older variety of Mandarin did d men, ). But za2 men has now become obsolete in Taiwan.
241 people who subscribe to my 43 Take for example the excer pt below from former president Chen Shui It does not matter where [you] originally come from. Today, no one considers this place [Taiwan island] as a foreign land, and no one thinks of themselves as merely a pas sing traveler. This is because our children and grandchildren will all live here together. Taiwan is [our] homeland. Everyone is the host/owner of this land. As the Taiwan first awareness identification towards guo2 jia1 has become a serio us topic every [ethno linguistic] group of people must face. If we ourselves cannot assert our own identity, [and] if we cannot reach a consensus on national identity, then Taiwanese people will forever lack confidence, and [we] will never be able to unite together facing the outside world. We will not be able to find a solid footing on the international stage. [Today,] we are unable to pronounce the name of our guo2 jia1 What a pity that is. How sad, and how embarrassing! Without a [shared] national ident ity, we cannot defend our guo2 jia1 And that is why we must insist on the Taiwan first awareness So [I] sincerely plead all the political parties: no matter [you are] in office or in opposition, [we] must surpass United China or Taiwan Independence, and we must surpass different ethnic groups. Together, [we] must consolidate a national identity for the Taiwanese people. (Chen, 2006, my italics. See Appendix A for the original text.) First of all, this passage is self contradictory: Chen pleads for a conse 43 The Mandarin 1 st person plural pronoun, wo3 men is indeed derived from the 1 st person singular, wo3 Also, wo3 as well as all other Ma
242 zhu3 ti3 yi4 shi4 ( ) in set against Chinese nationalism and means that Taiwan should be the subject, rather than an object defined by, or derived from, China and Chineseness. Asserting that everyone, no matter where they came from, now sees Taiwan as their homeland, Chen ignores (or overlooks) the reality that KMT and many Taiwan, the place, the land. But then, through repeating the word guo2 jia1 and associating it given his law defined status as the president of e; they felt excluded. The problem with guo2 jia1 or the problem of nation or state, discourse. When addressing the Taiwan internal issues, most DPP politicians, like Chen, refuse to mention ROC. When they think of guo2 jia1 they th ink of Taiwan. However, when China PRC is in the picture and KMT compromises, the DPP politicians would suddenly come out to defend the ROC state. In July 2007, an Asian volleyball tournament involving Taiwan, China, Japan, and South Korea, was held in Jia yi, Taiwan. Because it was hosted by the International Olympic Committee to which China PRC is an important member, the team from Taiwan was PRC also insisted that the ROC flag must be absent in any of th e individual events. KMT said nothing, but DPP protested. The DPP guo2 jia1 and so the people have the right to bring
243 in our guo2 qi2 [ DPP has been trapped in the Mandarin word, and thus concept, of guo2 jia1 : if the guo2 jia1 is Taiwan, then whatever happens to ROC (and its symbols) should not matter. In addit own identity also prevents it from confronting ROC directly. DPP is a legal political party in the ti3 zhi4 nei4 lu4 xian4 ) since the very beginning: it observes the stat e defined laws and never seeks revolution to overthrow ROC. As discussed earlier in zheng4 ming2 political goal has been to win the majority seats in Legislature Yuan so as to revise the constitution in order to change the n ame of the state The Taiwan Nation ideal is constructed in a disco urse of somewhere between colonialism and post wai4 lai2 zheng4 quan2 ) colonizing Taiwan; On the other, as mentioned earlier, it does comply with the state system founded by this r egime. What is really troublesome is that DPP habitually puts all the Mainlanders into the same category as the KMT colonizers/enemies. In the crimes committed by the KMT party, in particular the 228 Incident and White Terror, so as building purposes. But the DPP fundamentalists also often hold all the Mainlanders responsible for these crimes, and therefor e wai4 sheng3 ren2 ) and the Ta iwanese natives,
244 ben3 sheng3 ren2 ), two terms coming to use when Taiwan was still considered as a province ince ( sheng3 ji2 qing2 jie2 ). Eventually, the blowback against DPP came on 21 March, 2008, one day before the presidential election. KMT candidate Ma Ying jeou commented that ng for votes in Taichung, 2008). Ma meant that DPP, not KMT, was the real cause of the conflict and division among different groups of peoples in Taiwan. 24 hours later, Ma won back the ROC presidency for KMT, which had been held by DPP in the 8 previous y ears. Indeed, the so called Mainlanders are those who or whose ancestors came to Taiwan with KMT as ROC citizens. But it is untrue that all of them support KMT and/or what KMT has done. Some DPP politicians seem aware of this fact: recall that in the New Y Mainlanders that they do belong by quoting the lyrics of Taipei, the New Homeland affiliation problem [i.e., problem between the Mainlanders and the Taiwanese]; there province affiliation problem, 2006). While statements as such are still illusory because nationalism is essentially forging ONE SAMEness out of differences, they at least show some respect t o the people(s) addressed. But the more fundamentalist, or radical, Taiwanese zhong1guo2
245 zhu1 gun3 hui2 zhong1guo2 qu4 ). A friend of mine, who is a third generation Mainlander and a supporter of KMT, once asked me: landers] to do? We do not really have a home in Mainland anymore. Should I just jump into the Taiwan Strait and drown in mirror image of the radical Chinese n ationalists such as Guo, whom I have introduced. They hate each other, but their use of derogatory identity labels and violent discourse is the same. exist with out the other. Last but not least, I would like to point out that it is equally untrue to assume that all KMT, or Chinese nationalism, supporters are Mainlanders, and for that matter, all DPP, or Taiwanese nationalism, supporters are Southern Min (and vice versa). For one thing, the KMT members today are from many ethno linguistic backgrounds, including a lot of Southern Min people, and DPP also has Mainlander members. And after all, while the Mainlanders take up about 14% and the Southern Min 70% of Taiwan recent years clearly show that the ratio of KMT to DPP voters is about fifty fifty. Therefore, if the politicians in Taiwan we all must face, they should be more truthful and mindful when addressing it. Discussion Before leaving the big discourse, I must address three issue about their own ethno linguistic identity, (2) the role of media, and (3) a quest ion, where are the linguistic identities in
246 Taiwan so as to relate to a certain group of word zu2 ( 44 Since the concept of family is central to all social relations, one is expected to help, or support, people from the same zu2 Hence, for the politicians who desperately need votes, the more ethno ethno jeuo, who came from Mainland China and speaks Mandarin as his firs t language, the Mainlander identity is a given. But he also needs another identity that is local to Taiwan such that his statement that he considers himself also as a Taiwanese would be more convincing. The ethno identity he chooses s zu3 ji2 ( known as a Hakka area. But Ma himself was born in Hong Kong, where many Hakka live. And so Ma has been able to use Hong Kong as a reference point to claim his Hakka identity. In addition he has learnt the Hakka language and achieved certain fluency, and in recent years he in 2009, the people of the Ma Village in Miaoli, Taiwan, have decided to en bian, on the other hand, has claimed almost every ethno identity local to Taiwan. For him, Southern Min is a given. He speaks Southern Min as his first language, and his ancestors were the 17 th century im migrants from Fujian, China, which is the Southern Min homeland. Because Fujian also has a significant Hakka population, Chen has hence once claimed that he was Hakka as well, but later he decided to disclaim it and stick with Southern Min. In Taiwan, Chen 44 As far as I know, all Han languages in Taiwan share the concept of z u although they pronounce the word slightly differently.
247 the homeland of the Siraya indigenes, Chen has also claimed that he is Austronesian. When Ma and Chen, and other politicians as well, cannot really claim an ethno identity, they would incor porate the associated language into their Mandarin dominant speech so as to appeal to some sort of solidarity with the group of people. For example, Ma has learnt a little Southern Min, and Chen has learnt a little Hakka. This is tokenism indeed, but the p ublic, or at least the media, like it. Whenever a politician speaks a little bit of a non Mandarin language, the media would point it out as if it was a likable novelty. And yes some politicians would occasionally pronounce one or novelty. I do not know exactly what language(s) that is because the media really only refer to it ur The mainstream media in Taiwan, i.e., the TV channels, newspapers, and radio stations that are actually popular, are not only untruthful (or i gnorant), but they are plainly unfair. The unfairness or bias in media is so apparent that it does not take, say, a professor in mass communication, to figure it out. Most people could point out the political preference of a media company with ease. The co and newspapers that privilege the Chinese nationalist politicians. Green is the color of DPP, and media companies is revealed in their own outward showing identities; it is in their names and/or in their investors. The well known blue media include t he newspapers China Times (Mandarin name: zhong1guo2 shi2bao4 ) and United Times ( lian2he2 bao4 ), the TV companies China TV
248 Groups ( zhong1 shi4 and zhong1 tian1 ) and TVBS (funded by Chinese investors in Hong Kong), and the radio stations Broadcast Corporati on of China ( zhong1guo2 guang3bo1 ). The green media are Liberty Times ( zi4you2 shi2bao4 rong) and Formosa TV ( min2 shi4 ). I tend to think that the blue media (and thus the Chinese nationalistic discourse) have an advan tage over the green media because of sheer number. But some may disagree. As my friend Li Lu sam majority of Taiwan society is color negatively by them, and the reverse relations apply to the green media. Once in a while, the politicians may do or say something outright inappropriate; then the media that support them would just ignore it and not report. I n other words, ignoring, or not mentioning, is also part of the media framing. cuss: where are the indigenes in the big discourse? The context of Ma Ying Taipei City Government, to which he served as mayor, decided to relocate, and thus first abolish the Amis community in Xizhou, Taipei, but the locals pro tested and refused to move. In a public problem is [socio economic] opportunity. I will treat you as [if you were] human beings. I will treat you as [Taipei] citiz
249 particular analytical attention. Note that the underlying, or default, Mandarin word order is S(ubject) V(erb) O(bject). But instead of it, Ma used the functional word, BA3, to topicalize the Object: S BA3 O wo3 kan4 ni3 wo3 BA3 you [as human beings] see/trea take a thing and see/treat it objectified double fold: syntactically and also semantically. By using the BA3 structure, Ma was you as if you were analysis explai discourse: they are not human, they are unimportant, and so they can simply be ignored. y ears, DPP has realized that it is not enough to designate only the Southern Min as the true/authentic Taiwanese recognizes Southern Min as Taiwanese and then connects them to a M ainland China origin, for such a geo historical connection is a fact, and (2) compared to the Southern Mi n, the indigenes are even more local and hence more Taiwanese As a consequence, (the radical) DPP has now started a new discourse claiming that all Taiwanese natives i.e., Southern Min and Hakka, must have indigenous Austronesian blood, and so, unlike the Chinese/Mainlanders, these are the real tng soa n kong, m tng soa n m ). It refers to the probable historical fact that there had been many inter marriages between the indigenes and the early Southern Min (and Hakka) immigrants. Such
250 a claim seems to appeal to the Pepo or low land indigenes, in particular (but not the mountain indigenes), because many Pepo their first language and identify more with Taiwanese nationalism than Chinese nationalism 45 Furthermore, to complete it s discourse of co option, DPP also refers to the modern academic studies that hypothesize Taiwan as the original Austronesian homeland (e.g., Adelaar, 2005; Blust, 1988; Diamond, 2000; Ku, 2005). By referencing these studies, DPP implies that the indigenes and thus all the non Although KMT has not yet reacted to this new discourse of DPP, probably because most of the Pepo peoples have not acquired the official indigenous status, I predict that it will soon. The Small Discourse prevalent In this section, I turn to the small discou rse, that is, the stories told by the individuals who are not involved with any powerful sociopolitical institution. I will show that the diverse personal experiences may be a source, or even cause, of the inconsistency in the big discourse, in addition to being simply affected by it. In other words, the dynamics between the big discourse and the small discourse is indeed mutual. 45 Pepo ( ping2 pu3 According to my personal experience, the low land peoples prefer the Southern Min word over the Mandarin word. This may also serve as to indicate that they hav discuss later.
251 The examples and narratives below are all from the ethnographic interviews I conducted in the summer of 2007 46 When a narrative i s examined, I will provide concise information of the persons. In the actual interview process, I started all conversations asking the interviewees to talk about their personal names 47 and then I asked them to talk about their language( learning) experiences in general. Next, I asked them to talk about their identi ty experiences in any way they wished. Interestingly, while I did not always specify the kind of identity about which they should talk, they always focused on the ethnic and national identities, rather than other social identities such as age, gender, and sex ual orientation, etc. This indicates that identity politics is a general concern for the people in Taiwan and that language is an indispensable part of it. In what followings, I first examine the talks that reflect on language policy and planning (LP), and then I examine those that reflect on the national identity discourse. Finally, I present Reflection on LP Because of the continuous colonial history in Taiwan, seve ral linguistic generation gaps have been created by the changing LP. The older generation, who had passed school age when KMT brought ROC and Mandairn to Taiwan in 1945, used to attend Japanese schools and 46 The original transcripts of the complete interviews, most ly in Chinese characters, can be accessed at http://idnarrative.wordpress.com/files/2009/12/identity narratives of persons in taiwan2.pdf 47 I was interested in personal names because, as I reviewed earlier, names are often related to identity formation. However, whi le I have indeed collected several interesting stories about personal names, their relevance to the thesis of this research, that is, national identity, is not obvious. Therefore, I would not discuss them here.
252 learned Japanese, the then national languag e, ther agers, on the other hand, learned Mandarin, a different national language, as their first language in school, and Mandarin was also the only language they could speak in school. The younger generations, who are in their twenties now, went to school to learn Mandarin if they have not already spoken it, but they are also encouraged to speak their non Mandarin mother tongues, as some of th em may have also received some Mother Language Class education. Such gaps have not only created some comm unication problems among people from different generations and affected the continuation of a certain language, but they have also evoked various emotions in the individuals. Take Ng Bi su for example. Ng was born in 1928 in a native Southern Min family th at was doing well socio economically. Probably because of the high socio economic status, such families tended to use Japanese, instead of their native language(s), at home. However, many people from these families would prefer speaking Southern Min today because of their terrible transition. In the excerpt, P refers to Ng, the Participant, and R refers to me, the Researcher. Also, all italicized phrases and sentences in the following excerpts were emphasized in the original conversations. Excerpt 1 : Ng Bi P: yes, [they] spoke Japanese. R: How about Taiwanese [Southern Min]? P: Not at all. R: Y
253 R: Oh. interpreter R: When did you start speaking Taiwanese? ter marriage. R: And do you speak Chinese language[i.e., Mandarin]? R: Huh [Taiwanese nationalists]. R: (laugh) ed by others. Yes [Mandarin] I did learn. R: Uh [to Mandarin classes]. R: Uh P: So I studied [Mandarin] for not one day/less than a day [figuratively speaking]. R: Hm P: I did wa nt to learn Mandarin [at first] R: Um P: [because, as] I told my father, I wanted to find a job. jit, was the chief editor of a Southern Min newspaper called Taiwan Daily when KMT took over Taiwan. One day in 1947, he was taken away by
254 policemen, and he never returned. The reason behind Tiau explained to Bi su until she found it out herself thirty years later. He was accused of treason, explanation unacceptable to Bi su. Today, Bi su has become an icon of Taiwanese nationalism. She hosts a few radical underground Taiwanese nationalistic radio shows and she speaks the She also writes books documenting the 228 Incident in honor of her father. As she told me, when she thinks and hence writes, she thinks in Japanese. She would write drafts in Japanese first and then ask someone to translate them into Mandarin for the contemporary readers in T aiwan. Those in their fifties and sixties today had a different experience. They had to speak Mandarin in school because, if they did not, they would be punished. While the Mandarin only policy was universal, the means of punishment was not unified The p unishment took many different forms, all dependant on the schools and/or individual teachers. They might be physical, psychological, or financial (as fines). The excerpt below from Huang Hong sen details a type of psychological punishment that seeks humili ation. Huang was born in 1956 and he is a Hakka native. Excerpt 2 : Huang Hong P: Mother tongue [use] started being restricted when I went to elementary school. I th grad e [10 yrs old]. R: uh huh, 4 th 5 th and 6 th grades P: Yes so it was probably from 1965 to 1969. R: uh
255 fiercely promoted the so called National Language [NL = Mandari n]. P: Yes yes the Beijing speech NL. [It was] a very fierce/powerful era. I was explain a bit more in detail? R: huh my classmates were all Hakka people you see. Quite naturally we just KMT g overnment e so called National Language Policy. So P: Yes, yes. The teacher would hang it on us. criticizing suppress mother tongue you know. R: So, besides the hanging of board was there a ny other means of punishment when one spoke regional dialect? P: Different teachers would have different ways.
256 R: Each teacher had a different means. P: Yes in terms of implementation there were differences. Some might have used+ [physical] punishment. As R: So how could one take the board off? P: Pass it to others, you know. R: Pass it to others. you. P: Yes yes yes. R: oh oh in this way. R: Did you, did you remember, wearing the board often? P: quite often R: quite often (laugh) P: quite often R: oh of the time it all ended when [the board] was passed to me. R: uh uh uh R: uh huh
257 P: So I needed to go to the prac tice and I would take off the board and put it in my drawers. on to others]. Huang Hong the resistance as a ten year old, he made a decision not to pass the humiliation to other children. What is not views as well as in my personal daily encounters, most women from the generation say that they were never, or rarely, that they had been punished frequently for speaki ng vernaculars. This observation corresponds to conforming to the general s ocial expectations or the mainstream values, and covert prestige comes out of loyalty to the small, local, group with which one identifies. In linguistic terms, makes one prou upon American English, my analysis of the Mandarin postulate of centrism (see also Figure 4 1 and Figure 4 2) has shown that the Mandarin speaking Han culture d oes also demand women to obey men, who are by default the rulers in the society. Thus, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that more women than men in Huan g Hong 40s and 50s, have grown up speaking most ly Mandarin. But more sociolinguistic research need s to be done to test this hypothesis. The linguistic generation gap caused by the change of regime and that of LP may make one suspect a discontinuation of native tongues. However, interestingly, in the tw o families
258 introduced above, the home language has in fact been passed on to the next generation from within the domestic domain. In Ng Bi language Southern Min as a second language, she now speaks only Southern Min at home with her children and grandchildren. In addition, she requests all her children to take Japanese classes, language decision is motivated by a conscious political choice, the language continuation in the Huang family is simply benefited by its natural linguistic environment. The Huang family has for six generations lived in the same area that has been a Hakka settlement since the 17 th centu ry. Although the past LPs have changed its linguistic landscape (LL), the locals of the village have not changed their language behavior. According to Huang Hong sen, the place used to have a name written in Chinese characters as It reflected the historical fact that when the first Hakka immigrants came to Taiwan, they were economically deprived. But later, in the 1940s, the KMT government replaced the old name, because the government considered its connotation vulgar, with the new name which refers to the tree species in the area, lagerstroemia subcostata kochne. The two characters and are pronounced the same in Mandarin as qiong2 but their pronunciations differ in Hakka. The knowledge about the history of the place is hence los t to many of the locals. However, despite the Japanese and KMT occupations and their anti vernacular LPs, the local Hakka villagers have always continued speaking their native tongue at home and in public. Therefore, Huang Hong year old son, Huang Guan zhong, whom I also interviewed, speaks Hakka natively with confiden ce and pride, unlike many contemporary young Hakkas who grew up in other regions For example, Huang Guan xi, another of my interviewees, does not know a s
259 Yangzhou Mainlander, but Qiu does not speak these two languages, either. In the Qiu family, only Mandarin is spoken. In addition, Huang Guan zhong pointed out that the LL in his native village went through yet another change in the early 2000s when DPP took the centra l government and implemented a M oth er L anguage policy. Huang Guan zhong recounted that, ase speak Hakka to your Still, as Hinton (2009) points out, the transgenerational language learning at home is particularly crucial to the continuation of indigenous languages. This is because the indigenous languages are often most threatened in a nation state: they do not have many native speakers left, and hence they cannot offer a very supportive public langua ge learning environment. As far as Taiwan is concerned, even if a family has given up Hakka and/or Southern Min to Mandarin, its younger generations can still learn their mother tongue(s) outside of home because Hakka and Southern Min still have a large po pulation of speakers today. The same does not apply to the indigenous Austronesian families. Once an Austroneisan language is no longer spoken at home, it is hard for the young st ers to learn it elsewhere. In Excerpt 3 below, the Sakizaya indigene Padaw Nga yaw showed remorse over the fact that he had not taught his mother tongue to his daughters when they were little. Note that the Sakizaya people have only been officially recognized by the (DPP) government since 2007. Before that they had sought sanctuary u nder the Amis people for over a century because of the Japanese invasion. Therefore, when Ngayaw Ngaway was talking to me, his youngest daughter, Dome, was als o present, and she would
260 occasionally interrupt. So there are three people in the transcription: P is Padaw Ngayaw, R is me, and D is Dome Ngayaw. Excerpt 3 : Padaw R: you feel is your mother tongue? P: R: You speak Amis more often. P: um um spoke i t. R: oh P: It was the language I heard when I was little. I could also write a bit. R: You could also write. P: um hum P: yes. R: hum, where did you learn to write [Sakilaya]? P: father When my fa ther was still alive. R: Oh you learned to write from your father.
261 P: That that that is our [probably P and his wife] fault. When they were little, [we] t teach them. to learn? D: (make a face) R: (laugh) P: (laugh) R: (laugh) age [i.e., Mandarin] to us. ter would R: (turning to P) you said you would regret? P: Yes. D: (laugh) He will teach [them]. not have time [taking care of their teach them Amis. R: Teach them Amis. [You will] teach grandchildren Amis. language. R: huh.
262 P: [I will] teach them well. When speaking of languages, Ngaway attached to them strong affective values: Sakizaya is not teaching her children motivate a government to design, or facilitate, LP in favor of its continuation. I sincerely hope that as well love for their languages and regret out some positive actions. I also wish that more indigenous families will like the Ngayaw family, make a new decision and start speaking their native tongues at home again. requests schools to offer Mother Language Class. As mentioned earlier in my review of introduced by the DPP government (2000 2008) and is now continued by the KMT government. In spite of its initially benign intention, the po licy has generated much controversy because it has made some Chinese nationalists feel threatened. For these people, to offer school hours to the Mother Language Class means to sacrifice the hours originally given to the National Language Class, that is, t he Mandarin class. They hence think that this policy is in fact a malicious attempt Chinese rds, LP and the big identity di s c ourse merge here. As a result, most arguments surround ing the controversy is not advanced from a strictly policy, or administrative, standpoint; rather, they bring heat to the discourse of identity. In particular, the arguments focus on definitions: What is ., Mandarin Chinese, also our mother
263 language? Below, Qiu Hao zhi, brother of Qiu Hao xi, argued against the Mother Language LP from a Chinese nationalistic perspective. Excerpt 4 : Qiu Hao elementary school must offer mother language classes now? R: (but it is because) NL has its own NL classes. And NL still P: Many of the hours have been cut down And, the point is, the schools would ask R: Mm ools would] divide [the children and send them] to Southern R: Why is it so? le nation state as govern ment forces them to [study the non Mandarin languages]. R: Must they choose one? P: [They] must choose, they must choose a mother language you fear that these mother language classes would edge out NL, no?
264 offer Hakka classes are way low er than the actual Hakka population. Hakka class to go to even if they wanted to learn. P: But now [the children] have to learn Southern Min as an extra to take tests. R: um South e to learn Hakka? Logic aside, I am sympathetic to Qiu Hao ntification towards Mandarin. Even though Mandarin is not actually any of his heritage languages (Hakka, Southern Min, and Yangzhou are), I can understand his passion for it. After all, Mandarin has been the only language spoken in the Qiu family. Moreover as his sister Qiu Hao xi revealed to me, their the children if they do not speak the most Standard Mandarin, and she would even scold their friends whose Mandarin v ariety does not fit her ideal. Probably as a result, both Qiu Hao xi and Qiu Hao zhi are strong KMT supporters, like their parents. They despise DPP, its Taiwanese nationalism, and anything associated with it. Moreover, if Qiu Hao s Mother Language policy was true, that everyone must learn Southern Min no matter what their heritage language really is, then the LP would be truly unfair. However, his description seems ten frames a preconception that ever y thing DPP does must be Southern Min biased. As a matter of fact, Qiu himself never received Mother Language education when he was in elementary school, nor has he ever been a
265 teacher for any Mother Language class. On th e contrary, two of my other interviewees, Jian Yu min and Uma Talavan, have indeed taught some Mother Language classes, and they both appreciated the diversity the policy offered. Jian is a 30 year old Southern Min native speaker. She has substituted some Southern Min classes when she was a graduate student in Hualian, the hometown of Amis and Sakizaya. She told me that the school children could freely choose among Amis, Sakizaya, Hakka, and Southern Min as a subject for their Mother Language classes. Uma T alavan also speaks Southern Min fluently, but she identifies with Siraya. Uma is also the chair of the Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association, an NGO that has worked on reclaiming the dormant Siraya language for over ten years. A few years ago, she used to be a Mother Langauge teacher in a local school in her home village of Tavocan. At first she taught Southern Min. But later she asked the school to let her teach Siraya, and the school agreed. Since Uma is in fact a musician by training, the school also le t her teach some Siraya songs in the music classes. Reflection on Identity Discourse t the big discourse, and some do not. These should be natural, as they indicate that the big discourse doe making. Among my interviews, Ng Bi identity discourse most directly. For example, Ng tended to identify KMT, the Mainlanders, and the Chinese people as one and the same, and when she recounted something bad KMT had done evil quality [ chit
266 the big discourse, it does not necessarily mean that the narrator is completely under a top down influence. Correspondence, or correlation, does not entail (any dire ction of) causal relation. The personal account may in fact have informed the big discourse from bottom up. Or there may be an independent factor outside of this person and the big discourse that has caused the correlation. In the 80 year big discourse from bottom up since she grew up in the first generation when DPP had just Republic of C mentioned earlier, in spite of his multi ethnic background, Qiu is a strong KMT supporter and a self identified Mainlander. Without presenting much personal real life experience to support his claims, the 24 year to China (and United States). He al so revealed that he considers Hakka culture as a mere mei2 shui3 zhun3 ). In other words, it seems to me that Qiu has received many stereotypes concerning Taiwan and the Southern Min people created in the discourse of Chinese nationalism. Besides the Southern Min Taiwanese nationalist Ng and the Mainlander Chinese national ist Qiu, my Sakizaya friends Dome Ngayay and Padaw Ngayaw also gave accounts that reflect some social stereotypes. For example, while Dome does not speak any indigenous
267 language, she identifies herself as an indigene. But this identification follows the to kenistic view image seems to be mostly derived from othe Padaw own uniqueness. While he also identifies differentiate the Amis culture and the Sakizaya. But when he recounted his experience of working in a hospital as a volunteer alongside many foreign care givers from the Austronesian an In Padaw is more or less aware of the fact yuan2 zhu4 min2 ) due to a modern sense of political correctness, are re all y perceived as foreigners in their native land. Between the two national identities, that is, Chinese and Taiwanese, prescribed by the big discourse, and the fo ur smaller, taken for granted, ethnic identities, e.g., I ndigene, Hakka, Mainl ander, and Souther n Min, there are numerous possible combinations and hence identity choices one could make. For insta nce, while Ng Bi su often disregards the ethnic label Southern Min and sticks only to the nationalistic label Taiwanese, Qiu Hao zhi does identify with Main lander and occasiona lly Hakka, although he ultimately identifies with Chinese. Uma Talavan, Chair of the Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association, beli eves strongly in the Taiwanese identity; but she doe no t see a necessary link between Taiwanese and Souther n Min, for she believ es that her Siraya identity is indigenous and thus authentic enough to let her claim Taiwanese. Then there are people like the Ngayaws who do not choose either of the big national
268 ident ities; they only identify with I ndigene. The same applies to Huang Guan zhong and his father Huang Hong sen, who only see themselves as Hakka. In fact, when asked about their national identification, Huang Hong sen and also Xu Ling mei specifically spoke against the binary distinction in the big discourse betw een Chinese and Taiwanese In the next two excerpts, they pointed out that such a binary distinction is not only unhelpful in terms of solving the identity conflicts in Taiwan, but it could be rather ridiculous. Excerpt 5 : Huang Hong sen on the bina ry opposition between Chinese and Taiwanese P: You asked me who I think I am. Well, I am multiple options, and I am pretty sure I am a Hakka person. R: um, you meant in identity choice P: multiple, multiple R: So multiple options in identity choice. P: Yes, multiple options, but not binary/dichotomy. R: hm P: You see, it is very convenient to do surveys [identity polls] with binary options, ou Chinese or R: (laugh) R: (laugh) R: (laugh) P: This is junk speech/garbage.
269 R: ( laugh) oh yes. While Huang Hong sen spoke against the binary choice in national identity in a relatively casual tone of voice, Xu Ling mei spoke with certain indignation. I n fact, when I asked her about Chinese or Taiwan ese, she appeared offended by the question because, as will be shown in the beginning of the excerpt, people often simply assume KMT and pro Chinese nationalism, given her Mainlander background. And she thought that th is assumption is unfair. Excerpt 6 : Xu Ling mei on the binary opposition between Chinese and Taiwanese P: I do to marry a g Min.] blue. R: What, what if one day you get a phone call from the ident call that asks you to choose? as a matter of fact I have not made up my mind. R: uh P: I have not made up R: oh could also lie speak.
270 P: depending on my mood that day. R: But if they call and ask you, you are, are you Taiwanese or Chinese or Taiwanese as well as Chinese? P: No sensible person would ask such a question, would the y? R: Well but identity polls as such are on newspapers all the time, no? P: Of course I am Taiwanese. R: oh not ask me if I am Taiwanese or Chinese. If you must ask this I would no t answer you [because] obviously you are antagonistic [and] you are just testing me. You That is a discussable topic R: oh P: Of course I am Taiwanese (angry voice). e, those identity polls on newspapers this percentage of people think they are Taiwanese, this percentage of people think are Chinese? if you must force me to answer this question Taiwanese as well as Chinese. R: oh, huh huh huh huh P: But this thing [i.e., the prescribed identities], no matter what I say, [it] does not interfere with my identification towards the nat ion. R: huh uh uh uh P: I am Taiwanese as well as Chinese but I can still support Taiwan independence.
271 R: um P: [That is] if the Chinese communists do not threaten to raise a war against us. In sum, Huang Hong sen and Xu Ling mei show that resistance again down influence is possible. For decades, the politicians/nationalists in Taiwan have given people only two choices of national identity, but until today there are still people who refuse to subscribe to them. These people discern how futile such binary opposition is to solve the eth nic conflict within the nation state and to alleviate the threat posed by China PRC. They also demonstrate that people need not accept the nationalistic manipulation: like Huang, one could laugh at it, th r ou gh such understanding can everyone sit down to discuss the practic al questions such as if changing the name of the state is necessary and if pursuing Taiwan independence is beneficial. Last but not least, I believe that a bottom up influence from individuals such as Huang and Xu has indeed already taken place, as evident in the transition in the big discourse where both the (non it less discriminatory. Connection between Language and Identity In the narratives I collected, a conne ction between language and identity is always there, although it was not always told to me directly Sometimes this is because it need not be told: Huang Hong sen has a strong identity towards Hakka, as he always lives in a Hakka community, he speaks the H were punished for speaking it.
272 Some other times, however, the connection is unveiled by the minor inconsistencies or contradictions in what the narrator did tell. Qiu Hao xi ope nly claims a pro KMT, Chinese, identity. She not only recounted how Sta ndard Mandarin was reinforced at home by her mother, but she also said that she is proud of her being able to speak such a variety. She gave several of which were influences or borrowings from Southern Min Taiwanese However, during the interview, her own speech actually carried many of the linguistic features she denounced, such as the reductio n, or palatalization, of Mandarin retroflexes, and the grammatical extension of you3 ( you3 for perfect aspect is only observed in the Southern Min affected Mandarin variety; the Standard Mandarin uses le ( LE YOU3 true that Qiu Hao sta ndard speech might have been due to 48 one should be more aware of her own speech performance when discussing language, rather than less. Therefore, I suspect that Qiu Hao believes that, as a Ch inese, she speaks the Standard Mandarin, and such belief may prevent her from perceiving otherwise. Uma Talavan, on the other hand, demonstrated how a Taiwanese national identity may DPP and strongly supportive of 48 Linguistic reflexivity is thought to be a human only faculty that allows the speaker to re f lect upon, or to talk about language itself For example, some primates demonstrate communicative skills very similar to human language, but they cannot describe their own communicative performance. Lingui stics as a human science is also an obvious example of linguistic reflexivity.
273 Taiwanese nationalism; she is also a Siraya indigene and has devoted more than 10 years of her life to reclaiming the sleeping Siraya language, culture, and identity. Sh e places the national identity Taiwanese above the ethnic ident ity Siraya; she identifies herself first as a Taiwanese and then as a Siraya person. But i n some parts of the interview, she wo uld question the definition of Taiwanese (identity and language), to which Southern Min is generally considered as the default re I start to ask:] towards the Taiwanese Soutehrn Minness even Southern Min may not be kept. [If the government does not do something to help maintain Soutehrn Min,] in the end we Taiwan will have only Chinese majority of modern day Siraya people, Southern Min, i.e., the Taiwanese language, is indeed her first language; she speaks it with her parents, and she speaks it with her children. In other words, 001) for the Taiwanese identity with which it is associated. And this is all in spite of the fact that Uma also recounted how, as children, she and her Siraya friends would be bullied and discriminated against by the neighboring Southern Min children. All relation between language and identity can be extremely complicated and it is really hard to discern, or to predict, a certain directionality of the causal effect. One may think that because Uma speaks Southern Min nati vely, she has developed a strong Taiwanese identity; such nationalistic localist awareness may have prompted her to rediscover her Siraya identity in the
274 first place, but now it may lead to the co option of Siraya into Southern Min Taiwanese nationalism. O n the other had, one may predict that the new found pride in Siraya (identity and language) would eventually lead Uma to develop a new identity that does not conform to either of the national identities prescribed in the big discourse. The examples above i ndicate two places where the not so direct connection between performance, and the other is among the contents within one narrative. A third, more subtle, place woul d be between the claims made in a narrative and the labeling especially with regard to the two ethno linguistic groups Mainlander/Mandarin and Southern Min. For example, the relatively politically neutral Huang Hong called National zhi would refer to it as Huang Hong sen and Qiu Hao zhi would both refer to the a strong indicator because quite often the most commonly used ethnic and linguistic labels are simply taken for granted. Also many people think of the (several co existing) labels as just labels and use them interchangeably. Take the Taiwanese nationalist Uma Talavan for example. In her full narrative, which was 132 minutes long, two different labels were used to refer to the M zhong1 wen2 49 in Mandarin) appeared 17 times and guo2 yu3 in Mandarin) 5 times. Four different labels were given to the tai2 yu3 in Mandarin and ti g i n Southern 49 Note that zhong1 wen2 literature/writing belief that writing precedes oral speech as the default l inguistic form, zhong1 wen2 is commonly inter preted as to refer to the Mandarin language itself.
275 tai2 wan1 hua4 min3 nan2 yu3 holo in Southern Min) 6 times. Note that the information I provided in the parentheses also shows that, for a multilingual individual certain labels may go with certain languages more comfortably. My conversation with Uma was carried out bilingually in Mand arin and Southern Min, but somehow she would only speak Mandarin when referring to the Mandarin language with either of the two different labels, which actually can be pronounced in Southern Min as well without any s choices of labels vis vis languages for the Southern Min language are even more complicated. Since I am unable to clearly identify all the possible minute motivations behind these choices, I will just leave the discussion here. While labeling as discus sed above can be considered as a form of naming, it was through telling about personal names that Uma explicitly pointed out a connection between her identity attitude and language choice. Uma has a registered Han name, koan in Southern Min or Wan 4 Shu2 juan1 in Mandarin, and since the Siraya language had not been spoken for almost a century until quite recently, I asked her where the name Uma came from. She said that she named herself Uma several years back when she became deeply involved in awake ning the Siraya language and culture; the name was also symbolism for reclaiming her native identity. Excerpt 7 : Uma talking about personal naming P: Yes. R: Oh.
276 R: Why? 50 R: uh, huh huh the [Musuh apa Siraya language & culture] summer camp participants choose a hence an identity. P: What it [i.e., Siraya naming] means to me is a beginning of symbolism. R: hm hm hm P: Besides, if every [camper] would pick a different [word for their] name, then we can all memorize more, more words. R: Yes yes yes (laugh). So did you name yourself just this year ? P: Me? No, I have got mine for quite a while. [Then R asked P how she se lected the potential Siraya words/names.] P: Well, I have tried looking into the F amily R egistry B ooklets 51 names of our ancestors. R: um um 50 hing actually founded the Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association and served as the first chair, before Uma. Until today he has been very involved in Siraya reclamation, but he does not participate much in the linguistic aspect. So I think what Uma meant here is not that she was afraid that her father would disapprove her self naming; she probably simply meant that her father would not understand the Siraya language. 51 an official document required by the Japanese and the ROC governments for all its citizens for the purposes of demographic census, in Japanese Kanji and Chinese characters.
277 naming was done. An d also if you look into the Savage Contracts 52 you would few names, right? R: Yes, yeah yeah th ings in the nature. R: um P: This [choice of nature environmental awareness, or conservation of the nature. R: hm hm hm hm le thing may seem unfamiliar to you at first R: um P: but when you wear it on your own body [i.e., apply it to yourself], it would interact with you and create a relation. R: hm hm hm P: And through such a relation, you, yes, you would grow a love/affectio n towards it [i.e., the name, the identity, and the culture]. Although Uma gave plant names as an example for the modern day Siraya name choice, the word uma Association to 52 a collection of land contracts signed by the 18 th and 19 th centuries Siraya people and the Han farmers of Qing Dynasty, in Chinese characters.
278 will talk more about the naming activity in the Musuhapa Siraya summer camps later in Chapter naming: it is for reclaiming a lost identity, and it is f or continuing the language use. From a CDA point of view, the Siraya re naming initiated by Uma could also be thought of as a bottom up resistence through self assertion Until today, the Siraya have not been officially recognized by the central government as a people because the government insists that all Siraya people have been Now that more and more Siraya people have replaced their Han identity and uniqueness. In addition, I also asked Uma how she named her three children. She told me that all her children has three names, a Siraya name, an European name, and a Han lu. T he second daughter Ying en. The Siraya name is for their Siraya identity, the European name is for their Filipino identity (their father, Edgar Macapili, is from the Philippines), and the Han name, as Uma Indeed, identity does not need to be singular. Last but not least, I would like to use Qiu Hao zhi, brother of Qiu Hao xi, a s an example to show another explicitly articulated connection between language choice and identity choice. Like Qiu Hao xi, Qiu Hao zhi is also a supporter of KMT/Chinese nationalism. But unlike Qiu Hao xi who only speaks Mandarin (and English), Qiu Hao z tongue, as a second language. Because I was introduced to Qiu Hao zhi by Qiu Hao xi, who told me that her brother could speak Hakka pretty well, the earlier part of my interview with him was
279 directed towards Hakk a. But half way through the interview, I started to realize that Qiu Hao his Chinese identity. In his narrative, many interactions between the top down and the bottom up discourse influences took place. It seems to me that he has received much top down influence of Hakka and Chineseness, he went back to the big discourse from botto m up discourse of Taiwanese nationalism, which he designated as Southern Min biased. For example, based writing system for Southern Min, Qiu Hao this [writing Southern Min in characters] is just ridiculous; you [i.e., DPP] kept plagiarizing and so how Chinese writing system bears no direct association with any (oral) language; in its thousands of years of existence, it has been used to write many different Han languages as well as non Han languages such as Japanese and Korean. Qiu Hao a ccepted the myth of common origin in Chinese nationalism, which is reinforced by the Mandarin postulate of centrism. I also asked him what had made him learn Hakka in the first place. He explained as follows. Excerpt 8 : Qiu Hao g Hakka P: Well, when I went to high school, I once had this geography test. And one of the answer was in Southern Min. Can you beli eve it? R: Ge geography?
280 P: Yes, it was like, you must know Southern Min or you would not know the I cannot speak [Southern Min]. R: Were you saying that Southern Min was in the question or in the answers [multiple choice]? test us? R: Mm R: Mm o any good. R: Mm mm mm P: But at the time I also realized that oh well if [she/he] really did incorporate R: Mm P: So that was one of the major motivations that made me think that I should people up. The other motivation was that I saw Chen Shui candidate in the 2000 election] speaking on an occasion, claiming that he was als o for him. He was running for president. Two months prior to the election day he Hakka he s poke was extremely broken squeezing it out R: So at that time you yourself had not been able to speak Hakka yet?
281 P: Yes. P: Yes. It [i.e., Chen so snobbish Then I felt that I must speak Hakka better than you [Chen.] R: Mm P: Yes, for me to ridicule you [Chen, and probably Taiwanese nationalists in general], I must be able to speak better than you. I wanted to know if Qiu Hao Hakka as a way to rebut the discourse of Taiwanese nationalism, and so I asked him how he felt n, since he help raise both Hakka and Southern Min to the status of official lang uage and hence increase have four [he added English] official languages? Whic His favoring the dominant Mandarin (and English) and his sentiment against multilingualism, both echoing the grand discourse of Chinese nationalism, became even more obvious when I asked him if he would teach his fut ure children Hakka. He said for sure he would teach them
282 So Hao zhi, the identity is Chinese and the language is Mandarin, and their centrality and d ominance should never be changed. Indeed, in his narrative one finds not only the influence of the big Chinese nationalist discourse but also the effect of Mandarin postulates, especially centrism and comparative ranking. He truly embodied the inseparabili ty of (the Chinese) identity and (the Mandarin) language. Conclusion Throughout this long chapter I have depicted but a general picture of Taiwan. I could not tell what Taiwan is for Taiwan are many different things. Although Mandarin is the most dominant language and cultural thinking today, others have not disappeared. History does not progress in such a way that the new events completely replace the old; rather, the remanents of the old continue and co exist with the new. As I have shown, although KMT h as executed its Manadarin only and Chinese centric LP for decades, in contemporary Taiwan there are still old people like Ng Bi su who speak and think Japanese first; although Hakka and Souther Min have lost their previous prevelance, there are still many people, like Huang Hong sen and Huang Guan zhong, who speak and think in their native ways, and a Mother Language LP is in place trying to restore mainly these two languages and cultures; although the indigenous Austronesian cultures have long been ignored there are still people like Padaw Ngayaw and Uma Talavan who still remember their roots and are making an effort to continue them. With regard to discourse, although Mandarin guides most areas, it does not dictate or engulf all of them. Otherwise, the
283 po liticians would not bother to speak a little of other languages so as to co opt other identities, and the individual without obvious political power would not show any bottom up resistance. In other words, even though the Mandarin postulates may have indee d influenced everyone, they Taiwan. What Qiu Hao Min accented n that has borrowed not only pronunciation but also other aspects of grammar from Southern Min. There are also well known stereotypes of the Hakka accented Mandarin and the indigenous langauge accented Mandarin (which is, of course, false categorization) t hat are often made fun of by the mainstream media; them being stereotypes means that, in reality, there must be more After all, despite the fact that many of my interviewees chose to speak Mandarin to me, the interviews and the thoughts expressed in them are all very different. Therefore, by way of demonstrating the mutual influence of top down and bottom up, what I really intend to show is that there is not the (two camps of) nationalists, are plural and different. In footprint to more specifically explicate the importance of recognizing such plurarity. I choose Siraya because it is my heritage culture and also because I have talked a lot about the Han but not enough about any of the indigenous experiences. The Siraya experience can serve as one example, but again, it should not be generalized to represent all.
284 Figure 4 1. Han Chinese philosophy of social organization. Friends Older brother and younger brother Husband & wif e Father & son King & the ruled
28 5 Figure 4 2. Concentric conceptualization of Han Chinese nation. The non Han and the women Han men that speak other Chinese linguistic varieties Mandarin speaking Han men
286 Table 4 1. Interconnections of terms Realpolitik Representative Teams Team Zhonghua Zonghua Taipei (Chinese Taipei) Team Zhongguo Team Taiwan CCP (China) KMT (Taiwan ) DPP (Taiwan) Taiwan Independen ce United China One China Policy Zongguo (China) Zhonghua Minguo (ROC) Zonghua Renmin Gongheguo (PRC) People s Hua ren / people Zongguo ren / people Han ren / peopl e Taiwan ren / people
287 CHAPTER 5 THE SIRAYA EXPERIENC E I see the Siraya experience as a compass that guides one through the convoluted and interwov en paths tredded by the interaction between societal and personal discourses and that between language and identity. This capter starts with a narrative of my own, and then it examines the historical changes of the Siraya since the Dutch time in the 17 th c entury and continues to the modern Siraya movement of cultural continuation and identity reclamation. It ends with a discussion on the diversity within the Siraya and the struggle of such diversity against the prevelant discourse of nationalism. My Persona l Journey These days, if someone asks me who I am, I say that I am a Siraya, or at least that I am an Austronesian indigene from the island of Formosa. For convenience of reference, I may add that I am a Taiwanese, but I would never say that I am a Chinese However, the fact is that I have not known that I am a Siraya, let alone identified with it, since until four years ago. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, I had actually f or a few years identified with Chinese, for it was the only option in my country a t the time, and I was proud of it. I remember that, as young as a kindergarten child, I was very pleased to find out that I share the same name as the creator of the Chinese N ation, Huang Di. By age 9 or 10, I was already aware of such a human activity cal led politics, and I would watch political news and elections with my family, which portrayed the DPP members as trouble makers: they were always protesting something on the street, and those elected DPP legislators would jump onto the podium in the Legisla ture Yuan, pushing the KMT legislators, shouting in their face, and throwing water at them. I remember disliking and fearing
288 However, when I became a teenager, I started questioning authority. I did n ot hate everything in school, but I could not stand the N ational G eography and N ational H istory classes. I was particularly disgusted by the fact that the things thaught in these two classes had nothing to do with the land where I grew up. My classmates an d I had to, literally, memorize the names of all the mountains, rivers, and provinces in Mainland China, the natural resources in each of the provinces, the names of all the kings and wars in the supposedly 5,000 year long continuation of Chinese history, and all the modern treaties signed by Qing and ROC with the nation states that with friends and that of the hill behind my house where I could see fireflies. An d so I started to seek non textbook reading materials, many of which are written by the DPP Taiwanese nationalists. Eventually, in high school and later in college, I turned into a str ong DPP supporter and a rather radical Taiwanese nationalist. I not only participated in several street protests, but I had also organized a couple with my friend, Monkey, who is now a law consultant. Monkey and I also semi joked that we would run for president one day so as to change the education system; our ideal education system would not stress tests and memorization, and it would focus more on Taiwan. I never really hated the National Language (i.e., Mandarin) class, however, because I have always been interested in language. I was good at English as well. In fact, becaus e I tested very well in NL and English, I was able to obtain a high overall score in the National College Entrance Exam despite my poor performances in geography and history. I was admitted to the ( di4 yi1 zh i4 yuan4 ) at the time, that is, Advertising at the National Chengchi University (NCCU). I had thought that advertising would be a perfect place for the freedom of expression and individual creativity, but I was
289 wrong. What I learned at NCCU is that a dvertising always needs to compromise to the pop, or mainstream, demand, a compromise so serious that all creativity must yield to the most widely accepted ideologies. In other words, advertising is always under top down influence and can never be subversi ve. Still, I finished my B.A. degree in advertising, for it was (and maybe still is) by other departments, including political science, comparative literature, and linguistics. My favor ite was linguistics. I was lucky to have a good professor who not only showed me how very fascinating languages could be, but also let me know that linguistics can indeed help illuminate sociopolitical problems. Therefore, after h aving graduated from college and fulfilled two years of mandatory military service, I came to the U.S. to study linguistics in graduate school. It is during these years in the U.S. that I have been able to really hear different voices and to understand tha t every voice, no matter how tiny it may be, does have a legitimate point. It is also in these years that I have started questioning the singular discourse of nationalism and the singular choice of identity, be it Chinese or Taiwanese. I spent two and a ha lf years at Michigan State University where I studied formal semantics and theoretical pragmatics. I enjoyed the academic days in Michigan; the professors were really nice and helpful. However, t he concern was that I could not find an ideal way to apply wh at I had learnt to what really interested me, that is, the sociopolitical issues. So after acquiring a transferred to the linguistic program at the University of Florida where there was a larger and more diverse faculty. Since the very b eginning of my days in Florida, I have known that I wanted to research some social issue in Taiwan, and so my academic track has been mainly with sociolinguistics. But I also took several anthropological linguistic courses with Dr. M. J. Hardman, starting with field methods, and I realized that anthropological linguistics is what
290 really interests me. Not only can it implement the sociolinguistic inquiries, but it can on its own reveal many cultural, and thus sociopolitical problems deeply rooted in languag e. Still, in 2004, I had not decided on my research topic yet. I thought about working on the conflict between the Taiwanese nationalistic discourse and the Chinese nationalistic discourse. But I was afraid that my research result would be too biased, in s pite of the fact that by then I was confident that I could hear different voices well. What I feared was my own cultural and political grid: even was still mor e sympathetic to Taiwanese nationalism. And even though I could relate to some personal stories I heard from my Mainlander friends, I still thought of myself as a truer Taiwanese than them. I believed that I was Southern Min and that Southern Min, the (gen erally accepted) Taiwanese L anguage, was more Taiwanese than Mandarin, which is the Chinese Language. In other words, I sensed that I, the researcher, was still under much top down influence of nationalism, and that was not good if I wanted to make nationa lism my subject. Here, please allow me to digress a little bit to talking about my language learning experiences. My first language is actually Mandarin. Despite the fact that my parents both speak Southern Min natively, they only spoke Mandarin to me when I was little probably because they believed that Mandarin was the only language that could guarantee social success. Them speaking only Mandarin to me might have also been due to the fact that, before I was ten, my family lived in Taipei City, the capital of ROC Taiwan, where most people spoke (and still speak) Mandarin. My family then moved south to Taichung when I was ten. In the first semester just speaking th e Taipei variety that was (and still is) considered standard in Taiwan. Speaking S tandard Mandarin made me a class representative for a few Chinese/Mandarin speech contests,
291 but it did not bring me friends. My classmates in Taichung spoke Southern Min outs ide of class; they would not be punished like Huang Hong only policy was then removed. So I learned Southern Min from them and gradually earned their friendship. Today I speak Southern Min with near native flue ncy, although I do not have the command to use it to address issues in high social domains such as academics and politics. For three full academic years from 2005 to 2008, I had taught Mandarin in the Chinese Program at the University of Florida as a teach ing assistant/instructor and received financial support from them. I truly enjoyed being a teacher in the Chinese Program; the staff there w as all very nice to me and the students were great. However, I did not enjoy the China centric, or indeed PRC centri c, ideology much. For example, I had received some materials from the program that I was supposed to teach to my students. One of such materials wa s a set of vocabulary cards published by the PRC showing a Mandarin word on one side and a picture on the other. On the card of the word zhong1guo2 picture is a China map including Taiwan. On another card that shows only a picture of Taiwan, the word is tai2wan1 sheng3 Province As far as English is concerned, I have been able to speak it since an early age because my mother had been a college English teacher and my father had done international commerce with American partners for over 20 years before both of them retired. I now also speak a little bit of Siraya, which I consider my heritage language. I have only started learning Siraya since about four years ago. The whole experience is quite unique and I will detail it below. I was in Taiwan in the summer of 2005 just for the b reak. My parents, my sister, and I visited an indigenous museum where there was a special exhibition called T he Siraya P lain I
292 southwest plain ranging from Tainan t o Pingtung, there were pictures depicting the activities such as fishing and farming, and there were a few pi e ces of actual domestic tools. There were also some photos of a pot that is ho w I used to fish when I was little, and those tools, we still have them in the old home in he remembered the religious pot. He said that when he was little, his m other, my grandmother, used to take him to worship a big pot like the ones in the pictures, and her mother called the deity explanatory text next to the picture. My father was rather confused. Like me, he, 54 years old at the t ime, had always thought of himself as a So uthern Min Taiwanese, just like other Taiwanese people. He later remembered having wondered why his home religion was different from his childhood Southern Min friends. So we decided to call my senior uncle, the el dest member of the family, and check if he knew something we did not. My fwan a [ in the Fujian Province, from which many of the early Southern Min people had came to Taiwan. My uncle explained, again, in a calm That was when I finally knew that I was a Siraya and a Formosan indig may still be Southern Min 1 But that does not make me less Siraya, or less Southern Min for that matter. I share the same sentiment 1 First of all, it is now generally believed that there have been many inter marriage between the early Southern Min immigrants and the indigenous people. Sec
293 with many authors in American Mixed Race (Zack, 1995) that being mixed does not mean being inc omplete. I am 100% Siraya and I am 100% Southern Min, not half and half. After the discovery, or revelation, of my indigenous identity, I felt ready to pursue the indi genous, automatically granted me any legitimate status of an impartial researcher. It is that the new found identity, especially the journey through which I acquired it, allowed me to appreciate diversity more. Gradually, I became able to perceive that the re are indeed many differ ent kinds of Taiwanese people s and some of them do think of themselves as Chinese; and no one is less authentic than another. I started by reflecting upon the variety of Southern Min I myself and my paternal family speak; I campare d this variety to the standard Southern Min and noticed many differences that I had never considered before. I also found a few academic linguistic from the fe w findings I gathered via comparing the Siraya variety of Southern Min with the non persisted in a modified form in Southern Min. I personally really wanted to continue the Siraya language, and so I tried to learn it from the publications I found. However, they are just not very helpful. For one thing, there is simply not that many of them; for another, following the acade mic convention, these publi cations all fo cus on only one or two grammatical aspects of the language, and their main concerns are either generative grammar or typology. Simply put, these academic publications are not ideal language learning materials. Nevertheless, I still tried to pronounce the f ew Siraya phrases I gathered. But I had to wait for two more years, until I met Uma and Edgar from the Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association (TPSCA), to find a group of people with whom I could really learn the language together.
294 In the summer of 2007 I e mbarked on my first academic field trip to Taiwan. I traveled around the island meeting individuals of various backgrounds and documenting their stories in search for some patterns in the small discourse of identification. The results I have presented in C hapter 4. At first I did not really consider incorporating Siraya into my research, for I had not known any Siraya person or activity outside of my family and relatives in the village of Sa n ngkh in Jiali Township, Tainan, and really besides the Alid reli gion and th e variety of Southern Min spoke n there, Sa n ngkh does not show many cultural features different from the Southern Min Han culture (or I have not yet been able to discern them). But I did take some personal detours, as I had thought of them as s uch, in some areas in Tainan the literature indicates as traditionally Siraya. So there I was, in a place called Green Valley in Kauchannia in Sinhua Township. Green Valley is the home of Ban Cheng hiong, who has reinvented parts of his house into a local Siraya museum: there were photos and articles about Siraya and also several music instruments made of bamboo his family has recreated. I was talking to him as I noticed a flyer on the table about an upcoming event, Musuhapa Siraya Language and Culture Summ hiong for details about the event. He told me that his daughter, Ban Siok koan, that is, Uma, and her husband, Edgar Macapili, have spent about a decade relearning the language and now they would like to teach it to more people. He also said that I should check out the summer camp. And so I did. On the 4 th of July, 2007, I arrived at Hothaupi Reservoir in Sinhua, where the summer camp was h eld. As soon as the event took off, I was in complete awe. A group of teenagers and children first took the stage and performed a few child, Ulan) then took the m icrophone and gave a speech, again, in Siraya! So I finally realized
295 that I was not the only person in the world that ha s been trying to continue the language. A few hours later, Uma found me. She said that she had been expecting me since she had received my registration form (the flyer) because I noted on the form that I am Siraya myself and I am a sociation, TPSCA] really need a have become an official member. My title would be Linguistic Consultant, but really I have just been learning the language; we h ave all been learning the language together. Besides the narrowly defined cultural activities such as language and music, TPSCA has always been deeply involved in politics. For one thing, language awakening itself is contingent al goal of reclaiming by attaining a Siraya identity recognized by the central government. For another, the association would not just sit around when other indigenous peoples have been ignored or underrepresented. It has formed a Siraya Alliance with seve ral other similar Siraya cultural organizations (none of these other Siraya groups works on l anguage, however), and this all iance belongs to yet a bigger one that represents all the unrecognized low land peoples, including the Bazai in Nantou County, the P apula in Taichung County, the Taokas in Miaoli County, etc. Either as an organization of its own or as a member of the allies, TPSCA has been present on numerous political occasions, including the domestic and the international. On some occasions, the asso ciation was invited, such as a few public hearings held by the Council of Indigenous Peoples under the ROC Taiwan government and the Asia Indigenous occasions were in itiated by the association and/or its allies, such as a street protest requesting official recognition of the low land indigenes that took place in May, 2009. Partly because of all
296 (Crippen, 2009) that has gr anted me access to the details behind all the political events, I have found a place for Siraya in the research presented here. What TPSCA has been doing, and hence what I have been doing, is simultaneously cultural and political : It is an indigenous right s movement from bottom up, and it concerns not only the Siraya identity but also the overall identit y (cf. Florey et al., 2009). Summer Trip 2008 My next field trip to Taiwan took place in the summer of 2008 W hile spending a lot of time analyzing linguistic data and teaching the Siraya language, I also participated in meetings with activists and politicians and was actively involved 2 Therefore, it is appropriate to say that linguistic activism was th e theme of this expedition. In the space below I detail the work I had done during the three busy, yet fulfilling, months (1) Computer based work center. I left Florida, US, on 8 May, 2008, and landed on Taiwan the next evening. The weather was nice, sti ll early before the notorious typhoon season would arrive. From the airport I went directly back to my parents in Taichung City and rested for two days for my jet lag to cease. The next day was a Monday. I received a telephone call from Uma, who asked me t Siraya summer camp. The next afternoon I was sitting inside the Chimei Building at Natio nal Cheng Kung University with Uma, Edgar, and Agoan, a volunteer of the association and a personal friend. We 2 I received generous financial supports from the Foundation for Endangered Languages and Taiwanese Ame rican Foundation of Boston for the field trip I would like to take this opportunity here to thank them.
297 were all happy to see one another again and Uma was particularly pleased with my new hair style Uma commented with a big smile on her face. But we all knew that we ought to start preparing for the summer camp, which was only but two months away; everyone carried a sense of urgency and anxiety in their tone of voice while talking. So Uma pulled out a note book that was filled with schedules of meetings (with government officials, other Siraya leaders, and TPSCA staff) and began explaining to me the schedule of the summer camp and my duties. This year the asso ciation planned to host about 150 participants. They may not all be of public so that they can learn about our culture and maybe in the future speak for us. Also we do not want to set any restriction on age: we will teach our language and culture to all who are into two groups, the student group and the adult group, e ach having its own syllabus 3 While all participants will attend the language and music classes, the student group will participate in more hands on activities such as arts and crafts and the adult group will attend more academic seminars and lectures. And Chun, you and Edgar will be the leaders of our TPSCA linguistic team. You two need to collaborate in designing and teaching language lessons, training the volunteers to be assistants for group exercises, and in addition you two will co lecture a class for the adult group that addresses the issue of 17 th Century language contact between Siraya and Siraya linguistics until early next morning. Eventually both of us turn ed physically exhausted, 3 Among the classes some were academic lectures given by invited scholars from research institutions. And on the feedback forms some younger participants reflected that these lectures were too difficult for them to appreciate.
298 two hour bus back to Taichung. In the nex t few days, I communicated with Uma and Edgar via phone and email, and whenever they needed to see me in person, I would take another two hour bus ride back to Tainan. This mode of working lasted for about two weeks, not long before we all realized that it was not ideal. It was not ideal not only for economic reasons but also because of the intricate nature of language: there was much adjustment we needed to make constantly in our language materials. So we all agreed that it would be better if we could work together while in physical vicinity. In addition, in an official TPSCA meeting Uma had officially assigned me the position of Special Assistant. Hence, I also had the obligation to accompany her to attend numerous political meetings. Since most of these m eetings took place in Tainan, it would be easier if I could stay there. Fortunately, in the first week of June we finally found an apartment studio in Tainan that was just 20 minutes away on a scooter motorbike from the headquarter of TPSCA. So I moved in immediately stayed there until the end of July. Besides the issue of commuting, there had been a more serious problem that affected the quality of our language work: Edgar did not have a solid computer that was capable of dealing with the linguistic data. While I did have an up to date computer with acceptable speed of data processing that allowed me to carry on my linguistic research, the only two computers the association possessed were old models donated by individuals sympathetic to the Siraya movement. dramatically and sometimes refuse to work. So to solve the problem Edgar borrowed a laptop computer from his music student (Edgar teaches music as a regular job). This computer was a
299 tremendous help in May such that it allowed me and Edgar to work on the language materials separately after each of our meetings; it saved us a lot of time and energy. Finally, by early June we had raised enough money from within TPSCA to purchase a MacBook laptop 4 And we were also able to acquire several needed language and music processing software programs. With the MacBook and programs at hand, we had built a legitimate computer based work center in TPSCA. The work center allowed us to work on ou r summer camp materials (linguistic as well as non linguistic) efficiently and it can also be used for other Siraya linguistic research and music composition projects in the future. (2) 2008 Musuhapa Siraya language and culture summer camp. Throughout the month of June, while still working with Edgar on the language materials for the Musuhapa summer camp, I accompanied Uma and Agoan to several meetings. Some of the meetings were within the Siraya groups: we represented S the Siraya activists from other communities such as Gabaswa, Soulang (that is, Jiali, my actual hometown), Liuxi, etc. In these meetings we discussed various Siraya cultural projects that included the Musuhapa summer camp and other events such as maintaini ng the traditional Alid religion. But the major concern in to make the Siraya voice heard more publicly, and eventually to attain official recognition of the Sir aya people by the central government. Many were especially worried that the newly elected KMT government might not be willing to lend as much support on issues concerning indigenous rights as the recently resigned DPP government, whose ideology of Taiwanes e nationalism was thought to be more sympathetic to localism in general. 4 We had to raise money on our own because the funds to which I had applied would not arrive until I finished the trip and wrote a report.
300 The other meetings we attended involved negotiating with governmental officials to request for funding for the summer camp. In this case we were facing not the central government but the Tainan County Government, which was (and still is) led by DPP. Tainan County is the home of Siraya people, and Magistrate Su Huan chih has been quite supportive of the Siraya movement. As a matter of fact, since 2006 Tainan County had acknowledged the official status of the Siraya people. However, a supportive/sympathetic magistrate does not guarantee generosity with regard to money. At first the Tainan County Government promised a 20,000 NTD (about 6,000 USD) fund to the summer camp, but in the end the fund was reduced to 10,000 NTD (about 3,000 USD); the government even requested to be entitled as the host of the summer camp and TPSCA, the true organizer of all things, could only be the undertaker This 10,000 NTD would later be spent on accommodating the summer campers, especially for food and lodging 5 By the end of June, one week before the Musuhapa summer camp, the preparatory work was about ready: TPSCA had completed designing and editing the language and music materials, the registration for the participants had been ended, the guest lecturers had submitted their notes to be included to the summer camp textbook/manual, and the textbook had been sent to print. On July 3, one day before the summer camp officially started, the TPSCA staff moved in to the summer camp base at Hothaupi Reservoir, with all needed equipments and tools including computers, projectors, textbooks, musical instruments, and bamboos and rocks for arts and 5 The TPSCA had designed the recruiting flyer for the summer camp during the period when the amount of 20,000 NTD was promised, and hence it decided to announce free for all participat ion. Later when the Tainan County Government notified the association of the reduction of fund it was already too late for the association to change the flyer and ask the participants for money. Hence, in the end, the summer camp was still free for all, but TPSCA had to raise money through donations during the event to compensate its expense s
301 crafts. That night Edgar and I convened all the language assistants for ou r last Siraya language training section. We checked their pronunciation and made sure that everyone understood the content of the lessons. Then all of us decorated the activity center with arts before we went to bed until past midnight. Around 8am on July 4, the summer campers had started to arrive. I sat in front of the welcome center with a list of Siraya words that denote natural substances (animals, plants, and sist the campers to pick a Siraya name that would accompany them at least in the next three days; as soon as a person picked a name, I would then teach them how it is pronounced. In the next hour the participants would talk to each other and introduce them selves by their newly acquired Siraya names, and through such socializing experience they had started learning a few Siraya words even before the first language lesson started. From 10am to 11am we taught the summer campers a Southern Min song composed by TPSCA, the content of which is about Siraya awakening. Then before and after lunch there were a couple of talks serving as an introduction to Siraya culture and history. These talks were of a non academic nature and were offered to both the student and adu lt groups. Later in the afternoon I gave a more serious lecture with Edgar titled
302 examples linguistic borrowing and word coinage that came out of the encounter. We also raised some open ended questions in the hope to inspire our audience to think what kind of cultural export and/or import might have emerged from such a contact situation and what kind of influence they might have on the native people. Through and after the lecture, Edgar and I received much positive feedback from the participants. In their questions and comments, it was evident to me that they had started to empathize with the Siraya perspective. After dinner, Edgar had to leave the camp for some personal business, and hence I alone taught t he first Siraya language lesson to all summer campers. Lesson 1 was
303 After Ban Cheng telling, we divided the summer campers into several smaller groups (of 15 to 20 individuals). We took these groups out of Hothaupi Reservoir and embarked on several small expeditions, tredding the local Tavocan trails that had traditionally been Siraya land for ce nturies. Some parts of the trails are now the property of ROC, and so TPSCA had to ask permission for entry. Each group was guided by a couple of Tavocan natives who were familiar with the environment, hence to avoid danger and also to offer the participan ts insights to indigenous wisdom. The expeditions took about two hours, and by 6pm we all reached Green Valley where TPSCA had prepared a Siraya party. We danced and sang together, and then we had traditional Siraya dishes for dinner that included squirrel s and snails. Tainan Magistra t e Su came to join us for the dinner and gave a short speech. After dinner, Uma engaged me and a local teenage athlete, Tong Bai sheng, for a Siraya foot race. Both of us enjoyed the race, and the crowd had fun as they were che ering for both of us and laughing. Our goal was not to compete against each other; rather, we simply wanted to show the summer campers how the Siraya people would have fun. More importantly, through such an activity we were also telling a story: the Siraya Qing Dynasty in the 19 th Century to send a delegate to Taiwan to fetch a Siraya ma n to Beijing so that he could entertain himself with a savage exhibition involving the Siraya man racing against the fastest horse in China. After the party at Green Valley we all took a bus back to Hothaupi Reservoir. Before we called it a day Uma sat d own with all the participants and talked about the Siraya women, their life stories, and the Siraya matri focal culture (in Southern Min and Mandarin). This gentle talk had a fitting title:
304 story telling and experien ce sharing, Uma reminded all of us that the true strength of Siraya resides in women. The last day of the summer camp Edgar and I taught one last language lesson, which concerns numbers. In the lesson we not only taught the participants how to count in Sir aya but also how to apply Siraya counting to modern context, such as talking about human age. As documented in historical archives, the Siraya ancestors in the earlier times had not actually counted age. But besides modernizing the Siraya language, the cul tural goal of this lesson was to bring up an important Siraya concept: respect to seniority. But the tricky part is that seniority is a postulate in Mandarin and most Han cultures as well. However, Han seniority and Siraya seniority do not mean the same. A s I have explained earlier in Chapter 4, Mandarin seniority encodes ranking and absolute obedience. But Siraya seniority does not; it is accompanied by other social orders such as the belief that everyone should be equal in rights and hence there should be no human hierarchy at all. It is hard to explain such differences clearly in a short language lesson in a summer camp. Thus, to avoid resorting to the Han way, we the TPSCA staff demonstrated the differences by way of physical practice : when a Han person meets a senior, she would bow; but when a Siraya person meets a senior, she would turn to her back so as to let the senior pass undisdurbed. Then, after a guest lecture by Duan Hong kun from the Gabasua Village of Siraya, who shared with the adult particip ants traditional Gabasua stories, and a couple of arts sections for the student participants, the 2008 Musuhapa Siraya summer camp came close to an end. In the afternoon we had a two hour farewell section. The participants took the stage as groups and perf ormed several skits they had come up with in the past three days; each of the skits told a story related to one or a few Siraya experiences such as encountering the Dutch people, the
305 marriage proposal, the singing and dancing, and/or the hunting scene. The n, thanks to the assistance of TPSCA volunteer Shi Chao kai, who is currently a linguistic student at Kaohsiung Normal University, two adult participants and two student participants were able to give a few of short speeches in Siraya. Last but not least, several summer campers volunteered to speak to all, sharing with everyone what they had experienced and/or felt during the event. Some student participants wrote poems (in Southern Min and/or Mandarin Chinese, with a few Siraya phrases) to express their lo ving feelings towards Siraya. As they were reading the poems, I saw tears in moments that have encouraged them to keep going. In fact, these moments have kept me going, Chun, are we sounded of exhaustion. But I knew that she would, for the simple fact that she had asked me the same question several times before. (3) The Siraya dictionary project and a fieldtrip to eastern Taiwan. The TPSCA has started the project of compiling a trilingual Siraya Chinese English dictionary since 2002. I joined the project in 2007 as a linguistic consultant and co editor to help with language data analysis and English translation. The major source of our language data is the 17 th Century Siraya documents left by the Dutch missionaries written in Roman letters. In early 2008, the main body of the dictionary was completed; we had in the dictionary a collection of over 4,000 Siraya words, each provided with a Chinese definition, an English definition, and an example sentence. By May 2008 what was still lacking was a description of the gra mmar (phonology, morphology, and
306 addition of the grammar and explanatory sections the dictionary would be helpful for those who wish to learn the language and p ut it in actual use after its publication. In the end of 2007, the Council of Indigenous Peoples under the DPP government offered a promising fund to indigenous language projects. The dictionary team of TPSCA hence set as our goal the publication of the di ctionary by August 2008. Therefore, besides the establishment of a computer based research center and assisting in the summer camp, another major task for me during this summer trip was to work intensively with Edgar to polish and finish up the dictionary. indigenous policy has been affected. By mid July, TPSCA had realized that the aforementioned fund promise was canceled, and as a result we were unable to publish the dictionary by t he previously set deadline 7 Still, TPSCA had not quit on the dictionary project. In what follows, I will detail my involvement in the dictionary related tasks during my summer stay. In May and June, while preparing the summer camp materials, Edgar and I a lso had numerous informal meetings discussing the dictionary related issues. For the most part, we focused on revising the writing system that we had earlier developed. We proof read the dictionary drafts to check the spelling for each word and phrase; and by the end of June we were able to make the writing system more consistent with the Siraya phonology and morphology, while also being accessible to our Southern Min speaking Siraya readers who are familiar with the Roman writing system known as Peh oe ji ( ). In editing and revising the drafts, we were also able to identify our previously made mistakes in grammar and definition. We redressed 7 The complete dictionary was eventually published in November, 2008, by TPSCA with funding from the Tainan County Government.
307 these mistakes and used the knowledge acquired through such editing and revising experience to draft the grammar se ction. In July, TPSCA realized that it was impossible to publish the dictionary before the summer ended due to lack of funding. Uma decided that instead of mourning over the unsuccessful publication plan, we could seize the opportunity of additional time t o polish the dictionary and make it more comprehensive. Consequently, the language team of TPSCA started researching into the Siraya language data we had previously been unable to incorporate into the dictionary that included some documents and collections of Siraya words, phrases, and/or texts written in Chinese characters and Siraya word lists spelled out in Roman letters in research reports by researchers who are not linguists We had previously left out these sources for the following reasons. First, t he Chinese writing system has been fixed for thousands of years and it is not phonologically driven. That is, Chinese language change is not encoded in the characters. While one may automatically assign Mandarin pronunciation to a Chinese text written toda y, they would not know how a Chinese text written hundreds or thousands of years ago had actually been pronounced. Hence, for example, when we have at hand a list of Siraya words in Chinese characters written a hundred years ago, there is no way we could b e sure how these characters were actually pronounced. Also, since the Chinese writing system is not as phonologically flexible as the Roman system, even if we have a Siraya word list in Chinese characters written rather recently, we still cannot take the M andarin pronunciation as the Siraya pronunciation. Chinese writing system only prescribes pronunciation to the standard Chinese language at its time th century Roman texts, is alid but in Chinese ch aracters, the word would look like and be prnounced as a1 li4 in Mandarin, with tones, fitting the modern Mandarin phonology that recognizes only two consonants, /n/and
308 /ng/, at the end of a syllable. In other words, had we taken the Chinese written data as our main source of Siraya lang uage revitalization, many native syllable ending consonants would have been lost. Second, we had disregarded other small word lists collected by modern non linguist researchers albeit they are spelled out in Roman letters simply for the reason of consisten cy in data. These researchers are often historians and/or folk ethnographers. They may include in their publications (often in an appendix) a small list of Siraya words and/or phrases they heard during anguage documentation, and so they put the words down in Roman letters according to their own intuition, which is often limited by the native language(s) they themselves speak. As the language team of TPSCA has found, spellings in such word lists are usual own writing. Still, now that we in TPSCA were more confident in our knowledge of the Siraya language because of intensive research, we figured that these additional language data might be of some help. Therefore, we investigated these documents, deciphered the Chinese characters as much as we could, resolved the inconsistency in the Roman spellings, and then added to our dictionary a S upplementary V ocabulary section as an appendix. We reasone d that some of our potential readers might find such supplementary material interesting, or useful, for their own purposes. In addition, since we were already on the direction of expanding the dictionary, Uma thought it might be a good idea if we could con duct a little ethno linguistic fieldwork of our own. Edgar, I, and the rest of TPSCA language team agreed, for we know t hat the Siraya language is not would still incorporate a Siraya word or two in their speeches. Still, it would be ideal if we could
309 find someone who knows a relatively large vocabulary a rememberer And we found him, 70 year old Mr. Pan Wan jin, in Dongli Village, Hualian County ( ). Hualian County is located on the central east coast of Taiwan, far away from the Siraya group of Siraya people, however, had moved to the east in early 19 th C entury. As Mr. Pan later told us, his great grand parents were among this migrating group and the decision to move had been made for the reason that their native farming lands were taken away by the Han immigrants and the folks were oppressed by the Qing D ynasty officials. Eventually, they settled in what is now known as the Dongli Village. Note that due to the geographical division, or protection, by the high mountains stretching from northern to southern Taiwan in the central axis of the island, the indig enous peoples who resided in the east experienced contact with outsiders later than other indigenous groups. For this reason, the eastern indigenes have been able to maintain the traditional Austronesian culture relatively better than others. In the Siraya case, the Dongli people today still observe the traditional Alid religion and hold a stronger sense of Siraya identity than some other native communities on the west coast. Still, the dominance of Han cultures and languages prevails in every part of Taiwa n. I hence do not want to mislead my readers to think that the Siraya language is still widely spoken in the Dongli Village. Before having met Pan, we in TPSCA had already known that he was not a fluent speaker of Siraya; it is just that, according to the scarce media reports on Dongli Village, Pan seems to be able to recall more native Siraya words and oral histories than most other Siraya invididuals could. The Musuhapa summer camp ended on July 6. Then, after having talked to Senior Uncle Wan jin (Mr. Pa n encourages us to call him as such) on the phone and received his warm welcome of our visit, Uma, Edgar, TPSCA volunteer Puecin Li, and I, started to plan our
310 eastbound fieldtrip. The planning alone was not an easy task. First, July is the typhoon season in Taiwan and the weather broadcast had just predicted three consecutive typhoon visits on all the rest of the weekends in July. I had already booked my flight ticket back to the US on August 5. And Uma could not leave on most weekdays due to her busy sche dule of meetings. Finally, we decided on the last weekend of July and the following Monday and Tuesday for our field trip. Besides Dongli Village, we would also visit several communities of two other indigenous peoples, Amis and Paiwan, whom anthropologist s and historical linguists have identified as closely related to Siraya in terms of language and culture. The morning of July 27 the four of us hopped on a train in Tainan despite the typhoon warning, and five hours later we arrived at the Taimali Station in Taitung County (south of Hualian). We visited the Paiwan tribe of Lalauran and were welcomed by the local activists Sakinu brothers, who are devoted to the preservation of Paiwan culture. We had long talk with both of them and learned a lot from their e xperiences such as getting funding from the government, negotiating with the governmental officials, and organizing cultural events. We were also invited to participate in their ongoing harvest festival. That night we stayed in Lalauran. Also that night, t he typhoon had arrived; it was hovering above the whole island, but we slept in peace feeling content at heart. The next day we were introduced to Vuvu, the chief of Lalauran, and her family and friends, all of whom we called vuvu ancestors Paiwan language; mumu in Siraya). The vuvu s treated us well: a feast was on the table, and betel nuts and traditional millet rice wine were offered. The vuvus sang us several Paiwan songs, and in return I sang a Siraya song for them. In the songs we w ere able to recognize some linguistic similarities between the two languages, and such recognition bound us even more. That evening when Uma, Edgar, Puecin, and I had to move on in our trip and the chief Vuvu gave each of us a
311 big hug, we realized that the friendship between the Lalauran Paiwan people and the Siraya people of TPSCA had been established. We spend the night of July 28 in Taitung City. The next morning we rented a car and drove 3 hours to Hulian. A little past noon we arrived at Senior Uncle W an Wan jin is tall and soft spoken. When he first met us, he appeared to be happy but was very shy. oon as we showed him that we were genuinely interested in everything about his life, he started giving us fascinating stories one after another. It was amazing to me how much Senior Uncle Wan jin could recall: the events, the names, and even the years, he all recounted with great details. As Senior Uncle Wan jin said, those were stories told by his parents and grandparents and hence he would never forget: The Dongli group of Siraya left its original homeland in Liouguei, Kaohsiung County, in 1829, due to th e oppression by Han there for 7 years, but in Taitung they were not welcome by the native Puyuma people, many conflicts ensued, and hence they decided to move again In 1836 they reached the border between Taitung and Hualian but soon they realized that they were caught in the conflicts between the Paiwan people, the Amis people, and the officials of Qing. The Siraya people were first cooed by the Qing to fight the n ative Amis, but soon they realized that the Qing officials were not trustworthy. In 1944 they finally reached a peace pact with the Amis in Hualian and settled down in Dongli Village. Beyond the story telling, Senior Uncle Wan jin also provided us many nat ive Siraya words that he could recall from his childhood memories. In the end of our four hour long conversation with him, we had recorded a list of 55 Siraya words, including names of plants and animals,
312 fishing terms, farming terms, cooking terms, and re ligious terms, etc. This list of words is now included in our dictionary. Moreover, Senior Uncle Wan jin gave a box of cassette tapes of Siraya religious songs to us. The types are now safely stored in TPSCA. For the rest of our trip, we visited an Amis co mmunity in Hualian called Tabalang. There we did not have a contact person, and hence we just walked around and talked to random people who were preparing for the Amis harvest festival that was to take place in three days. They were building a high bamboo structure that looks like a Siraya watch tower called kuva We asked them what the structure was for and its Amis name. They told us that it is also called kuva and it would serve as a temporary watch tower during the festival. We were encouraged by this s mall observation; it to some extent supports the historical linguistic finding that Amis and Siraya are related. The Tabalang people we talked to actually invited us to stay for the festival. Unfortunately we did not have room for change in our schedule. W e left for home on July 31. (4) The end of summer. I left Taiwan on August 5, 2008, and was back to Florida the same day, brining with me full appreciation of my Siraya friends in TPSCA, their devotion to the continuation of our native culture and language and their perseverance through hard times. I have not been back to Taiwan since, but I have always kept in touch with TPSCA and the Siraya movement. With the efforts of Uma, Edgar, Agaon, Puecin, Chao kai, and others, Siraya awakening and reclamation hav e carried on. They would send me newly drafted language lessons and ask for my opinion, and they would also send me notices of new events such as study group gatherings, political protests, and festival invitations. There have been good news and really bad news. On the positive side, the Siraya people in Tainan now can officially register for an status in the county as individuals even though we are still not recognized by the central government, and Tainan County government has also agreed to let the TPSCA trained
313 teachers teach some Mother Language classes in an elementary school in the Liuxi Village. However, in Auguest 2009, Typhoon Morakot brought flood to TPSCA headquarter and damaged many materials and equipments; it also caused a mud sli de that completely wiped out the Siraya village of Xiaolin in Kaohsiung County and took away the lives of hundreds of people. All I can say is: the survivors persevere. In summer 2009, after the typhoon stroke, TPSCA has not only hosted a third Musuhapa su mmer camp for the general public but also another camp designed specifically for training future language teachers. I cannot predict what will happen in the future, but I know that my people still have hope and with hope we can go a long way. I am looking forward to joining them again in person soon. Background and Traditions As I have reiterated several times, the modern Siraya people, including myself, do not Leo have different social effects and also how they differ in their levels of accessibility to the wide m with the biological metaphors block the possibility for people to consider other choices. He also provides an operational indeed fulfills all the criteria in this definition. There is at least one complete text, and hence documentation of the Siraya language spelled out in Roman letters, The Gospel of St. Matthew in Formosan by the 17 th century Dutch missionary Daniel Gravius (Camp b ell, 1996 ). This text has further generated several academic and non academic publications concer ning the
314 language that allow TPSCA and other native organizations, who claim Siraya as their heritage, to relearn it for future use. In addition, there are non linguistic documentations as well. These are documents and/or reports written between 1623 and 1 662, in Dutch, by the Christican missionaries and employees of the East India Company that describe the Siraya people and their lives at the time; some also include a few native words. They have been translated into English and published as three huge volu mes of The Formosan Encounter by Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines (Bluss et al., 1999; Bluss & Everts, 2000; Bluss & Everts, 2006). I n the rest of this section, I (re)introduce the Siraya language and culture. I first give a concise description of the linguistic structure of Siraya. I then review and summarize the 17 th century Siraya traditions as documented in The Formosan Encounter F inally, I provide my personal observation of the Siraya traditions that have emerged after the 17 th century contact with the Dutch and continued until today. Linguistic Background As mentioned earlier, there are not many academic publications about Siraya linguistics. Linguistics and Language Behavior Abstracts, only four of which appear in peer reviewed journals. While the quantity is low, I do not intend to imply that the quality of these publications is poor. In fact, most of them are products of rigid research method and careful examination. Most of them use the same material/data TPSCA uses to compose a dictionary and numerous teaching materials, that is, Graviu b ell, 1996 ). And all of them refer to Siraya as an extinct language that is no longer spoken, ignoring the fact
315 long effort, some, albeit little, Siraya language is spoken today in Tainan, Taiwan 8 Such ignorance, or some may say academic arrogance, carries certain negative ation, or petition, to official status. If they denounce the effort of TPSCA and claim that the Siraya language is irretrievable legal status. But to their own def ense, they would say that linguistics, or academia in general, has nothing to do with politics, or the welfare of a people and their culture for that matter. My purpose here in this subsection, however, is not to discuss whether any type of linguistics or any academic discipline can be truly apolitical. I simply want to point out that, because the people in TPSCA (myself included) have not done a complete and comprehensive research into our own language, my description of the Siraya grammar below will focu s on the structural outlook and may appear somewhat void of cultural implications, as it references the abovementioned publications. Also, I will dwell more on morphology (structure of words and phrases) and syntax (structure of sentences) than phonology ( structure of sounds) because the original data all come from centuries old written texts and hence no one really knows how the language used to sound 9 In addition, since not all published versions of Siraya grammar agree 8 I must point out that, although he still refers to the Siraya language as extinct, Professor Karl Alexander Adelaar of the University of Melbourne has in fact acknow ledged the effort of TPSCA in A d elaar (2005). Moreover, Edgar Macapili, who has conversed with Professor Adelaar personally, told me that he is very sincere and supportive of Siraya continuation. Hence, any implication I make on the academia or the experts, should it be perceived as negative, does not involve Adelaar. 9 This is despite the fact that with the comparative method in historical or typological linguistics, that is, through systematically comparing the sound systems of contemporary Austronesian languages, some historical so unds can be suggested
316 with one another, I will adhere to when dispute occurs, for this is the version upon which the current effort of Siraya awakening is based 10 because these people, who are not academically trained, are my intended audience, my writing below will be brief and concise and I will avoid linguistic jargon I hope this grammar presented here to be practical such that it can implement actual language learning. Those readers who are interested in detailed linguistic analyses should refer to Adelaar (1997) and Shi (2008). Suggested sound system The problem with reconstructing the Siraya sound system as it was used by the people in the 17 th century is two or sure how it was actually pronounced: Was it pronounced in Old Dutch? Was it a flap like in Modern Southern Min, a retroflex like in modern Mandarin, an approximate like in modern English, or a trill in modern Spanish? Could it be something else? Also fo r example, Gravius used another spelling was not always consistent. in many words/phrases that seem to convey the same meanings. Were they always 10 I did mention in the last section that I had several long discussions with Edgar Macapili on Siraya grammar and the Siraya dictionary project in the summer of 2008. However, in the end it was Shi Chaokai who wrote up An Overview o f Siraya Grammar published along with the dictionary (Macapili, 2008) because Edgar and I both had other obligations. Chaokai is a devoted volunteer for TPSCA and he receives rigorous linguistic training at the National Kaohsiung Normal University in Taiw an. Here I would like to express my appreciat ion to Chaokai s help and his excellent work.
317 interchangeable and hence just free variations in pronunciation and/or spelling, or could they imply some structural co nstraints? Because of the limited amount of data, the room for modern researchers to systematically compare the appearances of these inconsistent spellings is limited. Hence, there is not yet a consensus. TPSCA, however, must find, or define, a consistent sound system of Siraya now so that it could start teaching the language to the natives before no one wants to learn. Two rules of thumb for resolving the abovementioned problems have been in effect. First, when the pronounciation of a letter, or a spelling is unclear, reference the sister languages, that is, the modern Austronesian languages that are still spoken. Second, when a modern Austronesian sound appears to be too difficult for the modernday Siraya learners, accept the Southern Min equivalents beca use Southern Min is the first language for most Siraya people today. According trill, for this is how it is pronounced in many modern Austronesian languages, espe cially those in the Philippines. But since the Filipino languages may have actually acquired the trill from pronounced in the Southern Min way as a flap. The pa latal affricate [c], although it is used in Southern Min, is universally replaced by the velar plosive [k] because [c] is uncommon in Austronesian languages. As far as the vowel vowel combination is concerned, TPSCA has chosen to render them all diphthongs that is, a vowel and approximate consonant combination, again, for the convenience for the Southern Min influenced learners. Please see Table 5 1 for the Siraya consonants and Table 5 2 for the vowels, both suggested by TPSCA. Note that all the represent ations there are subject to change, either due to future research findings or natural evolution of actual use.
318 Word and sentence structures (1) e KA VAGANGO v IMHU AN o TA YAW s the subject is a pronoun, it can also take another form and attach to the end of the verb. For example, the 1 st Person Pronoun can appear as KO and gives the sentence KA VAGANGO v KO s IMHU AN o als dropped: KA VAGANGO v IMHU AN o would still mean the same. In a sentence where there is no be MAMUTIRAG adj TA TI UMA s Other ty pological examples that support VO language include: Noun goes before the Adjective that modifies it, Noun before Possessive, Noun before Relative Clause, and Pre position. (2) Verbal aff ixes. Adelaar (1997) identifies two sets of verbal affixes in Siraya. One is syntactic, or functional, and the other is semantic. The affixes in the first set mark tense, aspect, and thematic role. For example, the prefix NI indicates past tense, the suff ix ATO indicates perfect aspect (that is, some action has been done or completed), and the infix M indicates that the verb phrase is oriented towards the actor. Those in the second set, however, bear substantial meanings, and they are all prefixes. For example, MU attached to the root RUBO MU RBO SA which MUTUS SA instead of MU as in SA RA RBO KI MUTUS Still, my personal favorite are MAKI and PAA TUKUL MAKI is a prefix that 2007, when I was just back to Florida after becoming acquainted with Edgar and Uma during my
319 first field trip in Taiwan, Edgar would send me a lot of emails, in English, and he would end the letters with a Siraya sentence using MAKI Those Siraya sentences spoke to me in terms of PAA TUKUL on the other hand, is a verb phrase that may be s original sense is more specific: PAA TUKUL PAA TUKUL PAA TUKUL a term that has slept for a century, is now awakened just in time to empower its people by helping them descri be the social plight they must endure: the government of ROC Taiwan has not treated its peoples equally; it has indeed done something seriously wrong. (3) Verbs and n ouns. Most Siraya root s, that is, the basic lexical elements, show a verbal tendency They need to be attached to the functional verbal affixes to perform grammatical functions, and they are often attached to the semantic verbal prefixes to express full meanings. In other words, verb, while not taken for granted, should be considered as the def ault category in Siraya lexicon. With the exception of a few nominal roots, these verbal stems further yield nouns, which are defined by Adelaar (1997: 382) as those words that may be introduced by prepositions 11 These nouns are derived from the verbs via affixation, either with the circumfix KA AN or the suffix AN (4) Relational markers. There are three free morphemes, or independent lexical elements, that mark grammatical relations in Siraya. TA marks the topic of a sentence; TU marks locations 11 d elaar (1997: 382) suggests, because the definition of Siraya preposition itself is unclear. The elements that a re currently categorized as prepositions by Adelaar (1997) and case by Shi (2008), TU and KI basically function to introduce a (syntactic and semantic) relation such as location.
320 and/o r directions, including metaphorical places in time; and KI is the default marker for everything else. (5) Pronoun system. Siraya has the following pronouncs: 1 st Person Singular, 1 st Persona Plural that is Inclusive (including the addressee), 1 st Person P lural Exclusive (excluding the addressee), 2 nd Person Singular, 2 nd Person Plural that can also function as the honorific form of 2 nd Person Singular, 3 rd Person Singular, and 3 rd Person Plural. All these pronouns have a free form, that is, they can appear independently in a sentence without attaching to another word, and a bound form. In addition, Shi (2008) observes three cases for each form: nominal, genitive/possesive, and oblique/default. The pronouns do not distinguish biological sexes or grammatical genders; they do not seem to demarcate human and non human features either, although Shi (2008: 1144) suggests that the distinction of humanness can be made by some other case markers. For a complete list of the Siraya pronouns, see Table 5 3. (6) Numbers. Siraya numbers observe a decimal system. The numbers higher than ten that were already documented in the 17 th century text include 12, 14, 30 60, 70, 99, 100, 4,000, 5,000, and 10,000 (Adelaar, 1997: 382). When counting, the morphology of reduplication t akes effect. If the number is bigger than one, the first syllable of the number and the first or second syllable of the counted object must be repeated SAAT KI ALAK RU RUHA KI A LA LAK T U TURU KI A LA LAK TPSCA taught this system of counting in its 2007 summer camp, but in 2008 Uma simplified it to only are used to the monosyllabic number in Southern Min and Mandarin. Edgar and I did not fully agree with her, but we decided to trust her intuition.
321 Ordinal numbers are mostly derived from cardinal numbers with the prefix KA except for the rdinal one is SAAT and ordinal one is NAWNAMU Siraya Traditions as of 17 th Century The Dutch of East India Company landed on the island of Formosa (Taiwan) in September, 1623, by way of Malaysia. They entered the southwest plain and established Fort Zeel andia in the locals but also as a military stronghold against the Spaniards, who occupied the Philippines at the time. The locals, whom the Dutch generally refe Siraya 12 An anonymous author thus described their first encounter with the Siraya people: them in this respect you w ould not think them to be savage but to be outstandingly wise men locals mostly for deer skin by giving them war favors (the local tribes used to fight again st one another). They shipped most deer skin home to the Netherland s while keeping some for trading with the Han and Japanese merchants for salt and rice. They would also get angry with the locals and threaten to withdraw military help if they saw them in touch with the Han. In general, as documented in the archives, the Dutch preferred the Siraya over the Han, whom they considered selfish and untrustworthy. For example, confounded when noticing that the natives would trade with the Han for salt despite th e fact that the local sea side land was ideal for salt making, the anonymous author asked the Han for a reason. And they replied that they never extracted salt on 12 It is in the missionary Daniel Gravius s writings that the word i a Sireya, or Siraya, first appeared and it was used to refer to the locals. The exact meaning of the word is unclear. According to Macapili s (2008: xxxiv xxxvi) analysis, it could mean peaceful people or people of the East: SI is a prefix that conn otes to be or of the quality, and RAYA means peace while REIA means east.
322 the land because they did not want the locals to learn the skill and hence hamper their profi table trade. In spite of their positive impressions of the locals, the Dutch concluded that the 17 th century Siraya were uncivilized savages on the following grounds: They walked around naked, they committed relatively free sex, they practiced mandatory ab ortion, and, most importantly, Missive Governor Martinus Sonck wrot e to the Governor General Pieter de Carpentier in the Netherland s spread in these parts and the barbaric [sic] inhabitants of the island may be numbered among the Christian Georgius Ca n didius, who learned the Siraya language and converted 120 natives to Christianity as of December, 1628 (Bluss et al., 1999: 133). Then, in the late 1640s e arly 1 6 50s, the Protestant Pastor Daniel Gravius came. He translated and published The Gospel of of St. Matthew in the Sinkan variety of Siraya in 1661. This publication and the archives of East India Company, albeit failing to reflect the authentic, unaff ected, and unfiltered, early Siraya traditions, have become the most complete texts based on which the modern Siraya people relearn their linguistic and cultural heritage. In what follows, I will review the 17 th century Siraya practices and traditions as d ocumented by the East Asian Company employees and collected in Formosan Encounter (Bluss et al., 1999; Bluss & Everts, 2000; Bluss & Everts, 2006). I will also re organize some of the often male centric Dutch accounts when possible so that they would fi t the Siraya worldsense better. Still, keep in mind that the descriptions below should not be taken as a
323 comprehensive representation of the Siraya culture, for the functionality of social rituals was utterly unobserved by the Dutch reporters 13 Matri focal ity overview Shepherd (1995) describes the 17 th matri archal in that the social organization is egalitarian: there was no ruler and ruled, and there was no hierarchy. As encoded in the word PAA TUKUL to give, or to bring about, inequality upon people is to commit something wrong. The observation of egalitarian organization was made by many Dutch individuals and documented in various places in the East India Company archives as well. Here I list just t are equally free and unfree. One person is in no way more master than another, because they keep no slaves, servants, or subjects for selling or lending purposes. Nor do they have any say in othe condition, however, posed a serious problem to the Dutch men accus tomed to the hierarchical order. Reverend Georgius Candidius, in his 1628 report, referred to the Siraya equality as an there is no certain leader among this nat ion, which whom I would be able to speak on behalf of However, there were certainly ways for the natives to resolve disputes and maintain social order. In the case of theft or murder, the individuals would take justice in their own hands. When something concerning the welfare of the whole village came up, the people would hold meetings. 13 In other words, the Dutch reporters might have not only overlooked certain significant Siraya behaviors, but they might have misinterpreted the meanings of those they did o bserve and hence given some misleading descriptions
324 [In such meetings,] they raise the matter for discussion, talk about the pros and cons for half an hour continuously, depending on the matter. If someone tires or has finished, someone else replaces him [sic] and by this they try to persuade the people using many arguments until the matter is approved. They keep good order in this, bec ause when someone is speaking, the others will all be silent and listen, even though they are there in their thousands. (Bluss et al., 1999: 121) These meetings usually took place in front of a large temple, and all women and men participated. In fact, it was often the words given by the female priests, or Inibs that received high regard, and hence the other revelation of matri focality. The Siraya did observe distinct gender roles: the women farmed, fished, gathered, cooked, and cleaned the house; the me n hunted and raised war. The women stayed with their natal family all their lives, but the boys had to leave home in an early age and live in the male house organized according to age groups. After marriage, a man must cut off all connections with his birt h family, move into his her parents as his own. About 12 of the older They were consulted for warfare and smaller social disputes, but th eir main function was to carry out the orders given by the religious Inibs, who were all older females. The Inibs also monitored and performed the practice of mandatory abortion. No women before middle age were allowed to give birth; if they were pregnant, they must ask an Inib to the house to conduct abortion via a means for the Siraya to maintain their social structure. But his explanation still seems male centric: the mandatory abortion was called for because the men had to fulfill their duties in warfare and must not retire until they reached their 40s; besides,
325 reas ons behind Siraya abortion seem obvious: because it was to farm the land and they had to spend so much energy in the f ield, they simply would not want to bear children in a relatively young age. In other words, I believe that it is mainly the social expectation of mattock for sowing, and a knife for reaping. In addition, the 17 th century Siraya agric ulture was (ibid.: 114). Such practice of frugality, or sustainability, may also explain the need of mandatory abortion for some sort of population control. The children, particular the daughters, were indeed cherished by the parents once they were born : They raised their children in a tough and ruthless way and love the girls more than the boys. This clearly is shown by the jewel ry with which they prefer to deck the often carried on the arm and the shoulders, whereas the boys run around withou t any heed being paid to them. (Bluss et al., 1999: 17) Considering the fact that the women farmed the land, were highly regarded in religion, and defined the family, such a pr eference f o r daughters should be no surprise. In the subsections below, I will examine in detail the practices in three 17 th century Siraya social institutions: marriage, religion, and warfare. Here I just want to conclude that had the Dutch men also learn t the Siraya ways, that is, had they been patient enough to let the Siraya people speak and listen to them, while they learned the language, the people today would probably have different ideas of democracy, equality, and justice. But the reality is that t he Dutch
326 only wanted to change and convert the Siraya. And they did so by affecting mostly the Siraya men and thus eroding the egalitarian matri focal system. It is true that they introduced artifacts such as guns and bullets to the Siraya men in exchange for deer skin. But what they really introduced was greed the desire for more : kill more deer so as to gain more war power and more control over others. Greed in turn brought about lack and inequality When the Dutch first arr ived, there were plenty of dee r on the island. But in as short as 39 years (1623 1662), the deer population decreased dramatically because the Siraya men wanted from the Dutch; they hunted more than they needed. Today, there are virtually no wild deer in the southwest plain of Taiwan While the Siraya women maintained sustainable agriculture, the men abandoned sustainable hunting. Also when the Dutch first encountered the Siraya, they documented eight tribes that were somewhat equal in terms of military power, even though the tribes w ere different in size/population. However, in the following years, they gave the groups unequal war favors, depending on whether the native men collaborated with them or not, and hence destroyed the inter tribal balance. For example, the men from the tribe trust because they intended to maintained equal relations with the Han, the Japanese, and the Dutch. The Dutch, however, wanted monopoly of Soulang deer skin, and when the Soulang men did not grant them the monopoly o liars thieves the most people converted to Christianity, while Soulang has maintained the native religion until tod ay 14 The Dutch furthermore introduced inequality within the individual tribes. Remember 14 s are now Tainan Science Park, a government funded project that hosts many big high tech companies. All that is left in t he place that is associated with Sriaya is just a symbolic Siraya Boulevard and a Siraya museum built in the style of a Han temple.
327 Dutch later assigned certain Siraya men to be the administrative heads of the tribes. These men received orders only from the Dutch; they not only disregarded the elderly in the Siraya male council, but they did not respect the Inib women anymore. In other words, the Dutch also introduced, or imported sexism to the Siraya, not unl ike what the Spaniards did to the Jaqi people (see Hardman, 1994). Granting unjust power and giving inequality, are these not the PAA TUKUL ? Marriage 15 First of all, the length of hair indicated whether a man was suitable for m arriage (or probably sexual relation s ) or not. This restriction did not apply to women, who kept their hair growing since birth without ever having a haircut. But the men must keep their hair shorter than above the ears until age 16 or 17 16 Once reaching t he age, they tend ed to let their hair grow as long as possible, showing that they were eligible. When courting, a man needed to send gifts, or dowry, to the mother, female siblings, and/or female friends of the woman he fancied. The gifts varied, but they often included some garments, bangles and bracelets made of bamboo, and finger ring s made of deer horns and decorated with dog hair. The man must not present the gifts himself; he had to ask his female s behalf. If the gifts were accepted, he would 15 Even though, as I briefly mentioned earlier, the 17 th century Siraya organized marriage around the wife s family, I cannot avoid giving some male first descriptio ns here because all the documents/archives were written from a male perspective. 16 Despite having a counting system in the language, t he 17 th century Siraya did not actually count age in the numerical way. All the ag e numbers provided here are merely estimation s by the Dutch observers. However, the CASSIUWANG Members of the same CASSIUWANG often function ed together, for they had the same obligations and rights.
328 then be allowed to sleep with his wife the next night. As such, the marriage was done; there was no wedding ceremony. Given that all marriage arrangements and decisions were made by the women, I suspect that t hey could also take initiatives. That is, a wom an might also be able to court a man. But no documents of female courting were ever made by the Dutch observers. After marriage, the wife stayed living with her natal family. But the husband, if he had not rea fulfilling the male responsibilities for the community. He might visit her at night, but he must enter her house discreetly; he must not disturb other people (mostly wom en) there. He had to be quiet and lie down on her bed immediately. He could not touch anything. If he needed something, he might make a feeble sound, such as by coughing. If his wife heard him, she would bring the things for which he asked. And then she re turned to her folks again. She would sleep with him after she had tended all her business. making a sound that might disturb others. In general, he was not allowed to enter her house in the daytime. But if he must talk with her and if she was at home alone but not in the field, he could go standing outside of her house and send someone to ask for permission of entry. She was not obliged to give the permission, however. Also, if the married couple came across each other in public under daylight, they would not talk to each other. The couple could not have children until they (or maybe the wife only) reached their late 30s because of the above mentioned mandatory abortion. And t he husband would eventually from the male house. From this point on, the couple would cultivate her farm/field together. They might also build a separate, smal ler, house in the field and sleep there sometimes.
329 The 17 th century Siraya observed monogamy. But both the wife and the husband could divorce their spouse. If one of them did not want to stay with the other anymore, they were free to marry someone else. Pr oviding good reasons such as adultery and/or domestic violence 17 the divorcee might keep the dowry. But if no good reason was provided, they might ask the dowry back 18 Religion The native Siraya religion used to be a strictly female domain: not only did th e priests, or Inibs, have to be female, but in ceremonies only women sang and dance d 19 The men could only watch. Religion was also the center of social life. While the senior male councillors did make some communal decisions (which were not absolute orders and could be declined), they were only responsible for secular affairs. An important duty of the male council was to excecute the damands of the Inibs, which mostly concerned taboos. The Dutch noted numerous Siraya deities, most of whom represent a direct ion but they documented in detail only four or five of them. The goddess of east is Tekarukpada, and her husband is Tamagisangach, the god of south. Tamagisangach makes people beautiful and he also has the power of rain. But he is lazy. So people pray to T ekarukpada, who makes thunder, to scold her husband and demand that he send rains. Then there is Sariasang of the north, the diety 17 Interestingly, while recounting from an overall male centric perspective (for example, detailing how the husband could divorce his wife throughout the paragraph and only in the end mentioning that the wife enjoyed the same rights), the Dutch gave examples of the wife flirting with other men or beating her husband. 18 This is another reason why I think that a woman might also be able to take initiatives in courtship. 19 I use past tense in my accounts here except for those regarding the deities, who are supposed to be eternal because the native religion today, even though more or less maintained in many villages, has changed tremendously. I will explain the changes later.
330 of undoing. While Tamagisangach makes people pretty, Sariasang makes them ugly again. Two other gods, Tacafulu and Tupaliape, take care of the men. They help with warfare. Other than monitoring taboos and performing abortion, the Inibs had the power of summon these deities, usually in a state of being possessed. The Inibs could thus tell fortunes, bless an unholy place, exorcize the demons, and ask for rain or good weather. O n important dates, public worhiping would take place. The Inibs and the participating women would drink millet rice wine and chew betel nut, which is a mood altering palm fruit. Both millet rice wine and bete l nuts are still enjoyed by many Austronesian peoples in and outside of Taiwan today. Once the Inibs were possessed, they would cl imb to the roof tops and remove their loincloth to appear completely naked. They chanted and tapped their genitals; they washe d their whole body with water and send the water down to the blessed. Abortion, drinking, nakedness, the Christian Dutch men unsurprisingly abhorred the Siraya Inibs. Reverend Georgius Candidius even referred to the Inibs the Christian missionaries, the East Inida Company captured many Inibs and sent them to a Inib s in the camp and whether they were able to return home after the Dutch left in 1662 remain unknown; no document is found. Warfare The Dutch described the Siraya men as strong, fast, and skilled fighters. But my intention is not to magnify the testosterone war: it s principles, code of honor, and definitions of honesty and fairness.
331 The image of head hunting made the Dutch, and the ensuing Han, think of the Siraya as a people tha essentially crueler than hurting them with bullets (like the Dutch did) or spears and arrows (like the Han did), leaving them on the battle field, and letting them die s hunting The Siraya men did not thirst for heads; rather, they would declare vi c tory and leave the battle field as long as they had collected some body parts of the enemies, such as hands, feet, or just a tuft of hair. They would bring these parts back to the village, carefully preserve them, and then keep them in their house. The Dutch considered such a practice as some form of trophy display, as they observed that the bigger collection a Siraya man had in his room, the more he was home is a way to show respect towards the deceased because it is in many ways similar to the Siraya rite of natural death, which is as follows. When a family member had died, music, mostly drum beating, would be played outside of the house and the women would dance around so that the passersby would know that the house was mou rning The naked body was then washed with water once a day for 9 days; it was also smoked to be preserved. Finally, the body would be moved back inside the house : S ome records show that it would be buried underground, and some say that it would just lie i n open sight. The Balinese, another Austronesian people, has maintained a similar rite until today T hey would clean and preserve the corpse and keep it home on the bed where the deceased used to sleep. The Dutch also noted that an inter tribal war between two Siraya villages was often caused
332 betrayed would then send a messenger to the other camp to discuss a date and place for the fight. The soldiers, usual ly fewer than 30 men, were all volunteers; they could not be forced to participate in the war. And the battle normally took place in an open field at night. Occasionally it could be taken to the village, but in that case the invaders would first raise alar m, so that the willing opponents would come to fight them. As mentioned before, a fight might end without any casualty they [took] the death of one of their people as se riously as we [i.e., the Dutch] the defeat or rout Despite how the Siraya warfare was conducted and how few casualties were actually involved, the Dutch decide d that the Siraya were bellige rent and commented Dutch w ere seeking favor from the Sinkandians, who were at war against the peoples from Mattau and Baccaluan. Mattau and Baccaluan peoples] that if they wished to make peace, they should do this immediately unless we should o urselves take the field. This, they said, they were willing to face. When our men quickly showed themselves, they took to flight immediately, unable to stand the whine of the bullets. They stood amazed when they saw that one of them remained lying without seeing what had caused this. aintain friendship with the Sink Thereupon they swore in their way that they should obey us. (Bluss et al ., 1999: 53) Notice the difference in the Dutch war conduct. There was no prolonged and honest pre warning: they provoked the natives to fight, and then they immediately sho t bullets. There was no precise ending: they shot one man and left him lying on the ground, without ending his pain. And most
333 importantly, the Dutch had no justifiable initiatives: what exactly had the Mattau and Baccaluan men done that betrayed their trust? Therefore, it should be no surprise that six days after the in their way emphasis), they went back to Sinkan and beheaded a man in the field. Continuations and Changes What was the Siraya culture like before the Dutch arrived? What has happened to the Siraya peop le after the Dutch left in 1662? How has their culture changed and/or evolved into what it is like today? And what was the Siraya contact with other non Dutch peoples and cultures like? These are the questions lingering in the mind s of some contemporary sc holars and those Siraya natives who are interested in their heritage. But the answers to these questions are not easy to be found because other peoples that have visited Taiwan, particularly the Han and the Japanese, did not leave many documents as descrip tive and as detailed as the Dutch 20 A Han official of the Ming Dynasty, Chen Di, wrote a one page note (in Chinese characters) on the Siraya lifestyle in 1602 when he came to Taiwan with the Ming Navy to fight the Japanese; the article was entitled Eastern Savages (Chen, 1955 ). The Zheng regime, who evicted the Dutch in 1662 and stayed in Taiwan until 1683, left virtually no document about the indigenes. During the Qing Dynasty, there were Baihai Travel Log written by Han me r chant Yu (1955 ) an d Six Chapters of the Savage Customs by Qing official Huang (1961), in both of which only a few paragraphs are about the Siraya. The Japanese documents in the late 19 th century and early 20 th century are mostly measurements (of the size of forehead, the length of 20 And this may be due to the c and the Manchurian) historical writings, for example, do not focus much on the descriptive details of the conquered. The Chinese visual documents (i.e., paintings) of the i ndigenous people also differ from the European ones. While the latter follow the principle of accentuated difference the former draw Han features on every human being.
334 fingers, etc.) done by the anthropologists at the time. Last, the KMT, or the ROC government, simply does not acknowledge the Siraya people (and many other low land peoples) at all. Therefore, the modern researchers who are interested in stud ying the continuations and changes of Siraya traditions must extend their research into the small, or non official, historical documents, such as the land contracts signed between individual Han families and Siraya families in the Qing era and the (texts o n) tombstones 21 Most of these research projects are still underway and have not published much. Hence, in the following space I will just provide some simple descriptions of the non and post Dutch period Siraya traditions. My main sources include Chen (19 54 ), Yu (1955 ), Huang (1961 ), my personal experiences, and my field observations. First of all, when the Dutch still occupied Tainan, they noticed that the Siraya natives had already established some trade relations with the Han and th e Japanese, and they also found a loan words in the Soulang variety of Siraya. But there was not yet mass immigration from Mainland China, which only started afte r the Dutch left and continued until the early Qing period. The Han literature, albeit little, adds some details to the Siraya lifestyle in the 17 th and 18 th centuries. The Han writers noticed that the Siraya people always showed much respect to their elde rly, for the natives believed that if they did not respect the seniors, they would be punished by the deities. The Siraya men were married into s band 21 I am planning to embark on a collaborative project with Dr. Oliver Streiter from th e National Kaohsiung University (in Taiwan) beginning summer 2010. The project will use a Geographical Information System technology to locate and document the Siraya tomb stone s ( in both Ch r i stian and Han styles) and the texts inscribed on them. Dr. Streit er and I hope to find explanations of Taiwan internal migration and possibly Han Siraya intermarriage.
335 ly given to the daughters; nothing was left for the sons. And so the Siraya people preferred daughters. The women farmed rice, and they used the method of fire/flame cultivation, which produced much less than the Han method of irrigation. The men participa ted in warfare; they collected the heads of their enemy, and they openly displayed these heads o n the entrance of their house. The Siraya of the time still did not build tombs; when someone had passed away, they buried the body vertically underground insid e the house. Today, however, the Siraya build tombs, either in the Han or in the Christian style, and the Siraya farmers, including women and men, irrigate their fields just like the Han do 22 According to Brown (2004), the Qing officials in the late 18 th c entury were responsible for the change of agriculture: they lured the Siraya farmers (or actually the low land people in general) to adopt the Han irrigation method by promising tax reduction. The Qing, and later the Japanese, also used tax and other promi Siraya (and low land) men to join their army against the mountain indigenes. Such manipulation in turn caused many conflicts between the Siraya and other indigenous peoples, as documented in Senior Uncle Wan they PAA TUKUL ed (or NI PAA TUKUL ). The feeling of shame among the Siraya has probably hence emerged. Many people today do not acknowledge their Siraya heritage; they do not like to 22 The change from fire to irrigation agriculture, while increasing short term productivity, has actually had a negative impact on the environment. Today, many coastal areas around Tainan, where the Siraya tribes of Sinkan and Soulang used to farm, have become too salty to farm because of the rising sea level Also, several tombs are now sunk in water and abandoned, as documented in Streiter & Huang (2010).
336 23 Some do not even know As previously mentioned, my father was not told that he is Siraya until he was 54 years old and I 27 years old. But our experience is by no means an exeption: Uma, who is probably the most prominent Siraya activisit now, did not know of her Siraya heritage until some 10 plus years ago. Not unr elated to the academic dismissal of a still vibrant Siraya culture, the mainstream Taiwanese society until quite recently han4 hua4 in Mandarin). The Siraya activ ists, however, reject such a concept; they say that not only have the Siraya not been completely Han ized, but he Southern Min word khan chhu which refers and in Standard Southern associated with lesser values (as ke b Siraya do not make such a distinction, for the spouses are perceived as equal And Huang (1961 ) also noted that in the 18 th century the Siraya had indeed already referred to their spouse khan chhu must be a semantic borrowing from Mandarin: khan chhu can be written in Chinese characters as and pronounced in Mandarin as qian1 shou3 which most Mandarin speech. 23 It does not help, either, that the current government does not grant the Siraya people an official status.
337 In addition, the activists have also adopted a modern slogan, originally created by Mr. Duan Hong kun from the Gabaswa Village, to counter the discou rse of Hanization. It is read kam gan che fwan in Southern Min or gan1 yuan2 zuo4 fan1 in Mandarin, meaning 1). As Duan once explained to me, the whole design is u call every people unlike you originally inspired by the African American rights movement in the U.S., which made a strong is beaut iful Still, the factor that holds many modern day Siraya together is religion. In many villages that have not been (completely) converted to Christianity or Han religion(s), there are many public altars that host a clay pot, in which the deity k nown as Alid lives 24 On the ground or a table next to the pot, people would offer millet rice wine and betel nuts. There would also be a pestle and a mortar so that the worshipers could grind the betel nuts for Alid. This practice is uniquely Siraya, and t The shape of the pot is round, and in it there must always be water and some green leaves. These items together appear to symbolize fertility, or productivity, in accordance with other aspects of the Siraya religious tradition such as being a fem a le domain and the request for rain and harvest. The story below from my own family serves as an example of how the female centric religion has been gradually lost as the senior wom e n pass ed away that is, my aunts and uncles, remember having been taken by my grandmother to an altar near our ancestral home to give offerings to a pot. It had to be my grandmother; my grandfather did 24 Alid in the Siraya language is actually a generic term for deity.
338 not participate. In my generati on, however, only my oldest cousin has had the same experience because my grandmother died relatively young. Since she passed away, the family has stopped goes ther e). In the summer of 2007, I revisite d the place. See Figure 5 2 for a photo of the alter, Figure 5 3 for a photo of the pot, and Figure 5 4 for a photo of the betel nut pestle and mortar (photo courtesy of my sister, Ping Huang). This native religion, how ever, has indeed received some Han influences. For example, the originally polytheistic system has now become monotheistic, reflecting the Mandarin ONEness postulate. While in the 17 th century the Siraya people worshipped many deities, most of whom represe nt a direction as well as a natural phenomenon, today there is only one omnip resent and omnipotent Alid. Also, in villages where the Siraya religion and the Han religion are apparently mixed, Alid is considered the highest deity reflecting the Mandarin po stulate of comparative ranking. Alid is either equal to or higher than the highest Han deity Tai4 shang4 Lao3 jun1 which means the old man on the top. In addition, in these places, the pots that host Alid are often removed from the native altars and re located into a Han style temple, resting in the darkest and inner most room behind Lao3 jun1, a positio n that seems to reflect the shame many Siraya people have felt. Moreover, I have personally heard a story from one of such villages that even depicts a C hinese origin of Siraya: the Siraya ancestors were brought by Alid to Taiwan from Mainland. It shows that the discourse of Chinese nationalism has permeated into the domain of Siraya religion as well. Nevertheless, all these villages with a native Sriaya r eligion recognize that Alid must be a woman, that in ceremonies only the women are to sing and dance, and that the priest, Ang yi ( meaning unknown; formerly as Inib ), should ideally be a woman as well, thus continuing the
339 female centric belief system. Un fortunately, today there are only a couple of female priests left, and all others are m e n, who have learnt chants and rituals from the last true Ang yi, Li Ren ji from the Gabaswa Village who passed away in 2003 25 The chants memorized by the priests are n ow pronounced in a language yet to be deciphered: it is quite different from the 17 th century its carries no obvious Southern Min meaning. And the rituals have pre served the tradition of directionality: the main element is called hing chi in Southern Min or xiang4 shui3 in and then spit it out towards a certain direct ion to ask for and also to give blessings. The present Siraya religion hence manifests both assimilation (i.e., with some Han elements) and perseverance (i.e., maintaining certain 17 th century features) For example, a few months ago, on 8 August, 2009, Ty phoon Morakot struck Taiwan, causing a mudslide that wiped out the Siraya village of Xiaolin. About 400 people disappeared overnight. Three months later, on 31 October, 2009, it was a religious festival, and the survivors, although not many left, decided t o carry it on in the shelter center A person explained the decision in Southern Min when interviewed on TV: must] continue the culture and revive our tradition 26 Last but not least, I must point out that even in a Christianized village such as Kauchannia, y can identify 25 Li was considered a true or authentic Ang yi because she did not choose to be a priest. As the story goes, Alid came to her dream and made her an Ang yi. 26 Formosa TV, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OXK07fvpvtI Accessed 1.11.09.
340 as uniquely their own. It is also because of this Christian text that they are hopeful to relearn and reclaim their heritage. Today, the Christian Siraya call their god Meyrang Alid that is, formation of TPSCA and guided its core members through hard times. In the next section I will document their journey and the significant works they have achieved. Tainan Pepo Siraya Culture Association and Its Efforts As mentioned, Tainan Pepo Siraya Cult ure Association (TPSCA) is not the only local, native, NGO that is devoted to the continuation of Siraya culture and identity. There are also Gabaswa Culture and History Studio, Tainan Soulang Pokthauiong Association, and several in individual Siraya communities around Tainan and Kaohsiung counties. However, while all these other organizations focus on maintaining the native Alid religion through the Han language s TPSCA is the only one associated with the (Presbyterian) Christian religion and concerned with re constructing and re learning the Siraya mother tongue 27 I joined TPSCA in the summer of 2007. But TPSCA ha d started long before my involvement, beginning in 1997, when about 100 members of the Kaupi Church organized and perf Low S inhua High School. In 1998, with the help of Kaupi Church, TPSCA was officially founded, and Mr. Ban Cheng hiong was elected as the first chairperson. Then, around 2000, Mr. Ban passed h is responsibilities to his daughter Uma Talavan, who has led TPSCA until today. 27 And if one must consider the officiall only one currently led by a woman, namely, Uma Talavan.
341 husb and, Edgar Macapili, a Bisayan native from the Philippines whom Uma met in Manila when she went there to study music at Asian Institute for Liturgy and Music. Edgar is not only a professional composer and an ethno musicologist, but he is also multilingual in several Austronesian and non Austronesian languages with remarkable instinct in linguistics. When he marriage, and became a member of the Kauchannia Kaupi community he noticed a copy of b could read it and made some sense out of it! Uma was encouraged, thinking that recovering her lost mother tongue might no longer be a dre am, and so she prompted Edgar to engage in further linguistic research. They started little by little, learning a few words first, putting them into sensible sentences, composing simple, catchy, songs according to the Austronesian musicology, and teaching them to the children in the church. At first, TPSCA was only involved with the local community, but then, with the success of several activities, it became more famous and its story was covered by some in the mainstream media. In 2003, a journalist report ed that the Sriaya people in TPSCA had embarked on famous linguistic efforts. According to o do you think you are to reviv e a dead language? Are you not aware that a round the world, there is only one successful case of language resurrection, that is, the Hebrew 28 fa natic religious radicals [sic]? Have you heard the Siraya language spoken? Is there anyone in your 28 This statement is not true, of course. Besides Hebrew, there are also Miami and Manx Gaelic, just to name a few.
342 explained to him that the people in TPSCA had never been so arrog ant to claim that they could been put on the so comprehend some of the old text by comparing Siraya to the modern Austronesian languages he speaks. But the said linguist that he would later serve in several government organized committees that decided that the Siraya people should not receive an official status because they do not have a language of their own. Hence, until today, Uma still fee ls offended by the man. But she and others in TPSCA ha ve no t been discouraged. They have continued their own linguistic research and they have organized more activities, bigger, with a wider range of participation, and more successful. Then there came more words, more sentence structures, more songs, and more peop le who are willing to learn. The rest is history. The TPSCA experience as a whole also shows that social influence top and incurred some feedback, which has in turn induced more efforts from the bottom. In the rest of this section I document the major efforts and achievements by TPSCA in the last decade. My presentation follows two lines Linguistic Activities and Po litical Activities, only for the convenience of writing. In reality has indicated, the linguistic activities and those concerning politics are often intertwined Hence, my discussions below must bring th e two aspects together.
343 Linguistic Activities The Onini band The musical performance group Onini (plural form of ONI of TPSCA. This is not because Onini is one of the most popular and loved groups that promote the Siraya cu lture to the general public, but because the majority of its members are children and teenagers. In other words, Onini is where the hope of cultural continuation lies. The group Onini was formed in the very beginning of TPSCA. Its 43 members all go to the Kaupi Church and, except for Edgar, all are local Siraya natives. Significantly, as many as 35 of them are from the younger generations, ranging from 4 years old to 19 20 years old. While a few of the programs performed by them are in Southern Min and/or Mandarin, most of the Onini performances are Siraya songs written by Edgar and Uma. The Onini youth are hence always the first Siraya individuals who learn their awakened mother tongue. The older ones have done so for over 10 years. And they have also lear nt to play several traditional Siraya instruments, such as the nose flute, the mouth harp, and percussion s all made of bamboo. Although it would be an exaggeration to say tha Siraya speakers, most of them do have a rather s ufficient knowledge about the language such that they would serve as language and music teaching assistants in the Musuhapa summer camp, which I will introduce next. Since 1997, Onini has performed over 40 shows around Taiwan and received much publicity an d praise. Most performances were in a cultural venue, e.g., in a m usic festival or a C ivic N ight kind of meeting. But so metimes Onini would open for a political venue as well, e.g., a public hearing to discuss the official recognition of Siraya and other l ow land peoples or even a street protest. In the excerpt below, I asked Uma if she ha s had any memorable experience
344 P refers to Uma. recently in a meet ing concerning official recognition, many professors and scholars from Academic Sinica 29 came to Tainan. In the meeting they [the Onini] had a performance, and afterwards some professors told me that they were really astonished R: What did they mean? P: We ll [the professors said that it was] unbelievable/incredible to see a group of a language that has been defined as a dead language and jumping around all over the place [i.e., dancing]. P: And not only did they sing and dance, b ut they appeared to be so happy. P: So [Onini] embody vitality and that is why they [the professors] were stunned. ? R: um P: And my daughter also gave a short speech in Siraya. that besides being a true manifestation of cultural continuation Onini is also a metaphor in itself. Over the years, Onini has become a significant discursive element for TPSCA and other Siraya people to counter, or to resist, the top down discourse that dictates 29 Acade mia Sinica, the most preeminent academic institution in the Republic of China, was founded in 1928 to promote and undertake scholarly research in sciences and humanities. After the government moved to Taiwan in 1949, Academia Sinica was re established in T aipei. Academic Sinica, on WWW at http://home.sinica.edu tw/en/about/history_and_mission.html Accessed 9.11.09.
345 denied. Siraya language and cultur e camps In the beginning section of this chapter, I have detailed my involvement in the 2007 and 2008 Musuhapa Sir aya Summer Camps and I mentioned that a third Musuhapa camp was held in August 2009. Here I just want to review the development, or evolution, of all the language and culture camps hosted by TPSCA and their significance. While the children of Onini had alw ays met regularly and maintaine d an intimate relationship among one another, in 2005 Uma thought of organizing a summer camp in a local environment that would allow them to spend days living together and learning from one another That led to the ( TALAG TA TALAG hosted in Hothaupi, a former resovoir for irrigation purpose built in 1846 (Qing period) whose function now is tourism. It has a lake, woods, trails, and camping sites. Most importantly, it is located in the Kauchannia Kaupi area and so all the natural resources are local. During the camp, the children took a few Siraya language lessons, studied some Siraya his tory, and learned to build some traditional structures, such as KUVA the watch tower, with bamboo. And they also received their first Siraya name (see Excerpt 7 in Chapter 4). The camp was a success. Many students wanted more. And so in the summer of 2006 the second Tatalag was held. This time, it even attracted the Tainan County Government s attention. Tainan Magistrate Su came and gave a speech that acknowledged TPSCA s efforts. Along with Su came the media, and TPSCA became more widely known soon after.
346 With the experiences with Tatalag, in 2007 Uma decided to go public, that is, she decided to open the camp to those in the general public who are interested in learning (about) the Siraya language and culture. Thus, the camp goers were no longer all Sira ya natives from the Kauchannia Kaupi community, and they included children as well as adults. The camp was also meant to be a publicity event that could help spread the name of Siraya. Uma renamed the camp MUSU HAPA which means to bud leaves or burgeon ing. Musuhapa is hence yet another metaphor besides Onini that serves to counter the big discourse of Siraya death and/or extinction. It is to show the public that even though the Siraya culture has been dormant for a period of time, it has burgeoned agai n. It turned out that the 2007 Musuhapa enjoyed even greater publicity success than the 2006 Tatalag. Uma was encouraged. And hence she organized TPSCA to host Musuhapa again in 2008, and again in 2009. Uma s name and that of TPSCA are now well known to th e public. Today, no longer would a Taiwanese press refer to the Siraya culture as extinct or its people as disappeared. A problem with going public, however, is that the local children and teens now seem to stop progressing. This is despite the fact that they still more or less learn something, as they would help in the Musuhapa camps as team leaders, staff, and/or teaching assistants. But they have not received new linguistic input for a while, and some have even forgotten the old things they learned. Fo r example, in 2008 s Musuhapa, I was one of the main language teachers alongside Edgar and Shi Chaokai. We taught a few language lessons and after the lectures we would ask the campers to do some conversation exercises as groups. In each of these groups, a n Onini teenager would serve as a teaching assistant. To my surprise, a couple of the TAs, who have actually started learning the Siraya language years before me, found the need to come to me and ask for explanations concerning pronunciation and/or sentenc e structures. That experience
347 made me worried, and so I finally persuaded Uma to organize a different camp in 2009, in addition to 2009 s Musuhapa, that was aimed for language teacher training purposes. Uma now agrees with me that TPSCA needs more capable language teachers and we must try to bring Siraya lessons to the public schools in the native areas Still, Musuhapa is mostly encouraging. During the 2008 camp, A sin, an Onini member, composed the first Siraya song that is not written by Edgar and/or Uma And several other young campers also wrote poems to express their appreciation of the camp and the Siraya identity and culture. Even though these poems are written in Mandarin and/or Southern Min, with only a couple of Siraya words, they indicate that th e awareness of (the importance of) Siraya continuation is growing. Below is a titleless poem by 15 year old Ramag ( light ) Ge Hong ying, who is a Sriaya native from Kauchannia Kaupi. The poem was originally written in Chinese characters ( Appendix B) and i s translated into English by me. I am not much of a poet myself and my English ability is limited, but I hope that my translation suffices to show Ramag s use of metaphors that epitomizes the TPSCA Siraya experience beautifully. Colors of the wayward sky, awakened somewhere dormant for long, now bound to recover. Music has laid a path, that defies time and space. From the sky, a forgotten voice will burgeon again, on every inch of the earth. The blaze of musuhapa, Meyrang Alid, have you seen us? Our loud v oices, our cheering, Meyrang Alid, have you heard us? The passion of Siraya, Meyrang Alid, have you felt us? Old stories must continue to be told. All ears are waiting, all eyes are watching, for us, ourselves, to launch a vessel that traverses history.
348 The Siraya dictionary As I mentioned earlier, TPSCA published a Siraya dictionary (Macapili, 2008) in November, 2008, mainly thanks to Edgar s 7 years of research into Gravius s Gospel of St. Matthew ( Camp b ell, 1996  ). The 1175 page long trilingual d ictionary consists of over 3,000 Siraya lexical entries, each with a Mandarin definition, an English definition, and an example sentence or phrase. It also includes an introduction/methodology written by Edgar and an appendix of grammar notes by Shi Chaoka i. In addition, there are five prefaces written by Tainan Magistrate Su, Academic Sinica historian Ang Ka im, another Academic Sinica historian Chen Qiu kun, Uma, and Edgar, respectively. Each of them contains some encouraging words that acknowledge the im portance of Siraya language, culture, and identity. For the most part, the dictionary is written in an easy to understand, ordinary, language, for it is TPSCA s hope that the dictionary can be truly accessible to an non academic audience. There is only som e linguistic jargon in the grammar appendix. Nevertheless, the dictionary is far from ideal. For one thing, it is too cumbersome to be really practical. It is about 6 inch long, 12 inch wide, 1.6 inch thick, and it weighs 4 kilograms (or 8.8 pounds). For a nother, the dictionary still utilizes several preconceived grammatical categories to explain the language. These categories, such as Case, Noun, and Preposition, may fit some European languages well (and hence are often taken for granted by the mainstream linguists), but they do not seem to reflect the emic sense of Siraya, as they hardly explain how the Siraya language constructs the world. Therefore, in my opinion, the people in TPSCA must not be too complacent about this edition; they/we must realize t hat further research and revisions are needed. Edgar agrees with me, and so we do not consider the current publication as an end product. Until today, we talk about Siraya dictionary as an ongoing project.
349 Still, one may ask: If you in TPSCA did not consi der this edition as ideal, why did you publish it? Was the decision not too hastily made? An easy answer would be: No, it was all out of necessity. We do not have much time. The Siraya language is just being awakened, and so we must keep the momentum goi ng. However, an honest answer must consider politics. Note that, as I previously pointed out, the publication of this dictionary had at first been promised funding by Taiwan s central government under DPP, who later lost the presidential election to KMT i n May, 2008. As soon as KMT took over, the promise was broken. Therefore, in the summer of 2008, TPSCA was worried that the dictionary project would not continue. But then, in September, 2009, Uma received a call from Tainan Magistrate Su, a rising star in the DPP party, who offered to fund the publication. Su s motivation was not completely out of altruism, though, for his current term as Tainan Magistrate is in fact his last and adding something like sponsoring the Siraya dictionary to his resume would he lp with his future political career. So Su set end of 2008 as the deadline for TPSCA to publish the dictionary. And that is why the dictionary was indeed, in a sense, hastily published. Moreover, the political explanation does not just end on the local county, level, or on the level of Su s (possible) personal calculation. It must also take into account the overall discourse of nationalism in Taiwan ROC. Remember, while KMT s policy towards the indigenes, especially the low land peoples, is total ignor ance ( The Austronesians are not really human beings because they are not Chinese ), DPP s is co option ( We are all Austronesian, the authentic Taiwa n ese. ). Hence, by sponsoring Siraya, DPP is able to appeal to those who identify with Taiwan/Taiwane se and potentially regain its popularity. The following are some words taken from the prefaces in the dictionary that exemplify such a co option of Siraya into Taiwanese ness (original English text).
350 (1) [The dictionary effort is] to seek to find the mother land [of] Austronesian languages that is called Taiwan (by Su, in Macapili, 2008: xxv). (2) As a county magistrate, I wish you luck God bless Taiwan! God bless Siraya! (by Su, in Macapili, 2008: xxv). (3) Taiwan National Fish (Oncorhynchus Masu) for example was on the verge of extinction [but it was b rought back]. Recreation and re invention of culture, be it in the past or present, is not a new idea (by Ang, in Macapili, 2008: xxviii). (4) For many years [Uma and Edgar] [have] been dedicated to teaching the tr ibal youth and children their language in an attempt to celebrate their pride as the master of Taiwan s history (by Chen, in Macapili, 2008: xxix xxx). The Siraya S chool project Siraya School is a rather recent project proposed by Uma in a TPSCA internal meeting in January, 2009, and I was nominated as the head of the project. A dreamer as she has always been, Uma states the long term goal of Siraya School as to found a complete school that teaches everything Siray a from language, music, to all other c ultural aspects, to students of all ages. The proposal and my nomination were unanimously passed by the TPSCA committee, for we all recognize that it is Uma s dreams that have awakened Siraya and kept us going. The long term goal does not have a strict deadline. Uma says that she would be pleased if she can witness a bilingual Sriaya school some time in the 2020s. Siraya School also has a short term goal that seems more practical, or reachable, that is, to bring Siraya language lessons to the public schoo ls in the native areas. And TPSCA has already been moving steadily towards this goal. The teacher training camp in 2008, although taking place before the school project was officially announced, is often considered the first step.
351 TPSCA needs more capable teachers who can explain the language (including what we do know and what we do not know) to others. Besides teachers, TPSCA also needs additional language lessons. Before 2009, TPSCA had only four fully developed lessons, including
352 Siraya fun and interesting. The T PSCA staff are encouraged, and now they are drafting proposals to seek possibilities to bring Siraya language to other schools/communities next year. The next concern, of course, is keeping the students motivated. This will not be an easy task because, und er the current sociolinguistic circumstances of Taiwan, learning Siraya does not bring any socio economic promise. This is despite the fact that Taiwan ROC does have an Affirmative Action like education policy that grants extra credits, or points, to indig enous students. The central government also offers a Tribal Language Certificate to the indigenous individuals who are tested with certain proficiency in their heritage languages, and this certificate yields some career benefits. The problem is, obviously, that the Siraya are NOT an official people, and so neither of the abovementioned policies applies. As a consequence even some parents of the Onini members have told their children to quit Onini because, as Uma once recounted the parents words to me, wh at are you learning the Siraya language and those songs for? Thus, all boils down to politics again: without recognition of identity by the Taiwan ROC government, Siraya continuation will remain difficult. Political Activities Achieving official recogniti on has been the main political goal since the very beginning of not only TPSCA and the Siraya Movement but also the overall Low land Peoples Movement. A number of local, native, NGOs like TPSCA have worked together as the Low land Peoples Alliance in negot iating with the government for at least 10 years. During the course, while always being a very active member, TPSCA s role has shifted from a participant observer to somewhat of a leader organizer. This is because Uma does have a keen interest in politics and tremendous past experience in the Taiwan Independence Mov e ment (see Chapter 4), and it is also because TPSCA is always open minded and willing to learn from its own as well as others
353 mistakes. One of the things TPSCA has learnt is the importance of la nguage. As Uma recalled, in earlier days she observed that relying on religion alone, be it Alid, Meyrang Alid (i.e., Sriaya Christianity), or others, could only take the movement so far as to consolidate a community internal identification. But it does no t suffice to convince the government that these people do have a unique identity of their own. As a matter of fact, one law defined condition for the Taiwan ROC government to recognize a people is that they share, and speak, a common language that is diffe rent from those of other groups. In addition, the religion oriented native NGOs often find themselves repeating similar activities year after year because, after all, their goal is culture preservation While there is nothing wrong about preserving a tradi tion and such an effort is truly important, the inability to bring something new to the table affects the government s evaluation of the vitality of a culture/people, regardless of how misleading this criterion is. Hence, while focusing on the linguistic a spects, TPSCA has maintained a close alliance relation in particular with the Gabaswa Culture and History Studio, another Siraya NGO led by Mr. Duan Hong kun that is devoted to the continuation of Alid religion, so that the Siraya groups, together, would a lways have something to present. In 2006, the Siraya Alliance was formed, and in the same year, it successfully persuaded Tainan County Government (DPP) to register Siraya as a county indigenous people. This move on the county level was not only benefici al to the Siraya people but also to the Taiwanese nationalist DPP party for the reasons I have explained earlier. Below, I will use a street protest in 2009 as an example to show how the Siraya and the L ow land P eoples A lliance s work. Shortly after KMT reg ained its position in Taiwan ROC central government in May, 2008, the low land peoples felt betrayed by the nation state because the new head of Center for Indigenous Peoples (CIP), Zhang Ren xiang, announced the cancelation, or abolishing, of the
354 Preparat ory Committee for the Recognition of Low land Peoples, which had just been founded by DPP s CIP a year earlier. So the low land groups soon held several meetings to discuss negotiation strategies. At first, they sought to appeal to logic and reason. T hey o rganized several academic conferences, inviting (mostly forensics, history, and political science) scholars sympathetic to the low land peoples predicament to give speeches that explained how unlawful and/or unjust the government s act was. And then they presented the results to CIP, hoping that the government would re evaluate its decision. In the meantime, the Siraya Alliance also found support in Tainan Magistrate Su (DPP), who would, starting some time around December, 2008, publicly speak for the Siray a and the low land peoples in general. This strategy lasted for months until a public hearing in February, 2009, when the Low land Peoples Alliance finally realized that the KMT government had been unaffected; the government denied every historical evidenc e the Alliance presented and blamed the non recognition on low land individuals having failed to register themselves five or six decades ago In other words, the government not only showed no interest in redressing its past mistakes but it outright denied that such mistakes were ever committed by itself. So the Alliance members decided to turn to what is known in Mandarin as the outside of the system ( ti3 zhi4 wai4 ) means, namely, protest. They first decided on s (KMT) 1 year commencement celebration. Then, each of the Alliance members/organizations was given a quota of mobi lizing a certain number of protesters, and they were also asked to come up with some unique activities. As far as the Siraya are concerned, the Gabaswa Studio, together with Tainan Soulang Pokthauiong Association offered to organize an event called Flying Savage Delivery, and TPSCA offered to prepare a petition, a theme song, some slogans, and a speech. The Flying Savage Delivery was a reenactment of the Siraya tradition of using fast running
355 young athletes, or B ata to deliver important messages/documents This time, the important document is a petition drafted by TPSCA 30 And while in the past the Batas relied on their legs, the modern day Batas ride bicycles. They took off from Tainan the day before the protest and joined the 3,000 or so protesters in f ront of the Presidential House in Taipei the next day after biking 400 kilometers (or 250 miles). When the Batas arrived, they would also hear a speech given by Ulan the 10 year old daughter of Uma and Edgar, in Siraya. Ulan s speech was short but affecti onate. Basically, she said, I am a Siraya person. I grew up in a Siraya village. I love my village because it is very beautiful and the people there are all very nice. It is hard (and probably meaningless) to judge whether the protest was successful or n ot, for everyone has a different definition of success. What I know is that it has attracted much media attention. It made headlines in several newspapers and was reported on TV. And despite some misrepresentation such as referring to all the low land pe oples as a tribe, the media now at least make it clear that the low land peoples have not disappeared or been completely Han ized. Some viewers must also have seen Ulan on TV and hence learnt for themselves that the Siraya language is not dead or extinct. Yet the KMT government remains unmoved until today: It has not even met the rather simple request in the petition, namely deposing CIP chair Zhang Ren xiang, let along restoring the Preparatory Committee for the Recognition of Low land Peoples. However, Tainan County Government (DPP) has, in addition to recognizing the collective Siraya identity, granted the Siraya people the right to register individually as indigenous persons. As of October, 2009, 1,191 individuals have been registered. Also, i n July, 30 In March, 2009, right after TPSCA had drafted a Mandarin petition I drafted an English version and posted it online to seek international supports (see Appendix C)
356 2009, Taiwan Presbyterian Church, a long time political supporter of DPP and Taiwanese nationalism, also officially announced that it now acknowledges the Siraya as a people. Still, politics, and its effects on those who participate in it, are way more complex than what I have presented so far. For example, the Siraya and the low land activists, while fashioning a counter discourse from bottom up against that of the state, have also acquired some bad habits from the grand discourse of nationalism, s uch as overlooking internal differences (or microdiversity) and over generalizing them into ONE SAMEness. H ow such an adaptation of the Mandarin nationalistic discourse may affect the future of the Siraya is explored in the next section. Conclusion: Toward s a Discourse of Diversity Mutual Influence b etween Nation State and the Indigenes Throughout this chapter, I have shown that, from the viewpoint of discursive interaction, TPSCA s activities or projects are all parts of the (low land) indigenous peoples response to the nation state. When the nation state forges a of silence (see Wodak, 2003), the indigenous peoples would find ways to make sounds (e.g., ONINI ) to assert their existence. This is despite the fact that the nation state has employe d various techniques of silencing, from denying the peoples access to language and other legal rights, denying its own socio historical responsibilities, to the complete denial of low land cultures. And the academics, if not heeding the consequences of th eir deeds, may also become co culprits. For example, when the many linguists insist that Siraya is extinct and ignore TPSCA s linguistic achievements, they are giving the government an warrant to state that Oh, yeah, it may be true that I have heard som ething [from TPSCA], but this something is definitely not Siraya (see denial of agency in Russ, 1983).
357 In addition, the nation state of Taiwan ROC itself is denied in the international discourse. The non existence of a state affiliation has also led t o the denial of all Formosan indigenes on a global scale. The following is an excerpt from Hsieh (2006). Her interviewee Yahani Uskakavut recounted his e n counter with the United Nation officials as a Taiwan delegate in a 1996 UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations meeting. Chairperson Ms. Erica Irene Daes, who ruled the WGIP from 1984 to 2001, called him [Mr. Yahani Uskakavut] to the platform, but first walked down from her seat and requested that Yahani delete the first section of the speech [which was about asserting Taiwan s status as a nation state]. Yahani refused. Yet, when he spoke, the UN s official interpreter stopped translating the speech from [Mandarin] Chinese language to other UN official languages. That same day a Chinese government UN rep resentative spoke publicly and asserted that Taiwan s statement was not related in any way to indigenous rights, and that the statement was based on the evil and incorrect ideal of separatism. China s representative further stated that Taiwan is a provi nce of China, a fact that is widely accepted. (Hsieh, 2006: 48) However, while until today the Taiwan ROC government, be it led by DPP or KMT, has not yet been capable of making any significant noise on the international stage, the Formosan indigenes ha ve, by their own effort, made themselves heard. For example, in February, 2008, Uma, a person of the domestically unrecognized Siraya, was invited to the Asia Indigenous in Nepal as a member of the Taiwan deleg ation. She not only performed some Siraya music there but also gave a speech. Hence, I disagree with those contemporary indigenous activists who believe that a national identity or an affiliation with the nation state, is absolutely necessary. I doubt if (the identification towards) any kind of nationalism is really relevant to the advancement of indigenous rights. Back to the domestic domain, the Siraya and the low land peoples have not only made themselves better heard (e.g., the media report on the 2009 protest), but their bottom up
358 movement has also changed the outlook of the big discourse. As I pointed out, until not long ago the big discourse in Taiwan towards the indigenes was still just a singular expression of total ignorance/denial. But today, the DPP at least is attempting to co opt the low land identity into its general scheme of Taiwanese nationalism. To co opt entails to first recognize: one simply cannot co opt the non existent. Thus, I see co option as an opportunity of negotiation for the lo w land peoples. Some successful examples include the Tainan County Government and the Taiwan Presbyterian Church s support of TPSCA and acknowledgment of the Siraya identity, as introduced earlier. In other words, the small and big discourses are indeed in tertwined, and the bottom up and top down co construction of identity is surely fluid and constantly changing: What is going to happen to the Siraya reclamation in the future must depend on what is said and done today. The Discourse of ONE Even though the Siraya and other indigenous activists/leaders have resisted the big discourse of the Taiwan ROC nation state to some extent, they have not yet been able to resist adopting its language. In fact, they have no choice but to speak and write Mandarin, a langua ge the KMT and DPP politicians have used so masterfully for decades, when engaging themselves in the identity discourse, for Mandarin is the only speech s high politics. Adopting the Mandarin language mean s also acquiring its postulates and thus its thinking patterns. This is so not because linguistic postulates are omnipotent and the speakers must always be vulnerable to their influence, but because people normally do not reflect upon their language behaviors much. They do not analyze the underl ying effects, but they just follow the habitual, or conventional, ways. As a result, many of the indigenous leaders today also speak of ONE=SAMEness and are creating a myth of one Formosan people that is not unlike the nationalistic myth of one Chinese
359 and that of one Taiwanese In addition, they distinguish Self from Other (centrism) and rank different peoples (comparative ranking), suggesting that those who do not identify or agree with them are necessarily inferior and hostile. That is, today, many indig enous leaders in Taiwan in fact speak the language of inequality as much as the Han nationalists do. When used, the discourse of ONE is often selective and layered. The low land activists tend to align all the low land peoples with all the officially recog nized mountain peoples and invoke an unified sentiment of the indigenous people against the Han despite the fact that the low land and the mountain have very different socio cultural and historical experiences and hence different needs. In fact, some moun tain peoples, to whom the low land activists refer as our sisters and brothers, do not welcome the low land peoples to enjoy the same official status they have enjoyed because sharing the status would mean sharing the resources (such as governmental fund ing), which are quite limited. The individual low land groups also tend to speak of one another as a cohesive and unified whole, falling into the popular myth of one low land tribe while they should know that they are not all the same and they do have man y internal conflicts. For example, soon after TPSCA published the Siraya dictionary, a non Siraya person suddenly showed up in an online platform that grants access only to the Low land Alliance members and accused TPSCA s work of being redundant and inap propriate. 31 Similarly, members of the Siraya Alliance, while always asserting a common Siraya ness, do not actually always share the same concerns. They reside in different villages, have gone through different circumstances, and believe in different reli gions. Hence, albeit under the umbrella of Siraya ness, they do have different identities. And they also 31 Uma was much bothered by this episode and convinced that the person made the untruthful accusation out of jealousy.
360 need to share the limited resources : In many cases, members from different villages would work through the Siraya Alliance to request financial support from Tainan County Government, and then they would discuss how to distribute, and often fight for, the money. But conflicts as such are usually kept within and not revealed to the public. In addition, creeping in along with the adopted Mandarin Han mental ity is the concept of singular leadership and hierarchy, which in turn often provokes jealousy (of power and control). Who is the leader of the Indigenous Movement? Who is the leader of the Low land Peoples Movement? Who is the leader of the Siraya Movemen t? My two year involvement with indigenous politics has revealed to me that such questions do exist in the minds of many activists. In other words, their relationship with one another is not as harmonious as the discourse of ONE suggests; the reality is th at they do not always trust one another. Still, my concern with the discourse of ONE is not that it obfuscates the reality. I do understand that a sentiment of common cause would help with the collective effort my people and my indigenous friends so dearly need. I also understand that sometimes internal conflicts should not be revealed to the outsiders because doing so may affect the morale of the alliances. However, I am worried that such a discourse, which is all too similar to the one the nation state ha s used to separate us and to deny us, would do no good in the long run. If we ourselves cannot embrace our internal differences, or the diversity within, with true sincerity, who will appreciate our cause that essentially demands the rights to multiple exp ressions? To end this section, I will quote a poem by Jolan Hsieh, a Siraya native and a professor of the Department of Indigenous Culture at the National Dong Hwa University (Taiwan), and I will leave its interpretation to my readers. In the poem, origina lly written in English, PingPu is the Mandarin term for low land peoples.
361 To The PingPu Indigenous Peoples Our cultural heritage has been taken away Our traditional lands have been taken away Our native languages have been taken away Most important of all Our indigenous identity has been taken away But our spirit and soul can never be taken away United together We seek self determination United together We peoples reclaim identity United together We support all indigenous peoples in the struggle United together We are PingPu indigenous peoples (Hsieh, 2006: v) Towards Multiple Expressions Let me reiterate: although language shapes people s perception of the world, it does not completely control us. In other words, as proven by examples around the world such as the feminist movement in American English, change (of linguistic behavior s and thinking modes) is possible,. Hence, my suggestion to my Formosan low land friends is that we can still speak Mandarin when discussing/negotiating politics, but we do n ot need to speak it in the singular and nationalistic way; we can speak it in ways that reflect our native worldsenses. As for how to do it, I offer advices only to the Siraya, for they are the only low land people I know well. First of all, we must listen and by listen I mean to understand where each of us comes from and sympathize with one another. So far I have only seen the Siraya activists gathering in meetings and conventions, but I have not seen them visiting one another s villages and talking to the local people there. As such, the views they receive about one another are often partial and
362 incomplete; they cannot fully appreciate the concerns of the villages other than their own. So I suggest that the Siraya Alliance organizes some kind of village tour or even homestay that would allow members of different villages/tribes to visit others and learn about their customs and histories. Second, we should share with one another what we have learnt about Siraya. In the last three Musuhapa camps, there hav e been some non TPSCA, or non Kauchannia Kaupi leaders who came to give a speech or lecture, but only few stayed and participated in the full event. I encourage more participation, for if these leaders take all the Musuhapa lessons, they will not only lea rn some Siraya language and a few songs but also see in the campers responses how learning the language does strengthen the identity. For example, in Musuhapa 2008, two people from the Liuxi Village C ommittee enrolled and were very impressed in the end; t he next year Liuxi (Liuxi Elementary) became the first place outside of Kauchannia Kaupi where TPSCA was given a chance to teach the Siraya language. In the same vein, TPSCA should also encourage its members to participate in the activities hosted by other organizations. Doing so will not only help TPSCA be aware of the aspects of Siraya culture it has previously overlooked, but it may provide new ideas for developing further Siraya language teaching materials or for song writing. Third, although sensitive, members of the Siraya Alliance should understand that religion does not necessarily divide us. I said so because even though until now religion, or religious difference, remains more or less a taboo in the Alliance s meetings, I have observed that for mos t of the members the shared Sriaya identity actually overrides religion. I will provide an episode here as an example. In 2008, a group of fundamentalists from the Taiwan Church visited the Kaupi Church and learned about TPSCA s efforts towards Siraya cont inuation They questioned [sic] an Inib
363 and was really angry but did not know h that? Uma is our Inib! In other words, syncretism with Han or with Christianity, it does not matter; Alid is still our Siraya Alid. She may have taken up different images in different villages, but s he blesses us all. S uch is the true spirit of diversity within Last but not least, I must point out that our own Siraya past in fact provides us clues towards a collective yet non singular way of collaboration. Remember, as mentioned earlier, when the 17 t h century Siraya people gathered in a meeting, they were all given time to fully elaborate their ideas while others listened attentively. Everyone, no matter their age, gender, or family affiliation, received equal chance of expression. In this way the mee tings proceeded: there was not timeline, no schedule, and no rushed decision Consequently, unlike today s majority rule type of democracy, which often translates to the powerful rule and, by creating losers, leads to jealousy and indignation, the tradit ional Siraya democracy, that is, the consensus democracy, left no one feeling ignored, mistreated, or silenced. I see no reason why we cannot reenact this egalitarian system in our contemporary meetings and embody its spirits into our discourse. So I shar e a sentence Edgar wrote to me in a 2007 email: MAKI pa kuting Siraya imita ( COLLECTIVE to learn Siraya we ).
364 Table 5 1. Suggested Siraya consonants Labial Labio dental Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosive p, b t, d k, g ? Fricative f, v s, z h Nasal m n ng Lateral l Trill r Glide w y
365 Table 5 2. Suggested Siraya vowels Front Mid Back High i u, o Mid e (schwa) Low a Diphthongs aw, ay ey uy
366 Table 5 3. Siraya pronoun system FREE BOUND NOM OBL NOM GEN 1S yaw yaw an ko (m)aw 1P Inclusive imita imita an mita (m)ita Exclusive imian imian an kame (m)ian 2S imhu imhu an kaw (m)uhu 2P (2S Honorific) imumi imumi an kamu (m)umi 3S tini tini an tin 3P naini naini an nain
367 Figure 5 1. Rather be savages
368 Figure 5 2. An altar of the Siraya religion 32 32 There is no pot or offerings in it because they have been re locat ed to a modernized temple nearby.
369 Figure 5 3. A pot of the Siraya religion
370 Figure 5 4. A pestle and a mortar for betel nut offering of the Siraya religion
371 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION Throughout this dissertation, I have de monstrated that a research project must be holistic with its approach and as encompassing as possible in its scope to provide a truly comprehensive understanding of the relationship between language and identity and the interaction of the various social in fluences that factor in the formation of such a relationship. With language and identity both being dynamic and constantly changing, there are many factors to be accounted for. Leaving any of them out would not only yield incomplete research results but al so make the research(er) seem partial or even skewed. Crucially, the researcher would want to avoid skewing the data because the issues pertaining to language and identity are highly politically sensitive and hence any claim made about them would create co nsequences in real life situations and affect people s well being. This research has revealed that the various factors and social influences behind language and identity are indeed intertwined. They co construct one another. In addition, as I have shown, a ll these factors are equally important, despite the fact that I use terms such as big and small (discourses), and top down and bottom up (influences). The big discourse and policies produced by the (politicians in the) nation state, while oftentime s giving only limited choices, do not completely dominate or control the individuals they address. The individuals do carry out their free will and/or resistance in the small, personal discourse, in their daily lives, that provides sufficient feedback to t he nation state and motivates it to change. The Siraya Movement serves an example: The Siraya people have been put down, overlooked, ignored, and co opted during the last four centuries, but they have also maintained faith in their collective identity such that they are now able to move steadily towards reclaiming it by negotiating with the nation state. Such perseverance is what I admire and to which I wish to pay tribute through this research. In
372 addition, as a member of the linguistics community and the Siraya people (and the larger indigenous community as well), I have conducted this research hoping to bring changes to the academic and social environments. Theoretical and Practical Implications Today, many people in linguistics speak of linguistics as a medley of several sub fields. According to their idea, the core linguistics only studies the underlying grammar of human language and seeks to find a universal explanation to human linguistic faculty; anthropological linguistics only describes and docume nts the structures of those often understudied languages and focuses on their idiosyncratic uniqueness; sociolinguistics only studies the various social factors that affect human languages and linguistic behaviors; and, sometimes, discourse analysis is sep arated from sociolinguistics in that its main concern is thought to be only with language on the discourse level. There is also a distinction between the theoretical and the applied kinds of linguistics, implying that the former is somehow superior int ellectually to the latter. Such demarcation, or specialization, in the academic field of linguistics in my opinion, should not be encouraged. For one thing, it often leads to the misconception that a person in one sub field sho u ld not meddle with the affa irs of a person in another. For example, an anthropological linguist or a sociolinguist is often expected not to show interest in or have knowledge about how language affects human cognition, which is supposed to be the monopoly of a so called core (and theoretical ) linguist. However, if the anthropological linguist or sociolinguist does not study the effect of language on human perception, how do they account for the cultural uniqueness and/or social impact that must be inseparable from the linguistic input of the community? So a related question is: Why would some linguists, who are often self labeled as theoretical linguists, denigrate their colleagues in other sub fields, whose work bears no less
373 theoretical implications, as only doing documentat ion or application jobs? To assess the intricate politics within the discipline, Bourdieu s (1990) suggestion of reflexive practice must be taken seriously; some discourse analysis needs to be carried out to examine the discourse of linguistics itself. For another, the discourse of specialization also prescribes and hence limits one s concern. For instance, a core linguist, because she focuses on analyzing the structure of language is often told not to care about the speakers and their social conditio ns. Such prescription is unrealistic because, pardon my repetition, there is no way that language, or a language, can be understood without knowing its speakers. It could also generate unwelcomed outcome in a speech community, such as making the people fee l that their existence is unimportant and thus their language unworthy of being spoken. But if the language is gone like that, what is left for the linguist s to study? Therefore, I propose a holistic kind of linguistic research that incorporates all sub f ields and bears all their concerns. In the research presented, I started out looking not at a particular language but at a community namely, Taiwan, where various languages are spoken. In other words, this research is set to be human centered I was able to examine each ethno linguistic group, their development since the earlier days, and their interaction with one another in the modern day context. That is, I studied them diachronically as well as synchronically so as to understand the sociolinguistic eco logy of Taiwan the place. Then I moved on to Taiwan the nation state and, again, investigated it diachronically as well as synchronically. I studied how the colonial governments, including the present one, have exercised their power through administrating different policies to regulate the people s linguistic behavior and identity choice. I also looked into detail the political discourse of nationalism. That was when I examined the
374 grammatical structure of a specific language, i.e., Mandarin Chinese, which is the main language of the discourse. The effort has enabled me to reveal the top down influence of nation state from an emic perspective. Then I presented the voices of several individuals, and in their stories I have found resistance from bottom up. In the end, I combined all the approaches and applied them to the study of Siraya and the Siraya Movement. By doing so, I was able to braid all social and linguistic factors together and show that they are indeed interwoven. Finally, I stepped out of the acad emic discourse and in to the real world concern and presented a proposal for the Siraya people to move forward towards true diversity and equality with dignity. Last but not least, such type of research not only travels across linguistic sub fields, but it also must be inter disciplinary. To account for nationalism and colonialism, it has to bring up theories of political science that address both domestic politics and international relations (IR). It also needs to consider culture in a broader sense than language per se (even though most, if not all, cultural aspects are linguistically constructed) and embrace general anthropology so as to open up the discussions on religion, social structure, and gender composition, for example. In sum, to study humanity a ll disciplines and fi e l ds in the academic area of humanities must share insights and collaborate with one another. Limitations and Future Research For this research, time is the limit is not an overstatement. As I mentioned earlier and as the resear ch has shown, history (and the changes in it) is continuation, not one period replacing another. Many of the policies, discourses, and identity choices I have examined are susceptible to change. And the change may happen any time. Thus, my work here should never be taken as a closure. It only lays out a foundation for follow ups in the future.
375 Second, even though this dissertation is heavy in volume, there are still plenty of data left unused. Because my main concern here is the identification process in th e nation state vis vis language, I have focused on the ethno linguistic and national identities. I have also incorporated age as a factor to show how the colonial history of Taiwan has created very different experiences for people of different generation s. However, in the many personal narratives I collected, there are accounts related to other types of identity such as gender, educational background, region of residence, etc. All of them may have also affected the people s perception of who they are as w ell as how the world functions. Further research that pays attention to these other factors is hence necessary. Third, in all honesty, I believe that this research should have a Mandarin version. As stated earlier, one of my practical goals is to induce so cial change, or change in real life. But the people in Taiwan, whom the content of this research affects the most, do not really read much in English. So eventually I will have to translate (with inevitable rewriting) the research into Mandarin for them. I t is my hope that the Mandarin version will not only interest the scholars but also the lay people and the politicians. And I wish that it could bring them towards sympathy and appreciation of one another. After all, it is not to me to whom I wish that the people in Taiwan would listen; it is their own different voices that I hope can be heard. Fourth, to my Siraya family and friends: We must study our mother tongue more thoroughly and more carefully. As I have shown, language is not just a constellation of sounds and sentences, nor does it merely serve as a symbol of identity. Rather, language is the whole of cultural meaning, and hence the Siraya language should be an indispensible part of our Siraya identity. In this research, I was only able to examine i n great detail the fundamental structure of Mandarin and how it has affected our thinking and doing. But I was not capable of doing as
376 much with Siraya because we do not know enough about it. Yet, if we believe as we do that our Siraya heritage, the cultur e and the language, has never left us, then we must understand that much of how we think and what we do now is essentially Siraya. To be able to perceive the cultural patterns that make us different from others, we must learn the language as it is first, f or if we do not do so, we will risk letting our heritage disappear or yield to the dominant cultures surrounding us (e.g., Mandarin and Southern Min). Still, I am not being a prescriptivist here 1 All I am saying is that when we re learn the language spoke n by our foremothers, we must also learn, with utmost sincerity, how they used to think and behave. And when we teach the re learnt mother tongue to our children, we must not treat it so casually that we use it to translate, or imitate, the Mandarin or Sou thern Min thoughts just because we are so used to them. Learning about oneself is not easy: if we want to do it well, we have to endure the uncomfortable. Last but not least, the teaching and learning of Siraya we must continue even if one day the nation s tate does officially return us our name. This is because all the government can do in terms of redressing its past mistakes is only on the legal level: It may revise the language policy to provide an environment in school that encourages all our children t o learn our mother tongue, it may grant our children extra points for being the original residents (i.e., indigenes ) of Formosa, and it may fund our further cultural activities. But the identity it gives us, as it has named us so, will be Ci1 la1 ya4 ( Siraya. To continue the Siraya heritage, we must pass it down to our future generations, like our foremothers have passed it down to us. And we must do it ourselves, in our way, and with our own effort. 1 A l anguage prescriptivist tells other people, even if they are native speakers, how a language should be spoken to A language presciptivist believes that only she herself is right and is ignorant to the fact that there are natural variations and changes in a language.
377 APPENDIX A EXCERPT OF P
378 APPENDIX B RAMAG S SIRAYA POEM Musuhaba Meirang Alid ? Meirang Ali d ? Siraya Meirang Alid ?
379 APPENDIX C SIRAYA PETITION 2009 Siraya Supports Pingpu (low land) P eoples in Taiwan f or O fficial R ecognition of C ollective and I ndividual I dentities Statement: Please give us back our names For us, it is too long a time that the Pingpu (low land) indigenous peoples have been it a historical term that only awaits condolence. Such policy and history ignore the fact that we are still living strong. For generations, we reside on this beautiful island of Formosa, surviving and reproducing, but we remain unrecognized and our names l ost. Today, the Ping pu peoples have become orphans in our own country. We are absent, with blank names. Based on (1) the acknowledgment of self m to indigenous identity and justice in history, (3) and reassuring the collective will of the indigenous peoples, since the beginning of 2009 Tainan County Government has responded to the Siraya individuals, whose (3/11/1957), clearly recognized and re still not yet responded to the Ping
380 Culture Association has taken the initiative to start this petition. Also, on May 2 nd 2009, the Siraya people and our friends will gather on Katagalan Blvd. in Taipei for a street protest in f ront of the central government, to express our voices and seek support from all sectors of the society and governmental institutions. For our children, for the Pingpu group, for the basic human rights, and for justice in the history, we demand the governme nt return the accurate identity and deserved dignity to the Pingpu peoples, who have never disappeared. Our claims are as follows 1. and its improper laws that have depri ved the indigenous identity of the Pingpu peoples. We request CIP redress such mistakes by directing the local governments on the city and county to the Pi Japanese rule. 2. CIP should also recognize that there are Pingpu individuals who and/or whose families nts. Hence, we demand CIP re examine Item #8 of the Regulation Concerning Indigenous Identity and adhere to the two proper legal basis for attaining the offi cial indigenous identity. 3. status is completely constitutional, legal, rational, and humane. Hence, CIP should also seek consensual resolutions for the related issues such as human rights, policies, and their implementations, by having honest conversations with the Pingpu peoples. CIP should never put inadequate political considerations above the basic rights of the Pingpu peoples.
381 Link to in depth discussion of Pingpu http://www.wretch.cc/blog/Musuhapa/21596834 (only available in Chinese print) Official blog of the May 2nd event: http://www.w retch.cc/blog/Musuhapa (articles only in Chinese print, but there are related photos)
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395 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Chun (Jimmy) Huang was born and raised in Formosa/Taiwan. He received degree in advertising from the National Chengchi University in 2000. In 2002, he moved to the United States to study linguistics at the Michigan State Universit y. He graduated from MSU w ith a master thesis titled On the Function of Ironic Criticism in 2004 and then transferred to the linguistics program at the University of Flo rida for his doctoral research. Huang was awarded his Doctor of Philosophy degree in May, 2010, and is now purs u ing an academic career in lingui stics and anthropology while he continue s working on the reclamation of Siraya language, identity, and culture.