Caiapo Do Sul, An Ethnohistory (1610-1920)

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041395/00001

Material Information

Title: Caiapo Do Sul, An Ethnohistory (1610-1920)
Physical Description: 1 online resource (490 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Mead, David
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010


Subjects / Keywords: brazil, caiapo, history, indians, panara
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: CAIAPcapital o acute DO SUL, AN ETHNOHISTORY (1610-1920) The present study is an attempt to write an ethnohistory of the Southern Caiapo acute, a Ge circumflex-speaking people of Central Brazil, whose modern descendants are the Panara acute (also called the Kreen-Akrore). It examines the Caiapo acute encounter with the Portuguese and, later, Brazilians, beginning in the early seventeenth century, when the Caiapo acute were known as the Bilreiros, until they disappeared as an autonomous people in the beginning of the twentieth century, at which point the Caiapo acute were believed extinct. It draws on a number of previously ignored or unexamined documents, as well as the available ethnography of the Panara acute, to flesh out three centuries of Caiapo acute contact, confrontation, and accommodation to the frontier that expanded into their territory. It is argued that the Caiapo acute took captives in their raids, something they supposedly did not do, and, unlike other Ge circumflex speakers, most notoriously the Northern Kaiapo acute, their villages were surprisingly stable during contact and conflict, did not fission into mutually antagonistic entities that warred with one another, and participated in large inter-village raids against Portuguese and Brazilian settlements. The traditional narrative of the so-called pacification of the Caiapo acute is challenged by detailing how remarkably violent, even frightening, the Portuguese found this ?conquest? to be. Finally, it is also argued that the Caiapo acute, like their Panara acute descendants, possessed matrilineal clans and divided the social universe into panara acute (people), hipe (enemies/others), and capital i acutendios (Indians), and that this had important ramifications for the historical trajectory of the their encounter with the frontier.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by David Mead.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Heckenberger, Michael J.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041395:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0041395/00001

Material Information

Title: Caiapo Do Sul, An Ethnohistory (1610-1920)
Physical Description: 1 online resource (490 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Mead, David
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2010


Subjects / Keywords: brazil, caiapo, history, indians, panara
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation


Abstract: CAIAPcapital o acute DO SUL, AN ETHNOHISTORY (1610-1920) The present study is an attempt to write an ethnohistory of the Southern Caiapo acute, a Ge circumflex-speaking people of Central Brazil, whose modern descendants are the Panara acute (also called the Kreen-Akrore). It examines the Caiapo acute encounter with the Portuguese and, later, Brazilians, beginning in the early seventeenth century, when the Caiapo acute were known as the Bilreiros, until they disappeared as an autonomous people in the beginning of the twentieth century, at which point the Caiapo acute were believed extinct. It draws on a number of previously ignored or unexamined documents, as well as the available ethnography of the Panara acute, to flesh out three centuries of Caiapo acute contact, confrontation, and accommodation to the frontier that expanded into their territory. It is argued that the Caiapo acute took captives in their raids, something they supposedly did not do, and, unlike other Ge circumflex speakers, most notoriously the Northern Kaiapo acute, their villages were surprisingly stable during contact and conflict, did not fission into mutually antagonistic entities that warred with one another, and participated in large inter-village raids against Portuguese and Brazilian settlements. The traditional narrative of the so-called pacification of the Caiapo acute is challenged by detailing how remarkably violent, even frightening, the Portuguese found this ?conquest? to be. Finally, it is also argued that the Caiapo acute, like their Panara acute descendants, possessed matrilineal clans and divided the social universe into panara acute (people), hipe (enemies/others), and capital i acutendios (Indians), and that this had important ramifications for the historical trajectory of the their encounter with the frontier.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by David Mead.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local: Adviser: Heckenberger, Michael J.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2010
System ID: UFE0041395:00001

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2 2010 David Louis Mead


3 To Kendall and Kiefer


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dissertations have their conventions: the introduction, the bibliographic review, the chapters of dense, tedious, and often turgid text, the conc lusions, and the bibliography. It all begins, of course, with the acknowledgements and, unfortunately, this dissertation is no different. I have tried to write an exciting and interesting history (and the history of the Caiap is exciting and interesting ), but I have, in many ways, produced yet another conventional dissertation that shall generate little interest, have few readers, and gather much dust. So I embrace the conventions and begin with the acknowledgements, then move on to the introduction, th e bibliographic review, etc. And, so it goes. Because research is impossible without money, I begin with funding. The Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida generously funded my academic career with two summer Foreign Language and Areas Studies Fellowships, two yearlong Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowships, as well as a Tinker Travel Grant in 2002, and a Charles Wagley Research Fellowship in 2003. A Fulbright Hayes Doctoral Dissertation Research Fellowship made possible a year of archival research in Brazil in 2005. I never imagined that I would be so lucky to earn so many prestigious grants and awards as I have in my graduate career. Many people inspired and supported my academic career at the University of Florida. The re is Michael J. Heckenberger He took me to work in the Xing and introduced me to Brazil Michael E. Moseley inspired me as an undergraduate his classes on the Andes ultimately led to my graduate studies dismay and he continued to inspire me as a graduate student. It is one of the great pleasures of my life to have known him conversed with him on so many occasions. His


5 knowledge, forthrightness, and pro fessionalism served as a guiding light during some truly dark hours in my life I can only hope someday to be as professional and personable as he. I doubt he will ever really know what one particular phone call meant to me. John Moore, without hesitati on, stepped onto my doctoral committee on short notice Charles Perrone of the Department of Romance Languages, aided me with some difficult translations of archaic Portuguese. Christian Russell provided me with a place to stay and made me feel at home. Outside of the University of Florida, many special thanks must be offered to Mary Karasch. She kindly read this entire dissertation and offered perceptive criticism and commentary. Her efforts produced a much better study. Stephen Schwartzman told me about collections of Caiap artifacts and w ordlists that exist in Europe There are many to whom I owe thanks in Brazil, which has become my second home. I begin with Carlos Fausto I first met Carlos in the Xing and he impressed me immensely with his vast knowledge of Brazilian ethnography (as well as his ability to learn Kuikuru, a language I found difficult and perplexing ). He sponsored my 2005 doctoral research in Brazil for which I thank him I worked in numerous archives throughout Brazil in m y hunt for documents relating to the Southern Caiap. I must thank all of the archival staffs that tolerated my badgering for documents and copies. In Rio de Janeiro, I especially want to thank the staffs at Arquivo Nacional, the Biblioteca Nacional, Ins tituto Histrigrafico and Geogrfico Brasileiro (a magnificent place to conduct research), and the Arquivo Histrico do Exrcito. In Gois, I wish to thank the staff at the Museu das Bandeiras. This was, from an architectural and historical perspective, a most interesting of archive : the building was the old jail, and I have often


6 wondered if Manoel da Cunha met his end there, perhaps in the very room where I sat scribbling notes. At the Arquivo Histrico Estadual de Goinia, I would particularly like to thank Maria Carmen Lisita and Svia Barros Diniz. Carmen and Svia opened their archive, offered their friendship, and made me feel extremely welcome. My stay in Goinia was perhaps the most profitable in terms of volume of documents recovered. After G oinia, I went to Ouro Preto, chasing down references to the Caiap at the Abelhas River and t he staff at the Casa dos Contos welcomed me but, as they warned m e, everything was in Belo Horizo nte. Nonetheless, I spent two weeks in Ouro Preto, enjoying the spectacular vermillion sunsets, stunning churches, and, best of all, drinking Mineiro c achaa. Belo Horizo nte followed. The staff at the Arquivo Pblico Mineiro helped me track down references to the Caiap in their massive holdings. Along t he way, I d iscovered Belo Horizo nte is a marvelous city. Cuiab gets its own paragraph, as I had my most enjoyable experiences there. Before I left Rio for Cuiab, numerous people told me how hot the city would be, how lonely I would be, and how tiresome living in t he interior would become. It was not so. The people of Cuiab are known for their hospitality, and the reputation is well deserved. At the Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso, the archive director, Eliane Fernandes, and her colleagues especially Carlos Gon alves and Luzinete Correa, embraced my research and aided in finding many interesting documents I would especially like to thank Vanda da Silva also of the archive staff, who went out of her way to find a valuable reference in another (then closed) arch ive. Vanda was, and is, a great friend, whose help was more appreciated than she knows. I also wish to thank Nauk Maria Jesus, an incredible scholar with an encyclopedic knowledge of the history


7 of Mato Grosso, for her assi s tance and friendship. My (the n) fellow UF graduate student Lus Symanski was in Cuiab while I was there and deserves thanks for his companionship. I would lack many unforgettable memories without the friendship of Vanda, Nauk, and Lus. Finally, I must say something about Kendall Ca mpbell, my friend, companion, and spouse. She suffered through many of my graduate papers, numerous drafts of this dissertation, and graciously listened as I bloviated endlessly about the Caiap Brazil, and whatever other subject caught my fancy Kendal l accompanied me around Brazil trekking from Goinia to Ouro P reto and down to Rio de Janeiro; she helped me lug suitcases of documents and books laughed at me when I bought more books, and made life all the more enjoyable S he had fun too at least, so she claims. I know not how she survived my blathering, diatribes, and lately, typos. I never would have finished this dissertation without her strength and support. And, most importantly of all, she gave me my son.


8 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 11 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 12 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 13 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 14 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 16 The Kreen Akrore ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 16 From Kreen Akrore to Panar ................................ ................................ ................. 26 From Panar to Caiap ................................ ................................ ........................... 32 From Caiap to Kreen Akrore ................................ ................................ ................. 38 A Brief Historiography ................................ ................................ ............................. 42 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 49 2 THE EARLY CAIAP" COLONIAL CONTACT (1590 1720) ................................ ... 61 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 61 Ibirajara and Bilreiros ................................ ................................ .............................. 64 The Ibirajara ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 67 The Bilreiros ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 71 The Ibirajara, Bilreiros, and Cai ap: Analysis ................................ ......................... 77 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 85 3 TERRITORY, VILLAGES, WAR, AND CAPTIVES ................................ ................. 90 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 90 Caiap Territory and Colonial Image ................................ ................................ ...... 91 Caiap War: Tactics, Weapons, Pillage, and Terror ................................ ............... 99 Intensification of Warfare, Inter Village Conflicts, and Village Stability ................. 108 Cannibals and Captives ................................ ................................ ........................ 118 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 126 4 THE WARS: A NARRATIVE (1720 1780) ................................ ............................ 130 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 130 Cuiab: The Mono Route ................................ ................................ .................. 130 The Attack at Mdico ................................ ................................ ............................ 135


9 Gois ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 141 Antnio Pires de Campos ................................ ................................ ............... 146 The Death of Antnio Pires de Campos ................................ ......................... 156 Joo Godi Pinto d a Silveira ................................ ................................ .......... 162 So Paulo ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 172 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 175 5 (1780 1785) ................................ ................................ ..... 180 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 180 The Directorate ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 181 The Caiap ................................ ................................ ...................... 188 Problems of Pacification (1783 1784) ................................ ................................ .. 197 Villages, Population, and Maria I ................................ ................................ .......... 205 Explaining the Aldeia ................................ ................................ ............................ 211 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 219 6 THE CAIAP" AT MARIA I AND SO JOS DE MOSSMEDES ( 1781 1832) ... 226 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 226 The Physical Setting: Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes .............................. 232 The Caiap Population at Maria I and Mossmedes ................................ ............ 238 Physicality, Body Ornamentation, and Clothing ................................ .................... 240 Health and Disease ................................ ................................ ............................... 244 Religion and Ritual at the Aldeias ................................ ................................ ......... 247 Social Hierarchy: Chiefs, Commoners, and Lnguas ................................ ............. 253 ndios ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 254 Chiefs ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 258 Lnguas ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 264 Flights and Violence on the Caiap Aldeias ................................ .......................... 270 ................................ ................................ .............................. 271 Violence ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 276 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 280 7 DAMIANA AND MANOEL DA CUNHA ................................ ................................ 285 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 285 Damiana and Manoel ................................ ................................ ............................ 291 1830) ................................ ................................ .... 298 The 1808 Expedition ................................ ................................ ...................... 300 The 1819 Expedition ................................ ................................ ...................... 302 The 1821 Expedition ................................ ................................ ...................... 304 The 1828 Expedit ion ................................ ................................ ...................... 306 The 1830 Expedition ................................ ................................ ...................... 312 The End of Manoel and So Jos de Mossmedes ................................ .............. 316 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 322


10 8 THE SUCURI AND PARAN CAIAP" (1809 1827) ................................ ......... 330 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 330 Father Manoel Ferraz de Sampaio Botelho ................................ .......................... 333 Joo Ferreira de Oliveira Bueno ................................ ................................ ........... 342 Missions to the Paran Caiap after 1810 ................................ ............................ 351 The Paran Caiap in 1826 ................................ ................................ .................. 356 The Caiap of the Sucuri River in 1827 ................................ .............................. 359 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 363 9 THE CAIAP" ECLIPSE (1830 1920) ................................ ................................ ... 369 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 369 Territory and Population ................................ ................................ ........................ 370 Conflict ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 372 The Last Conflicts in Gois ................................ ................................ ............. 372 The Aldeia Caiap and Raiding ................................ ................................ ...... 377 Accommodation and Cooperation: Aldeias ................................ ........................... 380 Santana do Paranaba ................................ ................................ .................... 384 The Piquiri Aldeia ................................ ................................ ........................... 393 The Taquari/Coxim Aldeia ................................ ................................ .............. 394 Aldeias in the Tringulo Mineiro ................................ ................................ ..... 396 gua Vermelho: A Final Glimpse of the Caiap ................................ .................... 400 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 403 10 CONCLUSION: CIRCULAR VILLAGES, ENEMIES, AND WAR .......................... 408 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 408 Pa nar, Hipe, and ndios ................................ ................................ ...................... 411 Village Morphology: The Periphery ................................ ................................ ....... 417 Village Morphology: The Center ................................ ................................ ........... 424 Village Fissioning and Stability ................................ ................................ ............. 428 Pillage and Vengeance in Warfare ................................ ................................ ....... 436 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 445 Directions for Future Research ................................ ................................ ............. 447 APPENDIX A ATTACKS DISCUSSED IN THE TEXT ................................ ................................ 451 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 460 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 490


11 LIST OF TABLES Table page 5 1 List of Caiap arrivals ................................ ................................ ....................... 222


12 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 5 1 ............................ 222


13 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S AHEGO Arquivo Histrico Estadual de Gois APM Arquivo Pblico Mineiro APMT Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso APMT ASCC Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso Anais do Senado da Cmara de Cuiab AN Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro BN Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro COG Correio Oficial de Gois DI Documentos Interessantes para a Histria e Customes de So Paulo IHGB Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro IHGB CU Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro, A rquivo do Conselho Ultramarino IHGMT Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico de Mato Grosso IMPL LDR Instituto de Memoria do Poder Legislativo, Livro de Decretos e Resolues MB Museu das Bandeiras MM Matutina Meyapontense PCT Pacote RAHE Revista do Arquivo H istrico Estadual RAPMT Revista do Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso RIHGB Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro RIHG GO Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico de Gois RIHGSP Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico de So Paulo RM P Revista do Museu Paulista


14 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy CAIAP" DO SUL, AN ETHNOHISTORY (1610 192 0) By David Louis Mead May 2010 Chair: Michael J. Heckenberger Major: Anthropology The present study is an attempt to write an ethnohistory of the Southern Caiap, a G speaking people of Central Brazil, whose modern descendants are the Panar (also ca lled the Kreen Akrore). It examines the Caiap encounter with the Portuguese and, later, Brazilians, beginning in the early seventeenth century, when the Caiap were known as the Bilreiro s until they disappeared as an autonomous people in the beginning o f the twentieth century, at which point the Caiap were believed extinct. It draws on a number of previously ignored or unexamined documents, as well as the available ethnography of the Panar, to flesh out three centuries of Caiap contact, confrontation and accommodation to the frontier that expanded into their territory. It is argued that the Caiap took captives in their raids, something they supposedly d id not do, and, unlike other G speakers, most notoriously the Northern Kaiap, their villages we re surprisingly stable during contact and conflict, did not fission into mutually antagonistic entities that warred with one another, and participated in large inter village raids against Portuguese and Brazilian settlements. The traditional narrative of the so


15 that the Caiap, like their Panar descendants, possessed matrilineal cl ans and divided orical trajectory of the their encounter with the frontier.


16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The Kree n Akrore This is an ethnohistory of the Southern Caiap, one of the great native people s of Central Brazil. Their history of contact, conflict, and accommodation with Europeans stretches from the late sixteenth century until the present; much of this hist ory has been largely forgotten, even lost. This was, in part, because the Southern Caiap hereafter referred to as the Caiap were long thought to have gone extinct in the first decades of the twentieth century (e.g., Lowie 1963). 1 But the Caiap were no t extinct. Their ancestors survived in a remote and largely unexplored corner of southern Amazonia Called the Peixoto de Azevedo, this was a region of rugged forests far away from the sun soaked savannahs and shadowy gallery for ests the Caiap had once roamed east of the Araguaia River; but their presence in the Peixoto de Azevedo was unknown in the middle of the twentieth century. Although the Peixoto de Azevedo was explored briefly in the early nineteenth century ( Azevedo 1885), it remained a little kn own and largely unexplored region and, because of this, was beli eved uninhabited by Indian s. 2 This belief was shattered after hostile Indians killed Richard Mason, the leader of a British expedition mapping the Iriri River, in 1961. Mason was ambushed wh ile walking alone on a trail, so no one from the expedition, historian John Hemming (200


17 the Iriri. Troops, a medical team, and some sertanistas recover the body. No one knew who was re sponsible for the murder until the Mekragnoti Kaiap (also called the Txukahamei), a t ough and recently pacified people living to the east of the Iriri, identified the clubs and arrows recovered from the attack. 3 They said the Kreen Akrore were responsibl e. In the G language of the Kaiap Kreen Akrore the bowl shaped hairstyle worn by the men of this people 4 (Kaiap men, in contrast, often let their hair grow past the shoulder and either shaved the front from the forehead to the crown or left a short fringe that framed the face). The Mekragnoti attributed enormous strength and stature to the Kreen Akrore bow rist, a Kreen could not reach as high as a Kreen Akrore stood (Cowell 1974:75). There seemed to be some truth to these allegations, since a Kreen Akrore man, who had been captured as a child and raised by the K aiap, stood just over two meters tall. These apparently towering Indians, it was said, possessed a ferocious disposition and, indeed, the Kreen Akrore were the most formidable indigenous enemy that the Mekragnoti had fought in recent memory. Unlike the t ales of immense strength and gigantic stature which, ultimately, proved untrue there was some truth to the Mekragnoti reports of Kreen Akrore aggressiveness A n anthropologist working among the Mekragnoti, Verswijver (1992:136), collected oral histories d escribing a war between the two people s th at lasted more than 40 years. In a round 1920, the Mekragnoti encountered Kreen Akrore


18 villages for the first time, and, the following year, they launched a raid, which marked the beginning of hostilities between t he two people s. The Mekragnoti a notoriously hostile and warlike people, whose raids terrified even gun toting Brazilians for much of the first half of the twentieth century soon learned they faced an aggressive and fearless enemy: Mekragnoti warriors a ttacked the Kreen Akrore three times and t he y, in turn, were attacked six times. 5 In the days before the Mekragnoti acquired firearms and ammunition, Kreen wielding] assailants bluntly entered t he Mekragnoti village and promptly provoked man to Akrore killed; they never offered quarter or took captives. The black painted Kreen Akrore became, for the Mekragnoti, a kind of archetypical enemy: on treks thro ugh the forests, Mekragnoti admonished men who (Werner 1978:48). Out of fear and respect of the Kreen Akrore, they moved their village several times, trying to put distan ce between themselves and this formidable enemy Nor we re the Mekragnoti the only people that feared the se club fighters. A neighboring though unrelated people the Tupi speaking Juruna, reported that they had suffered raids from an enemy they calle 1979:xiv). Some suspected these Ipwei were the same Kreen Akrore that had killed Richard Mason and battled with the Mekragnoti (Cowell 1974:237). And so it was that the outside world learned that, far from an uni nhabited region, the Peix oto de Azevedo was occupied by aggressive and club fighting Indians Little more was uncovered about the Kreen Akrore for several years after t he murder of Richard Mason. Then in June of 1967, Indians unexpectedly appeared at an


19 Richard Mason was murdered. A group of warriors walked onto the runway and approached the outpost, infelicitously choosing to do this just as a pilot prepared to land a p animal, a group of Indians was discovered blocking the runway. There was a panic: a fra ntic radio call for help went out; a shot was fired into the air; the Indians fled for the safety of the forest; women and children sprung up from the underbrush and joined the hasty retreat just as the aircraft pilot hurtled the bulk of his C 47 acr oss their path, not once but twice. Fired on and buzzed by the propellers of an airplane, it was (Cowell 1974:83). The Brazilian military read approach and responded with overwhelming force. Reinforcements were dispatched to Cachimbo, and the out of the way military outpost was soon heavily fortified with trenches defended by grim faced paratroopers peering over the sights of machineguns. But t he Indian men, who were accompanied by their women and children, had not wished to attack the base, and, later, it was discovered that the Brazilian military had inadvertently set the entire debacle in motion: the fleeing Indians had dropped whatever they were carrying when the plane hurtled over their heads, including bits of parachute cord that a jungle rescue unit on maneuvers had left in the forests near where Richard Mason was killed. These and other small items were left for the Indians known to haun looked as if the Kreen Akrore had accepted the presents and had come to make


20 Akrore, Stephen Schwartzman (1988:290), learned that, after this unfortunate encounter, the y dangerous enemies; they were best avoided, despite their gifts. A catastrophe soon followed this debacle. By 1968, the Mekragnoti Kaiap had acquired a large quantity of firearms and sought to settle their decades long war with the Kreen Akrore. Warriors obtained ammunition from a missionary duping him with a tale that they needed to go hunting for an upcoming festival and, heavily armed, set off to attack the ir old enemy. The rifle toting Kaiap surprised a Kreen Akrore village early one morning. Many Kreen Akrore warriors stood their ground and confronted the invaders, but their bows, arrows, and clubs fared poorly against bullets fired from lever action ri fles; these brave men were mercilessly s hot down. A massacre ensued, in which the Kaiap warriors wrought their terrible vengeance. The immediate results of the attack remain difficult to judge, and there is no consensus about how many Kreen Akrore died m uch less how many were wounded The filmmaker Adrian Cowell (1974:118), who visited the Mekragnoti soon after the of the attack, which was performed by many of the responsible warriors, and he saw four Kreen Akrore children three girls and a boy abducted by the Mekragnoti. There had also been two women unfortunate enough to fall into the clutches of the Kaiap, but t hey were murdered on the return Akrore, Richard Heelas


21 (1979:11), believed the Mekragnoti slaughtered 27 men, t wo women, and a child and abducted eight others, including the two women clubbed for biting too much. Another anthropologist, Stephen Schwartzman (1988:292), thought around a dozen Kreen n in any previous attack, and many more than is common in lowland Amazonian warfare carried on Akrore died in the attack, a terrible slaughter had occurred; it was unprecedented in the conflict between the two peopl e s. A second Kaiap village soon heard about the massacre and sent a raiding party to attack the Kreen Akrore, but the raiders discovered the village formerly known as Sonkanasan abandoned and burned The terrified survivors had fled to another village. There, they organized a war party and sent it after the Mekragnoti, but the Kreen Akrore warriors failed to track down the fleeing Kaiap. The Kreen Akrore would never avenge their losses and the 1968 attack on their village was the last armed confrontat ion between their people and the Kaiap. Things soon became worse for the Kreen Akrore. Following the massacre at Sonkanasan, strange and unknown diseases perhaps better thought of as forgotten diseases, since this was not the first time they had appeared in their villages began decimating them. Many of the Kreen Akrore died from epidemic flu, fevers, and diarrhea. Thes e epidemics reduced their population by 80 percent in less than a decade (Schwartzman 1988:292), and their arrival was associated with th e penetration of the outside world into the Peixoto de Azevedo. After the Mekragnoti attack, the Brazilian government launched a serious effort to contact the Kreen Akrore. In 1968, the Villas B as brothers, Cludio and Orlando, who


22 were famous for their work with other un contacted people s in Brazil, began flights over the Peixoto de Azevedo to locate the Kreen Akrore villages. They first sighted gardens. The filmmaker Adrian Cowell (1974:122) documented some of these flights and Akrore gardens: their crops, when spied banana trees, i n beautiful curves and circles. The crosses and double avenues were ever been seen in ga rdens planted by Brazilian Indians if we had The astonishing sight of the Kreen Akrore gardens contrasted with their villages, which, when finally located, proved to be una ssuming and smallish. T hey were made up of a circular plaza with two drab structures in the center; a few thatched houses with low roofs and narrow entranceways squatted around the perimeter; and footpaths, leading to gardens and hunting spots, radiated into the forests. Dramatic photos were taken of Kreen Akrore men, naked and painted black, firing arr ows at the passing planes; they were heroically defending their homes and families (see e.g., Arnt 1998). Presents knives, small pots and pans, cloth, and a few rubber balls were tied to balloons and dropped from the planes to show the Indians that the vi sitors were not hostile. At one such drop, the Kreen Akrore responded by lighting large fires, sending up smo ky signals in what the Villas B as brothers thought was a greeting (Cowell 1974:124).


23 Once the locations of the Kreen Akrore villages were known, an expedition led by the Villas B as brothers and manned largely by Indians f rom the Xing Indigenous Park and some Mekragnoti headed overland in an attempt to contact the inhabitants. Months passed as the expedition hacked trails and airstrips to bring i n supplies; it was a Herculean effort conducted with a se nse of urgency, as the Villas B as feared gold prospectors and land settlers might push into the region and contact the Kreen Akrore first. They knew this meant the inevitable arrival of deadly micr obes and foresaw conflicts between settlers and the Kreen Akrore whic h could easily destroy them The expedition encountered abandoned villages, found abundant signs of Indians watching them, but no Kreen Akrore appeared. Small gifts of machetes, pots, and mirrors were left in abandoned villages and along trails in the forest. Some of these gifts were accepted, but still no Indians showed themselves. Work continued, and the expedition waited for the Indians to approach them. Then, in October of 1969, s ome Kreen Akrore stepped out from the undergrowth onto a riverbank, surprising the expedition team Indians from the Xing Indigenous Park, who were assisting the expedition as laborers and pathfinders, shouted nervous greetings in their native languages startled by the sight of the silent Kreen no gesture. And after a few minutes of tension, they just turned and vanished into the Akrore never again presented themselves s o clearly to the expedition They were so reclusive that Adrian Cowell named his book and documentary film about the ex


24 the reason for the Kreen believed these outsiders had played some part in the devastating Mekragnoti attack and the terrible epidemics affecting them (Schwartzman 1988:293). By late 1969, government funding for the first expedition to contact the Kreen Akrore had dried up and the effort was abandoned without an actual face to face encounter occurring. A second attempt to contact the Kreen Akrore followed in 1 972. Again led by the Villas B as brothers, this expedition struck out hoping to contact the m before two roads bisected their territory: one road, BR 163, a highway stretching from Cuiab to Santarem (a city on the main body of the Amazon), w as cut from the south; the other road, BR 80, approached from the southeast; both roads intersected near where Kreen Akrore villages had been located in 1968. Road construction, the Villas B as brothers knew, would transform Peixoto de Azevedo from an iso lated region into a burgeoning frontier: greedy gold miners, land hungry ranchers, and settlers would descend on the region hoping to stake a claim or grab some land; there would be inevitable conflicts with road builders and settlers. The brothers believ ed it necessary to establish contact before these invaders and their diseases arrived, so they again set off in search of the Kreen Akrore. There were more sightings, and presents left for the Indians were surreptitiously carried off, and, as before, mont hs passed without a successful encounter. Then, in February of 1973, the Kreen Akrore accepted contact: gifts were exchanged with a group of perhaps 20 Indians; more contact and gift exchanges followed; there was a visit to a village. Cont inuous contact between the Kreen Akrore and Brazilian national society has continued ever since.


25 Akrore had come too late. BR 163 opened in December of 1974, and it soon attracted the natural ly inquisitive Indians. They observed the passing traffic with interest and begged ic goods and food. There were lurid tales in the Brazilian press, which the Indians now deny of Kreen Akrore women trading sexual f avors with the motorists The spectacle of the road drew men and women away from their villages; the forests were not felled for gardens; crops went unplanted; and important rituals were ignored. Worse, as the Villas Bas brothers had expected and feared there were further outbreaks of lethal disease: fevers, coughs, and colds, whi ch had begun assailing the Kreen Akrore well before contact was established, spread rapidly and claimed many new victims. There was hunger, great misery, and massive social di sruption. The Kreen Akrore population collapsed precipitously: in 1968, there were, perhaps, 750 Kreen Akrore living in the Peixoto de Azevedo, of whom a mere 79 remained in January of 1975 (Schwartzman 1988:295 296). Many observers felt this f ormerly fo rmidable warrior people whose raids had once frightened the tough and warlike Mekragnoti Kaiap, was on the brink of vanishing. But the Kreen Akrore did not disappear. They were relocated to the Xing Indigenous Park, where they struggled through many tr ying and difficult years, including a period of time in which they resided with the Mekragnoti (t heir erstwhile enemies made a n attempt to assimilate the few survivors) They eventually returned to a small corner of their lands in the Peixoto de Azevedo i n 1997. And, though the mining, farming, and ranching had destroyed much of their former territory, the Peixoto de Azevedo is where they live to this day.


26 From Kreen Akrore to Panar When the Villas Bas brothers launched their expeditions to contact the Kreen Akrore, there was a lot of debate about the identity of this little known and mysterious people. Juruna Indians participating in the pacification teams insisted the Kreen Akrore were an uncontacted and hostile group of Apiak a Tupi speaking people whom rubber tappers had attacked and driven into the remote backlands earlier in the century (Cowell 1974:134) The Villas Bas brothers, however, noted similarities in village shape house construction sleeping mats, basketry cooking methods, and eve n the weapons of the Kreen Akrore and the G speaking Mekragnoti. The Kreen Akrore appeared to lack pottery, much like the Mekragnoti, and the initial pacification team sent in search of them had discovered more than 50 heavy logs scattered about one of t heir villages evidence of the sort of log races for which G speakers are famous So t he brothers suspected the Kre en Akrore were G speakers. T hey thought they might be chasing after an uncontact ed Timbira people G speakers who historically lived far to the east in the north of what is now the state of Tocantins and the interior of the Maranho; perhaps the brothers thought, the Kreen Akrore were one of the Timbira sub groups whom anthropologists had long believed extinct but who had in fact, survi ved and fled west from settlers sometime in the early nineteenth century (Cowell 1974:177 179) And, indeed, soon after contact was established, a nthropologists determined the Kreen Akrore spoke a G language G is one of the largest indigenous language families foun d in Brazil Most G speakers today, live in the interior of Brazil south of the main body of the Amazon in the great expanse of rugged savannah s known as the cerrado (lite forests found in the central Brazilian platea u Until the early twentieth century, that is,


27 relatively recently, very little was known about the G They often lived in remote and i naccessible locations and were generally considered extremely hostile by the Portuguese and their Brazilian heirs So little was known about the G speakers that t he identification of a family of language s common to many of the c entral Brazilian peoples came about only in the middle of the nineteenth century (Maybury Lewis 1979:1). In 1867, a German naturalist and scien tific voyager, Carl Friedrich Phillip von Martius who had travelled throughout Br azil with the German naturalist Johann Baptist vo n Spix in the years between 1818 and 1820, roughly analyzed the languages of several inland peoples and classified them as a family he name d G. Since then, increased contact with and further research among the G speakers has led to the languag e family being divided into three great branches (Nimuendaj 1942:1 2 ; Maybury Lewis 1979:4 ). There are speakers of what is called Northern G including the Eastern Timbira (Krah Canela, etc.), the Western Timbira (Apinay), the Northern Kaiap (Mebengokre), and the Suya. Central G includes the Akw e (the Xavante and Xerente) and the X acriab ; and it formerly included the now exti nct Acro peoples, the Acro And, finally, there are the Southern G: the Kaingang. The Kreen Akrore language belongs to the Northern G branch ; however, their language proved to be related more closely to that spoken by the Kaiap than to the Timbira whom the Villas B as had suspected them to be Although divided by linguistic differences and separated by immense distance, stretching from the modern state of the Maranho in the north to San ta Catarina in the south, G speakers all share certain cultural characteristics (Maybury Lewis 1979)


28 They live in circular or semi circular villages, and the population s of their villages, modern observers noted, could grow quite large and exceed severa l hundred or even a thousand persons. These villages, however, often broke apart: the residents dividing into families and groups of families to trek and hunt game, fish, and gather resources. They possessed simple material cultures lacked pottery valua bles, after all, had to be portable to allow for lengthy seasonal and ceremonial treks and did not plant large gardens or rely heavily on domesticated crops. Yet, G speakers possessed extremely complex social structures which included moieties and clans and a rich complex of ceremonies and rituals (see e.g., Nimuendaj 1939, 1942, 1946) They are s o called (Maybury Lewis 1979), prone to conceiving of the world in terms of dichotomies often of unequal value. And many G speaker s at least those who survived the conquest of Brazil, were, until recently, very hostile toward outsiders, whether of indigenous or European extraction. Julian Steward (1946) in his attempt to classify the native peoples of South America, included the G speakers among the so m he conceived of in terms of lacking certain important cultural traits, such as pottery and hammocks, and who did not practice sophisticated agriculture or horticulture, preferring instead to hunt game and gather resources; marginals were peripatetic nomads who ranged widely across large territories; they were often quite warlike. They were remnant populations of peoples driven out of the forests and into harsh landscapes by more sophisticated and comp lex societies of agriculturalists. like the G speakers often were survivors of terrible conflicts but many of the commonalities Steward thought he perceived owed more to adaptation to, and inability t o find refuge from, a dangerous colonia l frontier not ancient


29 wars The Kreen Ak r ore were G speakers who found some refuge, if but briefly, from the frontier and this we shall see, had important ramifications for their society Since contact was established in 1973, the so has been the subject of anthropological scrutiny (Heelas 1979; Schwartzman 1984, 1988; Ewart 2000, 2003, 2005, 2007, 2008). In one way or another, all anthropologists studying the Panar have exa mined the various ways they have dealt with outsiders in the re interpretation and re construction of their society after the terrible population collapse of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Ethnography, thus provides a powerful lens through which to interpret documents dealing with the ancest ors of the Kreen Akrore and their interaction with outsiders. Anthropologists working with the Kreen Akrore quickly learned that these people called themselves the Panar. In their language, this word, like the auto denominations of so many indigenous peo Ethnographers have identified two aspects of Panar culture cri tical to understanding them : clans and the panar / hipe 1979:79 81; Schwartzman 198 8:106; Ewart 2003:263). Clan membership is inherited through the mother, or matrilineal, and the clans are exogamous, meaning one cannot marry a member of the same clan. Clan membership is critical to the Panar concept of self (Ewart 2003:263). A perso n is born with clan membership and retains that membership for life. One cannot choose or change their clan membership. Being born to a Panar mother and possessing clan membership marks a person as a member of the society ; such a person is considered pa nar, a person. There is no means of obtain membership other than birth to a Panar mother. All those without clan membership,


30 Clans are important to the conc eptual layout of Panar villages. The Panar clans possess a fixed position relative to one another on the village periphery (Heelas 1979:79 81; Schwartzman 1988:106; Ewart 2003:263). The positions of the clans vis vis one another on the periphery is r igorously observed: when there were several Panar villages in the Peixoto de Azevedo, all villages had all four clans and always in the same location relative to one another on the village periphery. Because the Panar are uxorilocal, that is, a married village periphery is composed of houses that belong to women of the same clan, their husbands (with different clan membership), and their children (who possess their Since ever y member of the Panar belongs to a clan and each clan is always located on the same location on the village periphery, every Panar person possesses a spatial location in relation to every other member and in every village. Thus, Panar traveling from on e village to another could always orient themselves socially within a Panar village, since their clan would always possess the same position on the village periphery. Because a non Panar can never obtain clan membership and become panar, they are alway s considered hipe and can never possess a social or spatial relationship within the village. Sc hwartzman 1988:105; Ewart 2000, 2003). 6 All Panar are panar, meaning they have clan affiliation; all non Panar are hipe or enemies, because they lack clan


31 affiliation. 7 When they lived in isolation in the Peixoto de Azevedo, the Panar recognized no d istinction between hipe: all outsiders, non indigenous or indigenous, were hipe, irrespective of their cultural differences. The Panar believed all hipe to be hostile and dangerous and, therefore, attacked them to drive them away. At the same time, the things that hipe made or possessed were interesting and exotic, so raids on hipe also sought to capture interesting and exotic g oods. The capture of such plunder was extremely important, and successful raids were those that captured large quantities of go ods from hipe as well as drove them away (Ewart 2000:81). Heelas (1979:80) was the first to see a link between Panar clans, the panar/hipe dichotomy, and the particular trajectory of Panar warfare. In their raids against rival native groups and the Bra zilians, the Panar never took prisoners. This is extremely uncommon in indigenous warfare, and Heelas suggested that captives, who possessed no clan membership, could never be assimilated. To become panar (i.e. a person) and a member of their society meant acquiring membership in a clan, but, because there was no means to acquire clan membership, a captive was forever hipe, an enemy or outsider. Such a person could never have a place in the village, and, therefore, the Panar did not take captives. Wi th the decline of warfare and the establishing of peaceful relations with outsiders, the panar/hipe dichotomy has changed significantly. A person without clan membership can still never obtain membership and always remains an outsider. In this sense, th e distinction remains much the same as it was in the Peixoto de Azevedo; however, the Panar now distinguish between different types of non Panar (Ewart 2003:262). The Panar now call other indigenous groups ndios


32 sotangka a Panar word that contrast the differences between non Indians and Indians, the Panar now recognize that they are culturally more similar to other indigenous groups and consider themselves ndios (Ewart 20 03:262). Hipe now refers to the non Indians the Brazilians and Europeans who are culturally very dissimilar to the Panar. Thus, within the context of peaceful interaction with outsiders, the panar/hipe dichotomy has The panar/hipe dichotomy that anthropologists originally observed among the Panar was, in part, a product of the extreme isolation of the Peixoto de Azevedo, a region where the Panar were in infrequent even ahistorical contact with outsiders. The closest neighbors to a Panar village were other Panar villages; villages of neighboring group s, like the Mekragnoti, and Brazilian settlements were extremely dista nt and required many days of difficult travel to reach. Such isolation was a somewhat recent advent in their history, since the ancestors of the Panar had been in near continuous and often calamitous contact with indigenous groups the Portuguese, and th e Brazilians. These ancestors called themselves the Panar, and they too thought of outsiders as hipe; but, unlike their descendants isolated in the Peixoto de Azevedo, they recognized the differences between indigenous and non indigenous peoples. From Pa nar to Caiap In the mid 1970s, Richard Heelas (1979:1 3), then a graduate student at Oxford and one of the first anthropologists to work among the Panar, made an important, even startling, discovery about this (then) mysterious people He recognized th e name


33 Panar and, importantly, found wordlists of their language that dated to the early nineteenth century. Heelas realized that the Panar Indians of the Peixoto de Azevedo were formerly known as the Caiap. The surprising denou ement of the enigma of the Kreen Akrore so called possessed a history of interaction with Europeans that extended back to the first decades of the seventeenth century, if not earlier. It also meant the Panar were the descendants of one of the largest, most notorious, and formidable native people s of those ever encountered in colonial Brazil. The Caiap first appear in seventeenth century documents dealing with slaving expeditions, called bandeiras that left the Portuguese settlement of So Paulo to attack Indian s living somewhere beyond the middle Tiet River (Neme 1969). A somewhat amicable relationship existed between the slavers, called bandeirantes the bandeirantes then called 8 Bandeiras carried manufactured goods the ubiquitous knives, axes, various metal tools, fishhooks, cloth, and other small items around which Europeans and Indians have so frequently structured their relationships in the New World to trade to the Bilreiros for captives. But, as happened so frequently in Brazil, the bandeiras at tacked the Bilreiros. They soon acquired a reputation as formidable adversaries reportedly, they were club hurling cannibals not allies in the distant fringe of the indigenous slave trade around So Paulo. By the middle of the seventeenth century, contact with the Bilreiros and the Portuguese had largely ceased. This was partly because bandeiras did not travel to their territ ory, since the slavers preferred to enslave the less hostile people s to the south, and partly because the


34 Bilreiros appear to have abandoned the southern periphery of their territory and retreated into the remote sertes Paran Rivers. By the early eighteenth century, when the Bilreiros living northwest of So Paulo again entered into contact and conflict with the bandeirantes, they were named, for reasons not entirely understood, the Caiap. 9 The famous seventeenth centu ry gold strikes in Minas Gerais (c. 1695 1697) initiated a series of gold rushes that once again brought these allies turned enemies into contact and conflict. Before gold was discovered in Minas Gerais, the kings of Portugal had jealously watched their I berian rival, Spain, grow rich on the plundered treasure of the New World. Portugal had found no wondrous empires to conquer and plunder in the Americas: her possessions were populated by numerous people s some large, some small, some cannibalistic, some p eaceful, and some warlike that possessed nothing like the riches plundered from the empires toppled by Corts and Pizarro. But with the discovery of gold and soon after diamonds the Portuguese possessions began producing incredible wealth (see e.g., Boxer 1962). Gold fever propelled intrepid (and sometimes foolish) adventurers into the interior. The mines reoriented the Portuguese settlement of Brazil away from the sugar fields of the coast and toward the interior. Prospectors scrambled along streams an d rivers, panning the banks in search of gold; new settlements sprung up in the formerly trackless wilds, and Old World greed soon pushed the search for gold and diamonds into the distant corners of the sertes. There were discoveries at distant Cuiab (c 1717 1718) and Gois (c. 1724 1726), and the once forbidding interior of the continent became gold country and, by default, of great importance to the Portuguese Crown.


35 All of this was an incredible disaster for the Indians of the interior. The miners, adventurers, settlers, and merchants heading inland brought with them new diseases and European style warfare and slavery (Hemming 1978:377 405). They set about attacking the native s to remove them from lands believed to possess gold and to supply labo r f or the mines. Many Indians about whom we know practically nothing more than a name were displaced and destroyed in the ensuing conflicts. The Portuguese discovered that several people s living in the vicinity of the Cuiab and Gois mines were formidable opponents, especially the Paiagu, Gu iacuru, and Caiap. They fought ferociously against the Portuguese and often inflicting serious defeats on them. The Paiagu, for example, annihilated most of a flotilla of canoes traveling from Cuiab to So Paulo an d carried off 150 kilos (330 pounds) of gold belonging to the Crown, which they traded in Spanish Asuncin (Hemming 1978:397 398); and the horse mounted warriors of the Guiacuru, whose territory encompassed lands claimed by the crowns of Spain and Portugal raided Spanish and Portuguese settlements with impunity. But the Caiap were arguably t he most notorious of these warrior people s. Their raids were extremely violent: Caiap warriors killed without distinction and never offered quarter, murdering men, women, and children; they tortured their victims, mutilated and burned corpses, and even unearthed graves to defile the earthly remains; war parties plundered and then burned structures and fields, destroyed any goods they could not haul off, and slaughter ed the livestock. 10 Fear of the Caiap depopulated whole regions of the auriferous lands east of the Araguaia River then and now known as Gois and miners seeking to strike it rich in the gold fields of Cuiab faced the gnawing threat of Caiap ambush for m uch of the


36 difficult five to seven month fluvial voyage to the mines. Caiap destruction of farms and their slaughter the livestock greatly limited the amount of food available to miners in Gois and forced the adventurers traveling to Cuiab to carry su fficient provisions for much of their voyage. Raiders specifically targeted slaves who were often unarmed and, therefore, easy targets desperately needed to extract alluvial deposits or plant fields and tend herds. When news or rumor of a Caiap attack s pread, frightened settlers and miners, scared of losing their slaves, abandoned their possessions for the safety of the larger mining camps; other slave owners armed their slaves; much needed labor was stripped from mining or agriculture. But little safet y was found in fleeing to the larger settlements or arming slaves. Audacious Caiap raiders penetrated the suburbs of Vila Boa, the colonial capital of Gois, and one of the largest settlements in the captaincy, to kill and plunder. Vast numbers of Caiap appeared in southern Gois and attacked slaves, besieged garrisons of troops, and severed, if briefly, the roads to the coast. The frequent assaults interrupted commerce and impeded the royal fifth, greatly angering the Portuguese Crown. Settlers, miner s, and Crown officials called for retribution, and, in the early and mid 1740s, the Crown responded by sanctioning a series of official and remorseless campaigns most famously under the command of a bandeirante named Antnio Pires de Campos that saw allie d Bororo Indians relocated from Cuiab specifically to fight the club wielding Caiap. There were terrible depredations and atrocities royal governors sanctioned the murder of all Caiap men capable of carrying arms and many pitiful captives were taken in the resulting conflicts; but a decisive defeat was never inflicted upon the Caiap. Although many of their villages were destroyed, great


37 numbers of their men, women, and children slaughte red, and their territory roamed by musket toting Bororo, the Caiap refused to submit. Even after years of heavy fighting, the Caiap still raided, still killed Portuguese women and children, still murdered slaves, and still plundered. One governor of Gois, Joo Manoel de Mello, was so angered by the repeated assaults But the conflict eventually passed to accommodation and co operation. In the early 1780s, some Caiap decided to settl e on a Crown supported settlement such settlements were called aldeias or aldeamentos near Vila Boa, Maria I. For the next fifty years, various groups of Caiap lived in close proximity to the Portuguese in Gois, first at Maria I and later a t an aldeia called So Jos de Mossmedes. Many of those residing at the Gois aldeias learned the Portuguese language, were baptized, took Christian names, and worked as canoe rowers, cowboys, farmhands, and servants. The Gois aldeias were eventually a bandoned, but other aldeias sprung up in Mato Grosso and Minas Gerais. The aldeia Caiap lived more or less peacefully with nearby settlers and only occasionally raided their neighbors. Other Caiap, however, retreated from contact: some plunged deep int o the headwaters of the Araguaia River which became coveted by Brazilian ranchers and farmers in the middle of the nineteenth century; a savage conflict was fought to wrestle this last stronghold away from the Caiap. By the end of the nineteenth century the Caiap were a marginalized people who lived in small, isolated settlements in Mato Grosso and a few scattered communities in eastern Minas Gerais.


38 In the first decade of the twentieth century, the last known survivors of the Caiap lived along the Grande River in Minas Gerais. The fear the Caiap had once evoked had long since passed, and local farmers and ranchers knew them as a peaceful farming and fishing people. Many of the Caiap were detribalized they had lost much of their indigenous cultur e and were practically indistinguishable from rural Brazilians. These Caiap, the last of those who tenaciously clung to their territories east of the Araguaia, were quietly assimilated into the ranks of the rural poor; they disappeared wi thout fanfare or much notice. And s ometime in the early or mid 1920s, the Caiap, one of the most feared people s in colonial Brazil, took their place on the long list of indigenous casualties of the New World conquest. From Caiap to Kreen Akrore In the 1960s, when Rich ard Ma son was murdered and the Villas B as brothers mounted their expeditions to contact the Kreen Akrore, no one could have guessed that they were chasing the descendants of the Caiap. In the first place, there were still Indians whom the Brazilians cal led the Kaiap. They included the Mekragnoti who participated in the pacification teams sent to con tact the Kreen Akrore, the people who identified the Kreen Akrore as their fiercest enemies and who committed the 1968 massacre. Although distantly related to the Kreen Akrore, the Northern Kaiap or, as they call themselves, the Mebengokre, are a distinct people with a history of violent confrontations with settlers and miners (Verswijver 1992), but many of these confrontations occurred in the early twentie th century and were within recent memory. So when people spoke of Kaiap Indians in the 1960s, they referred to the Mebengokre, not the historic Caiap to whom the name originally belonged. In addition, the jungle territory of the Peixoto de Azevedo sits far to the northwest of the vast expanse of


39 riparian forests, rugged campo, and scrub savannah the Caiap had once dominated to the south and east of the Araguaia. The histo ric territory of the Caiap included parts of the modern Brazilian states of sout hern Mato Grosso, eastern Mato Grosso do Sul, northern So Paulo, western Minas Gerais, and southern Gois; while this was a truly immense territory, it did not stretch north into the Peixoto de Azevedo. How a group of Caiap arrived and survived at the P eixoto de Azevedo, far away from their traditional territory, needs to be explained. The violent history of contact with settlers and miners explains why some Caiap sought refuge in the vastness of the unexplored interior: they were escaping conflicts wit h the Portuguese and, later, Brazilians who occupied the mining regions of Gois and Cuiab. Indeed, the Panar have oral traditions describing an east west migration: they from the east, from an area of open country to the heavily forested Peixoto region, and that to the eas The Panar migration away from their enemies and the savannahs east of the Arag uaia, Schwartzman (1988:286) hypothesized, had occurred in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century. To support his hypothesis, Schwartzman (1984:286, 232) and ha d no Portuguese loan words in their vocabulary; they lacked canoes and crossed rivers supported by floating tree trunks; and, they fished by the traditional method of bow and arrow, not by hook and line. Importantly, the Panar possessed no oral tradition s of peaceful contact with outsiders. They had either forgotten that their


40 ancestors had lived on the aldeias, or they were the descendants of Caiap who had never lived on an aldeia. Schwartzman (1988:288) suspected Caiap groups had arrived in the regio n of the Peixoto de Azevedo by 1820. In that year, the explorer Antnio Peixoto de Azevedo (1885), for whom the river and the region were named, descended the Paranatinga River (also called the Teles Pires or So Manoel), a tributary of the Tapajs River. Below the Verde River (a left bank tributary of the Teles Pires), Azevedo (1885:31) u guides traveling with the expedition claimed the logs belonged to their enemies, but, unfortunately, they did not ide ntify this non canoe using people by name. The Panar, Schwartzman (1988:288) argued, may have used these ports and the logs to cross th e presence, since logs were (and are) a common means for crossing rivers without canoes, and the region where Peixoto de Azevedo saw the logs was south of the historic P anar territory. 11 At the time he was writing, Schwartzman did not have much in the way of ethnohistoric research on which to base his hypothesis, but subsequent ethnohistoric research has supported him. A Brazilian scholar, Odair Giraldin (1997:133 136), who wrote an excellent ethnohistory of the Caiap, proposed various groups of Caiap, originally from Camapu and the headwaters of the Araguaia River, had migrated to the Peixoto de Azevedo by way of the Teles Pires River Valley. He believed the Caiap f ollowed this route while searching for land suitable for the growing of peanuts (an


41 important ritual crop) and fleeing the Portuguese and Brazilians. And there does indeed appear to be a diachronic association between the Caiap and the Teles Pires River Valley. We know the Panar were living in or near the Peixoto de Azevedo by 1920, which was when they first came to the attention of the Mekragnoti Kaiap (Verswijver 1992:137). In 1884, Karl von den Steinen, a German anthropologist and the first modern European to visit the Upper Xing, recorded reports of various hostile people near the headwaters of the Xing, and some of these reports undoubtedly referred to the Caiap (Turner 1992:312 313). Vague reports mention the Caiap living near the headwaters of the Xing, slightly north and east of the Teles Pires, in 1834 and 1843. 12 And, of course, there were the logs the explorer Peixoto de Azevedo encountered on the Teles Pires in 1820. None of these examples definitively connect the Caiap with the Tele Pires River Valley, but, taken together, they strongly indicate their presence in the wilds north of Cuiab from 1820 until 1920. Although the exact time of the Caiap arrival in the Peixoto de Azevedo remains difficult to determine, the admittedly scanty historical evidence indicates their east west migration began in the late 1760s and early 1770s. At this time, Caiap living in western Gois and Camapu were hard pressed by bandeiras. The captaincies of Gois, Mato Grosso, and So Paulo were coordinat ing attacks and sending armed expeditions deep i nto Caiap territory; the military situation declined under the widespread attacks, as Caiap fleeing the Portuguese were unable to move into territorie s free of troops (or rival native peoples ) There is ev idence to indicate the Caiap recognized the worsening of their military position vis vis the Portuguese. In the early 1770s, there was a sudden outbreak of attacks near Cuiab, which began with


42 a massive assault that killed several overseers and a larg e number of slaves in 1771. 13 Although Caiap raids had always threatened the arduous fluvial routes to the Cuiab mines, their raiders had not previously attacked so close to Cuiab, nor on such a massive scale. This was, in part, because the territory s outheast of Cuiab was home to various groups of Bororo (see Campos 1862:446 448). The Bororo were numerous, hostile to the Caiap indeed, the Portuguese manipulated this animosity to recruit some Bororo into fighting the Caiap in Gois and their village s served as a bulwark, intentionally or not, against Caiap aggressions against Cuiab. By the 1770s, the Bororo had suffered heavily from Portuguese slaving, and the sertes southeast of Cuiab appear to have become increasingly depopulated. This, it ap pears, permitted some hard pressed Caiap villages to move northwest, away from Camapu and the Araguaia River, where they faced intense Portuguese aggressions, and through Bororo territory. They raided Cuiab, which was unprepared for their attacks. Thi s provoked the usual retaliatory expeditions from bandeiras that eventually pushed these Caiap to the northwest. They began moving up the Teles Pires River Valley and eventually into the Peixoto de Azevedo, where there was little reason for the Portugues e or Brazilians to venture. There, deep in the backlands northwest of Cuiab, the Caiap found a refuge, until the Mekragnoti encountered their villages in the first quarter of the twentieth century, at which point they became known as the Kreen Akrore. A Brief Historiography Surprisingly, considering their prominence as one of the primary antagonists of the Portuguese Crown during the eighteenth century, the Caiap have received relatively little in depth historical scrutiny. 14 Scattered references to the Caiap appear in a number of secondary sources, beginning in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth


43 centuries. Barbosa de S (1904:54 55), a late eighteenth century chronicler of Cuiab, for example, discussed a number of Caiap attacks, including a ma ssive onslaught outside of Cuiab that, by his tally, left more than 150 people dead. The Caiap appeared in the works of early nineteenth century historians Manoel Aryres do Casal (1817:330 331, 337), who included a u seful description of their famous war clubs, and Jos de Souza Azevedo Pizarro e Araujo (1948:147 151). The early chronicler of Gois, Father Silva e Souza (1872:447, 459 460, 494 495), recorded a short narrative of the conflicts around Vila Boa, the effort to pacify the Caiap at the end of the eighteenth century, and a brief description of the Gois aldeias. Various references to the Caiap appear in the works of Cunha Mattos (1874, 1875, 2005), a soldier chronicler who traveled throughout Gois in the early 1820s, and Alencastre (1864a:77 84, 160 161, 1864b:314 319). Alencastre based his account on many documents that were subsequently lost or destroyed, making his work an invaluable source of information. These early accounts, especially those written the middle of the nineteenth centur y when the immediate threat the Caiap had once represented faded, tend to portray them as both unsympathetic victims of Portuguese aggression and frightening savages who impeded the expanding frontier (e.g., Souza 1872:447, 452). Numerous modern historia ns have also touched on the history of the Caiap. The Jesuit historian Serafim Leite (e.g., 1949, vol. 8:396) briefly discussed the Caiap and their Bilreiros ancestors. In his discussion of the exploits of the bandeirantes, Carvalho Franco (1940:256 26 2 ) narrated the back and forth fighting in Gois, especially Pires s


44 various bandeiran tes and sertanistas of Brazil Taunay (1950, vol. 11:235 263) recounted the conflicts in Gois in his magnum opus on the bandeirantes of So Paulo providing one of the most complete narratives of the armed struggle Pires de Campos and the Bororo waged in the backlands of Gois. The Caiap were a skulking, club hurling threat to the miners and adventures traveling to the mines at Cuiab in several of the works of Sergio Buarque de Holanda (e.g., 1945:146, 170, 1986:65 69). Hemming discussed the Caiap cl ash with Pires de Campos in the first volume of his meta narrative of the Brazilian conquest, Red Gold (1978:405 408, 630, n. 406), as well as their settling on Maria I and subsequent armed struggles in the late nineteenth century in the follow up volume, A mazon Frontier (1987: 70 72, 75 79, 397 398). 15 Sympathetic to the plight of t he Caiap, Hemming saw them as victims inexorably driven from their territory by the force of Portuguese arms. In a work on the various indigenous group s of Gois, Zoroastro Art iaga (N.d.:98 107, 180) narrated the Portuguese clash with the Caiap, the settling and eventual abandonment of the aldeias at Maria I and Mossmedes, and, inte restingly, identified their autodenomination as the Panar. We learn much about the conflicts b etween the Caiap, the Portuguese, and the Brazilian in these works; however, the Caiap reflecting bias i n the available sources, remain largely a shadowy menace stalking the backlands, waiting to pounce o n unsuspecting miners or people valiantly defendi ng their territory from the Portuguese invaders. An exception to this trend can be found in the work of Mary Karasch (1981, 1998:129 131, 2000:65 68, 2002, 2005:468 472). Karasch has written numerous articles about the indigenous inhabitants of Gois, in cluding the Caiap, in which she


45 has emphasized their various attempts and strategies to maintain an independent identity on the frontier. Unlike their brief, yet frequent, appearances in larger historical works, the Caiap have had relatively few scholarl y articles and monographs dedicated to their history. Jos Joaquim Machado de Oliveira (1861) published an early work which synthesized much of what was then known about the Caiap in the middle of the nineteenth century; he included a number of valuable references to peaceful contacts betw een them and riverboats on the Panar and Tiet Rivers. Norberto (1861) narrated the expeditions of Damiana da Cunha, a Caiap woman who voyaged to and returned from the sertes with Caiap. This important work drew on documents that have long since been lost or otherwise would have been lost. Several late nineteenth century letters written by a priest, Father Raymundo Henriques Desgenettes (1906), corresponding with a military officer interested in the history of the Caiap were published in the early twentieth century. These letters contain many impo rtant details about the Caiap, including ethnographic information concerning how they slept around their campfires and hunted for game; however, Desgenettes, who appears to have had experience working among Caiap c onverts, conflated various group s, for e xample, the Chavante, with the Caiap and his writings must be approached critically. Robert Lowie (1963) wrote a brief article, less than two pages long, which provided a few cultural details about the Caiap culled from observations made by early ninete enth century European voyagers to Gois. In a perceptive and interesting article, Mrio Neme (1969) examined the contact


46 between the Bilreiros and the bandeirantes in the early seventeenth century: he argued that the ancestors of the Caiap had exchanged, if only briefly, captives for Paulista manufactured goods. Oswaldo Ravagnani ( 1987/88/89; 1996) has discussed Caiap attacks in Gois and the Portuguese efforts to relocate Bororo villages from Cuiab to serve as a bulwark against raids. Importantly, Ra vagnani (1996:230 231) has argued that, contrary to the traditional accounts of the Bororo participation in the wars against the Caiap, Pires de Campos used coercion and force to maintain his native army in the field. Indeed, the Bororo, far from being h personality, often refused to fight and fled back to the sertes of Cuiab; repeated expeditions returned to Cuiab to gather new levies of native troops, a process that resembled slaving expeditions. Mary K arasch (1981) wrote a brief biography of Damiana da Cunha, which also narrated the final days and eventual abandonment of the last Caiap aldeia in Gois, So Jos de Mossmedes; this work, though now dated, remains a classic in the extant historiography. Jzus Marco de Atades (2006) published an account of the wars against the Caiap in Gois, in which he also included a discussion of var ious descriptions of their daily routines, such as their use of log races, various ceremonies, as well as their much f eared weapons. In addition to these articles, two monographs have been published about the Caiap. In terms of collecting and publishing the sundry eighteenth and nineteenth century descriptions of the Caiap, the best available monograph was written b y Atades (1998). This work focused, however, primarily on the Caiap in Gois and ignored the larger conflict that extended into Camapu and outside of Cuiab. The best overall history of the Caiap was the monograph published by Odair Giraldin (1997), a


47 Brazilian scholar, whose important research we shall shortly have much more to say about. Throughout all of these works, w ar has dominated the narrative and analysis the present study being no exception and t his is no surprising for a people whose raids were renowned for unbridled ferocity and sheer destructiveness. In his examination of the extent historiography, Giraldin (1997:19) perceived two basic perspectives authors have adopted regarding Caiap war: first, there are those authors who adopt the savages who never offered quarter and who fought fanatically for the sake of fighting alone (e.g., Taunay 1950); and, second, there are those authors who see an n Caiap depredations (e.g., Atades 1998). A problem with both approaches, which Giraldin correctly identified, lies with a priori defining Caiap actions without analyzing the underlying indigenous rationale. Understanding the Caiap in terms of an inn ate savagery transforms their history into a clash between the savage and the civilized, in which the savage were gradually and relentlessly driven back by the civilized Portuguese and Brazilians. Similarly, seeing the Caiap struggle tenaciously to defen d their territory sets them up as an impediment to the expansion of the frontier; this provides the savagery and bloodthirstiness with, to our eyes, a noble rationale of hurling the wicked invaders from ancestral territories. Both approaches tell us more than the Caiap. Such a critique, of course, necessarily must be tempered by the understanding that, until Heelas identified the Panar with the Caiap, very l ittle was known about them beyond colonial descriptions of th eir bellicose nature. Descriptions of the ir day to day affairs were practically nonexistent approaching Caiap villages was, after all, an extremely


48 dangerous undertaking, one best left to Indian fighters; and such men left few records and the accessible documents emph asized a perceived ferocious disposition f rightening raiding tactics, and the size beauty, and lethality of Caiap weapons. Gir aldin (1997), recognizing a significant weakness in the historiography, attempted to research Caiap history thro ugh a comprehensive and innovative analysis and comparison of historical documents and the available ethnographic literature. The result of his labor was an admirable work that traced the transformation of the Caiap from a formidable regional power at th e beginning of the eighteenth century gold rushes to a reduced, impoverished, and marginalized people who were last reported in the Tringulo Mineiro in 1910 scope of his work in itself an admir able achievement but in his judicious examination of the ethnographic record for clues to aid his interpretation of Caiap behavior, especially their particularly violent form of war. Giraldin (1997:50) was the first to apply the internal structures of Pa nar society to documents in an attempt to discover the ans had to be killed; killing enemies permitted men to accumulate symbolic power necessary to complete important rituals and provided a means for acquiring goods; the death of a family member required retribution, and the constant back and forth cycle of raiding was the product of a Caiap need to avenge their losses; and, the Caiap did not take c aptives in the raids, because no means existed for incorporating them into the clan system. Neither innately bloodthirsty nor merely defending their territory, the Caiap avenged the death or capture of family members with their raids. Bandeiras dispatch ed with the intent of ending Cai ap raids by


49 punishing them actually provoked the reverse: aggression created calls for vengeance in Caiap village that propelled new counterattacks, which, in turn, escalated the violence by causing the Portuguese to dispa tch yet another punitive bandeira to the sertes. Gir a l uncritically accepted the facile view of the conquerors or viewed the Caiap as heroic, if violent, defenders of territories ove rrun by a rapacious frontier. Undoubtedly, Giraldin produced a more nuanced cultural understanding of Caiap warfare and the violent trajectory of their colonial encounter; his achievement in the archives, where he discovered numerous documents unknown or ignored by previous researchers, and his contribution to understanding a largely forgotten corner of indigenous history are undeniable. His research, unfortunately, has not attracted more interest, despite the new perspectives it offered into the colonia l experience of an im portant, yet largely ignored, central Brazilian people Conclusion Our study is an attempt to write ethnohistory, meaning it is the history of an indigenous people from their perspective as best as may be reconstructed from documents w ritten by Europeans. 16 It deals with the unique ways the Caiap employed native innovation and native traditions on the Brazilian frontier. James Axtell (2001:2) and ma ethnohistorians, like Axtell, speak of change in cultures, they speak of ethnogenesis, the ral


50 identity on a frontier involved the adaptation and novel application of native traditions to new situations, a process that involved, among other things, accommod ation, subterfuge, flight, and armed resistance. Sometimes old traditions were adapted and employed in news ways, sometimes they were abandoned, and new traditions were invented, and aspects of other cultures indigenous, European and African were experim ented with, adopted, modified, and rejected. This was a diachronic and continuing process and one that, though largely unknown and unexamined in the Caiap historiography, never really stopped; ethnogenesis continues among the Panar to this day. Our stud y attempts to show the ethnogenesis that Caiap culture experienced and, at the same time, highlight the aspects of their culture that were resilient to change. methods) comb ined with a critical and comparative analysis of the extent ethnography (his ethnological methods) is employed. Our study draws heavily on primary sources, contemporary ethnographic research, and secondary historical literature: primary sources were gathe red during archival research conducted in 2005 in Brazil, which included archives in Rio de Janeiro (Arquivo Nacional, Biblioteca Nacional, and Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro), Cuiab (Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso and Instituto Histrico e G eogrfico de Mato Grosso), Gois Velho (Museu das Bandeiras), Goinia (Arquivo Histrico Estadual de Gois) and Belo Horiz o nte (Arquivo Pblico Mineiro); digitized documents from Portuguese archi ves in Lisbon (Archivo Hist rico Ultramarino); ethnographic l iterature on the Paran includes the work of Heelas (1979), Schwartzman (1984, 1988) and Ewart (2000, 2003, 2005); secondary works include


51 Atades (1998), Carvalho Franco (1940), Giraldin (1997), Hemming (1978, 1987), Karasch (1982, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2005) Leite (1954), Neme (1969), and Taunay (1950, 1975, 1981a, 1981b). War is an ever present companion in this story; it often drives the narrative. Bellicosity was what the Portuguese and Brazilians knew best about the Caiap, so it was what they described most frequently; indeed, the conquest of such a formidable foe was more glorious than the rampant slaving and unprovoked attacks on less bellicose and less feared native s. Representations of extreme bellicosity, so frequent in the documents consulted, ha ve had the effect of heavily biasing the sources, which, when used unjudiciously, leads to a narrative of near endless fighting, mass murder, and bloody backland savagery. There should be no doubt however, that the Caiap could be violent, incredibly so, and the violence still shocks, even when we are able to place it within an indigenous rationale and, thereby, bury the old mindless accusations of innate and inexplicable savagery. But they were more than pure warriors, and t here were also moments of acc ommodation and cooperation, which, though just as important as the bloody conflicts, were often ignored or dow nplayed by those who wished to glorify the contest of arms or more recently, to see the Caiap heroi cally resist the invasion of their lands. Th follows: the Caiap aldeia experience and their gradual incorporation into frontier society, as much as the violent and dramatic confrontations in the sertes, are discussed and su bjected to exegesis. The Caiap were not only club wielding, skull crushing, and terrifying wa rriors, but also a people who sought out and adopted a multiplicity of options to meet the challenges of the frontier. War resistance was not


52 the only, nor nece ssarily the proper, course of action available to them The Cai ap who lived quiet lives on aldeias, worked for ranchers and farmers, and, occasionally, sold their woodland skills, lived no less interesting lives than those entrenched in the distant sert es fighting bitter battles against the creeping frontier. A purposeful effort is made to humanize the Caiap: to transform them from the lurking and feared threat found in the documents into people caught in difficult times, making difficult decisions, and trying their best to survive and live meaningful lives. This shifts the historical exegesis, if ever so slightly, away from the high drama of armed conflict and bold acts of derring do and toward an attempt to find and recover details of Caiap daily lif e and culture long thought lost. For example, we shall see the kinds of villages the Caiap constructed, the homes they raised and how they lived in them, how they spoke; we shall see how mothers carried their children and cooked food for their families. The Caiap, like their Kreen Akrore descendants, were skilled gardeners: the men felled the forests and the women planted and maintained gardens; gardens that must have looked remarkably like those the Villa Bas brothers and Adrian Cowell marveled at in the 1960s. From a bandeirante, who spent more than a decade fighting in Gois, we learn the Caiap cooked food in earth ovens and that food cooked in this manner, though smelling slightly of ash, was tasty. We shall see that Caiap men lavished great att ention on their wooden weapons of war and that even the haughty Portuguese thought these beautiful weapons impressive, if in a terrify ing sense. We will learn the Caiap language, to the ears of one chronicler, was mellifluous sounding; but it gave them a disagreeable and heavy accent when speaking Portuguese. Caiap women, one nineteenth century visitor to their aldeias learned, loved red cloth and their


53 husbands worked assiduously to bring this treasured item to their wives. We even have an idea what t he nineteenth century Caiap looked like. Sometime in 1825 or 1826, a young Frenchman named Hrcules Florence (n.d.) sketched a picture of Caiap woman that he encountered. The surprisingly complex drawing shows an old woman with a strap casually tossed across her shoulder, perhaps part of a simple cotton dress or a handle for carrying a basket, whose head sits heavily on her shoulders, her face wrinkled by age and framed by close cropped hair. She has strong features: a square jaw, wide nose, a stern mo uth, and broad ears. But it is her eyes that captivate. In this Nine chapters, organized chronologically, follow this introduction. They cover the period from the first a ppearance of the ancestors of the Caiap in historical documents (c. 1590 1610) until the last detailed description of them in 1910. The narrative begins in chap ter 2, which examines two people often considered the ancestors of the Caiap, the Ibirajara a nd Bilreiro s In the case of the Ibirajara traditionally cited as Caiap ancestors, however, there is little to merit the connection: they shared neither territory, nor fighting techniques, nor cultural characteristics with what we know about the later hi storic Caiap. In contrast, the Bilreiro s shared territory and fighting techniques with the historic Caiap: they lived on the middle and lower Tiet River (territory associated with Caiap villages) and fought with throwing clubs and used arrows so large the clubs and their arrows were unusually large). The similarities in territory and weapons strongly suggest the Bilreiro s and Caiap were the same people.


54 Chapters 3 and 4 investigate the Caiap in the early and mid eighteenth century, the best known period of their history. Chapter 3 employs previously unknown or ignored documents to demonstrate the extent of Caiap territory and recover aspects of their culture, for example, it is shown that Caiap horticulture impressed the bandeirantes assailing their villages; and that their villages were large and cooperated in attacking the Portuguese. A close reading of the available documents also r eveals that the capture of plunder was an i mportant component of Caiap raids; indeed, we find that within a generation of the Portuguese arrival in Central Brazil that the Caiap were literally addicted to raiding for booty. This chapter also discusses the Caiap practice of raiding to abduct of women and children; these unfortunate captives have, because of source bias and accusations of cannibalism been unfairly cast into historical oblivion. Chapter 4 chronicles the conflicts between the Caiap and the miners and settlers in the mining region s of Gois and Cuiab, as well as northern So Paulo. The chapter examines the Portuguese attempts to secure indigenous allies to fight the Caiap in Gois: such efforts included not only the well known relocation of the Bororo but also numerous failed, a nd little known, effor ts to enlist Tupi speaking people s living on the west bank of the Araguaia River. It is also shown that Antnio Pires de a wise chief of a peaceful people known as the Curur not gloriously fighting the Caiap as has been commonly believed. In addition, the argument that the sudden outbreak of fighting around Cuiab in the 177 0s was part of a northwestern Caiap migration into backlands is further developed.


55 Chapter 5 deals with the so 1785, large numbers of Caiap settled onto the Crown supported aldeia of Maria I. Tradit ional narratives of the events surrounding Maria I have stressed that the Caiap were attracted to the aldeia without the use of force, and that its early days were remarkably peaceful (e.g., Souza 1872:459 461). However, violence and coercion played an i mportant role in convincing the Caiap to accept an aldeia, and many of the Caiap settling at Maria I were extremely hostile and antagonistic. In fact, the early destroyed c ommunal fields, demanded presents, openly threatened soldiers, and left the aldeia to raid nearby farms and ranches; there was murder and fear of a rebellion. The narrative pauses briefly in ch apter 6 to examine the Caiap aldeias in Gois, Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes. Two excellent descriptions of the Caiap aldeias exist: that of a French naturalist, Auguste Franois Csar (better known by his title, the provenal de Saint Hilaire); an d that of an Austrian botanist, Johann Emanuel Pohl (1951:351 368). Both men independently visited Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes in 1819, and their descriptions, combined with archived documents, permit us to develop a detailed sketch of the Caiap a ldeias in the early nineteenth century. In chapter 7, we meet the two most famous residents of the Caiap aldeias, the siblings Damiana and Manoel da Cunha. Damiana and Manoel were powerful intermediaries with considerable influence on and off the aldeias Damiana famously traveled several times to the Araguaia River and Camapu, entered Caiap aldeias,


56 and convinced the inhabitants to accompany her back to the aldeia; she died from a fever acquired while on one of these expeditions and has since passed i nto the regional hagiography of Gois. Although less renowned, Manoel began his career as a soldier and eventually rose to the position of the interim director of the Mossmedes aldeia; he the majority of the Caiap finally abandoned it. The analysis examines how Damiana and Manoel maintained privileged positions of power vis vis the Caiap and Brazilians. Damiana and Manoel were not the only important Caiap intermediaries. Chapter 8 examines several equally important, though largely forgotten and ignored, Caiap leaders who negotiated positions of influence and power for themselves on the frontier. In the years between 1810 and 1826, there was considerable contact between the Caiap and boatmen and missionaries on the Paran and Sucuri Rivers. The contact on these rivers was an alternative pole of Caiap ethnogenesis that rivaled the Gois aldeias in importance; however, it has received much less historical analysis despite a rich c orpus of documents describing prolonged interactions between missionaries and Caiap intermediaries, chiefs, and commoners. This interaction and trade helped reinforce forms of social hierarchy, which were introduced a t the Gois aldeias, and strengthened indigenous patterns of inter village cooperation: previously egalitarian and independent villages merged into a loosely organized regional system that was controlled by Portuguese speaking Caiap intermediaries. In chapter 9, we examine the Caiap in the middle and late nineteenth century. After the Mossmedes aldeia was abandoned, there was a proliferation of aldeias in Mato Grosso and western Minas Gerais. Many Caiap gradually lost their indigenous


57 identity and, through a process of detribalization, vanished into the great mass of rural poor. Other Caiap shunned the aldeias and retreated to the headwaters of the Araguaia; these were fertile lands, coveted by ranchers and farmers, and a series of savage conflicts erupted when the Brazilians invaded t he last redoubt of the once vast Caiap territory. The chapte r closes with the last detailed glimpse of the Caiap. In 1911, a surveyor named Alexandre de Sousa Barbosa encountered three Caiap siblings from the gua Vermelho aldeia in the Tringulo Mine iro (the land between the Grande and Paranaba Rivers in western Minas Ge history, he interviewed them and discovered the Caiap were greatly reduced only around fifty lived at the aldeia and in the advanced stages of det ribalization. Many Caiap living at the aldeia were practically identical to the Brazilians in culture; t o their neighbors, they were known as hardworking laborers, not the formidable raiders of yore. This was the last detailed, first hand desc ription of the Caiap: they disappeared soon after Sousa Barbosa passed through the Tringulo Mineiro, and the Caiap were the 1970s. Chapter 10 leaves the historical narrative and attempts to reconcile history and ethnography. This chapter summarizes salient points about the Caiap and, building on internal structures of the Panar, as well as the re lated (and better documented) Northern Kaiap. Evidence of the panar/hipe dichotomy exists in the wordlists and writings of various nineteenth century Europeans who visited the Caiap; the existence of clans must be inferred from several lines of evidenc e, for example, the village


58 structure and an apparent lack of inter village warfare. It is argued that both institutions played an important role in Caiap warfare: they provided Caiap villages with a level of stability, not seen in other G societies, b y muting centrifugal tendencies, particularly those found in the moiety system, which enabled a high degree of inter village communication and co operation, and provided a means for projecting internal tensions onto a readily identifiable outside group; al l of which meant the Caiap confrontation with the Portuguese and Brazilians was often prolonged, hostile, and incredibly bloody 1 Following Giraldin (1997), our study distinguishes Caiap from Kaiap. Caiap should be understood as referring to the historic people whose modern descendants are now known as the P anar or Kreen Akrore. Kaiap, in contrast, refers to the related, though distinct, groups calling themselves the Mebengokre, e.g., the Xikrin, Mekranoti, Gorotire, etc. This convention of using older or archaic spellings of tribal denominations is follo wed throughout our study. Thus, Chavante is used for the ancestors of the modern Xavante; Cherente is used for the ancestors of the Xerente; and Cray is used for the ancestors of the modern Karaj. When discussing a modern people, the more recent spelli ng is used. Although this is somewhat confusing, it helps emphasize that important differences, sometimes vast, existed between modern peoples and their eighteenth and nineteenth century ancestors. 2 cks much of the pejorative baggage that it is often associated with in North America. Many contemporary Brazilain Indigenous peoples, for example, those living in the Xing Indigenous Park, among whom this author has conducted research, refer to themselve situations contrasting native peoples with non native peoples. The term is not used here in any sort of pejorative sense. 3 Txukahamei comes from the Juruna, a Tupi efers to the Kaiap preference for fighting with clubs, see Verswijver (1992:127). 4 The G language family is one of the most important indigenous language families in Brazil. Other important language families include: Carib (generally found in northern Brazil), Arawak (found in north and western Brazil), and Tupi Guarani (spoken from the center mouth south to Paraguay and the interior); there are also a number of smaller, isolated l anguages, generally found in the west and the northeast. For a discussion of native languages in Brazil, see Urban (2002). 5 Some might object to the characterization of Indians as hostile or warlike. However, there were, and are, bellicose peoples in Br azil (and the Americas), and the Mekragnoti most certainly may be included among their number (see Verswijver 1992). In our study, it should be understood that bellicosity and aggressiveness are not emphasized, as was common in the past, to demonize nativ e peoples or justify their conquest; rather, warrior traditions and warfare are seen as an aspect, however disagreeable some may find them, of the human experience. It is important to avoid the victimization of the Brazilian natives, sometimes found in th e historiography (e.g. Hemming 1978), especially as some of the indigenous peoples, like the Caiap, who admittedly suffered tremendously, inflicted significant reverses and even defeats on their European enemies. 6 Heelas (1979) used the term kahen rat her than proper word hipe. Schwartzman (1988:105) learned that kahen was a loan word learned from the attraction teams sent to the Peixoto de Azevedo. 7 Ewart (2000) most closely examined the daily life of the Panar. A discussion of what this constitute s is beyond 8 but neither term accurately captures what it meant to b e a bandeirante. They were, first and foremost, slavers of Indian, but also struck out from So Paulo in search of mineral wealth, and fought as militiamen in colonial wars, principally against the Indians. Often the progeny of Portuguese fathers and nat ive women, the bandeirantes freely slaved people with whom they shared culture and kinship. They wandered far and wide in search of slaves, gold,


59 Hist ria Geral das Bandeiras Paulistas In contrast, very little has been written about Bandeirantes in English. For a discussion of bandeirantes in English, see Morse (1965). New studies of the bandeirantes are desperately needed. 9 There is some disagreem ent about the origin and meaning of the word Caiap. An early attempt at translating the term was made by Desgenettes (1906:221), a nineteenth ands the Caiap preferred. It was certainly true that the Caiap preferred lands abounding in water, and this translation, interestingly, falls somewhat close to the Northern Kaiap auto denomination Me be ngo er, this understanding of 1984:173). This supposedly is a pejorative reference to a popular ceremonial mask shaped like a monkey and worn by Caiap men. Some authors (e.g., Werner 1984:173) have suggested a Tupi origin for the word; others authors (e.g., Hemming 2005:110) find a non Tupi o rigin, often Karaj (a Macro G language). However, in all these Northern Kaiap (the Mebengokre) not the Southern Caiap, to whom the name originally referred. Ho w and why the Southern Caiap resembled monkeys is never explained. One possible explanation: Verswijver (1992:155, 313) mentioned the Northern Kaiap ceremony in which the monkey mask appears the mebijk ceremony was introduced from females captured from Krjk re who were possibly the Kreen Akrore, i.e., the Southern Caiap. It would truly be fortuitous for the Northern Kaiap to have acquired the very ceremony from which the name Caiap was derived from the very people originally known as the Ca iap. This explanation seems unlikely. least one dictionary of Tupi Guarani (Mello 1879:72), and which referred to their use of fire during raid s. Tupi speaking Indians, then, most probably gave the Caiap their name, which was a pejorative reference to the firebrands these Indians carried into war. Historically, the Caiap did make frequent use of fire in their raids, especially at the portage of Camapu on the river route to Cuiab. It was possibly because of these attacks that, sometime in the early eighteenth century, this appellation replaced the earlier Bilreiros name. Mebengokre until the early nineteenth century (Turner 1965:1). In 1824, a Portuguese engineer and soldier named Cunha Mattos (1875:18) Mebengokre [Turne replaced, in Gois at least, by Caiap, which could refer to either the Southern Caiap or the Northern Kaiap. After Cunha Mattos, the Count of Castelnau, a French aristocrat who visited Brazil in the 1840s, employed the term Caiap in his discussion of the Northern Kaiap; subsequent nineteenth century travel writers of travel accounts have followed his example ever since (Verswijver 1992:81). 10 E.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 11 A group of Coros (Northern Kaiap) was later reported living in the area in the 1840s. They were the enemies of the Munduruku and did not use canoes, preferring to float across rivers on tree trunks (see chapter 8). Some of these river ports and tree tru nks may have belonged to them. 12 For the 1834 document, see B iblioteca Nacional (Hereafter BN) I 29, 31, 006. This document clearly distinguishes between the Caiap and the Northern Kaiap; the latter were called the Coros or Coroados, see e.g., Institut o Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro (Hereafter, IHGB ) Lata 763, pasta 19. 13 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15 D. 931. 14 This discussion of the secondary literature is by no means complete, as the Caiap inevitably appear, if but briefly, in almost any historical disc ussion of Gois and Mato Grosso. Rarely, however, were they discussed to any great degree. The paucity of historical work on the Caiap becomes obvious when compared to that conducted on other indigenous groups in Brazil, e.g. the coastal Tupian peoples. Until recently, it could be said that there was a dearth of historical research on the indigenous peoples of Brazil compared to regions of a similar size (e.g., the Andes) (see Barickman 1995). This has started to change, however, with a number of excell ent or interesting works emerging (e.g., Almeida 2003; Langfur 2005a, 2005b, Red Gold (1978), Amazon Frontier (1987), and Die If You Must (2005). Ethnohistories foc using on specific native peoples, especially those living in Central Brazil are also lacking; the works of Curt Nimuendaj (1942) and Verswijver (1992) being the exception rather than the rule. Most ethnohistoric work in the region consists of MA or PhD w ork, which


60 frequently (and unfortunately) remains unpublished and difficult to access. This, however, is changing with the internet. The paucity of ethnohistoric research contrasts with the existing corpus of published ethnographic research, which is almo st bewildering in its volume. The existence of such a robust corpus of ethnographic research is one reason for the lack of ethnohistoric research; ethnography, by default, has taken the place of ethnohistory, with the assumption being that the ethnographi c present is a reasonable representation of the historic past. A second reason for the lack of ethnohistory, particularly in Central Brazil, is the availability of sources. Primary documents are diffuse and scattered in numerous archives in distant locale s, e.g., the present study draws upon documents located in Rio de Janeiro, Cuiab, Goinia, Gois, Belo Horizonte, and even Portugal. Many documents are in poor condition, often badly preserved, written on paper the color of tobacco stained teeth, were sc ribbled by time pressed scribes or the near illiterate, and, thus, difficult to read. Even after deciphering the documents, researchers (sadly) discover that they often say very little. Documents that are rich in detail are rare. In the case of Central Brazil, for example, there exists almost nothing comparable to the copious and detailed letters of the Jesuits or their mission archives. This forces researches to rely on royal correspondence and the occasional report dictated by (frequently illiterate o r, at best, semi literate) bandeirantes and Indian fighters, like Antnio Pires de Campos. 15 The efforts to contact the Kreen Akrore, their subsequent experiences in the Xing, and their return to the Peixoto de Azevedo can be found in John Hemming (2003:4 14 433). 16 While our study draws on ethnography to aid in the interpretation of documents, this is not ethnography or a work primarily intended for ethnographic specialists, hence, where necessary, common ethnographic terms are explained, often in the simp lest way possible. It might be somewhat jarring for anthropologists to read definitions of commonly used terms, such as matrilineal or uxorilocal, the more so in an anthropology dissertation, but this is done for the sake of ethnographic nonspecialists, s pecially historians, who might be unfamiliar with the apposite terminology.


61 CHAPTER 2 THE EARLY CAIAP" COLONIAL CONTACT (15 90 1720) Introduction It is difficult, if not impossible, to state precisely w hen the ancestors of the Caiap first encountered Europeans. They almost certainly experienced the effects of the European colonial presence for example, disease an d pressure from dislocated indigenous group s long before face to face encounters occurred. When Europeans first encountered the Caiap, unfortunately, very little was recorded. The Portuguese kept few records about the people living inland, and those records that that have survived are often vague, contradictory, and confusing. Much in this i nitial contact period is shadowy and obscured by the fluid nature of the early colonial era: a time in which the Portuguese sense of geography was far from fixed, the names and perceived locations of regions and river s changed frequently, and appellation s given for a particular people shifted between Portuguese, Spanish, Tupi, and native auto American history which begins at the time of the first direct or indirect influen ce from European civilization and ends with the establishment of permanent institutions and regular historical record protohistory covers more than 150 years: it began when the ancestors of the Caiap first encountered the effects of the Portuguese occupation of the coast in the 1550s, and it ended with the permanent Portuguese settlement of Mato Grosso and Gois in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. This chapter examines Caiap protohistory, analyzing the existing claims about the early contacts between the Portuguese and those people s whom historians have believed to be the ancestors of the historic Caiap.


62 Despite the limitations of the available sources, it is possible to sketch a rough ou tline of Caiap protohistory. We can speculate that the Portuguese presence on the coast began affecting people s, like the Caiap, living inland long before actual face t o face encounters occurred ( Ferguson and Whitehead 1992b): such contact was indirect, that is, more the effects of colonialism penetrating the backlands than the actual interaction between the colonizers and the colonized. For instance, communicable European diseases, which traveled rapidly along existing routes of inter ethnic and inter village communication, appeared in Indian villages before the Portuguese themselves (cf. Posey 2002:17 18) We also can speculate that the people s pushed inland by the Portuguese presence competed against and fought with those already living i nland for co ntrol of territory and resources. We cannot, however, say much about the specifics of how epi demics and inter ethnic conflicts played out, though both very likely contributed to the extreme aggressiveness of the Caiap which Pires de Campos (1862:437 438) and other bandeirantes later described in the eighteenth century. Once the Caiap entered into direct contact with the Portuguese, it appears that their history of interaction was, at least on the surface, very similar to that of many o ther Brazilian peop le s. There was an initial period of cooperation and trade that, if not amicable, was marked by a lack of overt hostilities (Neme 1969). A nd, as occurred with other native people s, this early interaction rapidly degenerated into conflicts because of Portu guese perfidy and slaving. A period of avoidance followed these conflicts. Some historians (e.g., Monteiro 1994:60, 236 n. 18) have placed the beginnings of this contact as early as the mid 1550s. The Caiap, according to this narrative, were then known as the Ibirajara (various spellings), a name the coastal Tupi used to describe the club


63 fighting peoples living inland. In the mid sixteenth century, rumors of the Ibirajara reached Jesuit missionaries in So Paulo, on the Piratininga plain. Favorably i mpressed by what they heard, they attempted to contact the Ibirajara The effort failed, however, and the Jesuits in So Paulo lear ned little more about the Ibirajara for many years. We shall see that, though the Tupi probably called the Caiap by the na me Ibirajara, as this was their generic term for the in land club fighters but the Ibirajara whom the Jesuits unsuccessfully attempted to contact were not related to the historic Caiap: the geographic location of the Ibirajara and the few details recorde d about them show little in common with the historic Caiap. And, importantly, Spanish Jesuits later catechized some Ibirajara in the same region; these Ibirajara were also called the Gualachos, the ancestors of the modern Kaingang. The first actual Portu guese Caiap encounters r evolved around the settlement of So Paulo. We know almost nothing about these first encounters, which probably began around 1590. It appears that bandeiras from So Paulo passed through sertes later associated with the Caiap a nd, years later, some of the participants in these expeditions returned to trade with the inh abitants (Neme 1969). The people with whom the Paulistas (as the residents of So Paulo were called) traded were called the s were slavers and, frequently, illiterate slavers at that who found little wor th commemorating in the peoples they traded with or attacked. They left very little information about what occurred in the sertes, so we must rely on a few brief passages, whic h tell us only a little about the Bilreiros, and a text written by a Jesuit (and l ikely based on information glean ed from the Paulistas). These tell us the


64 Bilreiros shared territory and weapons with the Caiap. And, much like their descendants, the Bilr eiros were formidable fighters and not easy to enslave. The Portuguese Bilreiros trade collapsed rapidly probably in less than 20 years, it was over and contact between them and the Paulistas soon ceased (Neme 1969) Few bandeiras plunged into the sertes north of So Paulo. These were largely depo pulated and the remaining peoples like the Bilreiros, were difficult to slave. The Bilreiros, having abandoned the southern periphery of their territory, appear to have avoided the Paulistas. In the late seve nteenth century, as bandeiras once again began heading north, there were conflicts with so so called of territories associated with the historic Caiap, were unlikely the ancestors of the Bilreiros earlier encountered by the Paulistas. It was not until the early eighteenth century, when miners and adventurers began flooding into the mining regions of Cui ab and Gois, that reliable reports of the Caiap again emerged. Ibirajara and Bilreiros One of the major problems with attempting to clarify the picture of the earliest Portuguese Caiap contact is that the names the Portugue se called the various native peoples oft en lacked clear ethnological meaning. When the Portuguese first landed on the coast of Brazil, they found much of the littoral and interior occupied by peoples belonging to the Tupi Guarani linguistic stock (Monteiro 1994:19 21). The Portugues e found allies among some of the coastal Tupi and acquired much of their knowledge of those living inland who were often the enemies of the Tupi from their native allies. The Tupi called non Tupi speakers tapuia


65 pejora tive term that did not describe an identifiable set of cultural characteristics as much as a lack of Tupi language and culture (Maybury Lewis 1965:340 344) Tapuia, as used by Tupi speakers and, later, their Portuguese allies, often meant lit tle more than that a particular people did not speak a Tupi language and was considered hostile. Nonetheless, we can make some general izations about the tapuia : they lived inland and in remote locations, shifted their villages frequently, practiced some form of slash and burn horticulture, and were almost always warli ke. 1 G speaking peoples like the Caiap, were considered tapuia, but so were other non Tupi speakers This creates considerable confusion in the historical record. The Tupi and Portugues e also called t he t apuia by other names. For instance, the Portuguese sometimes called them by the name corso reference to their (perceived) peripatetic and violent lifestyle; this term, like Tapuia, had no clear ethnological meaning and was w idely used. Demeanin g or pejorative names that described a perceived trait or characteristic, or the lack thereof, were legion in the colonial period. For our purpose, the two most important such names were Ibirajara and Bilreiros. Ibirajara, a Tupi wor 9:140). It referred to a preference for fighting with clubs. Bilreiros, similarly, appears to have referred to club fighting and translates as wielde have a native origin; it came from the Portuguese word bilro a long and tapered cylinder of wood used in sewing and, according to some sources (Leite 1949, vol. 8:396), described th e shape of clubs used in combat A bilro club roughly resembled a large baseball bat or pool cue, and pictures of such clubs can be found in


66 the ethnographic literature of contemporary native peoples (e.g., Nimuendaj 1946:279). However, o ne historian, P orto (1954:52), without offering a sixteenth or seventeenth century source, suggested this term referred to th e lengthy labrets worn by some groups not clubs. 2 This is a plausible enough explanation many native people s, after all, used labrets that coul d be said to resemble a bobbin and it is completely fi ghting and labret wearing natives 3 That Bilreiros described club fighting or labret wearin g groups possibly explains why this term, much like Tapuia and Ibirajara, was applied widely and often simultaneously to describe a number of distinct peoples in different regions. References to Ibirajara and Bilreiros appear throughout much of what is now Brazil. At various times, there were re ports of Ibirajara or Bilreiros living in the lands north of the Paranapanema River, to the east of the Uruguay River, north and northeast of the Tiet River (also called the Anhemby), in the sertes east of the Araguaia River, and the sertes west of Piau and Bahia. These are far flung territories and, even accounting for the displacement and movement of people in the colonial period, it is not possible that we are dealing with the same group in all of these places. Yet, numerous authors have connected references to Ibirajara and Bilreiros scattered across immense territories with the historic Caiap. Senna (1909:182), for instance, identified the Bilreiros, Ibirajara, and the Caiap as a people whose raids stretched from Par in the north, to Bahia, an d deep into Gois and Mato Grosso. Porto (1954:49, 53) suggested a possible identification between the Ibirajara and Gualachos east of the Uruguay River and Caiap of Gois and Mato Grosso. Neme (1969), our best authority on the early


67 Caiap, argued the Bilreiros living beyond the middle and lower Tiet River were the ancestor of the Caiap. And Monteiro (1994:60, 236 n. 18) has identified the Ibirajara and Bilreiros discussed by the Jesuits of So Paulo with the eighteenth century Caiap. Although freq uently asserted in the secondary literature, the relationship between the Ibirajara, Bilreiros, and the Caiap has not been subjected to rigorous analysis. Giraldin (1997:55) has argued insufficient evidence exists to establish a historical relationship b ased largely on the meaning of names used by the Portuguese and their Tupi allies. He correctly pointed out that calling a people the Ibirajara or the Bilreiros indicated nothing more than a preference for fighting with heavy war clubs; but clubs were com mon among many Brazilian Indians and not sufficient evidence to establish a reliable historical affinity with the Caiap. Unfortunately, after somewhat cavalierly dismissing the possibility of a meaningful relationship between the Ibirajara, Bilreiros, an d Caiap, Giraldin left the issue unanalyzed. But a close reading of the limited sources suggests that, in the case of the Bilreiros living beyond the lower and middle Tiet River, the Portuguese were dealing with the ancestors of the Caiap. To underst and this, we must closely examine the early references to the Ibirajara and Bilreiros. The Ibirajara References to peopl es called the Ibirajara appear in some of the earliest missionary accounts of So Paulo. Jos de Anchieta, an early Jesuit missionary i n So Paulo described Tapuia the Society of Jesus, Incio de Loyola. The Jesuits in So Paulo knew very little about the Ibirajara, as they had yet to encounter them but what they had lear ned from rumors


68 wrote: All of them obey only a single chief, have a ho rror of eating human flesh, are content with a single wife, [they] diligently guard their virgin daughters something that the others do not look after and do not turn them over to anyone but their proper husband. If a wife commits adultery, her husband ki house of the chief, she is received with kindness and remains there until the brought before the chief, who or ders him whipped by an executioner. They do not believe in any idolatry or shaman and are superior to the vast majority in terms of good customs and manners, which appear very near natural law. Their only aspect deserving of reprehension is occasionally killing captives in war and keeping their heads as trophies. [Serafim Leite 1954, vol. 2:117 118] This information, much of which was likely gleamed from native catechumens and from the shamans, idols, and cannibalism, the Ibirajara possessed traits the Jesuits valued: they abhorred cannibalism, were prudish with their monogamous marriages and respect for virginity, chastised licentious women, and their chiefs were powerful and capable of punishing followers (and, incidentally, forcing their conversion); most importantly, the Ibirajara lacked idolatry and shamans, which meant the Jesuits would f ace no competition while proselytizing among them. Much of this information was pure fantasy: very few, if any at all, native people s possessed chiefs capable of whipping their followers, and all of them possessed native beliefs in spirits; but the Jesuit s wanted to believe a mission of easy converts was waiting just beyond the horizon. Because of what they believed about the Ibirajara, the Jesui ts decided to contact them and, if possible, open a mission among them. At the time Anchieta was writing, the S ociety was opening a mission among the Carij (the sixteenth century term for the


69 Guarani), a gro up of populous and related people s occupying an immense territory of inland and coastal Brazil. Three Jesuits, Pedro Correia a missionary known for his abilit y to master indigenous languages Joo de Sousa, and Fabiano de Lucena were assigned the formidable task of converting the Carij, specifically those living beyond the of the Island of Canania (south west of So Paulo). They were also ordered to gather inf ormation on and, if possible, contact the Ibirajara. Although Anchieta did not specifically identify the location of the Ibirajara he likely did not have more than a general idea of where the y lived; and that was inland and far away the Jesuits must have traveled south to find the Carij living beyond Canania, implying the Ibirajara lived southwest of So Paulo. The most likely area was north of the Uruguay River and east of the Paran River ( Leite 1954, vol. 2:117 n. 63). 4 This was a rugged hilly regio n the sixteenth century. The 1554 mission produced little in the way of tangible information about the Ibirajara. Before contact with the Ibirajara could be establishe d, the Carij martyred two of the Jesuits, Pedro Correia and Joo de Sousa. The Jesuits of So Paulo apparently made no further attempts to reach the Ibirajara. Catechizing the Ibirajara fell to the Spanish Jesuits (Porto 1954:54 63). In the 1580s, a Jes uit named Manuel de Ortega spearheaded a mission among an Ibirajara group living south of the Iguau River, near the region of the famous Spanish missions of Guiar (between the Paran and Uruguay Rivers). This mission opened as a result of a plague that had struck the Ibirajara. Weak ened by the contagion, they permitted the Jesuits to enter their villages and proved so receptive to the Gospel that, according


70 to some reports, Father Ortega alone baptized some 2,800 plague stricken Ibirajara. More Jesuits followed and found similar success catechizing several groups of There is little doubt that these Ibirajara were the same people whom Anchieta had attempted to contact in 1554: they were Tapuia lived to the southwes t of So Paulo, and were located inland and beyond the Carij. Unsurprisingly, much of what the Jesuits of So Paulo had heard about them proved to be incorrect. The Ibirajara possessed native religions and cosmologies and followed shamans who, despite t he mass baptisms of the Spanish Jesuits, wielded considerable influence over their followers. The Ibirajara were also warlike. Their warriors followed powerful chiefs and fought in phalanx like formations: they surrounded enemy villages and blew terrible sounding horns and other instruments to announce their presence and sow discord and terror. On their raids, Ibirajara warriors often took prisoners: the Tape (a sub group of the Guarani) were frequently attacked and sold as slaves to the Paulistas. The P aulistas called the slave trading Ibirajara by the name Bilreiros. According to the seventeenth century Jesuit chronicler Simo de Vasconcelos (1977:262), the martyred Jesuits Pedro Correia and Joo de Sousa were prope nation that lived beyond the Carij, whom the Indians call Igbiraiaras, and the Portuguese Bilre living southwest of So Paulo were not the only group whom the seventeenth century Paulistas called the Bilreiros. There was another Tapuia peopl e of so c but they lived far to the north, and, though known to trade captives to the Paulistas, the Bilreiros were not related to the Ibirajara living to the southwest.


71 The Bilreiros In 1610, a Jesuit, Father Jcome Monteiro, wrote a brie f account of a hostile group whom he called the Bilreiros, living in the sertes of So Paulo. The secretary to the Jesuit Visitador Brazilian captaincies, Father Monteiro had traveled ex tensively throughout Portuguese America in the years between 1607 and 1610. He recorded his observations in a lengthy and detailed report that described many of the native peoples t he Portuguese had encountered (Leite 1949, vol. 8: 393 425). These includ ed three living around So Paulo: the Moromomins, the Bilreiros, and the Carij. Here, we briefly discuss what Father M onteiro wrote about these peoples which will allow us to see t hat the Bilreiros he described were not the Ibirajara whom Anchieta had d escribed in 1554. The first people Monteiro described th e Moromomins, were t apuia (Leite 1949, Moromomins had accepted Catholicism, largely very Despite the linguistic difficulties, the Jesuits were ex tremely familiar wit h the Moromomins : Monteiro described in detail their (limited) agriculture, sleeping mats, and Unlike the Moromomins, the Jesuits had yet to study the langu age or customs of the next people Monteiro described: the Bilreiros. They, like the Moromomins, were Tapuia, and they lived in the sertes outside of So Paulo, though exactly where the Jesuit did not say. Th ese people Monteiro wrote, had acquired their name:


72 ause they fight with a type of round club fashioned like a bilro. They battle with these w ith such dexterity, as if with arquebuses, and are so certain with the shot that they rarely miss, hurling the club with such force that even the bones crush with th e blow. They also use in their battles some barbed clubs, like harpoons, throwing them with great force and [by] using large cords, they take captives, harpooning them like fish, and fetching them with such speed that it is the same to harpoon them and ca rrying them away on their backs to eat. And, in the time we were in Piratininga, they had succeeded in killing a few whites by this art. [Leite 1949, vol. 8:396] dangerous enemies not allies, and a people best approached with extreme cau tion, if not violence. Monteiro closed his account of the peoples around So Paulo with the Carij, the same group that had martyred the Jesuits Pedro Correia and Joo de Sousa. The Jesuits had since then found no small success among the Carij as Monteiro had learned, were : they lived in villages with houses, g and This was a people with whom the Jesuits were extremely familiar. important pieces of information useful toward deci phering whether or not he was describing the ancestors of the Caiap. It is possible to judge how familiar th e Jesuits were with each group Moromomins and the Carij, since Monteiro described their crops, houses, games,


73 styles of dress, and, in the case of the latter even their comportment. In contrast, Monteiro related practically nothing about the Bilreiros. He described neither their gardens, nor their crops, nor their villages, nor their comportment. Al l he related was that they especially the gory crushing blow there w as no mention of converts, or a Jesuit attempting to learn their language, or even the possibility of op ening a mission among the Bilreiros (precisely the kinds of information the Jesuits found interesting and preferred to relate to their Crown and Papal s upporters back home). Further, this does not sound like a people demoralized by plagues into inviting missionaries into their villages, as occurred with the Ibirajara in the 1580 s. Nothing indicates the Bilreiros actively traded captives to the Paulistas for manufactured goods. In contrast, the Bilreiros living southwest of So Paulo the Ibirajara Anchieta had attempted to contact had been demoralized by plagues, catechized by Spanish Jesuits, and traded, if only occasionally, Tape Guarani captives to th e Paulistas. This strongly suggests that Father Monteiro was describing a different group of so the spread of the Gospel and the Paulistas (cf. Neme 1969:139). 5 These Bilre iros appear to have been a people living to the n orth of So Paulo, near the middle or lower Tiet. Their contact with the Paulistas probably began in the last decade of the sixteenth century, when several Paulista bandeiras entered the northern sertes: these bandeiras included those led by Antnio Ma cedo and Domingos Luis Grou (1590 1593) and Domingues Rodrigues (1596). There were, undoubtedly, other unrecorded or forgotten expeditions, and, though these early bandeiras did not


74 record their actions in the sertes, the initial encounters between the B ilreiros and the Paulistas appear to have been peaceful (Neme 1969). We know of this peaceful contact largely because of a bandeira that left So Paulo in 1607. In that year, a Paulista named Belchoir Dias Carneiro led 500 Paulistas and many Indians reta iners to slave north of So Paulo (Carvalho Franco 1989:107 108). On his way to slave, this bandeirante planned to trade with the Bilreiros. He had obviously encountered them before, perhaps when he participated in the bandeira commanded by Antnio Maced o, his uncle, and Domingos Luis Grou, since the bandeira carried a number of goods destined for specific Bilreiros, including a uniform for a chief and a bundle of cloth for 115). Also found among the trade go ods the bandeira carried were a number of knives to trade for captives. These trade goods strongly indicate a pre existing relationship between the Paulistas and the Bilreiros; a relationship that involved the exchange of cheap Portuguese manufactures for captives taken by the Bilreiros in wars against their neighbors. This participation in the Paulista slave trade did not last very long (Neme 1969:115 117). Conflicts possibly began with Belchoir Dias Carneiro. His bandeira disappeared in the sertes muc earlier bandeira, also destroyed north of So Paulo a few participants straggled home, but most fell in conflicts with hostile groups ; the bandeira may even have tried to slave the Bilreiros and suffered for it (see e.g., Carvalho Franco 1989:108). 6 In 1608, a bandeira commanded by Martim Rodrigues Tenrio de Aguilar, a Spaniard, left So Paulo for the Bilreiros (Carvalho Franco 1989:21). This bandeira was destroyed, probably by the Bilreiros. Two years later, Father Monteiro described the Bilreiros as formidable club fighters and frightening


75 cannibals, not the allies of passing bandeiras, so they had acquired a different reputation. 7 In 1612, Garcia Rodrigues Velho led a bandeira that attacked the Bilreiros and, unlike his predecessor s, managed to return to So Paulo with many captives (Carvalho Franco 1940:54). This attack was later denounced for antago nizing formerly friendly natives (Neme 1969:117). Contact between bandeiras and the Bilreiros soon ceased. Andr Fernandes, for exam ple, in the years between 1613 and 1615, reportedly pushed into the sertes of southern Gois, apparently without encountering the Bilreiros. It was the same for Francisco Prto and Lzaro da Costa: they passed through those backlands in 1616, but without reporting conflicts with the Bilreiros. The Spanish governor of Paraguay, Dom Lus Cspedes Xeria, descended the Tiet River on his way to Paraguay in 1628: he reported the Tiet was completely depopulated of its indigenous inhabitants and made no mentio n of the Bilreiros (Taunay 1981b:81, 96). In fact, there were no further reports of encounters between the Paulistas and the Bilreiros between 1613 and 1650. This was probably because the Bilreiros had abandoned the territories to which the Paulistas had once traveled to trade and slave. At least as early as 1650, one of the routes along the Tiet that was previously used to voyage to Bilreiros villages was of its age, according to Neme (1969:122, 125), but because it no longer steered Paulistas to territories occupied by the Bilreiros. The Bilreiros abandoned the territories traversed by the Paulistas at a propitious moment in history. The interior was still un oc cupied by the Portuguese gold had yet to draw them permanently into its remote depths and it was still possible for groups


76 like the Bilreiros, to find lands unoccupied and unvisited by slavers. Paulista slaving, by the early and mid seventeenth century, had denuded the sertes north of So Paulo of many of the indig enous inhabitants. Those who remained, like the Bilreiros, were hostile and difficult to slave. This forced slavers either to ta ckle warlike natives willing to fight back, and thereby risk b eing destroyed like the bandeiras of Belchoir Dias Carneiro and Martim Rodrigues Tenrio de Aguilar, or to travel farther afield in search of less formidable and hostile people Many slavers retreated from the chal lenges of bellicose peoples and distant s ertes and struck south to attack the populous and pacific (and therefore vulnerable) Spanish Guarani missions (Hemming 1978:250 273). This predation of the Jesuit missions lasted until 1641, when Guarani mission Indians, armed by their Jesuit masters, in flicted a serious defeat on the Paulistas in a battle at Mboror (Monteiro 1994:76). With the Paulista defeat at Mboror, slaving expeditions to the Guarani declined. The slavers turned north, pushing into the sertes of what would become Gois and Mato G rosso, and there were again reports of Bilreiros. In the 1670s, a Paulista named Sebastio Pais de Barros led a bandeira of 800 men to slave a group of Tupi speaking Par Rive 67). In 1671, this bandeira attracted the attention of the g slavers, arrived at the city of Belm do Par (near the mouth of the Amazon). The gov ernor dispatched a force of troops to the sertes to demand the Paulista release their captives and return to So Paulo. 8 Unsurprisingly, the Paulistas refused, and,


77 same time, rumors of gold strikes on the Tocantins River had reached Portugal. A priest, Father Antnio Raposo, was dispatched to the Maranho with orders to investigate and confirm the existence of these mines. Father Raposo made his way to the Tocantins an Franco 1989:67 ). These Bilreiros, like those described by Father Monteiro earlier in the century, have been seen as the ancestors of the Caiap (e.g., Neme 1969:126). We shall see, however, that these Bilreiros lived too far to the north and were unlikely to have been related to the Caiap. The Ibirajara, Bilreiros, and Caiap: Analysis It is from these vague references to the Ibirajara and Bilreiros that we must attempt to reconstruct the earliest Portuguese encounters with the ancestors of the Caiap. There is very little evidence to suggest the Ibirajara of whom Anchieta wrote in 1554 were re lated to the Caiap. They shared no territory with the Caiap T hey lived far to the south of the historic Caiap territory in a region of rugged hills and mountains quite u nlike the riparian forests and savannahs preferred by the Caiap. The descriptions of the Ibirajara, whether the rumors recorded by Anchieta or the information left by Spanish Jesuits working among them, does not suggest a meaningful relationship For in stance, t here were no reliable reports of the Caiap taking trophy heads from captives in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. T he Ibirajara were demoralized and invited the Jesuits into their villages after a plague, but nothing indicates the Caiap e ver received missionaries in their villages. There is nothing, in


78 sum, to suggest a meaningful historical connection between the Ibirajara of 1554 and the historic Caiap. A clue to the identity of these Ibirajara comes from the mid seventeenth century, w hen this name was, for unknown reasons, in the process of being replaced (Neme 1969:140). In 1628, Antnio Ruiz de Montoya, a Spanish Jesuit, wrote about salt mines rumored to exist south of Guiar and near the territory of a people called the see Corteso 1952:259). That the Ibirajara were also called the Gualachos is significant as the Gualachos, today, are commonly believed to be the ancestors of the G speaking Kaingang (see e.g., Monteiro 1994:70). Further evidence of th is connection comes from rudimentary linguistic analysis, which indicates the Ibirajara spoke a G language related to that of the modern Kaingang (Porto 1954:55). The region where the Ibirajara lived, the western portions of the Brazilian state of Paran was (and continues to be) associated wit h the Kaingang. And while not overly distant from the southern periphery of historic Caiap lands (specifically the lands north and east of the confluence of the Paran and Pardo Rivers), this region was not stro ngly associated with the Caiap in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. 9 Finally, the tactics described by the Spanish Jesuits, particularly the playing of instruments of war, are reminiscent of those the Kaingang used against Brazilian pacification te ams in t he early twentieth century (see Hemming 2003:29). This evidence indicates the Ibirajara living southwest of So Paulo were the Gualachos, the ancestors of the Kaingang, not the ancestors of the Caiap. The confusion between the Ibirajara and the h istoric Caiap appears to have originated because the Portuguese called both by the same name, Bilreiros. In the


79 of So Paulo] to the Grande River [i.e., the Paran ], one does not easily encounter the Caieps [sic] called by another name Bilreiros because they cross the Grande with chronicler Vasconcelos called the Bilreiros, were the same Bilreiros whom Father Monteiro described and the early eighteenth century chr oniclers warned against approaching In fact, these peoples were unrelated: the Ibirajara Bilreiros described by Anchieta and later catechized by Spanish Jesuits were t he Gualachos, the ancestors of the Kaingang. This is not to say, nor should it be understood, that Tupi Indians never called the Caiap by the name Ibirajara. In fact, the Tupi probably knew the Caiap as the Ibirajara the Caiap were, after all, excell ent club fighters ; and they were a Tapuia people but we cannot point to any definitive examples of this. For example, the Jesuits of So Paulo reported so missions in 1585. Ibirabaquiyara appears to be a Tupi word similar to Ibirajara, so these Indians, as Monteiro (1994:43) has suggested, could have been ancestors of the Caiap; but they just as easily might not have been. What we can say for certain is that the club fighters southwest of So Paulo whether called the Ibirajara or the Bilreiros of whom Anchieta wrote in the mid 1550s, and whom Spanish Jesuits catechized in the 1580s, were not the ancestors of the Caiap. In contrast, the club fighters described by Father Monteiro and visited by Belcho ir century chronicler mentioned. These peoples unlike the Ibirajara, shared geographical


80 proximity. The evidence indicates the Bilreiros lived north of So Paulo: Belchoir Dias Car neiro traveled north to trade with the Bilreiros; Martim Rodrigues Tenrio de Aguilar and his cohort met their end to the north; and, finally, a series of trails from the Tiet Neme (1969:124) correctly believed the Bilreiros territory was somewhere within between the Tiet and the headwaters of the So Francisco River. This is a vast area, but one that can be narrow ed down slightly T he seventeenth dos Bilreiros it would seem, were north of the Tiet River and south of the Grande, probably somewhere near the lower course of the Mogi Guau River. This was the reason the Caiap had penetrated as far south as Junda since, having crossed the lands o utside of the settlement on raids and treks for many years before, they were already familiar with the trails and resources avail able there (cf. Neme 1969). Mu c h later, i n the 1760s and 1770s, Caiap villages were encountered in this region, though a mili tary officer thought they had been driven south of the Grande by bandeiras from Gois and Mato Grosso. 10 If this officer was correct, and nothing suggests he was not, then these Caiap were returning to lands from which Paulista slaving had driven their a ncestors from more than a century before. Not only did the Bilreiros and Caiap share geographical proximity, they also both fought with similar weapons. Father Monteiro emphasized the peculiar character of the Bilreiro club, a weapon hurled with letha Campos (1862:437) warned in 1728,


81 bandeirante, speaking around the same time as Pires de Campos, recounted how the Caiap hurled these clubs so accurately th (Taunay 1981b:186). These chroniclers were describing the same weapon and fighting technique. Although more than a century had passed between Father Monteiro and the eighteenth century bandeirantes, this throwin g club was a weapon that left an indelible impression on those who witnessed its use and survived. be eaten. The Bilreiros throwing clubs: no accounts of the Caiap using such a weapon exist. However, Father Monteiro may have left a cryptic reference to enormous arrows. Pires de Camp os, for example, tho ught Caiap perfectly made. Their arrows are as long as their bows; they are 12 palms i 11 A palm, an archaic measure of length, was roughly equivalent to 22 cm (8.6 inches), so a Caiap bow and the arrow it fired were around 264 cm long (nearly nine feet). These lengthy and formidable missiles were tipped with a truly wicked point One eighteenth century traveler to Camapu had the opportunity to examine some Caiap arrows and rs (17 inches) of hardwood or bone barbs, which, when hafted to the incredibly long arrows the Caiap fired, must have been an awful sight especially, when propelled through the air by a


82 hardwood bow almost three meters in length. Long, lethal, and tipped with a huge barbed point, Caiap arrows could easily be considered a harpoon by those lucky enough to survive an ambush and tell the tale. The g eographical proximity, throwing clubs, and huge harpoon like arrows strongly suggest the Bilreiros were the anc estors of the Caiap. There is one more commo nality that links the two : captives. Both the Bilreiros and the Caiap raided neighboring indigenous groups for captives and traded them for manufactured goods. The taking of captives in war was an indigenous practice, common throughout the tropical lowlands, transformed, if not exacerbated, by the Portuguese willingness to trade goods for captives. The Paulistas were happy to engage in this sort of trade, since it shifted the dangerous work of attac king and slaving to an intermediary, and this trade was why the doomed Belchoir Dias Carneiro traveled to the Bilreiros. Father Monteiro hints at these abductions if not the indigenous slave trade with the Paulistas when he described the Bilreiros harpooning and t ying up their enemies to carry away for cannibal feasts (Monteiro 1994:63 64). Importantly, in the late eighteenth century, Caiap warriors, who were allied with the Portuguese, participated in bandeiras attack ing neighboring peoples and abduct ed prisoners In 1784, for example, the governor of Gois, Tristo da Cunha Menezes, 12 He dispatched a bandeira of 40 pedestres and 40 Caiap to convince the Chavante to accept peace. 13 This band eira attacked a group of Chavante and seized five women and five children.


83 Portuguese employed the Caiap to run down fugitive slaves. 14 The Caiap, much like the Bilreiros before them, were capable of attacking abducting prisoners, and turning these unfortunate captives over to the Portuguese. 15 The eighteenth century example is important because, unlike the slave trade between the Paulistas and the Bilreiros, we have a good idea of how the Portuguese convinced the Caiap to abduct the unfortunate Chavante, nam ely, through manipulating ethnic rivalries and, perhaps more importantly, provid ing the warriors with the Chavante (Freire 1951:14). This animosity, nonetheless, was in sufficient to gain the received 40 shirts and 40 pairs of short pants from the Portuguese. 16 The bandeira also carried numerous manufactured goods, including awls, hooks, n eedles, roughs spun cloth, dried meat, farinha 17 These goods were available to the Caiap participating in the bandeira. Obviously, the analogy to the seventeenth century is not complete. For exampl e, Governor Cunha Menezes did not intend to use these Chavante captives as slaves; instead, he had the Chavante brought to Vila Boa, where they experienced his largesse and witness the life awaiting them on the aldeias, and permitted them to return to the sertes to convey his goodwill (and threats) to their villages. In this way, the governor hoped the other Chavante would decide to settle on an aldeia (and, incidentally, provide the captaincy with a new source of labor). But the Paulistas almost certain ly employed similar methods to lure the Bilreiros into participating in their slave trade.


84 Finally, we must deal with the Bilreiros who destroyed Sebastio Pais de Barros and his bandeira in the early 1670s. These Bilreiros were probably not related to th e 67). This probably referred to the confluence of the Araguaia and Tocantins River (Atades 1 998:69), a region north of the historic territory of the Caiap, not the actual headwaters of the Araguaia and Tocantins Rivers. T he vast majority of the native peoples living in Gois in the eighteenth century were G speakers; Tupi speakers were not fou nd in the sertes east of the Araguaia ( the Tupi speaking Canoeiro being a notable exception). 18 Guajar appears to be a Portuguese corruption of the Tupi word Aw there are modern Tupi speaking people known by similar names, for example, t he modern Guaj and Guajajara, who occupied territories somewhat north and east of the confluence of the Araguaia and Tocantins Rivers. 19 Assuming the G dominated the sertes of Gois in the late seventeenth century and there is no reason to suspect they did not it would appear that Sebastio Pais de Barros was slaving somewhere north of the lower Araguaia and its confluence with the Tocantins. While possible that the Caiap were pushed south of the Aragua ia Tocantins confluence by peoples fleeing inland from the coast, or that their raiders had traveled far to the north to attack the Paulistas, perhaps to avenge an attack on one of their villages, it would seem more e Bilreiros we re the ancestors of other peoples known to live in northern Gois. The Chavante, the Acro, Chacriab, Guapinday (Apinay), or the Coro (Northern Kaiap) were G speakers, possessed cultures in many ways similar to the Caiap, and


85 any of t ight. It was one of these people s, or some other so Caiap. Conclusion This discussion of Caiap protohistory has shown that the early Portugue se documents referring to the Ibirajara living to the southwest of So Paulo described the Gualachos, the ancestors of the Kaingang, not the ancestors of the historic Caiap. The first reliable documents describing face to face encounters between the ance stors of the Caiap and the Portuguese date to the early seventeenth century. The Bilreiros, as the Paulistas called them, were a formidable club fighters that participated, however briefly, in the indigenous slave trade around So Paulo. By 1610, when F ather Monteiro wrote, the trade between the Bilreiros and Paulistas was collapsing. The hostilities resulted in the Bilreiros abandoning contact they appear to have moved from the southern periphery of their territory and avoiding the Paulistas for much o f the century. This was possible until the Jesuit missions to the southwest were exhausted as a source of easy captives, which forced the Paulistas into the northern sertes, and, most dramatically, the gold strikes in Minas Gerais propelled expeditions d eep into what would become Gois and Mato Grosso. By the end of the 1720s, conflicts had erupted between the Portuguese and Bilreiros H aving already suffered contact with bandeiras, the Bilreiros fought, rather than traded with, the outsiders arriving i n their lands and, i n the course of these sanguinary conflicts, they became known as the Caiap. Neme (1969:134 135) has argued that the Caiap of the eighteenth century were, in part, a product of the early contact and conflicts with the Paulistas Th e clashes with the Paulistas initiated transformations in the Bilreiros, making them more the peripatetic


86 hunter gatherers and ferocious club fighters whom governors of Gois and Mato Grosso described than the semi sedentary and horticultural practicing pe ople with whom the seventeenth perceptive argument. Although no detailed descriptions of the seventeenth century Bilreiros exist, the impression we have is that they lived in large, semi sedentary v illages, practiced horticulture, and raided their neighbors. The Bilreiros, after all, were numerous enough for the Paulistas to name sertes after them; their villages occupied an area long enough for the Paulistas to expect to return and trade with spec ific individuals; and they traded food and captives for Portuguese manufactures. The eighteenth century Caiap, as we shall see, were frequently denounced for possessing no villages, for forever wandering the sertes hunting and gathering, for possessing few crops, and for ceaselessly warring on their indigenous neighboring and the Portuguese. 20 While true that the Caiap were extremely bellicose and raided with great frequency, especially in those places where they encountered and fought the Portuguese, c losely examining the historic record indicates they too occupied certain well known territories, lived in large villages, and practiced a well developed form of those 21 There were so many Caiap villages in southwestern Gois and 22 These were places that only the foo lhardy or brave entered and none did so lightly and where the Portuguese fought difficult military campaigns to destroy the Caiap. Bandeiras attacking the Caiap frequently assaulted large villages that were surrounded by


87 gardens filled with an array of crops, including corn, manioc, potatoes, peanuts, and fruits. 23 The burning of gardens for these crops created great thunderheads of smoke that obscured the horizon and frightened many miners, ranchers, and voyagers to the mines. But the incessant fightin g, the parties of wandering raiders outfitted for murder, and the difficulty in tracking Caiap warriors and assaulting their villages led the Portuguese to assum e they were dealing with a people who lacked villages and horticulture. It appeared, to the b iased Portuguese eye, that the Caiap forever wandered the sertes, hunting, gathering, and making war, but this was only an image and one the following chapters challenge. 1 It was common in the past, especially in the nineteenth century, to identify the tapuia with the G. There were good reasons for this, as some of the tapuia divided themselve s into teams to race log races, trekked, hunted, gathered, and fished and lived what sounds remarkably like the lives of modern G societies (see Flowers 1983:78 83). This association, however, has had considerable doubt cast on it (Maybury Lewis 1965). Maybury Lewis (1965:344), based of of his ethnographic experience with the Xavante, the long standing adaptation of the G to the savannahs, and his reading of sixteenth and seventeenth century sources, believed the term tapuia did not originally refer t o G speakers; rather, he thought, it referred to a separate people who lived inland from the coastal Tupi and the little known G speakers of the more distant interior. One must wonder, then, as has often been wondered, who were the tapuia? Some of the evidence used to dismiss the G Tapuia connection, analyzed by Maybury Lewis (1965:341 342), is in need of reappraisal. For example, the tapuia, according to some sources, had taken to riding horses, which G speakers supposedly had not adopted, even into the twentieth centur. Maybury Lewis rightly suggests there is no reason to believe G speakers incapable of acquiring horses, and, in fact, the G speaking Acro of northern Gois and western Piau had adopted the horse to raid and rustle cattle at least by the 1740s (Apolinrio 2006). The tapuia used hammocks, which G speakers did not use; however, some modern modern G speakers, like the Panar, have adopted the hammock, if only for purposes of relaxation, after having come into more or less sustained contact with hammock using peoples in the Xing Indigenous Park. Chroniclers attributed to the tapuia other practices that modern G speakers apparently lacked, such as drinking fermented honey and rituals involving the blowing of tobacco smoke, but whos e presence can easily be attributed to contact with the coastal Tupi. The modern G were not keen horticulturalists, whereas the tapuia supposedly had complex rituals dedicated to gardening and, somewhat contradictorily, were thought to be very nomadic. We have already seen that the Villas Bas brothers were surprised by sophistication of the Panar gardens, and ethnographers have subsequently documented complicated Panar rituals dedicated to gardening (e.g. Ewart 2005). Yet, the Panar were also a peopl e prone to trekking, though never as widely or for as long as the peripatetic Xavante, who spent most of the year trekking at the time of Maybury was the product of contact and century ancestors, before AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. Although vague, thi s description suggests they practiced a more developed form of horticulture than their descendants. It was probably the case that the the ancestor of the Xavante practiced a more advanced form of horticulture in the eighteenth century. Much like the Caia p ancestors of the Panar, the Xavante fled west to escape the creeping frontier, with its diseases and conflicts, and crossed the Araguaia River into what is now Mato Grosso. But, unlike the Caiap who fled into the Peixoto de Azevdeo, they crashed into the Bororo, fought the Karaj, and never really escaped the pernicious frontier that spread east from Cuiab; they found,


88 essentially, no peace in the lands where they fled Nomadism was an adaptation that permitted the Xavante to survive just off the ma rch of the fronteir. One suspects that, if the ancestors of the Panar had not found isolation in the Peixo to de Azevedo, where they could plant and harvest their gardens in peace, the Villas Bas brothers would have chased after a more peripatic, and thu s elusive, people. It seems possible, thus, that some of the sixteenth century tapuia might have indeed been G speakers. 2 Here, a labret refers to a long cylindrical ornament worn dangling from the lower lip. This should be distinguished batoque speaking people, e.g. the Northern Kaiap (see e.g., Verswijver 1996). 3 Porto was specifically referring to indigenous peoples encountered by the Spanish spea king Jesuits. It may be that 4 Maps locating the Ibirajara in this region can be found in map 3 of Hemming (1978) and in Corteso (1951). 5 Indeed, Fat with the free propagation of the Faith one of the Portuguese rationales for colonizing the New World and its inhabitants and anthropophagy were two f actors that Crown and ecclesiastical authorities considered when declaring a so hostile; any captives taken during the conflict belonged to their captors (afte r the crown took its royal fifth, of 6 Neme (1969:114 115) believed other native groups were responsible. 7 He believed the allies of the Portuguese. This, however, confuses the Bilreiros living southwest of So Paulo (between the Spanish missions and the Paulistas; catechized by the Spanish Jesuits) with those living to the north (those formerly trading fighting and cannibalistic Bilreiros certainly does not lend itself to the notion that the Bil reiros were a friendly and allied people; nor did the Jesuit suggest the Bilreiros were allies of either the Spanish or the Portuguese. The relationship between the Bilreiros and Portuguese in this early contact context, like those of many other indigenou s peoples in Brazil, was much more complicated than a simple notion of allies and enemies. Periods of wary friendship oscillated with outright hostilities; hostile or peaceful interaction relied heavily on the personalities of the individuals involved in the face to face interaction. An aggressive Paulista slaver, like Garcia Rodrigues Velho, obviously provoked warfare and initiated hostilities, whereas less aggressive Paulistas or those who intende to trade were able to interact and carry on some form of discourse. 8 Colonial Brazil, owing to its immense size, was divided into two administrative units: the Estado do Maranho e Gro Par Maranho e Gro Par Maranh o, Par and Amazonas; and the Estado do Brasil Bahia south to Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo. These two administrative units, while subjected to the ultimate authority of the Portuguese Crown, were autonomous fro m one another. Although the western borders of the two pushing into territories the governor of the Maranho considered his own was, technicall y, an invasion. Hence, the governor dispatched these troops to send the Paulistas home. 9 A lone reference to Caiap in these lands was Father Silva e Souza (1872:494), an early nineteenth century chronicler of Gois; he mentioned Caiap raids occasio Caiap raiders in the region of the Ibirajara. It appears he was confusing the Caiap with the so (Kaingang) living in the sertes southeast of the Paran River (see chapter 8). 10 BN I 30, 12, 17 n 40. 11 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 12 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2156 13 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2168. 14 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 15 This interactions suggests the panar/hipe dichotomy, if it exis among the modern Panar in the Peixoto de Azevedo. This dichotomy almost certainly had begun to change into something approximating the division that recognized differences and similarities between panar (enemies i.e., non Indians), and ndios (indigenous people). This transformation had its roots in the early seventeenth century. 16 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2156 17 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2156.


89 18 It is possible that this bandeira, o r a similar slaving expedition from the north, drove the ancestors of the Canoeiro south and into the sertes of the Tocantins River. 19 group, but the d ocuments cited by Carvalho Franco (1989:66 based language. In the 1760s, there were reports of so Gois. For a description of them, see AHU_A CL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 20 See e.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 856. 21 A 1751 map showing the location of these sertes can be found in Chaim (1983:39). 22 ages in a century genealogist probably never saw a Caiap village, but Antnio Pires de Campos certainly did, and, in 1750, the governor of Gois, Dom Marcos de Noronha, remarked io Pires de Campos presently has the number of weapons needed for this task [of attacking the Arquivo Histrico Estadual de Gois (Hereafter, AHEGO) Livro 3 (1 735 1753), fls. 87 89v, 87v. 23 See e.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023.


90 CHAPTER 3 TERRITORY, VILLAGES, WAR, AND CAPTIVES Introduction In the late sevente enth, a series of gold strikes in the region of Brazil called Minas prospectors scoured the i nterior and struck pay dirt at Cuiab (1717 1718) and Gois (1722 1724). Rude mining camps, harboring hundreds and even thousands of rough prospectors and adventurers, sprung up and became the first permanent settlements in the interior (Boxer 1975:246 27 0). This was a great cataclysm for the Indians; they were enslaved, destroyed, or put to flight by miners seeking to clear the land and secure the auriferous deposits. But the fortune seekers discovered that this was a difficult enterprise, as many of th e indigenous groups they faced were warrior peoples accustomed to the backlands and capable of confronting and even defeating the Portuguese in battle. The Caiap were one of the largest and most formidable of these native peoples and their conflicts with the Portuguese produced a large corpus of documents. However, these documents have yet to receive comprehensive and critical analysis. This chapter presents a comprehensive analysis of these documents, and we shall see: that the Ca iap occupied a vast t erritory; that they lived in large semi sedentary villages surrounded by gardens; that these vil lages did not fight one another; and that Portuguese attacks led to inter village cooperation. We shall also see that the Caiap, unlike their Panar descendan ts, took captives when raiding though the Portuguese


91 frequently claimed oth erwise and denounced their practice of killing men, women, and children. Caiap Territory and Colonial Image The Caiap pos sessed one of the largest territories in eighteenth centur y colonial Brazil. According to one con temporary commentator, they occupied an immense sp rawled across parts of the modern day Brazilian states of Minas Gerais, Gois, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, and So Paulo. A rough outline of the Caiap territory, as n which can be considered the northwestern border of their lands. Caiap villages were sertes south of the Grande River. The eastern border of their territory was somewhere east of the Rio das Velhas (also called the Araguar River) in the Tringulo Mineiro (the land between the Paranaba and Grande Rivers). To the west, the Caiap domin ated the entire length of the east bank of the Pardo River, a large right bank tributary of the Paran, and much of the rugged hill country known as Camapu. In the south, Caiap villages were encountered along the north bank of the Paran River from the confluence of the Paranaba and Grande Rivers to the Pardo. This vast territory was thickly inhabited by Caiap villages, which tended to be miners, adventurers, and even tou gh bandeirante slavers approached with extreme


92 Araguaia River and Camapu. 1 Adventurers and miners entered this region warily, even at the height of the gold rush, an d sad mnemonic reminders of the plentiful presence of the Caiap are still found in the geography Rio Caiap River Another thickly inhabited region was found in the sertes of the Sucuri and Verde Rivers (Taunay 1981b:120, 157 158). The Portuguese believed these rivers offered a quicker route to the gold mines of Cuiab, but the numerous Caiap villages made exploration of this route so dangerous that it was unexpl ored until the early nineteenth century. Caiap villages dominated the Tri ngulo Mineiro, especially the sertes of the Araguar River, which saw some of the worst fighting in the middle of the century (Giraldin 1997:67). It was only in the early ninetee nth century, when the Caiap population had declined greatly, that farms and ranches moved into this region (cf. McCreery 2006). The Caiap were the sole occupants of their territory and neither shared nor tolerated others in their lands (Giraldin 1997:57) An early description of the Caiap left by Antnio Pires de Campos (1 862:438) described how they depopulated whole stretches of rivers: the Sucuri and Verde Rivers, right bank tributaries of the Paran, raids that the bandeirantes, miners, and adventurers enteri ng the vastness of their territo ry encountered only their villages. The other indigenous inhabitants of the sertes east of the Araguaia had been driven off or destroyed by Caiap raids, though, we shall


93 see, some remnants of their populations remained sc attered along the edges of their territory, especially on its northeastern and eastern borders. Increasing pressure brought ab out by the dislocation of native peoples fleeing from the mining regions produced violent and bloody conflicts, as these peoples pushed up against Caiap territory. Until recently, very little was known about the people whose territory sprawled across much of the plateau east of the Araguaia. Because anthropologists and historians believed the Caiap were extinct, they were forced to rely on documents written by the Portuguese and Brazilians. Such documents, unfortunately, said very little. Aside from a few exceptions (e.g., Campos 1862:437 438), most descriptions of the Caiap were hyperbolic denunciations. For instance, as ear ly as 1726, the Caiap 1981b:81). A bandeirante named Francisco de Oliveira Barbosa (1863:27) believed ne 2 Joo Antnio Cabral Camello (1863:488), who survived a round trip voyage to the mines at Cuiab, pronounced the C treacherous of all the inhabitants of the mines. Antnio Pires de Campos (1862:437) Clearly, t he Caiap aroused grea t animosity and, because of the ir aggressiveness and hostility to outsiders very little was known about them


94 Even where the Portuguese offered more detailed descriptions of the Caiap they stressed the lack villages, peripatetic life and extremely viol ent disposition In the Portuguese mind, the Caiap were a corso people who lived by wandering, warring, and staining themselves from the forest filth; and when they do plant, they bring the food with them, carrying it from one occupation other than pillaging, neither need provisi ons nor carry anything more in their hands than their bows, arrows, and a club of singular enormity [used] to kill; which is the Crown. 3 Such descriptions of per of course, served the interest of Crown officials and settlers They believed the Caiap obstructed the Caiap attacks, in fact, did have that effect and, because they wished to see the Caiap conquered or driven from the mining regions, officials routinely portrayed the m as violent and errant, which, to their minds, legitimated conquests (Giraldin 1997:69). Early historians relied on such descriptions they had, a fter all, little else available to them and adopted the Portuguese image of the Caiap as semi sedentary hunter gatherers who lacked villages, practiced little agriculture, and fought ceaseless wars (e.g., Taunay 1950). But many of the chroniclers had litt le contact with the Caiap, and they neither knew nor cared that they described only a particular aspect of their culture Those producing the documents miners, adventurers, governors, and assorted Crown bureaucrats were most familiar with Caiap raids. And, truth be told Caiap war


95 parties were wide ranging and aggressive Of this there is no doubt, and the Portuguese descriptions of warriors, armed with clubs and arrows, and traveling great distances to attack isolated settlements were accurate in thi s regard. Many Portuguese, however, erroneously assumed Caiap raids we re representative of their day to day life undoubtedly, the occasional appearance of women in raids contributed to this assumption but the bandeirantes and soldiers sent to fight the C aiap frequently encountered large villages surrounded by well worn trails and sprawling gardens hewed out of the forests. 4 Occasionally, these men recorded their observations. In 1728, for example, Antnio Pires de Campos dictated a famous description o f the Caiap, one that emphasized their bellicosity, but also described their villages and fields: These heathen are of aldeias [i.e., they live in villages] and populate much them. They live from their fields, and [the crops] they plant most are [sweet] potatoes, corn, and other vegetables. The garb of these barbarians is to live nude, as much the men as the women, and their greatest practice is to be raiders of various nations and they esteem most among them who has killed the most, for no other reason than to eat those they kill, as they greatly enjoy human flesh, and in the assaults and captures they make, they save the children whom they raise as their captives. The weapons the y use are very large bows and very long and thick arrows, and they also make much use of garrotes [clubs] four or five palms [in length] with a large well made head, and [it is] thrown, with these they shoot a great distance and so surely that they never m iss the head: it is the weapon they trust and value the most. These heathen do not fight ba ttles, as the others [i.e. native s] do, everything is by treachery and plunder, and in their country they course many lands of other heathens, whom they greatly dis turb with their treacheries. [Campos 1862:437 438] 5 This passage, part of a larger work detailing the people s encountered on the route to Cuiab, was a warning to travelers that stressed Caiap bellicosity, their lethal weapons, and their skilled fighting techniques. Pires de Campos left no doubt that Caiap war parties ranged widely and attacked other groups in fact, he seems to have thought their aggression unrivaled when compared to their neighbors but he al so


96 made it clear that they lived in villages s urrounded by gardens filled with many types of crops. There were a great many of these villages spread across a territory that stretched from the Paranaba River to northern Camapu. Formidable warriors aggressive, wide ranging raiders, the Caiap also lived in lar ge villages and planted crops. T forever wandering the sertes despite what many officials and settlers wanted to believe Another ban deirante left a similar, though more detailed, account of the Caiap in 1760. Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira a ruthless and tireless campaigner whom we shall meet in the next chapter described Caiap villages, gardens, different crops, weapons, log races, ceremonies, and the shifting of political alliances. His beau tiful description, unfortunately, was bundled together with unrelated documents and sent to Portugal; it languished forgotten and unused by historians for more than 200 years. It is here quoted at length: The climate of the serto of the heathen Caiap is very benevolent with very copious waters from springs from which many river headwaters originate. They cultivate with abundance and spruceness. The men clear the forests and, later, the women take as their responsibility all the remaining labor of garde ning while the men wander pillaging. Their crops include hard corn like those we have which they eat on the cob and another soft [corn] that they call porurca which they eat roasted. They also plant many branches of sweet and domestic manioc, which the y call aypim : these they use fresh and roast to eat and, after steeping in water, which they call puva it is dried in the sun like carim [manioc flour] to store and use on their journeys, roasting it after softening again in water for 15 or 30 minutes. And they plant potatoes that they eat roasted on a base of stones heated until red, after covering them with leaves, they lay on top earth dug from all around, such that everything below cooks within a hour. Into this stew they add everything that they wi sh to roast even the flesh of whatever game or fish; the flavor is very good but always has slight smell of ash. And they plant white and purple yams and tays which is a type of yam. They also use pumpkins and squashes, which they cook by the same mean s. Peanuts are a legume they greatly esteem; the vases that they store them after peeling are gourds: these are their belongings of the highest regard for


97 storing their small items of bone, stone, and shell with which they attend the ministry of the small instruments of metal which we use. When they go on a journey, they carry roasted and preserved potatoes and also dried manioc: and they march with gourds of water to drink in the springs. They drink little water, but two small sips each time so not to s well the belly. When they halt on their journeys, it is always far from the gullies and brooks as much because the water fumes are prejudicial to them as so the sound of the water does not impede their hearing and they may be vigilant to any attack. Their villages are similarly situated far from waters. They make their beds on the ground in the manner of a grave with a palm [22 cm] [of earth] carried away for the feet and head. It is the custom of couples to sleep in these, and the bachelors sleep on the ground on mats and cover themselves with other mats: these mats the men make from Buriti [palm] fronds, from which they also make good sacks woven like pouches, which are very curiously manufactured: and for this reason they take advantage of all kinds of old metals because from blades they form a knife and from nails they make their fishhooks and awls. The bows of these heathen are extremely large and perfectly made. Their arrows are as long as their bows; they are 12 palms in length. The clubs or sword cudgels they use to kill people and forest pigs are six palms [in length] and proportionately thick for the hand [at the handle] but thicker toward the point. Other cudgels they carry only serve as emblems in their villages. These have the form of paddl es of almost four palms in length and are very finely made. They have a great many dogs of the species with ears and tails cut through the middle: when one attacks [their villages] they howl so much that attackers cannot advance [unnoticed], and the heat hen run from their huts at any bark. Because of this battles are always disorderly and confu sing, some resist at one place and others at another [place] without order like the other heathen who present themselves in the battlefield and discuss whether the y desire war or peace. They do not close their ears nor the doors of their desire as these [heathen] neither offer quarter in their lands when we assault them nor in ours when they attack us. The men are well made and nimble on account of being thin [an d] they walk without any modesty [i.e., without clothing] and do not use batoques in their lower lip nor the ears. They cut the hair from the forehead to the crown of the head in a pyramidal fashion. The beard they let grow to the length of a palm and on The women likewise walk without any modesty other than cutting their hair at the forehead and leaving the rest loose and long.


98 When there is some happy occasion, whether from good hunting or a raid against us, th ey paint themselves with their flesh colored paints of urucum and perform dances, leaping from one place to another giving poupadas [hoots?] of happiness until they tire and this exercise leaves a track in their camp that lasts for a long time. They also have a game of strength in their villages to make them more agile in their tyrannies, [by] carrying the dead bodies or sick relatives, because of this the boys customarily carry logs of Buriti wood according to the strength and age of each one. After ever y morning and afternoon, teams of runners quickly enter [the village] and the first to arrive wins the competition; their villages have wide roads at each side for this [purpose]: in the first village I observed, I counted in the village plaza 200 trunks, extraordinarily thick and from 6 to 16 palms in length, some were so heavy that the Bororo could not lift them from the ground. These heathen have no chiefs with absolute power who govern them because among them he who lives subjugates and governs is most capable without resorting to punishment and if some of their subjects disobey with hidden allies he remains in possession of the post until there is another who deposes him: if these [chiefs] they follow fail to administer well [then] their vassals, who p ay them homage, switch to other leaders like traitors because among these heathen there is no principle of fidelity or any law as such; they do not adore any idols nor believe in superstitions like the many other heathen. 6 eaves no doubt that the Caiap l ived in villages and planted fecund gardens He clearly described how they divided agricultural labor between the sexes men cleared the fields and women planted and maintained the crops and grew a large array of crops, incl uding different varieties of yams, manioc, corn, pumpkins, g ourds, and peanuts They preserved bitter manioc by soaking it in water and drying it, which produced a type of flour that stored well and remained edible; Caiap men carried this manioc flour wi th them on their raids. Such extensive horticulture suggests the Caiap were not as peripatetic as some of the modern G speakers, for example, the Xavante and Northern Kaiap, who spend much of the year oscillating between residence in villages and wide r anging trekking expeditions to hunt and gather in the sertes. Garden plots needed to be cut from the forest (a laborious task without metal blades; acquiring s uch blades through raids was


99 important to the Caiap ; steel tools doubtlessly allowed them to p lant larger gardens and, thus, support larger villages discussed below ). Such heavy reliance on gardening limited the ability of Caiap men to stay away from their villages for extended periods of time on military campaigns, since they had to return and h elp clear the forests for persuasion and could lose their followers, so there was little a Caiap war chief could do to keep warriors from returning to help their wives. Ga rdens also meant that their villages were easier to locate: garden plots were burned to clear them and prepare the soil for planting and the billowing clouds of smoke were easily spied from great sence and the trails women used to plant and harvest could be followed back to the village. But extensive gardening meant Caiap villages could more easily accept and feed refuges fleeing bandeira attacks, explaining, in part, why their villages were comm only large in places wh ere they fought the Portuguese A populous people occupying a vast territory, and living in large villages surrounded by gardens, the Caiap were not, as so many Portuguese adventurers and Crown officials believed, ceaseless wande rers who lacked villages and gardens and practices, whose violence and aggression dismayed even soldiers accustomed to violence and murder in colonial Indian wars. To understand why this was, we must examine the Caiap at war. Caiap War: Tactics, Weapons, Pillage, and Terror In war against the musket toting Portuguese, the Caiap generally favo red guerilla tactics excelling at hit and run raids, stealthy ambushes, and surprise night

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100 attacks. This gave rise to the Portuguese belief that they were fighting a particularly possessing an advantage (cf. Campos 1862:437 438). Such fighting tact ics were a response to black powder weapons: a gaping injury blasted by lead ball shot from a heavy musket, unlike an arrow wound, was almost always lethal; the advantages of flat trajectory firepower, range, and lethality muskets possessed were neutralize d by Caiap great numbers, confront their enemies, and fight skillfully and up close with clubs. Although onslaughts were used most commonly against indigenous neighb ors, the Caiap turned such tactics against the Portuguese with great effect. Both types of tactics were very su ccessful and permitted the Caiap to acquire, dominate, and defend an immense territory against indigenous and European enemies. Because the Ca iap provoked such fear, excellent descriptions of their fighting tactics were recorded. Caiap warriors carefully scouted locations from hilltops and tall trees, occasionally following their victims for days. 7 Such scouting could last for months. Miner s and slaves, for example, noticed Caiap observing them several times in the months preceding an attack near Cuiab in 1771. 8 It was well known that sighting Caiap observers, or discovering evidence of their presence, foreboded an attack but d iscoverin themselves in whatever forest thicket, all painted with earth such that [when] looking at (Tau

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101 9 Such carefully concealed warriors proved over and over again to be formidable and lethal opponents. Carefully concealed, Caiap warriors o bserved places they knew the Portuguese would appear, for example, fields near isolated settlements or a difficult river portage. They preferred to strike when their victims were occupied and inattentive with some task, like hunting, gathering wood, or mi ning and, then, suddenly, w arriors sprang from the undergrowth and, roaring battle cries, fired arrows and swung clubs at their victims. 10 They quickly overwhelmed their victims, grabbed any valuables, and disappeared into the undergrowth. Hunting partie s and porters were warned: the rail, they attack the last man of the rearguard and quickly flee, running more swiftly than a horse, and return to hide tactics that Antnio Pires de Campos (1862:449) claimed, perhaps with a bit of Traveling in groups and remaining vigilant at all times was the best defense against a Caiap ambush. In 1792, Francisco de Oliveira Barbosa (1863 :27) warned less than three or four men should hunt or gather firewood; and they should use extra

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102 security. A group of slaves moving cargo across the difficult portage at Camapu was attacked while two heavily armed Paulistas kept watch for the Caiap (Taunay 1981b:122). The raiders struck the middle of the column, killed three or four slaves, and r muskets, they Caiap weapons were eminently suited to their tactics: they fought with clubs and bows and arrows. Johannes Pohl (1951:365), an Austrian who visited the Caiap living at the Mossmedes aldeia in the early nineteenth c entury, learned that their word for a workmanship S ome were expedient clubs of raw or barely worked wood Pinto da Silveira called these cajados shephe the ball o f the tree root was left on the club, which provided more mass for a killing blow, and this gave the club a crooked shape reminiscent of the sort of walking stick shephe rds carried 11 This kind of club could be very large. There were the famous round and also sword shaped clubs C hiefs carried a special club as a sign of their office. But the Caiap club the Portuguese dreaded the most was the throwing club Pires de Campos garrotes meaning the stick used to tighten a garrote), because of their short length. This club was carved from tropical hardwoods difficult to work even with Portuguese steel are clubs a cvado in length [66 centimeter s or 26 inches], more or less, with a round Rolim (Taunay 1981b:209). 12 from tree bark of various colors and in imitation of [woven] mats but tightly fitting and

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103 fact, that Pinto da Silveira used them as a sort of reference when describing the war clubs and even paddles of other native peoples. H ighly esteemed and even beautiful Caiap weapons, despite the time and effort required to make them, were abandoned with the victims, suggesting a strong ritual component of exchange in Caiap warfare. 13 Caiap bows were large and dexterously handled. Both Antnio Pires de Campos and Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira commented on the great length and thickness of the Caiap longbow. Pohl (1951:365) was equally impressed and foot l ong bows drawn to a half The skilled Caiap archers hit the luckless target, a bound chicken, four out of five times. This impressive accuracy, the Austrian obser ved, was accomplished using a peculiar archery style: the Caiap loosed their arrows into the sky and let gravity pull the missile onto the target; this permitted the archer to remain concealed within the underbrush while raining arrows down upon an oppone nt. Wives sometimes aided their husbands in firing arrows. 14 arrow is loosed, the Indian reaches his hand back an d immediately receives from the arrows, Pohl believed, were made by binding several long bamboo strips together with small vines to produce a thick shaft. (The Panar use cane to construct arrow shafts and strengthen the joints with small wrappings of vines [Schwartzman 1988:282].) And arrows were tipped with different points for different game. A long barbed point was

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104 used to kill monkeys (and people), and there was an a rrow with a round tip that was used to stun birds without damaging their plumage (Pohl 1951:365 366). Another favorite Caiap weapon was fire. Indeed, the ir use of fire was so typical that the coastal Tupi Mello 1879:72; see also Atades 1998:68). On the savannahs, the Caiap lit grass and underbrush and let breezes propel the flames into Portuguese camps (Taunay 1981b:122 123). This was a technique the Caiap used while hunting to chase game from forest thickets. The Portuguese tried to light counter fires and tear away at the grass and underbrush, but they often had to flee the flames. Caiap raiders also loosed flaming arrows into camps, igniting fires that sowed confusion, spre ad terror, and destroyed valuables (Taunay 1981b:140). These fire attacks were especially terrifying at night. One survivor of a night attack, Igncio Correia Pamplona, left a ass huts, and wait nearby with arrows. Everything happens in an instant, the fire suddenly breaks 15 This wily bandeirante survived such an attack by constructing a hut and sneaking out after dark. When t he Caiap attacked, had an economic purpose: torching buildings aided in plundering valuables, since the coveted metal implements survived the flames and could be reclaim ed from the ashes. The capture of plunder was an important aspect of Caiap warfare. The For example, a Caiap attack, in the mid 1730s, left 15 horses dead and their cargo scattered, but the raiders paused to pillage the tools. 16

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105 17 There were many such attacks and subsequent denunciations. Bandeiras often recaptured goods carrie d off by Caiap raiders. When a bandeira ambushed a raiding party in 1764, most of the Caiap fled, 18 In 1771, a bandeira from Cuiab attacked Caiap raiders, killing three he goods that they had 19 Lacking sustained peaceful contacts with the Portuguese, at least until 1780, and apparently possessing no allies among the other natives with whom they could trade, the Caiap were forced to acquire manufactured goods through plunder. Successful raids, undoubtedly, were those that provided the largest quantities of goods and r aiders often returned to those places where they had acquired significant quantities of plunder (see appendix a). This gave the impression that Caiapo attacks were to the Portuguese mind, invasions. One of the more frightening aspects of Caiap war was its extreme violence. When attacking Portuguese settlements and convoys, the Caiap offered no quarter they killed men, women, and children slaughtered livestock, burned fields and buildings, and scattered goods. 20 After a Caiap attack, the bodies of the victims were often found riddled with arrows and smashed by numerous blow s from clubs. For Caiap warriors, much like the Northern Kaiap (Verswijver 1992:178 179), the killing of an enemy was a collective act in which several raiders attacked a fallen victim, striking him or her with their clubs and firing arrows into the bod y; all warriors who struck the body of a fallen enemy acquired p restige for the kill. The Caiap also were known to toss bodies into fires and even unearth graves to desecrate corpses. After burying

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106 the bodies of soldiers killed in an ambush, the Portugu ese later returned and discovered 21 While the Portuguese believed they had stumbled upon the grisly remains of an anthropophagus feast, ethnography suggests that, by e xhuming the graves and roasting the remains, the Caiap were treating their enemies as non (cf. Schwartzman 1988:270 ) Torture was common as well. Among the bodies of 14 den spit 22 The distinctive Caiap arrows and clubs always accompanied the mutilated corpses, slaughtered livestock, burnt fie lds, and and an effective means of sowing terror. The specter of ambush, death, and desecration created palpable paranoia in the far flung and isolated Portuguese settlements. I n Camapu, on the route to Cuiab, hand; to go in search of water, despite having it close by, they always travel with guards: in clearing the fields, planting, or coll ecting the crops, they always carry 1981b:122). In Gois, Indian sightings or the rumor of an actual or imagined attack often resulted in panics J ittery miners, planters, a nd farmers pulled up stakes retreated to the larger min ing settlements, while the more hardy and aggressive settlers armed their slaves and patrolled the backlands. 23 In 1760, settlers at the Arraial das Antas occupying with this task, half their

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107 24 Four years later, the Caiap struck again, and a similar panic ensued. 25 Governors blamed Caiap attacks (along with those of other people s) for slow econ omic growth and declining mining revenues. 26 In Gois, the destruction of farms and ranches left mining camps with little food; provisions had to be brought into the captaincy, carried over trails prowled and, at times, blocked by Caiap. 27 Panics exacerba ted food scarcity by flooding settlements with frightened settlers and slaves: extra mouths, crowded conditions, and scarce food meant high prices and misery. Caiap attacks forced the Portuguese traveling to the mines at Cuiab to carry provisions suffic ient for much of the voyage, which could last up to seven month. The heathen Caiap, who availing themselves of the nights, burn houses and kill people; no one attempts to plant fields and live in such place, save a powerful man, living convoys suffered great deprivation. Caiap raids amounted to a crippling attack on the P ortuguese suppl y routes to the mining regions, disrupted gold shipments, worried governors, and angered kings. The resulting fear and resentment were unleashed in the backlands where the Portuguese practiced a cruel form of war. Governors condoned and encouraged massacr 160). 28 He ordered Caiap men put to the sword, but spared women, girls, and boys under the age

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108 Indian 29 This was to be done c ruel character of colonial Indian wars. Barbarities occurred with or without government aiap 30 The elderly, the pregnant, and the young those people most incapable of resisting or fleeing were frequentl y the of factly reported to the Crown. Intensification of Warfare, Inter Village Conflicts, and Village Stability Interestingly, hidden within the accounts of the fighting, there are subtle clues sugges ting shifting patterns of warfare and complex social relations between Caiap villages. In Gois, Caiap raids became more violent through time, increasing in frequency and size, especially in the early 1740s, when they saw their villages repeatedly and s uccessfu lly attacked. It appears that villages, motivated by a need to avenge losses, cooperated to attack the Portuguese. The intensification of Caiap warfare appears to have been a product of the Portuguese presence. It is well known that state socie ties often forces indigenous peoples to adopt new strategies for dealing with the vicissitudes of contact (disease, war, slaving, etc) (Ferg uson and Whitehead 1992a). It results in significant socio political reorganization within a so zone

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109 Within the tribal zone, native peoples adopt new tactics and strategies, they often become more bellicose, and, in some ca ses, weak regional networks of political integration emerge. They were hemmed in by Portuguese settlements to the east (Minas Gerais), to the west (Cuiab), and to the south (northern So Paulo) and Vila Boa sat on the northern border of their territory Immense distances separated Portuguese settlements, and Crown officials possessed little administrative c ontrol over the sertes. Indigenous peoples like the Caiap, were driven into these areas, as one governor of Gois 31 But areas free from Portuguese domination were not free from the deleterious effects of their presence: prospector s scoured rivers and streams for pay dirt; bandeiras roamed the backlands attacking Indian villages and slaving; cattlemen and farmers mov ed into and cleared land; groups displaced by the Portuguese battled for access to land and resources; and epidemics s pread widely before the Portuguese. For the Caiap, one of the most important and visible effects of living in a tribal zone was their militarization. This began in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the Bilreiro s started trading captives to th e Paulistas for manufactured goods, which provided a new incentive for the Bilreiro s to attack their neighbors And when the Caiap began appearing in eighteenth century documents, approximately a decade after the dis covery of gold in Cuiab, attacks on n eighboring peoples were, according to Pires de Campos (1862:437), One of the victims of these nativ e wars was the Goi Indians (after whom the mines of Gois were named). In the

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110 last quarter of the seventeenth century, a bandei rante named Bartholomeu Bueno da the sertes east of the Araguaia River and attacked the Goi. They were a populous people who lived in many villages spread throughout the rugged hills of the Vermelho River Valley ; they must have been so populous, perhaps even aggressive, that the elder Anhangera did not pause long among them, even after glimpsing gold jewelry worn by the Goi women e younger Bartholomeu Bueno da Silva also nicknamed Anhangera remembered seeing the gold After the discovery of the Cuiab mines, Bueno da Silva returned to the sertes in search of the Goi and ound 100 souls living on the 32 In the years since the younger Anhangera had seen the gold wearing Goi women, Pinto da Silveira claimed, Caiap attacks had reduced the ir The destruction of the Goi was a prod uct of the Portuguese presence Pushed from the southern fringe of their territory by the Paulistas and blocked to the w est by the powerful Bororo the Caiap expanded north at the expense of their weaker neighbors. This interethni search for the mines, the younger Bueno da Silva famously attacked a village of Crix Indians They were a populous people in the early eighteenth century the village Anhangera a 1981a:131)

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111 them on the headwaters of the Crix 33 Most of the Crix, it was said, had died in battles with the Caiap. The remnants o f both the Goi and Crix fled from the Portuguese camps and e western part of this 34 There were terrible conflicts, the go vernor explained, and both the Goi and Crix disappeared. Undoubtedly, many of the child ren of the Goi and Crix became captives, lik e those Pires de Campos observed in Caiap villages. The destruction of these two peoples led correspondence, not even with their neighboring heathen, but they extingu ished various 35 Indeed, the Portuguese traveling to Cuiab and Vila Boa to strike it rich soon found themselves attacked like the other people s. At first, Caiap raids against the Portuguese were smal l. The Caiap, after all, had begun experiencing musket fire a century before, so they well knew to avoid fusillades with ambuscades and ambushes. Typical of these raids were those miners and adventurers denounced along the Pardo River and the Camap u portage in the 1720s: a few warriors, hidden in the underbrush, ambushed small parties hunting and gathering firewood, killing quickly and vanishing just as quickly into the undergrowth. Such raiding grew in frequency where the Portuguese settled near Caiap villages, becoming a constant menace in Camapu and along the road to Gois. And, once the Caiap had begun attacking Vila Boa in the mid 1730s, a crescendo of fighting developed: raiders appeared several times each year, attacked settlements over and over again, and killed more than 130 settlers and

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112 slaves. 36 Despite the growing intensity of the fighting, an official investigation, which was read before the king in 1744, revealed the majority of Caiap attacks were the work of small groups of raide rs who ambushed the unwary and isolated (Giraldin 1997:70). For the Portuguese in Gois, the fighting around Vila Boa was intolerable. An effort was made to fight the Caiap with soldiers but this proved wholly ineffective. Settlers began requesting aid from Cuiab, where a number of bandeirantes had formed personal armies of Bororo Indians, and, in 1742, Antnio Pires de Campos brought 120 of these Indians to Gois (see chapter 4). Pires de Campos and the Bororo immediately began attacking Caiap villa ges, and with great success. This attacks had the opposite effect and provoked a furious response in southern Gois. In 1744 1746, huge Caiap war parties appeared. They attacked the settlement at Lanhoso (modern Indianapolis) and briefly severed the road to So Paulo (Taunay 1950, vol. 11:246 247). Confident in the power of their muskets and their superiority and were dismayed to discover the Indians did not flee. A fazendeiro rallied some men and fought a battle with the Caiap. Raso lost badly. While the Caiap plundered the slain, the defeated men escaped to the Rio das Velhas. More soldiers marched to battle the Caiap, but they too were defeated. Later, the garrison 37 Men armed with muskets cowered in expedient fortifications, refused to fight, and hoped the Caiap would disperse. Gois, for a short time, was cut off from the coast.

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113 It remains difficult to know with certainty how many warriors participated in these onslaughts. The sources sug gest hundreds of warriors descending from the sertes to raid. The sight of these jeering, black painted warriors wielding clubs and loosing flaming arrows must have been horrendous to behold. Pinto da Silveira, for one, tells us the beleaguered troops at the Velhas lost heart and refused to give battle. 38 Th ese warriors were the survivors of many conflicts with the Portuguese and other native peoples and they were courageous and skilled at war. Heavy fighting and the destruction of many villages occurred before Pires de Campos and the Bororo defeated them, driving them into the distant sertes. To the Portuguese, the massive onslaughts of 1744 1746 were a frightening transformation of Caiap raids. There had been a lot of fighting in Gois before 1744 1746, but nothing similar to the hordes of warriors that appeared and attacked troops, besieged garrisons, and fought pitched battles at the Lanhoso and Rio das Velhas. Such open aggression by the Caiap was unknown in the years when press ganged, unenthusiastic, and poorly led soldiers marched against them. But these troops failed miserably and produced few victories against the fleet footed club fighters, whereas Pires de Campos ably led the Bororo and savaged Caiap villages, murdering and slaving on a scale not seen before in Gois. This success in the se rtes produced a furious backlash propelled by Caiap notions o f vengeance. (Among G speakers including the Northern Kaiap and Panar, vengeance and the need to settle vendettas played an important role in motivating warriors to raid [see e.g., Verswij ver 1992:173].) Caiap leaders called for their followers to avenge family members lost in the fighting and to retaliate against the Portuguese and Bororo aggressors (cf. Giraldin 1997:50).

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114 It took sever al years to organize a response a year or two passed after each but Caiap villages came 39 Such cooperation between villages was not unknown later in the century: in 1781 or 1782, a bandeira attacked a large Caiap village in Camapu, and captives taken during the assault later e Gois road village communication and cooperation that loosely liked villages within and between regions, and around which the massive raids of 1744 1746 were organized, were probably an autochthonous feature of Caiap society. In fact, the massive onslaughts in southern Gois were more representative of traditional Caiap warfare the sort of attacks that destroyed the Goi and Cri x and run raids used against t he Portuguese, which were tactics adopted to nullify the lethal advantage black powder weapons possessed. 40 success, had caused the reinterpretation and transformation of traditional warfare into a powe rful weapon of resistance, while simultaneously reinforcing and expanding pre existing networks of inter village communication and cooperation. Pires de Campos and the Bororo, through their depredations, had made the Caiap a more formidable foe. The coop eration of Caiap villages to attack Portuguese settlements hints at an interesting, but previously ignored, aspect of their society. The evidence is admittedly vague and largely derived from closely reading descriptions of attacks and chroniclers

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115 account s, but there appears to have been an absence of intra ethnic warfare among the Caiap. At no point in the eighteenth century or, for that matter, the nineteenth century do we find report s of Caiap villages attacking one another. While this may be a prod uct of source bias, as the Portuguese (and Brazilians) had little knowledge of village rivalries in the sertes, intra ethnic warfare occasi onally was observed often after native peoples had entered into sustained contact with Portuguese settlements nothin g, however, suggests Caiap villages attacked one another during their conflicts with settlers or after their so A p ossible reason that intra ethnic warfare was not prevalent among the Caiap t among other G speaking societies, for example, the Northern Kaiap (Verswijver 1992:163 171) was because their villages remained large and remarkably stable, even when thrust into violent clashes with the Portuguese. Consider, for instance, that Antni o Pires de Campos bandeiras routinely encountered large Caiap village in those place s where the fighting was fiercest. In Gois, the leader of a 1767 bandeira, which was composed of musket toting pedestres and Bororo, claimed his men had discovered gold deposits but were unable to investigate these more fully because of a nearby and frig hteningly large Caiap village. 41 In the early 1770s, a bandeira prospecting on the Rico River Caiap village near the Camapu River was large enough to frighten 12 men armed with muskets into abandoning an assault. 42 Admittedly, this bandeira was a small and

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116 hastily organized expedition more a mob of angry boatmen than a bandeira akin to those Pires de Campos led spoiling for an easy attack and whose mettle evaporated at the p rospect of confronting well armed warriors; however, this village was probably as the other examples cited above indicate, such large Caiap villages were by no means unusual. It may have been that big Caiap villages were the product of conflicts with the Portuguese (cf. Gross 1979:330 331; Flowers 1994:261 262). Large villages had t he benefit of offering their inhabitants security, as even the bandeiras Pires de Campos commanded were unwilling to chance an assault against their numerous club wielding defenders. No less important, large villages were capable of fielding more warriors giving them greater offensive capacity and the abili ty to acquire more plunder through bigger rai ds. Bigger raids and more looted goods meant successful war chiefs acquired more prestige and capacity to rally greater numbers of warriors; and more tools, which made clearing forests easier, meant larger gardens to feed more people (cf. Coimbra et al 2004:64). The apparent stability of Caiap villages appears somewhat anomalous compared to other eighteenth century G societies, whose villages were prone to fissioning at times of conflict. For example, the villages of the G speaking Acro split apart during times of social stress brought about by contact and conflict: when a vi llage of Acro Au surrendered to a bandeira in the 1740s, they told their captor s that they

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117 onflict recounted how the Acro had no fields 43 Highly mobile and less reliant on gardens, the Acro wandered widely to hunt and gather resources, which made them difficult to track and defeat in battle. This extreme mobility, however, likely did not reflect an aboriginal settlement or su bsistence patterns, rather it was a response to conflicts with the Portuguese and other peoples Ethnographers of the modern G have documented a similar pattern of village fissioning, increased mobility, and decreased reliance on gardens associated with c ontact and conflicts with Brazilians (e.g., Turner 1979, 1992). Importantly, the lack of village stability in G societies was associated with a conc omitant outbreak of intra ethnic warfare. For example, Northern Kaiap villages were prone to political f actionalism and strife in the period preceding contact with Brazilians, when epidemic diseases, unequal access to manufactured goods, and political disputes concerning leadership caused significant social stress. Conflicts between competing political fact ions often culminated in club fights, which splintered villages when the losing faction decamped and established a new village. In such cases, the two villages were mutually antagonistic, owing to the vendettas provoked by the club fight, and began attack ing one another. This led to smaller Kaiap villages, increased village mobile, less reliance on garden products, and a high incidence of intra ethnic warfare. Indeed, from approximately 1870 to 1935, the Mekragnoti Kaiap had lived in an incredibly larg e village the population has been estimated at between 3,700 and 5,400 that splintered in to warring factions as they entered into contact and conflict with the Brazilians (Verswijver 1992:181 187).

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118 There is no evidence of a similar pattern of vil lage fissi oning and intra ethnic violence among the Caiap. Quite the contrary, their villages appear to have assisted one another in attacking the Portuguese and remained large or possibly became larger in places where they encountered the Portuguese most frequent ly. The documents suggest a high incidence of inter village communication and cooperation, with individuals, information, and goods moving between villages and between villages of different regions (see chapter 5). Ethnographic information supports this conclusion: among the Panar, individuals moved between villages; these villages did not splinter apart in the course of poli tical disputes; and intra ethnic (Schwartzman 1988:108, 258, 279). Similarly, inter village mobility, coo peration between villages in war fare, and a lack of intra ethnic warfare were characteristic of the Bororo (Crocker 1979:251 252, 1985:71 72). For both the Panar and Bororo, these phenomena appear related to their rigorous adherence to a normative villag e settlement pattern and clan system; the final chapter of our study argues it was much the same for the Caiap. Cannibals and Captives Even more than the massive onslaughts, what struck the most terror into settlers and enraged Crown officials was the Cai ap practice of killing anyone and everyone who fell into their clutches, regardless of age or sex. Governor Lus de Assis Mascarenhas (DI 22 1896, vol. 22:185) neither the children nor gave quarter were at their most violent, and it passed into lore: the Caiap were so fer ocious that,

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119 unlike other natives they never took captive s. 44 This was good propaganda for those seeking to remove, or ju stify the removal of, the Caiap The eighteenth century belief that the Caiap never took captives gained empirical support in the twentieth century. Soon after contact was established with the Kreen A krore, it was learned that they had never taken captives in their raids (Heelas 1979:65; Verswijver 1992:138). C onsidering the prominence of kidnapping women and children in native warfare, this was, in the words of one of the Panar ethnograph ers, Elizabeth especially their emphasis on matrilineal clans, provided a rational explanation (Heelas 1979:65, 80). Since captives, who lacked membership in a clan, cou ld never acquire clan membership, they were incapable of being incorporated into the social fabric of a Panar village and, therefore, never abducted by raiders. The Caiap, like their Panar ancestors, never abducted women and children, so they too must have been incapable of incorporating prisoners into village life (G iraldin 1997:47). The old tale of inexplicable ferocity and innate barbaric brutality was waylaid by Panar ethnography, which provided a rational explanation for the apparent atrocities. Although brutal and ferocious, the killings, which provided officials with so much propaganda to demonized the Caiap a nd legitimating their conquest, were explainable and rational according to an indigenous worldview. 45 However, unlike the Panar, there w ere occasional reports of the Caiap taking prisoners. In 1749, for example, the Caiap attacked and destroyed a village of Tupi speaking Arax, a people who had then recently agreed to accept missionaries. 46 The reports of the attack dispatched from the Tri ngulo Mineiro by no less than Antnio

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120 Pires de Campos that reached Vila Boa indicated the Caiap had killed the Arax men but, uncharacteristically, abducted the women and children. To explain these captives, whose mere existence contradicted what had then been experienced with the Caiap, the governor of Gois, Dom Marcos de Noronha, averred to the Crown that these women and children were destined to be the main course in a cannibal feast. This allegation of anthropophagy, combined with the ethnograp hic example of the Panar, resulted in the existence of these unfortunate Arax women and children being dismissed (Giraldin 1997:46). Accordingly, they were little more than a disingenuous detail added by a bellicose governor looking to vilify the Caiap and legitimate a war of conquest (and possibly acting under the undue influence of Jesuits angered by the loss maintained: they kill everyone, pillage the goods they could carry, and burned the But such a conclusion ignores a number of other instances of the Caiap abducting prisoners. Take, for instance, the famous description that Antnio Pires de Campos (1862:437 438) dictated in 1728. In an extremely unflatte ring portrait of the Caiap, this ban deirante described how they waged ceaseless wars on their neighbors; Noronha, Pires de Campos believed the Caiap were cannibals suppo sedly, they relished the supple flavor of human flesh but the captives their raiders carried off, as There is no reason to dismiss these abducted children out of hand, despite the ghastly all egation of anthropophagy and the Panar ethnographic example.

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121 Denunciations of cannibalism were legion in the colonial period, and, because cannibalism was one factor that legitimated the legal conquest of native peoples it often had little merit beyond serving to justify military campaigns. 47 For the Caiap, this sort of allegation was neither new they were accused of anthropophagy in the early seventeenth century nor truthful anthropophagy was not widespread among G speakers, like the Caiap. One woul d not dismiss the other details Pires de Campos provided: his descriptions of Caiap chiefs, their gardens, and their weapons were some of the most detailed recorded in the eighteenth century. Similarly, Governor Noronha left useful accounts of the Caiap which, though not nearly as detailed as Although they hurled the accusation of cannibalism at the Caiap, much of the information these men recorded conforms to o ur ethnogra phic understanding of the Panar specifically (cf. Schwartzman 1988) and G societies generally (cf. Maybury Lewis 1979). This propels one to conclude that we can trust much of what Pires de Campos and Governor Noronha had to say about the Caiap. And, w hile we should approach reports of captives with great caution, we should not dismiss them out of hand simply because of the accompanying obloquy of Caiap anthropophagy. James Axtell (2001:4), the eminent ethn ohistorian of the eastern native peoples of No that behavior are usually indispensable and often trustworthy, if never as thor ough or women and children abducted by the Caiap. The reported cannibalism was an

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122 interpretation: Pires de Campos never saw a cannibal feast in a Caiap village they did not practice anthropophagy after all station he was the Count of Arcos never visited a Caiap village, much less witnessed one of their warriors contently munching on a savory haunch of an unfortunate Arax captive. W e should reject, it seems, allegations of Caiap cannibalism as nothing more than specious calumny; but if Pires de Campos and Governor Noronha were offering interpretations admittedly bigoted and misconstrued of actual events, then these unfortunate capti ves might have existed. Interpretations of events warped by cultural bias, bigotry, or misinterpretation, according to Axtell, should be tested for reliability through critical comparison to the ethnographic record, surviving and related native languages, oral traditions, and archaeology. W e know that the taking of prisoners in warfare, especially women and children, was extremely common throughout the tropical lowlands and practiced, unlike cannibalism, by many G societies (see e.g., Verswijver 1992). And the Panar example has been claimed about the Caiap. Accepting that the accusation of cannibalism was an r that descriptions of behavior occurrence of raiding for women and children in lowland warfare, it seems possible that the Caiap abducted women and children. In fact, clo sely reading the sources reveals good reasons to believe the Caiap did

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123 1728; Go vernor Noro nha accused the them of eating the Arax women and children in 1749; and both men des cribed Caiap involved in deleterious contact with the Portuguese. In 1728, the Caiap faced the brunt of the gold rushes in Cuiab and Gois, as Portuguese greed thrust them into permanent contact with noxious outsiders: their territories were invaded by thousands of miners, adventurers, and settlers, which created new opportunities for the spread of lethal pathogens, and subjected their villages to new and more violent f orms of warfare and slavery. Added to this was the rapid expansion of the fronti er, which displaced other native peoples and pushed them inland and into competition for resources; ethnic conflict, such as described by Pires de Campos (1862:437) he said of was inevitable. The resulting social upheaval and loss of life must have been incredible, and raiding to abduct children was one means to recoup some of these losses, which was precisely what Pires de Campos was describing occurred for similar reasons. In 1749, the Caiap were hard pressed by the military campaigns of Antnio Pires de Campos. He led an army of Bororo Indians across a broad swath of Caiap territory, destroying villages, pillaging and burning gardens, and killing or enslaving all of the men, women, and children who fell into his clutches. Attacking the Arax to abduct their women and children was, in part, a Caiap attempt to replenish village populations depleted by war (women and children, after all, were the most common victims of Pires de Campos and other bandeira leaders). The social disruption, territorial dislo cation, and population loss associated with Portuguese contact and war made abducting women and children a viable alternative for the Caiap. Some

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124 mechanism lost or forgotten by the Paran; their population collapse was so rapid and dramatic that there wa for incorporating captives into Caiap villages during times of extreme stress must have once existed. 48 The Portuguese and their diseases, slavery, and war, not some alleged taste for human flesh, forced the Caiap to take prisoners. There were other reports of the Caiap raiding and taking prisoners, but these always occurred in the context of contact with the Portuguese. T here was the aforementioned trade in captives between the Bilreiros and the bandeirantes in the early seventeenth century. The Caiap were again involved in a similar trade during the 1780s, when some of their warriors participated in bandeiras persecuting the Chavante in northern Gois. In 1784, a bandeira, which included allied Caiap warrior s, attacked a group of trekking Chavante, seizing a warrior, five women, and five children Freire 1951: 14). 49 The Caiap effort contributed to the Chavante in 1788, but, more importantly, their participation in this bandeira showed that they possessed the knowledge and capacity to take captives. Further, the ease with which they captured the Chavante showed that this was nothing exceptional: the Cai a p had raided and abducted women and children many times beforehand. And an anonymous chronicler of Gois also told how these captured many fugitive slaves, whom they co 50 Again, we find evidence of the Caiap using their woodland skills and military prowess to take captives. Clearly, despite numerous denunciations to the contrary, the Caiap did take captives.

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125 So the eighteenth century closed with reliable reports of the Caiap taking captives. In these cases, however, unlike those described by Governor Noronha and Pires de Campos, the Portuguese instigated the abductions. Presumably, because they were describing an al lied peop le the chroniclers were loath to attribute these abductions to anthropophagy, much less accuse the Caiap of savoring the flesh of captives. They knew the Caiap were remunerated for their martial service in the case of the Caiap aiding the bandeira aga inst the Chavante, 40 pairs of shirts and short pants were provided to the warriors and not launching these attacks out of a bestial craving to east their fellow humans. But, if the Caiap took captives, why did the Portuguese routinely and consistently de clare otherwise? A close reading of the sources reveals that there was, in fact, no contradiction. Where we have reports of Caiap abductions in the early and mid eighteenth century, the captives were always women and children, precisely the pattern exp ected in lowland warfare; however, these prisoners were natives, not the Portuguese or enslaved Africans. Antnio Pires de Campos and Governor Noronha de scribed Caiap attacks on indigenous peoples and the taking of indigenous captives. Outside of one po ssible incident involving a child in the 1740s (see appendix a), there were no reliable reports of the Caiap abduct ing non natives in the consulted sources. 51 Further evidence of this comes from the so 1780s: when villages began arriving at Vila Boa and Maria I, the first Caiap aldeia in Gois, the Portuguese recorded no instances of captive Portuguese or Africans living among them. This was quite unlike o ther so T he Chavante for exam ple, arrived at an aldeia with a number of captives Portuguese and former

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126 slaves, living among them in 1788 (see Freire 1951:19). There was, it appears, something about the Portuguese and their slaves that made them incapable of being assimilated into th e social fabric of Caiap villages. The difference in raiding behavior is extremely provocative and suggests the Caiap, unlike the Panar of the Peixoto de Azevedo, distinguished between indigenous people and the Portuguese and their African slaves. Undo ubtedly, this was because the Caiap were in contact with indigenous and non indigenous people for many, many years; they must have recognized the vast differences in culture, appearance, and material goods. It also suggests why many contemporaries believ ed the Caiap never abducted women and children: chroniclers simply did not know abou t Caiap attacks on other indigenous groups nor, for that matter, did they care much about such assaults inte rethnic violence weakened native opposition to the Portuguese and, as in the case of the Bororo, sometimes led to th e acquisition of powerful allies unless an allied people like the Arax, was involved. In such cases, the Caiap, to the Portuguese mind, must have attacked out of a desire to eat their enemies. Conc lusion The Caiap began the eighteenth century in a position of strength: their territory stretched from the Tringulo Mineiro to Camapu; their villages were numerous, populous, surrounded by gardens, and brimmed with formidable club fighting warriors; an d their raids had depopulated entire rivers, reduced a formerly populous neighboring people to single villages, and struck terror among the Portuguese miners, slavers, and adventurers pressing into the interior. By the middle of the century, the Caiap we re a serious threat along much of the route to the mines at Cuiab and their aggressive raids

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127 had put the Portuguese in Gois on the defensive. The Portuguese responded by sending soldiers to fight the Caiap, but these troops proved ineffective at confro nting the nimble raiders, so aid was sought from capable commanders with native allies from distant Cuiab. Antnio Pires de Campos and his Bororo arrived and attacked the Caiap, but their aggression galvanized them The Caiap rallied, reorganized, and struck back with incredible aggression, transforming their raids from ambushes into onslaughts that sought to settle bloody vendettas and resist their Portuguese enemies. The Portuguese eventually beat back these offensives, but only at great cost and wi th much effort, and never with the conclusive results they expected or sought, since the fighting continue until the end of the century. In the course of these conflicts, a myth developed that the Caiap never offered quarter to their enemies they never t ook captives, they children. But the Caiap did raid for captives, just never the Portuguese and their slaves, and lost in the conflicts that raged across the sertes was the fact that C aiap warr iors, as in so many other peoples in the tropical lowlands, attacked neighboring indigenous groups and abducted women and children. A narrative of these conflicts, which have been imperfectly understood until now, is the subject of the next chap ter. 1 AHEGO Livro 3 (1735 1751), fls. 87 89v. 2 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 983. 3 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 856. 4 Reports of women appearing among raiders often reflects an interpretat ion, admittedly biased, of Caiap trekking behavior. Trekking is discussed more fully below, however, it is important to mention here that, in certain seasons, and like other G speaking peoples, such as the Northern Kaiap, the Caiap trekked, leaving th eir villages and wandering through the sertes to hunt, fish, and gather. Such treks were often done with the intention of acquiring a certain resource. Soldiers, who encountered groups of trekking Caiap, inevitably believed that Indians away from their villages represented a war party. This was not always the case, as trekking Caiap were not raiders, despite what soldeirs may have thought. This helps explain the occasional appearance of women in war parties. However, historical evidence, discussed l ater in our study, exists that explicitly places Caiap women in raids and aiding warriors during battles, and ethnography strongly suggests that there is good reason to believe Caiap women did participate in raids. Ewart (2000:77

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128 a raid in 1997, leaving their village with men who went to confront and chase off loggers illegally working on Panar lands. One of the women later recounted how she and the other woman had verbally confro nted the loggers. Much like a Caiap raid, the Panar returned to their village laden with a large haul of booty taken from the loggers. Further, Ewart (2000:116) discusses a Panar myth of the origin of witcraft. According to the myth she recounted, tw o women accompanied Panar men on their way to attack the Northern Kaiap. This would suggest, it seems, that Panar women have a tradition, in fact and in myth, of accompanying their men to attack enemies, and even participating in the fighting. 5 Th e published version of Pires de Campos is cited throughout our study. For the original document, see IHGB Lata 129, pasta 9. 6 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. Much of this information matches what is known ethnographically about G speaking societies ge nerally (see e.g., Maybury Lewis) and the Panar specifically (e.g., Ewart 2000). 7 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2005. 8 Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso (Hereafter, APMT ) Fundo: Governadoria (31 3 1771) Doc.336. 9 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 10 AHU_ACL_C U_008, Cx. 32, D. 2005. 11 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 12 According to Ewart (2000:66), well made and blade ko kwakrit tu 13 Ewa rt (2000:68, 76 77) found a strong ritual component in Panar warfare, noting parallels between seasonal hunting parties and war parties: both left their villages to hunt (game or victims); both returned bearing goods (game or booty); and, in some cases, t he Panar painted game in a manner reminiscent of people. On the ontological interplay between hunting and warfare, see Fausto (2007). 14 arose 15 Arquivo Pblico Mineiro (Hereafter, APM ) FDF CC Rolo 546, #969. 16 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 17 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 18 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 20, D. 1220. 19 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15 D. 931. 20 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023; see also, DI 1 896, vol. 22:185. 21 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. In the late 1960s, when the VillaBas brothers spearheaded the attempt to contact the Kreen Akrore, they discovered burnt and charred bones on the outskirts of an abandoned village. At the time, the bo nes were believed to belong to the victim of a Kreen Akrore attack (Cowell 1974:176), but actually they belonged to Panar individuals killed for practicing witchcraft. The Panar call witches hipe a term also used to describe enemies, and burned the bod ies of witches. See Ewart (2000, especially chapter 3). The Caiap practice of deliberately burning bodies, including those of the dead, suggests that they viewed the Portuguese as a form of hipe. 22 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 23 E.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008 Cx. 27, D. 1776. 24 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 983. 25 AHU_ACL_008, Cx. 20, D. 1220. 26 E.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 933. 27 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17m D. 1023. For a discussion of a phenomenon in Minas Gerais, see Langfur (2005b:266 270). 28 These instruc tions applied to all hostile Indians but were representative of similar orders issued to bandeiras fighting the Caiap. 29 APMT Fundo: Justia (28 6 1771) Doc. 92. A published transcript is available, see Revista do Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso (Hereafte r, RAPMT ) (1983) 30 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 23, D. 1440. 31 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 983. 32 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 33 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 34 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 983. 35 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 36 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1 023.

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129 37 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 38 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 39 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 40 onslaughts, during which the assailants to but their attacks became ambushes on isolated individuals once the Kaiap had acquired firearms (Verswijver 1992:138). 41 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 23, D. 1440. 42 APMT Ano 1782, Doc. 145. 43 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 3, D. 281. 44 For another example, see AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 45 A memory, however faint, of the taking of captives did survive among the Panar. Heelas (1979:219 223, esp. 222) described a ritual in which Panar men attacked a wasp nest; a ritual that symbolically and physically resembled a Panar raid (e.g., the participants were painted; the nest was attacked with arrows and clubbed). After attacking the wasp nest, the participants in the ritual returned to the village and village center. The axe, obviously, symbolized the kind of booty that Panar warriors, much like their Caiap ancestors, had once brought into the village center after a raid. The meaning of the doll was less clear t o Heelas, understandably so, since the Panar did not take captives. Thus, at least in ritual, it appears the Panar recalled their 46 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5. D. 427. 47 In theory, at least, it was illegal to attack Indians in Brazil, unless certain conditions were met, e.g., the people in question practiced cannibalism or impeded the propagation of the Faith. On so (1954). 48 Indeed, if the doll brought into the village after the wasp nest ritual was a distant memory of the practice of abducting women and children, but for the outbreaks of epidemics that reduced the Panar to less than 100 persons in less than a decade, the ability to incorporate captives into village life mig 49 See also, AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2168; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2156. 50 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 51 This requires a slight caveat. Beginning in the 1780s, some Caiap were employed to hunt fugitive slaves, whom they ca ptured and brought back to Portuguese settlements for a reward, see IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2). These captives, from what we can tell, were never assimilated into Caiap villages, unlike these native captives. Occasionally, one comes across reports of disap pearance occurring around Cuiab. Although often attributed to the Caiap, these abductions were probably the work of the Bororo.

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130 CHAPTER 4 THE WARS: A NARRATIV E (1720 1780) Introduction At the end of the seventeenth century, word of gold strikes in the interior quickly spread, and adventurers, prospectors, slavers, and various sorts of nefarious characters headed with reckles spurred new discoveries in territories to the west and deep within the continent, first at Cuiab and later Gois. The Caiap threatened these two mining regions for most of the eighteenth cen tury, and the conflicts that developed from the Portuguese attempts to secure the mines are well known. This chapter offers a more complete narrative of these conflicts as they evolved in Gois, Mato Grosso, and So Paulo, with a particular emphasis on th e Portuguese struggle to acquire native allies to fight the Caiap in Gois. Cuiab: The Mono Route The first gold strikes following those in Minas Gerais those at Cuiab, were the most distant and remote of all These mines were discovered when Pasco al Moreira Cabral and Antnio Pires de Campos the father of the famous Caiap fighter encountered Indians wearing gold ornaments on the Coxip and Cuiab Rivers in 1719. 1 The slavers now turned prospectors sent word of their felicitous discovery to So Pa ulo and the second gold rush in a generation was on. Traveling to these mines was unlike any other voyage in the New World. 2 Those seeking their fortunes in Cuiab made an epic trek of at least five months that pitted them against deprivation, hunger, rap ids, whirlpools, and difficult portages. They began by traveling overland from So Paulo to the port of Araritaguaba (Porto Feliz) on the

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131 Tiet River, which they descended in canoes to the Panar. 3 This river carried the flotillas southwest before they b egan a difficult northwest ascent into the interior along the Pardo River and its headwaters. When the adventurers arrived at Camapu, they made a difficult portage of several days before descending the Camapu, Coxim, and Taquari Rivers. They then passe and ascended the Paraguay and Porrudos Rivers to the Cuiab River before finally arriving at the mines. Conflicts with the Caiap began on the lower Tiet River. From the Tiet to the Pardo, the entire no rth bank of the Panar was dominated by the Caiap, with the region near the Verde and Sucuri Rivers being particularly thickly inhabited (Taunay 1981b:122). The Verde was believed to offer a quicker route to Cuiab, but the Caiap made traveling on this river so perilous the Portugu ese avoided exploring this river until the early nineteenth century (Taunay 1981b:158). Arriving at the Pardo brought no Caiap are ac was not home to Caiap villages. Those voya ging to Cuiab noted Caiap war parties small numbers of flotillas and a canoe stopping on the banks to hunt or gather firewood risked attack, so sufficient provisions had to be carried for the several weeks required to ascend this river. This made the journey more difficult and expensive. Hunger was often the

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132 At the headwaters of the Pardo, the flotillas were forced to make a d ifficult portage across Camapu, the rugged hill country between the Pardo and Coxim Rivers. The canoes were unloaded and transported across the campo on four wheeled carts pulled by slaves. Because of the constant threat of Caiap attack, these caravans were days of the portage, where the trail descended into a narrow gully whose overhanging banks were thickly shrouded in undergrowth, were particularly dangerous because the Caiap lit the surrounding brush on fire before attacking (Taunay 1981:122). In the early days of the gold rush, Camapu quickly emerged as a principal battlefield. In Feb ruary of 1728, Dom Rodrigo Cesar de Menezes, the Capito General of So Paulo, demanded an investigation of Indian attacks and sanctioned the slaving fields in that place, Two years later, in August of 1730, the Crown, incensed over the killing 40 slaves in Camapu, l icensed the slaving of the Caiap by declaring the captives taken while attacking their villages were slaves (DI 1896, vol. 24:27 28). The Crown also ordered a fort established and a force of 70 cavalry to sweep the sertes in search of hostile Indians Another declaration of war followed on March 5, 1732, this time granting permission to attack the Paiagu (DI 1896, vol. 22:12 13), but the Guiacuru and Caiap were included in the conflict the following September (Giraldin 1997:63). By December of 1733, slaving in Camapu was so rampant and widespread that a priest denounced

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1 33 the Paulistas for extendi ng their attacks to all the neighboring native peoples (Giraldin 1997:63). S lavers liked to claim those they attacked were allied with the Caiap, which oste nsibly legitimated their assaults, and even went so far as to assert an alliance between the Caiap and the Bororo, despit e it being well known that these two peoples despised one another 4 The Crown responded by ordering an investigation; the slaving con tinued regardless of this command. 5 Because of the fighting and slaving, Caiap captives were numerous and a common sight in Camapu. In 1788, there were so many captive Caiap that a Portuguese engineer and surveyor, Francisco Jos de Lacerda e Almeida ( 1944:81), slaving expedition in 1781 or 1782, which one traveler, Diogo de Toledo Lara e [Caiap] had caused him various losses in his clearings and cattle and had killed some people from the fazenda when they left [to work] without arms, dispatched a troop that w andered for four days and encountered an aldeia six or eight leagues from the pillage attemp

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134 appeared content with their lot. After passing through the campo of Camapu, the flotillas f ound little safety from Caiap attacks. The Camapu and Coxim Rivers were narrow and rocky with high and overhanging banks. Occasionally, the Caiap occupied the high ground along the Coxim and hurled rocks onto the passing canoes (Holanda 1945:161). In 1782, one convoy was attacked three times on the Camapu River. 6 After the third attack, the aggressive flotilla commander, Manoel Mano, decided to attack the Caiap. He landed 12 men on the riverbanks, and they pushed inland for three leagues, but the ir bravado faded when confronted with the sight of a huge Caiap village. The bandeira slinked back to their canoes and continued on to Cuiab, where they denounced the attacks and called for retaliation. Even late in the century, many rivers in northern Camapu were simply avoided out of fear of the Caiap. Francisco de Oliveira Barbosa (1863:34) reported in 1792 that the Selado River, a tributary of the Coxim, was avoided because of the many Caiap aldeias situated near its banks. The clash of arms bet ween the Portuguese and the Caiap along the river route to Cuiab grew in intensity through the early eighteenth century. The threat was so serious that a council was convened in Cuiab in the early 1730s to discuss how to defeat the Caiap (Giraldin 199 7:63). On the advice of various bandeirantes, including Antnio Pires de Campos, this council decided to concentrate on attacking the Caiap from Vila Boa. Gois was closer to lands occupied by the Caiap and a furious war raged there. Settlers in Gois unable to halt the Caiap raids, had sought assistance from Cuiab, summoning an old bandeirante named ngelo Preto de Godi to come

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135 and fight for them. Preto de Godi possessed a personal army of Bororo Indians, and he was famous for the great slaughte rs he had committed against the Paiagu But he was a hoary campaigner and so advanced in years that he declined the invitation. The miners in Gois were forced to fight the Caiap without assistance from Cuiab for several more years. The Caiap raids w orsened in Gois, and aid was again solicited from Cuiab in 1740 1741. This time Antnio Pires de Campos answered the call and agreed to fight the Caiap. This redoubtable Indian fighter would spend the rest of his life slaving and terrorizing the Caiap in Gois. These conflicts, as well as those that followed the death of Pires de Campos, would overshadowed the ambushes and back and forth raiding on the Pardo and in Camapu for the rest of the century. There was one important exception the Caiap att ack at Mdico. The Attack at Mdico In 1771, the Caiap attacked a large group of slaves working a mine near Mdico, six leagues (37 kilometers or 23 miles) outside of Cuiab. Around 4 p.m. on March 21, approximately 200 Caiap descended a cart track lead ing into the mine. Caught off guard and unarmed, close to 400 slaves and their overseers scrambled to flee before the onrushing attackers. 7 There was a great slaughter. A large number of slaves and at least one overseer were slain in the mine, and more slaves and at least two overseers were run down in the surrounding campo. The victorious Caiap looted the mine and attacked a nearby ranch, killing several head of cattle, before retreating i nto the sertes with their plunder They left behind a scene o f incredible carnage: bodies, bloated from the sun and humidity, were still being recovered from the campo several days after the attack. 8

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136 The Caiap assault was a complete surprise, despite the discovery of trails and sightings of Indian scouts quietly ob serving settlements in the preceding months, as many years had passed since an attack on Cuiab (Almeida 1944:65). 9 Rumors of an invasion of thousands of hostile Indians and incredible carnage the death toll was grossly exaggerated to more than 70 dead sl aves fueled a panic: isolated miners, ranchers, and farmers, terrified by the rumors, abandoned their lands and fled to the safety of Cuiab. 10 The obligatory calls for vengeance were heard; a posse of aldeia Indians, hastily armed with a dozen muskets, wa s sent after the retreating Caiap. The bandeira managed to overtake the raiders and fight a brief skirmish: three Caiap were killed and a great quantity of plundered items recaptured and returned to Cuiab. 11 But neither the governor nor the settlers wer e content with killing three Caiap and recovering some plundered goods, so a second expedition was organized under the command of Capito Antnio Soares de Gdoi. Once a tough Indian fighter, this d, tired, and of dubious capacity. His reputation, however, still commanded enough respect that he was charged with leading 71 men, including 14 Bororo the native pathfinders and troops favored for fighting the Caiap into the sertes. 12 Soares de Gdoi r eceived instructions ordering his bandeira to search first for an aldeia of Bororo Araripocon known to be somewhere on the Porrudos River and convince them to move closer to Cuiab. 13 The Bororo, it was believed, would help locate the perpetrators of the recent attack and serve as a barrier against future Caiap aggression. If the Bororo balked, resisted, or there was reason to suspect their involvement in the Mdico massacre, then the governor considered them aggressors and ordered Soares de Gdoi to att ack them.

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137 After contacting the Bororo, and hopefully acquiring guides and allies, the Bandeira was om the envisioned slaughter, the governor declared that any captives taken by the bandeira belonged to their victors. 14 These instructions, by authorizing the bandeira to attack the Bororo and any located Caiap villages, expanded the conflict to peoples a nd villages not involved in the recent slaughter. The geriatric Soares de Gdoi, despite his formidable reputation, had little success 15 Slow in preparing and tardy in leavin g, the bandeira was plagued by desertion before it had begun its march. The desertions continued and, before reaching the Porrudos, the ranks were thinned by the loss of an additional 16 men. 16 The bandeira found the Bororo and fought a brief battle that the Indians won. The defeated remnants of Soares limped back to Cuiab (Carvalho Franco 1989:185). 17 This was bad news for the governor and the settlers crowded into Cuiab While the Soares de Gdoi bandeira had prepared, there were new attacks on the outskirts of the capital. An ill received report reached Cuiab that raiders had killed four slaves on July 23. 18 The next day, raiders attacked a group of slaves working f ields on a 19 The survivors of this attack reported woman and children mixed in among the warriors, and, since no women and children were seen a t the Mdico slaughter, this provoked a fear that a second group of Caiap was

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138 marauding outside of Cuiab. Officials acted swiftly. Pascoal Delgado Lobo, another elderly Indian fighter, was sent after these Caiap. This hoary bandeirante was more succe ssful than Soares de Gdoi. After spending only 21 or 22 days in the sertes, Delgado Lobo returned and reported discovering many abandoned camps, shelters, and other evidence of the Caiap moving through the sertes outside of Cuiab. 20 And he had ambush Caiap. Bororo attacks to the north and south of Cuiab, and the Paiagu, formidable canoe borne fluvial raide rs, attacked farms and ranches. The threat of ambush by the Caiap, Bororo, and Paiagu hung over the mines In August of 1772, the governor of Mato Grosso, Lus Pinto de Sousa Coutinho, called for the captaincies of So Paulo, Gois, and Mato Grosso to coordinate their military efforts. 21 This appeal was repeated that December by his successor, Lus de Albuquerque Pereira e Cceres. 22 Despite t he hostilities of several native peoples both men singled out the Caiap as the most formidable and pressing th reat: Caiap territory, they argued, was too vast for any one captaincy to conquer and the recent bandeiras had done little to reduce hostilities near the new governor claimed, and 80 armed men di spatched after Caiap had produced no results; there were still raids. 23 Bandeiras and calls for cooperation between the captaincies did little to assuage the growing fears in Cuiab. In March of 1773, an officer, Francisco Lopes de Arajo, informed the go vernor that settlers expected more Indian attacks in the coming year. 24

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139 Such fears proved correct: the outskirts of the capital were attacked again. The survivors of one raid reported their assailants wore penis sheaths. 25 This identified the attackers as Bororo the Caiap fought naked and did not wear this particular accoutrement and it was cle ar that two native peoples were attacking Cuiab. Worse yet, these Bororo attacks were most likely the product of the ill fated Soares de Gdoi bandeira: the gover had produced the opposite result. In response, the governor devised a plan for a 100 man expedition to spend up to a year slaving on the Porrudos and Taquari Rivers. 26 In March of 17 73, a junta convened to debate the hostilities and recommended a similar course of action: a bandeira of 80 to 100 men, paid by the treasury and contributions from threatened miners, to attack Indian villages north of Camapu. 27 Joo Leme do Prado and Pasc oal Delgado Lobo, the same slaver who had early attacked the Caiap and the recent victor in a battle with the Paiagu Indians, were given command of this expedition and ordered to divide their forces by land and river. 28 Their first goal, according to th e junta, was to investigate if the Bororo, whom Soares de Gdoi had attacked, were responsible for the recent attacks. This bandeira set off for the sertes on August 9, 1773. A few weeks earlier, there had been an attack that killed three outside of Cuiab, so the men left with a sense of urgency and had vengeance on their minds 29 The bandeira attacked and destroyed a small Caiap aldeia. It then attacked a Bororo village on the Porrudos River. 30 The commanders justified their assault by claiming t hey had discovered in the village some rough cloth, a sack of cotton, and other odds and ends stolen from settlements. At

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140 least 80 captives were taken in the attack. Mixed in among the Bororo prisoners, the bandeira discovered two captive Caiap boys. S o the Caiap and Bororo as had been suspected in Cuiab, were attacking one another. The bandeira left the Porrudos River with their captives and headed back to Cuiab, but the two Caiap youths and most of the Bororo managed to escape (Fonseca 1881:77). 31 This bandeira, much like those that had recently preceded it, was without effect in beating back the Caiap. A brief period of calm followed. There were no reports of Caiap or Bororo attacks until 1776 and 1777. 32 Even then, the Portuguese were unsure identity: for example, the governor, in 1778, reported dispatching a bandeira after 33 Despite the bandeiras, authorities had been unable to halt the raids. The cost of the failure was high: an investigation revealed the Caiap and Bororo had killed 183 people, mostly slaves, between the March of 1771 and January of 1778. 34 At first glance, the raids near Cuiab appear to be part of the larger pattern of back and forth fighting that had occurred around the mines. On closer examination, however, it appears that something far more interesting was occurring. Caiap raiders had appeared where they were rarely seen before; reports indicated that, on at least one occasion, women and child ren accompanied the raiders; and bandeiras reported encountering evidence of Caiap moving through the sertes outside of Cuiab. After 1773, there was a sudden decline in hostilities followed by an outbreak of fighting, but the identity of the offenders was in doubt, and, since Caiap attacks were easy to identify, it seems reasonable that these attacks were the work of the Bororo or another

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141 people This suggests the Caiap had quit attacking Cuiab. The Caiap responsible for the attacks, it appears, h ad migrated past the mines. By the late 1760s and early 1770s, raiding in Gois had become too dangerous for the Caiap. Attacks, even small ones, almost always propelled a heavily armed bandeira into the sertes. These later bandeiras were manned by ski lled Bororo troops who frequently tracked down and attacked Caiap villages. Some of these villages tried to escape the Bororo by relocating. Driven from Camapu and the headwaters of Araguaia, the Caiap crossed Bororo territory and, extremely aggressiv e after two generations of back and forth raiding, began attacking Cuiab to capture the manufactured goods they were dependent upon. Conflicts with bandeiras, as well as the Bororo (suggested by the two captive Caiap boys found in a Bororo village), eve ntually pushed the Caiap on their way. This movement was part of a larger pattern of migrations out of Gois: there was a sudden outbreak of fighting in northern So Paulo during the 1760s. Military officers believed the fighting was brought about by th e flight of Caiap from Gois (see below). But the Caiap seeking refuge to the south of Gois found no relief from the fighting. The villages driven into the northwest, however, eventually discovered sertes free of settlements of miners, ranchers, and farmers. Lost in the vastness of the interior, these Caiap were forgotten until they were again contacted as the Kreen Akrore. Gois The most famous and sanguinary of the Caiap conflicts were those of Gois (Taunay 1950; Hemming 1978:405 408). The sear ch for the mines of Gois was inspired by the discovery of gold at Cuiab. The younger Bartholomeu Bueno da Silva remembered that, while on a bandeira with his father a craggy faced, one eyed Indian

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142 slaver whose name he shared there were Indians wearing g old trinkets somewhere east of the Araguaia River. 35 Anhangera solicited and received permission to find the Goi and he and a retinue of adventurers, Indian auxiliaries, and slaves marched north from So Paulo in 1722. They entered the sertes to the e ast of the Araguaia River, a harsh and unforgiving landscape where m en died of hunger while marching across endless sun soaked scrub and savannah (Taunay 1981:124 141). The bandeira was saved when it stumbled upon a village of Crix Indians, which Anhang era ordered attacked and pillaged for food. Although saved from starvation, the frustrated expedition soon split apart and failed to locate the gold wearing Indians. Bueno da Silva survived this trek, returned to So Paulo, raised a new cohort, and retu rned to the sertes in 1726. Fortune favored this second bandeira, which finally located the unfortunate Goi Indians whose women decorated themselves with delicate gold leaflets near the Bugres and Vermelho Rivers. Anhangera sent word of his good fortu in the hills near the Goi village. The lands between the Araguaia and Tocantins Rivers were soon overrun by enter of Vila Boa; slaves worked in lonely and inhospitable places, isolated from the larger settlements and spread across a vast region of rolling savannah and thick ripar ian forests. Much of Anhangera established the first mining camp, he infelicitously chose a place bordered, if distantly, by two densely inhabited regions. To the southwest the Caiap completely

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143 dominated the Claro, Caiap, and Piles Rivers, and, south of Vila Boa, their villages were numerous in the sertes around and between the Paranaba and Grande Rivers; prospectors soon learned the right bank tributaries of the Paran aba, especially the Corumb and Rio dos Bois, were dangerous places. Caiap from these regions knew well the sertes around Vila Boa, since they had often attacked the Goi in the years s traveled overland along the trails blazed by Bueno da Silva: these ran northwest from So Paulo through Mogi Mirim, forded the Grande and Paranaba Rivers, before winding their way to Vila Boa. Travelers risked attack along much of the route, especially where the trail passed through the eastern sertes between the Paranaba and Grande Rivers. Known as the backlands were so dominated by the Caiap that their villages served as a sort of frontier be tween the captaincies of Gois and Minas Gerais (Langfur 1998:1). Unfortunately, the initial conflicts that occurred along the overland passage to the min es were very poorly documented, and practically nothing is known about them. We know that Anhangera, while on his first march in search of the Goi, fought the Caiap n.2). Better documented and better known are the conflicts that erupted around Vila Boa. This settlement surprisingly, saw a few years pass before the Caiap began attacking it in the early 1730s. The cause of the attacks was the avid expansion of prospectors into the headwaters of the Araguaia. In 1732 1733, the governor of So Paulo Gois was not yet a s eparate captaincy ordered Bartholomeu Bueno da Silva to investigate rumors of mines on the

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144 Claro and Piles Rivers. The old bandeirante and a small contingent of men found gold and diamonds on these rivers, but they were ambushed by the Caiap and forced to abandon their discoveries (RAHE 1980:43). Around the same time, prospectors on the Caiap River discovered signs of lurking Indians and fled to the safety of a large mining camp on the nearby Claro River; but the Caiap followed their trails and ambush ed two men herding cows outside of the settlement, killing them. 36 Despite the danger of the Caiap, the lure of gold and diamonds drew prospectors back. Someone named Joo de Veiga Bueno prospected on the Caiap River, but his party was ambushed and forc ed to retreat by raiders concealed in the tall grass. 37 Later, a mining camp named Bom Fim sprung up near the Claro and Piles rivers: Caiap attacks quickly depopulated this settlement (Souza 1872:441). The trails these expeditions left behind led the Ca iap back to what is now Vila Boa. Groups of Caiap warriors began traveling these trails to attack the mines and farms on the outskirts of the settlement. Most of the early attacks were ambushes: small raiding parties appeared suddenly, killed quickly, g rabbed up any loot, and fled back to their villages. Word spread between Caiap villages of the easy picking to be found outside of Vila Boa, and the conflict rapidly expanded into a veritable onslaught (see appendix a). There was panic and paranoia, as the fleet footed Caiap appeared to kill and plunder and disappear just as rapidly into the sertes Even surviving an attack left miners in debt and ruined owing to the loss of valuable slaves and their labor. 38 In the early 1730s, Governor Antnio Lus Tvora, the Count of Sarzedas, ordered Agostino Pacheco Teles, the Superintendent of the Gois Mines, to investigate these attacks (Taunay 1950:238). In December of 1736, Governor Tvora, based on what Pacheco Teles had

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145 learned, requested Crown authorizat ion to attack the Caiap in their villages (DI 1896, vol. 22:120). Raiding, he said, had become a serious impediment to the successful extraction of bullion, and the miners demanded an offensive to smash the Caiap, even offering to pay the cost. But the Crown declined to authorize an offensive and, instead, ordered the creation of troops to defend the mines (Giraldin 1997:68). By 1739, Caiap attacks were seriously affecting the gold mines, and the new governor, Dom Lus de Mascarenhas, decided it w as time to eliminate their hostilities. He sent letters to ngelo Preto in Cuiab requesting aid; but the elderly campaigner declined (Alencastre 1864:77). The governor was forced to raise two companies of 20 pedestres in 1741 (DI 1896, vol. 22:166). He is those taken captive in battle to the sword, without regard to sex, only saving from the penalty of death the boys and girls under the age of ten years and bring these to this town to take a fifth for the Crown and th e others to be distributed amongst those who envisioned it, was to be a bru tal offensive to drive them and their hostilities, forever from the mines. But the two companies Governor Mascarenhas raised had little impact. One company reportedly spent its time catching and drying fish to sell in the mining settlements. 39 The other company was commanded by Capito Antnio de Lemos e Faria, an aggressive officer who was complet ely unprepared for the task at hand. He and his men stumbled on a Caiap raiding party and killed two raiders, whose heads

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146 auded the captain and his men. 40 It was only a small victory, however, and one the captain was unable to repeat. Capito Lemos e Faria was a bungler. He once located a Caiap village and ordered it surrounded for an early morning assault. 41 At dawn, it a ppeared the village would be slaughtered, but Capito Lemos e Faria urged his troops forward with loud shouts. These parade ground antics warned the Caiap, and they hastily fled into the surrounding bush. The bandeira only murdered a few luckless indivi duals, took a few captives, captured some weapons, and burned the village. The Caiap later ambushed and dispersed a bandeira, in which Lemos e Faria participated, supposedly while the bumbling captain was shaving and unable to lead a counterattack. 42 Poor ly trained, poorly equipped, and lacking the tactics and leadership needed for fighting in the sertes, soldiers were unable to defeat the formidable Caiap. Raids grew in size and ferocity. The Caiap impetuously assaulted the suburbs of Vila Boa, scatt [ ] to the calls for venge ance, appeals for succor, and much justified fear in Vila Boa; the mining camp brimmed with terrified settlers seeking safety. And then, with surprising rapidity, the situation changed. In 1742, Antnio Pires de Campos, a bandeirante from Itu, famous eve n in his time for his exploits in the sertes, arrived from Cuiab with a contingent of Bororo warriors. Antnio Pires de Campos Antnio Pires de Campos is a name indelibly linked to the Caiap. The son of the great bandeirante of the same name, called P ai Pir

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147 2:178). Pires de Campos was a mendacious wicked, and cruel man, practiced in the art of slaughtering the young, the old, the pregnant, and the helpless. In mid 1740s, he commanded a host of almost 500 Bororo Indians skilled pathfinders and tough native soldiers, the Bororo hailed from the mine s of Cuiab and easily the equal of the Caiap in war equipped with uniforms and muskets at Crown expense to fight the Caiap in pitiless scorched earth campaigns over the co urse of nine years. They left a swath of devastation which stretched from the headwaters of the Araguaia to the Tringulo Mineiro and stained force against its indigenous opponents. 43 In August of 1742, Pires de Campos arrived in Gois with a force of 120 Bororo. Bororo a native word referring to a ceremonial area in their village plazas (see Crocker 1985:32) was a name the Portuguese called a num ber of related peoples They spoke dialects of a similar language (related to, but distinct from, the G language) and occupied the sertes around Cuiab (see e.g., Viertler 1990). In fact, Cuiab was the name of the Bororo subgroup on whose village the mining settlement was raised. The Bororo were very numer ous, lived in large villages, and were consi dered redoubtable fighters (see Campos 1862:447 449). After the discovery of gold at Cuiab, some Bororo chose to ally with the Portuguese, and several bandeirantes acquired large armies of these tough warriors; they would play important roles in fighti ng and

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148 conquering various native peoples including the Paiagu and the Caiap living around Cuiab and even distant Gois The bandeirantes and adventurers who arrived at Cuiab discovered a great enmity existed between the Bororo and Caiap. This was callously, if not ingeniously, manipulated to acquire a powerful and effective fighting force in Gois. Capito Lemos two nations 44 We do not know when or how this rivalry began, but much of the enmity was due to the Portuguese presence. The Caiap, as we have seen, were driven from the southern periphery of their te rritory by the Paulistas in the early six teenth century, and they expanded north and into conflict with the Bororo. T he Caiap were unab le to overpower this numerous people unlike the Goi farther to the east, and a furious war raged between the two La ter, the settlements at Cuiab and Vila Boa squeezed the Bororo and Caiap into competition for land and resources at the headwaters of the Araguaia River and northern Camapu. 45 Pires de Campos, who had already acquired a large following of Bororo when th exploited it. He offered the Bororo the opportunity to settle old scores with the aid of Portuguese arms. Indeed, the first lot of Bororo to arrive in Gois was composed entirely of warriors, suggesting they saw this action as a traditional raid and planned on returning to their sertes once the Caiap were defeated. When Pires de Campos arrived in Vila Boa, he found the settlers demoralized by a recent rout of a bandeira near the Anicuns River (south of Vila Boa) He quickly led the Bororo into the sertes, rallied the remnants of the defeated bandeira, and attacked

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149 a Caiap village. There was a terrible slaughter and many Caiap were shackled and led away as slaves this attack was so devasta ting that the Caiap did not again approach Vila Boa for seven years. 46 On October 12, 1742, the triumphant Pires de Campos stood before Governor Mascarenhas and signed an agreement to smash the Caiap (DI 1895, vol. 13:259 261). For an arroba (c. 15 kilo grams or 33.07 pounds) of gold, he agreed to campaign in the sertes of the Serra Dourado and headwaters of the Araguaia River. He would attack Caiap villages (theoretically, this was prohibited), kill the inhabitants, put them to flight, and free the mi was good for two years and included an option to extend the campaign into ne w regions and against new native peoples Three days later, on October 15, Governor Mascarenhas proudly informed the Crown that Pai Pir was in the sertes, and he sought permission to raise another company of 20 or 30 soldiers to assist with the conquest (DI 1896, vol. 22:175). Pires de Campos and the Bororo destroyed at least three Caiap villages in this first campaign. For the first time, Ca iap raiding around Vila Boa ceased, the So Paulo road unmolested. Pires de Campos contemplated heading north to fight the pow erful Acro and Chacriab peoples whose wide ranging raids threatened the settlements at Natividade, Terras Novas, Remdios, and along the banks of the Paran River (a right tributary of the Tocantins) (Alencastre 1864:90). The settlers offered Pires de Campos 500 head of cattle and proposed a spec ial tax to help defray the cost of subjugating the Indians. On May 12, 1743, Antnio Pires de Campos accepted this contract, but the

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150 to head north (Alencastre 1864: henchmen, established two companies of soldiers in what proved to be an ineffective attempt to halt the raiding. As Pires de Campos discov ered, the manipulation of indigenous rivalries limited Bororo pa rticipation i warriors chose and refused to stay in the field indefinitely under his command. Because the Bororo viewed the Gois campaign as an extension of their own wars with the Caiap, not a European style war of annihilation, they refused Pai Pir when he tried to cajole them into a campaign against the Acro and Chacriab both of whom were unfamiliar peoples with whom t hey had little or no contact There was no reason to fight them, and the Bororo were not mercenaries willing to fight for lucrative contracts and profit despite And, though powerful vendettas and the need to avenge long harbor ed wrongs propelled the Bororo into Gois, and several hundred kilometers from their villages, wives, and children, Pai Pir soon found that, when his campai gn dragged on for too long, his allies tired of the fighting and returned home to Cuiab. 47 Bororo affection for Pai Pir was tempered by their need to see their wives and children, plant gardens, a travel familiar sertes; there were limits to the scope and duration of what they were willing to do for their leader. Despite the success of Pires de Campo Gois mines deteriorated in 1744 and 1745. Immense Caiap war parties attacked convoys, besieged settlements, and looted impetuously across southern Gois. The governor had acted without Crown authorization when he signed his first contract with

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151 Antnio Pires de Campos, and the king and his ministers debated how best to resolve the conflict in the years since 1742. On March 23, 1744, the Crown authorized the contract but, contradictorily, declared the offensive at an end: the king ordered the and civilization. 48 Only if the Caiap rejected offers of peace, civilization, and salvation was an offensive war permitted. The governor us ed this decree to authorize a second offensive in February of 1745. This was a Crown avoid future damage by giving [the Caiap] such punishment that it shall serve as a terror to them and all the other inhabitants of the governor raised two more companies of soldiers, paid and provisioned by the royal treasury, and spread the word that the participants in his war would keep the captives after the Crown took its royal fifth, of course a nd possibly receive honors from the Crown. As before, Pires de Campos agreed to fight the Caiap. Many of the Bororo had died or fled back to Cuiab, so Pai Pir needed to recruit new troops. The miners agreed to provide Pires de Campos with half an oita Bororo from Cuiab to Gois; the governor sweetened the deal with an induction into the Order of Christ, a prestigious Portuguese military order, and a lucrative pension (Brasil 1980:118). With the Bororo having already r efused a long campaign that violated their understanding of warfare, and facing what he knew would be a sustained effort, Pires de Campos changed his tactics. He returned to Cuiab and gathered a ildren. This was a permanent relocation of an entire village, or villages, not a raiding party, and the

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152 difference could not have been lost on the Bororo warriors: their wives and children were in unfamiliar territory and surrounded by hostile Caiap and Portuguese soldiers. If the Bororo decided to abandon Pai Pir, they had to take their women and children with them or leave them behind with the Portuguese and Caiap neither known for showing mercy. Pires de Campos established two aldeias near the Aragu ari River (the Rio das Anna do Rio das Velhas and Rio das Pires de Campos first attempted to reduce the heathen [Caiap] by persuasive means, 49 This was an old ives, called lngua s Indians into an alliance. But Pires de Campos was dismayed when none of the freed Caiap returned. This first group of captives was composed ent irely of men, including the son of a chief, so Pai Pir changed gears and released two women, hoping they would convince their villages to accept peace; but the women like the men, also disappeared. Having failed to seduce the Caiap with gifts and promis es, Pires de Campos set out to batter their villages into submission. He began attacking villages along the overland passage from Vila Boa to So Paulo. This provoked a furious response. Caiap villages joined together to raid; huge groups of Caiap att acked settlements along the road. The attacks culminated in a siege of a small garrison of troops at the

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153 Rio das Velhas. The beleaguered troops were too frightened to face the club wielding warriors surrounding them, and they despaired when the Caiap be gan firing flaming arrows into their fort. Pires de Campos rescued the troops and broke the siege, sending a contingent of Bororo across the campo and another group by canoe, but the Caiap realized they were about to be surrounded and fled. Pai Pir fol lowed. A terrible campaign commenced that crossed 150 leagues and captured at least a thousand slaves (Alencastre 1864:76). From these prisoners, Pires de Campos learned 50 Women, whom the Caiap considered nly way Then, unexpectedly, Caiap raiders approached a farm south of the Grande said resident [of t he farm] was so sincere and affable that he not only concede to them all the small things in his house but politely exposed his wife and children to them, giving them knives and others goods for the promise that they would again return and 51 O in trading his belongings or anxiously gave the Caiap presents in the hope they would move on though the latter certainly seems more probable. The appearance of these Caiap at a farm appears to have been an attempt to acquire goods without killing the and propelled a bandeira of musket toting Bororo into the sertes. If so, the experiment

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154 was not repeated, perhaps it was seen as unproductive. The Caiap, Pinto da Silveira recalled years later, had promised to return, and they did attacking the generous farmer a few months later. Although a passing convoy witnessed the attack and managed to save the farmer and his family, the Caiap regrouped and assaulted a neighboring farm where they killed some slaves and their owner, burning the unfortunate man in a barn where he had hidden himself. And w e hear no more of the Caiap appearing at farms to be g reeted, entertained, and gifted by farmers and their wives and children. New hostilities soon raged across southern Gois. On July 15, 1748, Antnio Pires de Campos signed his third and last contract to fight the Caiap. He agreed to bring more Bororo fr om Cuiab to bolster the garrison at Rio das Pedras and establish a new aldeia, Lanhoso (DI 1896, vol. 22:210 213). 52 From his three aldeias, he would them such that they do event that his troops encountered a large aldeia or raiding party, Pires de Campos could summon 20 or 30 soldiers. If a year passed without an attack, he would be inducted in the Order of Christ, become a royal notary of the mines, and gain a pension of 50$000 reis. Now possessing an overwhelming force of 500 Bororo and pedestres, Pires de Campos set off to crush the Caiap for once and for all. An incredibly savage campaign develope

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155 one place or anot 53 As the conflict widened and intensified, Pires de Campos pushed deep into Camapu, where he encountered an immense Caiap village, but the innumerable club fighters in the village frightened even the musk et toting Bororo away (Souza 1872:447). 54 Nonetheless, the destruction of so many villages impacted the whole of Caiap territory, and attacks on Portuguese convoys and settlements ceased the governor claimed, for nearly two years (Brasil 1982:46). Then in 1749, during the height of this campaign, the Caiap destroyed an Arax village. 55 Early in the year, Pires de Campos reported that the Arax had requested missionaries. The governor dispatched supplies and ordered two Jesuits to begin a mission amo ng these new allies whom he envisioned relocating to the aldeia at Rio das Velhas to assist the Bororo with fighting the Caiap. In November of 1749, the two Jesuits, escorted by Pires de Campos and his Bororo, left Vila Boa for the Arax and arrived onl y to discover the village destroyed by the Caiap. 56 The g overnor had lost his allies as the Caiap had slaughtered the Arax men and carried the women and children off into captivity, so he angrily denounced the attack to the Crown, claiming unsated cann ibalism had driven the Caiap to destroy the unfortunate village But it campaigns, and the Caiap there were the hardest pressed, suffering numerous bandeira attacks and the loss of many men, women, and children. Raiding a Portuguese settlement provoked Bororo retaliation, so the Caiap attacked a weak neighbor that, because of the governo

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156 acquired through raiding. They murdered the men kidnapped the women and children to replace those lost to Pires de Campos and stole the goods the governor had sent hoping to forge an alliance against them By 1750, bandeiras of Bororo tracked Caiap raiders and destroyed villages across a vast swath of territory stretching from the Tringulo Mineiro to Camapu. Raiding decline, as it had become extremely dangerous, and the effect of so many attacks forced t he Caiap to modify their tactics: they attempted to approach Portuguese settlements peacefully and attacked the Arax to acquire goods (without, incidentally, attracting a bandeira). The Portuguese effort to destroy the Caiap appeared to be on the verge of victory, but the Caiap gained a reprieve Antnio Pires de Campos died, the victim of a festering arrow wound obtained while searching the sertes for new allies to replace the destroyed Arax. The Death of Antnio Pires de Campos Pires de Campos died in the mining camp at Paracat (Minas Gerais) in 1751. relates how Pai Pir came to suffer the grievous injury that killed him so far away from his base at the Rio das Pedras, which the eighteenth century Paulista genealogist Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes Leme (1980:179) appears to have been the first to promote. According to this story, Antnio Pires de Campos marched from Rio das Pedras to battle the Caiap someti me in 1750. At the head of his faithful Bororo, he There was a big battle and a terrible slaughter: the Caiap had turned on their pursuers and, standing ground against the thunder of the Bororo muskets, fought back with

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157 not enough, even shot throug h by an arrow, to keep him [Pires de Campos] from taking broke off the engagement and carried Pai Pir to Vila Boa. This was a dramatic tale fit for a conqueror a gre a charging horse, and a wounded warlord triumphing over a barbaric enemy. But a dramatic tale is all it was. Pires de Campos was shot through the shoulder, but the arrow was fired from a bo w belonging to a peaceful people living on the Araguaia River. There were no feats of derring do or horse charges, only illegal slaving, Portuguese perfidy, and a wily chief defending his people. the Arax in 1749. If ever a Caiap raid had produced an unexpected outcome, this was it: the attack set in motion a series of events th at eventually killed their most formidable persecutor. The news of the Arax destruction was greeted with much chagri n in Vila Boa. It was made worse by the arrival of word that the Caiap had attacked the small garrison on the Rio Claro in January of 1750. 57 News of this second attack arrived in Vila Boa at the same time that Pires de Campos was returning from his fail ed expedition to the Arax. As he was without his Bororo, Pai Pir took commanded of a troop of 28 soldiers and four dragoons (mounted infantry), and they plunged into the sertes on the heels of the retreating Caiap. They tracked and attacked an aldeia in Camapu, which took them reappearance of the Caiap on the Claro River appeared to foreshadow the resumption

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158 of hostilities. The governor decided a concerted effort to acquire new native allies was needed, as there simply were not enough Bororo for garrisons in the Tringulo Mineiro and the headwaters of the Araguaia. What the settlers needed was an alliance wit h one of the local people s of Gois. For many years, the governors of Gois cited pressing reasons for acquiring Indian allies (Ravagnani 1996: 222 244, 230). In terms of economics, fighting with native auxiliaries was cheaper than mannin g bandeiras with soldiers, stationing tropas presidios heavy burden of purchasing weapons, munitions, provisions, and paying salaries. 58 Indians, in contrast, were paid wi th cheap gifts of cloth, tools, and other small items; unless equipped with muskets or swords they made their own weapons; and they lived off the land or the products of their own gardens, thus requiring little provisioning. Importantly, using Indians to fight their wars permitted the Portuguese to leave scarce labor on economically productive tasks; officials routinely pointed to the arming of slaves as contributor to the growing economic stagnation of the captaincy. 59 But cost alone does not explain why native allies were needed. Indians also possessed the skills and endurance needed to fight in the sertes. Soldiers, who were often press ganged into service and unwilling to face combat, and slaves armed out of expediency found the backlands forbiddin g and difficult places. In June of 1750, after a second Caiap attack near the Rio Claro, the bumbling Antnio de Lemos e Faria led some soldiers after the retreating raiders. 60 Although these were the same troops Pires de Campos had commanded with great success earlier in the year, they quickly returned to Vila Boa without attacking the Caiap, loath to push into the sertes without

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159 competent leadership and Bororo support. Only a year before, in 1749, Governor age war against the barbarous Indians Brazilian because in entering the forests, which lack their accustomed foods, they quickly 61 therefore, capable of traveling the long distances necessar y to track raiding parties and find their villages. Native auxiliaries were desperately needed in Gois, but nowhere to be found. The G speaker s such as the Acro and Chacriab were almost uniformly hostile. There were, of course, the Bororo. But t hey required constant relocations owing to losses to combat, epidemic diseases, and flights and Pires de Campos was forced to make costly trips to Cuiab to gather new forces in 1745 1 7 46, 1748, and 1749 1750. He continuously requested payments of gold t o gather new troops, which the miners grudgingly paid, but this made the Bororo expensive allies. And the Bororo brought from Cuiab were never sufficient in numbers to patrol the whole of Gois. New allies were needed to supplant or replace the Bororo, which was the reason the governor had jumped at the chance to acquire Arax assistance; but his plans were thwarted by the Caiap. Then, a Paulista named Amaro Leite Moreiro told the frustrated governor about rumors circulating the settlements of norther n Gois. Sev eral of the Tupi speaking peoples living on the Araguaia River, it was said, sought missionaries and an alliance

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160 with the Portuguese (Brasil 1982:44 45). Unknown to the governor, the rumors originated from a slaver who hailed from Cuiab, Jo o Leme. This treacherous man had convinced the Tupi speaking Tapirap and Curur of his goodwill with presents and promises. Leme spent several days in a village, lulling the inhabitants into a sense of security, before he and his men launched a surprise attack on his hosts one morning. Most of the Indians were asleep, and the slavers killed a great many and carried off more than 200 captives, whom they sold or traded to miners and ranchers in the north of Gois. It was probably from these captives that Amaro Leite had learned the Araguaia Tupi speakers desired missionaries. Based on what he had heard, Governor Noronha decided to send Pires de Campos north to sojourn with the Araguaia Tupi speakers provide them with presents, and cajole them with promis es of an alliance. When the misinformed Pires de Campos probably did not expect a fight; the Araguaia Tupi speakers after all, were well known as reclusive and peacefu l Unfortunately, Pai Pir stumbled upon the same village Joo Leme had slaved, and he discovered the Indians were unwilling to trust the promises he carried or accept the gifts he offered. 62 and then to were deer or other beasts, and what they had already done, he would not permit them 63 With a sweep of his arms, the cacique sprung a trap warriors, lying in wait, rus hed from the underbrush and attacked the bandeira. In the melee that

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161 infelicity that they 64 Pai Pir was a hard man and, e ven with an arrow wound, he refused to return to Island and encountered an aldeia of Curumar Indians (now known as the Karaj do Norte or Xambio). 65 He later told the governor that he spoke with the Curumar chiefs, 66 d a great epidemic that ordinarily occurs when the rivers overflow more than 100 persons de Noronha was enthused by their arrival, and he once again planned a new aldeia to se rve as a bulwark against the Caiap. attempts (Brasil 1980: 124, 129). He began to suspect Pires de Campos had lied about s de Campos swears he an investigation and, unsurprisingly, learned Pires de Camp os had attacked the Curumar, killing and abducting many Indians, selling some in shackles, and bringing the remainder to Vila Boa. Many years later, one of the unfortunate captives told how she was abducted Pires de Campos she said, ce and friendship for some days [with the Curumar], at the end of which he made a surprise attack on their principal village and did not spare the lives of the innocent, whose wailing still echo

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162 rs, whom he led off in prisoners tied to trees along the trail [and] giving them many lashes, saying that this was 67 Abus e, not plague, killed many of the Curumar. Those unfortunates who survived were traded for cattle and horses at farms on the trails winding through northern Gois. Many of those brought to Vila Boa eventually escaped, and the governor was left wi th no n ew allies, and the natives living on the Araguaia were newly antagonized. investment in gifts and provisions was lost; the Araguaia Tupi speakers and the Curumar were ant agonized and hostile; and Pires de Campos injury eventually killed the most effective warlord the governor had in Gois. Pai Pir retired to Rio das Pedras, but rumors of a conspiracy to steal the royal fifth reached the governor who cajoled Pires de Ca mpos and his Bororo into providing extra security (Brasil 1980:141). They made it to Paracat. The arrow wound reopened, suppurated, and, despite daily of the heathe his long ceremony performed for their important chiefs (Casal 1845, vol. 1:292) far away from his Bororo a ldeias and the Caiap he had assailed for so many years. Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira The death of Antnio Pires de Campos was a severe blow to the settlers in impos sible to find another with such a great number of Bororo to defend the road [to

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163 So Paulo] and, I am certain, that once they [the Bororo] flee the road, the ancient 68 Pires de Campos died intestate, apparently without issue, and deeply in debt. His creditors immediately moved to collect on the debts, eyeing his lands, personal possessions, slaves, and even the Bororo aldeias. 69 The governor neither wished to see the Bororo distributed to creditors to the governor wrote, elde r brother, Manoel Campos Bicudo. 70 The governor had heard rumors that Manoel seemed in his opinion, that the Bororo command should not fall to an ineffective commander. 71 The other brother, Claudio, was an unknown entity. Both brothers lived in the Bororo aldeias in southern Gois, so the governor summoned them to Vila Boa to 72 an opportunity for the Bororo to flee. He had heard that some of the Bororo had become very dissatisfied with the aldeias and Pires de Campos. The Jesuits, who had established a mission among the Bororo at the Rio das Velhas aldeia, had fought Pires de Campos over the spiritual and temporal administration of the Indians, leveling harem [where] they live by the laws of nature, as much him [Pires de Campos] as his 73 The governor, citing royal decrees, had supported the Jesuits

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164 right to work among the Indians. 74 This enraged Pires de Campos; he resented the Jesuit presence and their influence over the aldeia Indians. When some Bororo women, including the daughter of a chief, attended confession and requested the Church marry them, Pires de Campos ordered them v iciously whipped (one of the unfortunate women reportedly received 600 lashes). 75 Other Bororo had told the ir wives and daughters. 76 Bororo while Manoel and Claudio traveled to Vila Boa, he advised their commander, the Bororo] leave all 77 He also ordered the captain to provide the Bororo adults and children with cloth and the chiefs and their wives cloth and small gifts. These gifts were intended to keep the Bororo in the aldeias. But the Bororo did not flee, and the task of leading them fell to Manoel de Campos Bicudo. He was not a ferocious Indian fighter and soon gave up his leadership of the Bororo (Leme 1980:180). 78 The command passed to Antnio de Lemos e Faria. In a letter t o Manoel de Campos Bicudo, the g overnor had lauded the bungling captain known by your brother and has sufficient practice with the customs of the Bororo and knows how to tr 79 Bororo, soon became a constant threat throughout southern Gois. 80 The governor replaced Le mos e Faria after three Bororo deserted their aldeia and traveled to Vila Boa

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165 to complain that the captain traveled with too much equipage, treated them with contempt, and punished them harshly. The command passed to the man the Bororo requested, Joo God i Pinto da Silveira. Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira was a Paulista, a former cavalry officer, and a slaving and prospecting in Gois and was credited with discovering the g old deposits at Pilar (northeast of Vila Boa) (Carvalho Franco 1989:388 389). While in the north, he had fought against the Chava nte, Acro, and Chacriab and he spent his later years fighting the Caiap. He is largely forgotten today, though in his day he was a renowned Indian fighter captives as slaves, provide convoys with supplies. 81 Despite the denunciations, Pinto da Silveira commanded the Bororo against the Caiap into the early 1760s. His last expedition was at the head of a motley crew of mercenaries and press ganged soldiers sent to had begun to outgro w his usefulness I n a public dispute, he grabbed and threw wig face, and he threatened the participants of a procession with a saber; these acts led to his being banished and exiled to Angola. 82 T his grizzled campaigner had more than 20 years experience in the sertes and h e evaded the law and fled Gois along trails that he had once trave rsed in search of the Caiap. T he stain s of transgressions and scandals never really

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166 passed and o ne nineteenth century chronicler, Cunha Mattos (1874:262 n. 18), thought him Requested by the Bororo and obviously skilled in the sertes, Pinto da Silveira was not as effect ive against the Caiap as Pires de Campos had been. In 1753, he led led to take many captives. 83 Soon Indian attacks threatened settlements along the entire breadth of Gois. In the south, the Caiap had regrouped and vigorously attacked convoys and farms ; the Acro and Chacriab attacked northern settlements with firearm s acquired after they massacred the garrison of an aldeia that they had briefly lived on. In a short time, hostile Indians had killed almost 100 people, mostly slaves, and it was patently clear that there were not enough Bororo t o fight all of the hostile s. 84 New native allies were becoming desperately needed, and a mere three years after Pai Pir had died searching for them. There were the usual calls for succor, vengeance, and bandeiras. The spectacular slaughter of 43 slaves and their owner, Manoel da Costa Portela, propelled Pinto da Silveira and a bandeira into the sertes. 85 They attacked a large group of trekking Caiap. Most of the Caiap managed to escape, and they retaliated by attacking and burning a nearby farm. The bandeira returned to Vila Boa in December of 1755, hauling a lot of six women and 25 children, mostly infants and toddlers. 86 One of the women had given birth in the sertes; another died in childbirth soon after arriving in Vila Boa. A third woman fled with two of the children, a nd it took the Bororo four days to

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167 find her. The governor decided to send the women south to the aldeia at Rio das Velhas, where escapes would be difficult, but an illness struck them and three died soon after they left Vila Boa. The survivors were retur ned: one escaped, another died giving birth, and the lonely survivor was given to a settler. The Caiap children were baptized and distributed to locals and for a period of ten years, after which they would be considered good Christians and Portuguese sub jects. 87 There were more attacks at the Arraial das Antas in the following years (appendix a). A large bandeira was readied in 1756, but months passed securing supplies and readying arms, and it was obvious the Caiap had long since returned to their aldei as. 88 ostensibly required Crown permission, the new Governor of Gois, Dom lvaro Jos Xavier Botelho de Tvora, decided to cancel the bandeira. In response, Joo Godi Pinto da Silveir a clamored that he had expended great sums on preparations and faced financial ruin if the bandeira did not set off for the sertes. He suggested the bandeira travel to the Araguaia River, contact the Tupi speakers and convince them to help fight the Cai ap. It was a woefully unoriginal plan, one t he new governor himself had proposed only a year before. 89 Unsurprisingly, t he governor thought the Bororo of the faith, 90 If the bandeira found success, as the governor hoped, the Araguaia Tupi speakers would provide labor for the settlers and troops to fight the Caiap. Just as importantly, there were rumors of untapped gold deposits in the regions, and the ailing mining economy might recover if

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168 the bandeira managed to locate new mines. Pires de Campos had been ambushed on th e Araguaia, of course, but the Portuguese were stuborn and wanted to believe the Tupi speakers were open to an alliance. Events would prove their hopes correct. The bandeira set forth on October 27, 1756. 91 It spent a month traveling overland to the Arag uaia and then descended the river to the Bananal Island. The bandeira encountered some Cray (modern, Karaj) Indians, whom Pinto da Silveira the related Curumar Indian s appear to have been fresh in the minds of the Cray and t After this clash, the ban deira searched for the Curumar aldeia that Pires de Campos had slaved, but it found only abandoned gardens on the Bananal Island. While village. Pinto da Silveira ordered the village surrounded; the following morning, he ordered it attacked. Mo st of the Indians fled, but 27 women and children were captured in the assault. They were given knives, axes, and other odds and ends, and released to summon the fugitives from the woods. 92 The Tapirap slowly returned and received more gifts. Word sprea d, and other villages began to arrive, including two aldeias of 93

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169 Pinto da Silveira feared an ambush it was, after all, the Curur who had bushwhacked Pires de Campos but th e Tupi speakers did not attack, and the 94 Pinto da Silveira discovered that he had visited the Araguaia at a propiti ous moment, since slavers no longer were the most immediate threat the Tupi against two powerful rivals, and losing. From the north, two villages of Guapinday (now known as the Apinay) had attacked them with such ferocity that Pinto da Silveira declared them 95 Along the Araguaia, flotillas of Cray canoes prowled, attacking the Tupi speakers for control of the riverbanks where turtles nested and laid t heir eggs. These inter ethnic hostilities trumped the earlier slaving, and Pinto da Silveira found that, even after he had attacked Tapirap village, the Tupi speakers were disposed to an alliance. He requested that they settle nearer Vila Boa, but, as he later 96 Pinto da Silveira made many promises, gave many gifts, and two months was a long time and, e ventually, his hosts agreed to send dignitaries t o Vila f another 97 After spending more than a year in the sertes, the bandeira arrived in Vila Boa on

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170 they ex cited the people with their charm and their attire of paints and various feathers of 98 A great public celebration was organized: the governor distributed gifts of tools, clothing, and food; and the Tupi speakers performed an impressive dan ce pleased the chiefs that they agreed to relocate their villages. It appeared the governor had finally acquired local allies to fight the Caiap. Unfortunatel y, as happened so died without remedy [and] displeased by this misfortune, the chiefs fled to their lands, taking with them some of their surviving relations, and all my 99 no allies for the Portuguese. Worse, it appears to have caused the Araguaia Tupi great harm. The bandeira had spent two months on the great river recovering from illnesses, and it does not seem unreasonable to suppose these were passed to the Indians. Considering the inter village communication Pinto da Silveira witnessed, these epidemics likely spread widely And the epidemic in Vila Boa had killed chiefs and other important persons; if any of the survivors managed to return to their villages, they could have carried the contagion with them, inadvertently spreading it further. Such losses would have been de vastating on their own, but their effects were likely exacerbated by the ongoing hostilities with the Guapinday and Cray. The gifts the bandeira brought, like those given to the Arax, may have attracted raiders, further escalating the violence. We do not know exactly what happened, but the Curur soon disappeared from documents. The Tapirap survived, possibly after absorbing the Curur, and a

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171 small group of them appeared in Vila Boa sometime during the governorship of Tristo da Cunha Menezes (1783 1 800) (Souza 1872: 496). In return for gifts, they promised to return with baskets of gold, but they wisely never returned and avoided seeking further contact with the Portuguese and Brazilians. The Tapirap would remain a reclusive people into the early twentieth century (see Wagley 1983). The exploits of Antnio Pires de Campos and Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira indicate the great lengths the settlers and authorities in Gois went to acquire allies. Finding no al lies among the G speaker s, they reached ou t to the Araguaia Tupi speakers But the success and failures of native alliances were contingent upon events over which the Portugu ese had no control: native rivalries, clandestine slaving, and epidemic diseases could make or break an alliance. In the e nd, because military assistance from the Tupi speakers never materialized, and the G speakers had to be conquered and forced into an alliance, the Bororo remained the most reliable allies the settlers had in Gois In the 1770s, the Acro and Chacriab w ere finally battered into submission, and they began participating in bandeiras; even then, fighting the Caiap fell most heavily on the descendents of the Bororo relocated by Pires de Campos in the 1740s. The Bororo, despite continuing fears that they wou ld flee, remained in Gois. The French scientific voyager Saint aldeias in 1819. The Bororo at the Rio das Pedras aldeia were by then almost entirely the progeny of many years intermingling of Indian w omen and African slave men; they had lost much of their native culture. They spoke Portuguese and the L ngua G eral a Tupi based language Pires de Campos had first taught their

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172 ancestors; however, they had lost their native language. Ma ny of the Bororo worked to sell food and other supplies to mule trains passing on the dusty trails to Vila Boa or settlements in Minas Gerais. The aldeia at Rio das Velhas still existed, but the Bororo were almost nonexistent, having been replaced by the Chacriab in 1775. The aldeia at Lanhoso built near where the modern town of Indianpolis sits today was almost completely abandoned; only a few descendents of the Bororo lived scattered about the skills were so renowned during the eighteenth century, were long gone in 1819. Their importance had long since past; their work beating back Caiap assaults nearly finished. The Caiap had lived at Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes, both government sup ported aldeias, for almost 40 years when Saint Hilaire visited, and the ever curious Frenchman made it a point to visit them. Many years later, in 1850, a president of Gois boasted Pires de Campos, Pinto da Silveira, and the Bororo had cleared Caiap vill ages from nearly 100 leagues of territory (Olimpio Machado 1850:10). Horrible atrocities were committed, he easily admitted, villages burned, men, women, and children murdered and enslaved, all to secure mines that were failing. In the process of clearin g the land and securing the mines, the Bororo had forced some villages to cross the Grande River and enter sertes in what was northern So Paulo. They returned to lands where, a century and a half before, their Bilreiro s ancestors had first encountered, traded with, and, eventually, fought Paulistas. So Paulo The campaigns against the Caiap in So Paulo centered on the territory between the Pardo a right tributary of the Moji Guau River and Grande Rivers, just

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173 south of the Tringulo Mineiro. The overl and route from So Paulo to Vila Boa passed through this region, and Caiap raiders appeared there and attacked convoys and farms beginning around 1765 (Giraldin 1997:83). 100 Jos Gomes de Gouvea, an officer in command of the bandeiras sent into this region believed these Caiap were refugees fleeing bandeiras. 101 The Caiap raids provoked the usual Portuguese response of armed bandeiras. The governor of So Paulo, Dom Lus Antnio de Souza Botelho Mouro ordered the formation of the first official bandeira i n January of 1767 (Giraldin 1997:82). This bandeira fought a skirmish and captured a few Caiap. The raids continued, and the conflict simmered for several years. Attacks on Caiap villages were frequent: the Portuguese considered concealing preparation s to destroy a quilombo Caiap. 102 This suggests that expeditions against the Caiap were sufficiently frequent not to arouse the suspicions of local informants wh o betrayed bandeiras to the quilombo. There was no refuge for the Caiap who had fled south from the Bororo in Gois. The fighting and slaving was soon reinforced by events in Cuiab. When, in the wake of the Mdico massacre, the governor of Mato Grosso called for the captaincies of Mato Grosso, Gois, and So Paulo to cooperate and defeat the Caiap, he provided an excuse for more slaving expeditions. 103 Two well equipped bandeiras were planned (DI 1894, vol. 7:138 187; Giraldin 1997:83). Capito Jos Gomes de Gouvea, the local military commander, pressed two Caiap captives into service as interpreters,

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174 them [here] imprisoning those I fear as traitors for they ar 104 The preparations went slowly, and many of the press ganged soldiers deserted, so the governor ordered the families of shirkers and deserters imprisoned in a draconian attempted to ensure his troops faithfully served (DI 1894, vol. 7:1 43). While these bandeiras prepared, there was an attack near Mogi Guau. 105 Soldiers were unable to track the raiders, because of the recent rains and a lack of supplies, but they discovered signs of Caiap groups moving through the sertes. Frightful rum ors of the Caiap attack at Mdico had by this time spread, and anxious settlers were relieved when the two bandeiras finally got under way at the end of 1772. One of the bandeiras fought a skirmish sometime between October and November, but the majority of the Caiap escaped (Giraldin 1997:84). The lngua s, as happened with Pires de Campos, once again failed to convince the Caiap of the benefits of settling nearer the Portuguese. Before more could be accomplished, a rumor of an imminent Caiap attack r esulted in authorities recalling the bandeiras to Mogi Mirim. Compared to the fighting north of the Grande River, these conflicts were small affairs and relatively insignificant. However, the fighting in northern So Paulo underscores the success of the c ampaigns in Gois. By the middle of the century, raiding was extremely dangerous, and many Caiap chose to abandon Gois: some headed northwest to Cuiab, where they massacred the slaves and overseers at Mdico; other groups chose to move south. Both dir ections led to encounters with Portuguese settlements, and it must have become increasingly apparent that fleeing before the bandeiras was no longer an option. Hemmed in by settlements, increasingly under assault by bandeiras manned by Bororo, the Caiap who remained in Gois were

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175 no longer dictating the course of events as they earlier had. By the mid and late 1770s, the Caiap were cussedly clinging to their old territories, but a relentless tide threatened to sweep them away. Conclusion One must marve l at the tenacity of the Caiap in the eighteenth century. As the century closed, adventurers traveling to Cuiab still avoided the banks of the Paran and Pardo Rivers where Cai ap were known to lurk, and their aldeias were found through much of Camapu. In Gois, the headwaters of the Araguaia and the land between the Paranaba and Grande Rivers were home to many Caiap villages. Part of this resilience was due to the ability of the Caiap to adapt to the exigencies of the frontier: they experimented w ith large and small raiding parties, raided for captives, attempted peaceful interaction with their enemies, and, when necessary, moved their aldeias. Even so, the fighting inevitably took its toll: great swaths of campo and long stretches of riverbanks w ere depopulated or abandoned. In Gois, years passed during the 1760s and 1770s without reports of a Caiap attack. When the Caiap did appear, bandeiras were dispatched and often successfully tracked down the raiding party or destroyed a village. It too k years for the Caiap to recover from these attacks. There was a big raid in early 1764. 106 An estimated 100 Caiap attacked a farm, killing two overseers and many slaves. A bandeira tracked these raiders down and ambushed them, capturing some loot and s ome weapons. Two years later, in 1766, the Caiap reappeared, burning farms and killing slaves outside of Santa Luzia. 107 The attackers besieged a small garrison at So Bartholomeu, but two dragoons and some soldiers counterattacked, and their muskets put the Caiap to flight. In 1767, the Caiap attacked a convoy near the aldeia at Rio das Velhas. The Bororo

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176 chased after them, pushed into the sertes, and destroyed two Caiap villages. The bandeira sent into the sertes quelled the raiding for almost a decade. A generation before, bandeira success had provoked a furious response, but these Caiap attacks, though frightening at the time, were a far cry from the great onslaughts that had terrified southern Gois and cut the overland passage to the coast i n the 1740s. The fragile tranquility was shattered in 1774. Caiap raiders attacked and killed nine slaves working in a field. 108 Four years passed before the Caiap returned in 1778. 109 They attacked and destroyed a farm near Vila Boa, killing an auxiliar y cavalry officer and ten slaves. This was the last recorded attack in Gois before September of 1780, when something unprecedented occurred: a group of Caiap walked into Vila Boa to meet with the governor. 1 These Indians were various sub groups of the Bororo, the Coxip, Cuiab, and Aricopon, see Carvalho Franco (1989:103). 2 M mausim to the time when the seasons were appropriate for voyaging. The Portuguese acquired this word from the timing of the tradewinds to sail to and from the Far East, e.g., India, while expanding their conquests there in the sixteenth century. The seasonal convoys of canoes to Cuiab were named monsoons, as much for their great length and rigor as for their fluvial nature. The works of Sergio Buarque de route from So Paulo to Cuiab. An exciting, if brief, description of the route is found in Hemming (1978:385 386). Contemporary eighteenth century accounts of the route are found in Taunay (1981b). 3 4 RAPMT 1982:45 5 APMT: 1 Lata de Doc. Avulsos, Doc. 43. 6 APMT Ano 1782, Doc. 145. 7 AHU_ACL_CU_010 Cx. 15 D. 931. 8 APMT Fundo: Governadoria (31 3 1771), Doc.336. 9 APMT Fundo: Governadoria (31 3 1771), Doc.336. 10 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15 D. 931. 11 APMT Fundo: Justia (15 5 1771) Doc. 95; AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15 D. 931. 12 IHGMT Pasta 101 N2311 (5 6 1777 1); IHGMT Pasta 97, n 2128 (7 4 1771). 13 APMT Fundo: Justia (28 6 1771), Doc. 92; RAPMT (1983:83). 14 IHGMT Pasta 97, n 2128 (7 4 1771). 15 APMT Fundo: Cmara de Cuiab (6 2 1773), Doc. 76. 16 APMT Fundo: Justia (27 8 1771), Doc. 89. 17 There is some confu sion about this bandeira. Carvalho Franco (1989:28) reported this bandeira was attacked and destroyed by the Paiagu at Mdico. The Paiagu raided at the same time as the Caiap attacks at Mdico but there does not appear to be information to support the ir destroying a bandeira. Giraldin (1997:65) claimed the bandeira

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177 attacked and destroyed a Caiap aldeia eight leagues outside of Cuiab. The document Giraldin employed to support this conclusion refers to the bandeira initially sent after the Caiap in the first week after the attack, which killed three Caiap and recovered booty carried off from Mdico. In 1773, the slaving of the Bororo on the Porrudos was suggested again, indicating Antnio Soares de Gdoi had failed to carryout his instructions. Mu ch of outfit a new expedition, see APMT Fundo: Cmara de Cuiab (6 2 1773), Doc. 76. 18 APMT Fundo: Justia (28 7 1771), Doc. 91; see also, AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198. 19 APMT Fundo: Justia (28 7 1771), Doc. 91. 20 APMT Fundo: Justia (27 8 1771), Doc. 89. 21 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 985. 22 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 16 D. 997. 23 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 985 24 APMT Ano 1773, Doc. 112. 25 APMT Ano 1773 (28 4 1773), Doc. 43. 26 APMT Fundo: Cmara de Cuiab (6 2 1773), Doc. 76. 27 APMT Ano 1773 (28 4 1773), Doc. 43. 28 APMT Ano 1773 (1 5 1773), Doc. 77. 29 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198; APMT Senado da Cmara Vila Boa (27 11 1773), Doc. 56. 30 APMT An o 1773, Doc. 18; APMT Ano 1773, Doc. 79. 31 The Portuguese were persistent. In 1781, Francisco Leme de Abraes led 75 men to the Bororo. The Indians convinced the bandeira that they wished to settle nearer Cuiab, and some 203 Bororo, the vast majority war riors, began the return trip. But when the Portuguese were inattentive, the Bororo launched a surprise attack in which seven soldiers died and numerous muskets were captured. The attackers, now armed with muskets, fled to the sertes, and the bandeira re turned to Cuiab with 23 captives, see APMT Ano 1781, Doc. 40. Also found in Costa Siqueira (1850:11 12). 32 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19 D. 1198. 33 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 21, D. 1257. 34 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198. A list of these attacks is provided in the a ppendix. 35 A lucky Bilreiro arrow had transformed the elder Bartholomeu Bueno da Silva into a Cyclops. 36 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 37 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 38 E.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 18, D. 1072. 39 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 40 IHGB AU 1.2.2., f. 248v. 41 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6. D. 493. 42 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. Antnio de Lemos e Faria eventually ended up reduced in rank and imprisoned. An investigation of his soldierly merits left little to admire ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2005) 43 See Ferguson and Whitehead (1992:19 21) for a discussion of the ability of modern states to mobilize force against their tribal enemies; Karasch (1998:121), without citation, claimed 8,000 Caiap were captured in 1741. This number appears elevated. Alencastre (1864:76) put the count at 1,000 captives taken within three months during the campaigns of 1748 1751. 44 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2005. 45 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 46 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023 47 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 417; Museu das Bandeiras (Hereafter, MB ) Pacote (Hereafter, Pct ) 413 (1749 1752), fls. 142 142v; DI 1896, vol. 22:210 213. 48 BN 01, 04, 001. 49 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 50 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 51 AHU_ACL_CU_00 8, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 52 MB Pct 413 (1749 1752), fls. 142 142v. 53 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 465. 54 AHEGO Livro 3 (1735 1751), f. 87v. 55 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5. D. 427.

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178 56 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 8, D. 465; Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro, Arquivo do Con selho Ultramarino (Hereafter, IHGB CU ) 1.2.2., f. 419v. 57 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 492; IHGB CU 1.2.2., f. 384. 58 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 417; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 3, D. 271. 59 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 3, D. 227; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 933; AHU_ACL_CU_008 Cx. 27, D. 1776. 60 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 492. 61 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 417. 62 Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira identified the Curur as the people who injured Pires de Campos, see AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 63 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 465. 64 Con temporary Xinguano Indians have an oral tradition of killing a Portuguese slaver with an arrow (Heckenberger, personal communication). The Xing is not overly far from the region where the Curur wounded Pires de Campos, and this Xinguano tradition could refer to Antnio Pires de Campos. 65 The Ilha do Bananal in the world. 66 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 465. 67 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 28, D. 1824. 68 AHEGO Livro 1 (1722 172 6), f. 75v. 69 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 225v. 70 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 225v. 71 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 228v. 72 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 230. 73 AHEGO Livro 3 (1735 1751), fls. 162v 163v. 74 AHEGO Livro 3 (1735 1751), f. 135v. 75 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), fls. 2 28 228v, 229v. 76 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 228v. 77 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 232. 78 MB Pct 405 (1750 1783), f. 13v; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 7, D. 502. 79 AHEGO Livro 6 (1751), f. 230. 80 BN 01, 04, 001. 81 AHEGO Livro 9 (1755 1763), fls. 43 45. 82 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx 19, D. 1185; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 22, D. 1414 83 BN 01, 04, 001. 84 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 829; AHEGO Livro 9 (1755 1763), fls. 28 30v, 36v 37, 38 39v. 85 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 18, D. 1072; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 86 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 829. 87 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 829. 88 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 89 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 13, D. 775. 90 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 91 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 92 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 93 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 94 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 95 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 96 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 97 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 98 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. 99 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 100 BN I 30, 09, 042 n9; BN I 30, 0 9, 27. 101 BN I 30, 12, 17 n 40. 102 BN I 30, 09, 042 n9. 103 BN I 30, 9, 26 n 1; BN I 30, 9, 26 n 2; BN I 30, 9, 26 n 3.

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179 104 BN I 30, 12,17 n 40. 105 BN I 30, 12, 17 n 39. 106 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 20, D. 1220. 107 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 23, D. 1440. 108 AHU_ACL_CU_008 Cx. 27, D. 1776. 109 AHUG_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 1996.

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180 CHAPTER 5 1780 1785) Intr oduction On September 21, 1780, 36 Caiap an elderly man, six warriors, and 29 women and children walked into Vila Boa. It was the first time Caiap had entered the city o ne that earned him acclaim with the Portuguese Crown. It remains one of the proudest moments in the history of Gois. In his correspondence with the Crown, the governor Cai ap, explaining how he dispatched a bandeira bearing gifts and promises of peace to the sertes. The Caiap accepted his gifts and listened to his promises, and it appeared Governor Cunha Menezes accomplished with words and gifts what brute force had fail century portrayed as an event, in which the 36 Caiap enjoyed their reception in Vila Boa, decided to accept an alde ia, and then summoned their villages from across the sertes. Caiap heard the call and came to settle on an aldeia, which the Portuguese named after the Portuguese Queen, Maria I (Alencastre 1864a:314 319; Souza 1872:459 461). The burgeoning relationshi p between the erstwhile foes was amicable. According to Ayres do Casal (1817:537), the Caiap showed themselves grateful for the benefits, had raged for most

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181 The pacification, however, was more complex than the early historians admitted or understood. There was little to distinguish the so called Governor Cunha Menezes used from those the previous governors of Gois had employed: his bandeira was heavily armed, manned by indigenous allies, and ordered to use violence against the Caiap. Nor was the governor the first to attempt to attract the Caiap with promises of peace and gifts of manufactured goods Paulistas, including Pires de Campos, had tried the very same tactic in the 1740s, and there were later failed attempts in northern So Paulo. A close examination of the events following September of 1780 reveals the pacification was not an event but a participatory process (cf. Karasch 2005). The Caiap sent emissaries to investigate the aldeia before deciding to settle there; some Cai ap decided to accept the aldeia, while others never left the sertes. Importantly, this process was not as peaceful as the chroniclers would have us believe. Previously ignored correspondence reveals the Caiap not only continued to be feared, but that the early days of the aldeia were tumultuous and haughty and threatening t was, in fact, not seamless and peaceful but dif ficult and even dangerous: suddenly, the governor and settlers had to deal with a large number of hostile Caiap settled and living within easy striking distance of Vila Boa. The Directorate The Caiap were not alone in settling on an aldeia at the end of the eighteenth century. Between 1770 and 1790, the Portuguese persuaded, cajoled, or battered all of the major peoples of Gois the Acro, Chacriab, Java and Karaj (the Crays of the mid century), and the Chavante into settling on aldeias. 1 These so called

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182 Diretrio dos ndios series of reforms promoted and promulgated by Sebastio Jos de Carvalho e Melo, better known by his later title, the marquis de Pombal. Pombal was an intelli gent, minister. Soon after, he initiated a series of vigorous reforms to reinvigorate the ailing Portuguese state and her overseas possessions. This ambitious reform program referred to as the Pombaline Reforms defined the reign of King Jos I (1750 1777). Pombal believed Brazil was the most important possession in what remained of the once vast Portuguese empire, and he sought to reform the colony by securing its borders aga inst incursions from Spain and by jumpstarting the lagging economy. In 1750, the Treaty of Madrid secured the borders of Brazil in the west, vastly extending the legal Portuguese possession of what was previously considered Spanish territory. Eleven year s later, in 1761, the Treaty of Madrid, which had ascension to power, was annulled by the Treaty of El Prado, wh ich further delimitated western borders and left Portugal with an immense overseas possession; one poorly populated, weakly defended, and economically decrepit. Pombal recognized that it was impossible to populate Brazil with immigrants from tiny Portugal, so he turned to the natives as a solution to both defending the colony and rejuvenating the ailing economy. The Cr reforms emphasized converting the Indians to Catholicism (MacLachlan 1973). Indians were supposed to live in missions where, under the tutelage of the regular orders, they learned Christine d control over the mission Indians belonged to the missionaries, for example, the Jesuits,

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183 Capuchins, and Dominicans. Portuguese settlers, in theory, were not supposed to enter the miss ions or interact with the Indians, except under certain circumstances. Pombal economic growth of the colony. In his view, this severely restricted the labor availabl e to settlers and prevented the Indians from incorporating into the economy and becoming useful vassals. Pombal resented the power of the Society of Jesus, the largest and most successful of the regular orders in Brazil, whom he believed used their wealth and control of the Indians in ways adverse to the Crown and economic development of the control over the Indians and breaking the power of the Jesuits, it was thought possible reinvigorate the economy. On June 6, 1755, under the influence of Pombal, King Jos I declared the Brazilian Indians free especially, those living in the Jesu it Missions 2 With this declaration, all Indian slaves were freed, the future subjugation of them prohibited, and, in theory, colonists. The law made the Indians the owners of their villages and lands, and, like the rest of the constituted fair wages. The next day, June 7 1755, the Crown stripped temporal to spiritual realm effectively ending the Jesuit administration of missions and opened the missions to settlers. The goal of t hese reforms was to facilitate the entry of the

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184 Indian policy, however, original ly applied only to the Indians living in Gro Par and the Maranho. Par and the Maranho, took these reforms even farther. Sent to the New World to play the role of reformer, G overnor Mendona Furtado promulgated the Directorate in May of 1757. He stripped the Indians of their freedom, which had officially lasted less (Hemming 1987:11 17). Id eally schools were to be established in the former missions, and administrators would teach useful skills such as reading, writing, farming, and livestock breeding and propagate Christianity and European civility. The governor envisioned the Directorate a ldeias forging new subjects from the native population subjects who would settle and secure the vast unpopulated backlands and contested frontiers with Spain and their labor would finally eliminate the chronic labor shortages that had hitherto plagued Braz il. The Crown endorsed the Directorate, and, in 1758 1759, its principles were applied to the other captaincies. Far from ushering in a new era of prosperity for the Indians, the Directorate led to corruption and exploitation (Hemming 1987:40 61; Neto 19 88). There was massive depopulation and social disruption, particularly along the Amazon basin, as the once populous Jesuit aldeias 3 This reform remained the official Indian policy in Brazil until it was abolished in 1798.

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185 In Gois, the Directorate had a profound, if delayed, effect on the mission system in Gois: in the south, the Jesuits controlled the garrisons of Bororo establis hed by Pires de Campos in the 1740s, and, in the north, the Society also worked among the Acro and Chacriab in the missions at Duro and Formiga (established, respectively, in 1751 and 1755; both were abandoned soon afterward). By the time the Directorat e was abolished in 1798, there were, in addition to the Bororo aldeias, five aldeias in Gois: So Francisco do Duro (Duro), So Jos do Duro (Formiga), Nova Beira, So Jos de Mossmedes, Maria I, and Pedro III (known as Carreto). 4 he most important official attempt to settle Indians anywhere in Brazil during the Directorate expenditure to make these model villages: they wanted to show that they could be a s years and considerable effort on the part of the Portuguese. It also backfired early on: one of the first effects of the Directorate was to provoke a revolt in the Duro and Formiga aldeias. Throughout the 1750s and 1760s, there was heavy fighting against the Acro and Chacriab who had lived in these aldeias ids were made more formidable by muskets captured during the uprisings (Apolinrio 2006). It was an inauspicious start for the Directorate in Gois. The major expansion of the Gois aldeia system under the Directorate did not occur until Governor Jos de Almeida de Vasconcelos de Soveral e Carvalho, the later Baron of Mossmedes, arrived in 1772. His instructions from the Crown recognized:

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186 the impracticability of populating the said captaincy [of Gois] or other parts of Portuguese America except with the American natives: and finding the serto of that vast continent filled by Indians, it should principally be them who populate the places, towns, and cities that have formed, with the conviction that without them there shall be no civilization, nor commerc e, nor opulence, nor security. [Alencastre 1864a:246] This was a classic statement of the Directorate project; one which ordered t he governor to view the native s as an opportunity rather than an impediment as it was their bodies that would populate the cap taincy, provide the labor, revive the lagging economy, establish new towns, and convert the once forbidding sertes into civilized places. To accomplish this, the governor was ordered to attract the India ns by persuasive means Gove rnor Almeida de Vasconcelos chose were bandeiras armed expeditions little different from those previous governors had sent against the Indians dispatched to the sertes with gifts and promises of peace. In 1774, the new governor sent a number of bandeiras to the Tocantins, Araguaia, l Acro and military support against their enemies. And, importantly, while prospecting on the Rico 1872:455). That a bandeira had entered a Caiap village without being attacked was his newfound Acro and Chacriab allies against the Caiap. He relo cated the Chacriab to the Rio das Velhas, where they would assist the Bororo defending the

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187 overland passage to Vila Boa from Caiap attacks (Alencastre 1864a:308). For the Acro, the governor decided to build a new aldeia south of Vila Boa: it was to be a bulwark against future Caiap attacks, close enough to summon the club fighting Acro began construction of what eventually became So Jos de Mossmedes. The gover nor ambitiously envisioned a lavish aldeia with a central plaza and fronted by a baroque church and spacious living quarters for the Indians: this aldeia would become the showpiece of the Directorate aldeias. The mere sight of it, the governor believed, settle on his aldeia (Alencastre 1864a:306). An even more spectacular success with the Indians followed in 1775. Governor Almeida de Vasconcelos, like his p redecessors, believed the natives living on the Araguaia River the Tapirap, Curur, Curumar, and Crays were less hostile, if not amicable, so he dispatched a bandeira there. This bandeira met with great and, for Gois, unprecedented success. Between 1,500 and 2,0 00 Caraj and Java (the Crays, in the days of Pires de Campos), who faced aggression from the Chavante, agreed to settle on an aldeia named Nova Beira (Karasch 2005:472 477; Chaim 1983:121 123). This aldeia, situated on the Bananal Island, dissolved a f ew years later, the inhabitants slinking off because of disease and hos tilities from neighboring peoples Nonetheless, in less than three years, with little expense and no bloodshed, peoples in the north the Acro, Chacriab, Caraj, and Java reduced the Indian threat in the north, secured the middle course of the Araguaia for commerce, and (theoretically) created thousands of

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188 new vassals for the Crown. In a captaincy where the Indians were almost unifo rmly hostile to the Portuguese, and where terrible wars had raged ever since the discovery of the mines, this was unexpected and unrivaled success. Despite his successful pacification s, Governor Almeida de Vasconcelos was replaced. The new governor, Lus da Cunha Menezes, arrived in Vila Boa in October of 1778. Much like his predecessor, he set about attempting to reinvigorate the mining economy: he brought new mining methods to increase extraction of ore from old mines; and dispatched prospectors to the former territories of the Acro and Chacriab (Souza 1872:459). But his attempts to revitalize the mines failed: science drew precious little ore from the stale mines; and prospectors announced no major strikes in the territories of the Acro and Chacriab The disappointed governor next turned his attention to the Indians. His predecessor had pacified the Acro, Chacriab, Caraj, and Java, which left Governor Cunha Menezes the Caiap and Chavante, both of whom settlers considered extremely hostile. H e decided to attempt the pacification of the Caiap first, apparently because of the bandeira that had earlier entered one of their villages without being attacked, and because the Chavante had hitherto proved extremely hostile to overtures of peace. He i ssued orders for an expedition to prepare for a voyage to the headwaters of the Araguaia River, a region still dominated by Caiap villages. On February 5,1780, Governor Cunha Menezes ordered formation of a bandeira command by Jos 5 Despite what would later be written about this bandeira, there was very little to distinguish it from the many others that had plunged into the sertes in searc h of Caiap raiders and their villages. It was manned by 12 pedestres and a large

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189 contingent of native soldiers, including 26 Bororo from Rio das Pedras, and 12 Acro from So Jos de Mossmedes. 6 The pedestres were armed with 12 muskets, lead shot, and three arrobas (43.8 kilos or 96 pounds) of powder; the Bororo and Acro carr ied their bows, arrows, and clubs. 7 The governor planned for this bandeira to sojourn for many months in the sertes, so he ordered it well supplied and equipped. Provisions incl uded cattle, manioc flour, and dried meat, but the governor also ordered the Indians to bring food from their aldeia gardens and, as much as was possible, to live off the land. 8 And, of course, the bandeira carried a great quantity of manufactured goods t o give to the Caiap, including various trinkets, such as mirrors and beads, and iron tools, scissors, and knives (Alencastre 1864:345; DI 1903, vol. 43:356). These gifts and the prospect of more to come were supposed to bribe the Caiap into accepting th Because the bandeira was supposed to contact a people not known for taking captives or having previously settled on an aldeia, the governor knew communication would be difficult. Therefore, the governor ordered several lngua s to accom pany Jos Lus Pereira to the sertes. The preceding years of warfare had left him with a large number of captives to draw on, including a recently captured Caiap youth, whom the Portuguese believed was the son of a chief. 9 When contacting native s, the Portuguese preferred to use children or wives of chiefs, believing such individuals would hold more sway with the Indians, so the governor ordered this Caiap baptized he was christened Feliciano Jos Lus clothed, and shown the aldeia at So Jos de Moss medes (Souza 1872:459). 10 The sight of the baroque church, plaza, and living

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190 11 There was nothing new about this tactic. Earlier in the century, the Portuguese had tried to negotiate with the Caiap through captives, including the children of chiefs, but these attempts had met with no success. The Portuguese were persistent, as exper ience had shown that most Indians were eventually lured into peace by promises of goods and military alliances. Furthermore, lngua s during his tenure, so the tactic was dusted off and again employed against the Caiap. As events unfolded, this proved to be a wise choice. Before the bandeira left for the sertes, the governor issued a set of instructions to Jos Luis Pereira, a copy of which has survived. 12 In order to avoid conflicts from breaking out in the bandeira, he ordered the Bororo, Acr o, and pedestres to be separated; no one was supposed to speak with the lngua s. Once a Caiap village was located, the bandeira should surround it and prepare for an attack, but, instead of assaulting the aldeia, the lngua s should be release and sent f orward bearing tools and trastes them all the tools that they need, including axes, sickles, and proposed a military alliance against their enemies. The governor promised the [man] shall choose a wife at his pleasure whoever else wishes to accompany the bandeira and personally examine everything I

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191 and, hopefully impressed by the Mossmedes aldeia, convince the others to accept peace. In the advent that the Caiap co many commanders sent to hunt the Caiap befo re him, Jos Luis Pereira was by force. With his instructions in hand, Jos Luis Pereira led the bandeira from So Jos de Mossmedes in early 1780. 13 They wandered the se rtes for three months before encountering a Caiap village (Souza 1872:459). According to an anonymous chronicler, Feliciano stripped off his clothes, swore to return, and entered the village. For several hours, the bandeira tensely waited outside the v 14 all entered the village to meet with the chief. Jos Luis Pereira and his men spent many days in the village and, then, set off to Vila Boa with 36 Caiap, including an old chief, six warriors, and their wives and children. 15 Giraldin (1997: 93) has suggested Jos Luis Pereira captured these Caiap in a raid, but this wa s rather unlikely. Other governors attempting to pacify natives with persuasion had no qualms about recording the use of aggression and force. Governor Tristo da Cunha Menezes, for example, did not hesitate to inform the Crown that a m

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192 taking several captives. 16 If Jos Luis Pereira had attacked the Caiap village, Governor Cunha Menezes would have reported it; instead he recorded the arriving o accompany the bandeira. 17 This, however, does not mean coercion played no role in the Caiap decision to send emissaries to Vila Boa. The Caiap knew pedestres and native auxiliaries surrounded their village and, all too familiar with bandeira attacks, and the promises the lngua s carried, no doubt, made the decision to send the 36 Caiap easier, but the looming threat of an attack certainly played a role in their andeira. The bandeira and the Caiap arrived in Vila Boa on September 21, 1780. 18 T he governor ordered the Caiap escorted through the streets with great pomp and circumstance. There was a show of Portuguese force: a company of infantry and two companies of cavalry paraded and, along with two artillery pieces, fired volleys in front of the Caiap (DI 1903, vol. 43: 356). The governor and leading men of Vila Boa, dressed in their finest regalia, greeted the visitors and vowed to protect and defend them, di stributed gifts; they and the Caiap witnessed a Te Deum (a traditional mass giving thanks) celebrated in the beautiful baroque m atriz church. The festivities were marred, however, by the untimely death of an elderly Caiap woman. The governor turned thi though impressed the other Caiap. 19 Soon after the death of this unfortunate woman, the Cai ap children were baptized; the governor served as the godfather to the children

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193 of chiefs, which Catholics commonly believed created a patronage and a kin relationship with the birth parents. The celebrations continued for 25 days. Governor Cunha Menezes feted and delighted the Caiap, and the length of the celebration was a testament to the fear they evoked an d the deep desire to see their raiding end. Accustomed to greeting visitors to their own villages with ceremonies, music, and gifts, the Caiap gr eatly enjoyed their reception, especially the Catholic rituals which still fascinated them forty years later (Pohl (1951: 361) presents, primarily the latter. The Caiap visited So Jos de Mo ssmedes and marveled at the buildings and the abundance of tools and food the inhabitants enjoyed. orably on what they had seen. 20 On October 10, the emissaries, accompanied by an escort of troops, left Vila Boa and head ed for the sertes. When they arrived at the garrison on the Claro River, the old chief decided that he and the women and children woul d go no further. 21 He sent the six warriors on in his stead, promising the Portuguese an answer within eight lngua s, headed to the sertes. Months passed without word, and it seemed like another attempt at wooing the Caiap into accepting peace had failed. Then, on May 10, 1781, a messenger from the Claro River garrison arrived in Vila Boa ay, though traveling slowly owing to the great number of elderly and children. 22 There was also

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194 distance it had to travel. 23 On May 29, the first two villages arri ved. The governor greeted them with a display of force and benevolence similar to that of the previous year: there were more parading troops, Church rituals, and distributions of presents; the celebrations lasted for 38 days. On June 12, a baptism was he ld for 113 children, including six born since the Caiap arrived, and the governor and leading men of Vila Boa again served as the godparents to the children of the chiefs. One middle aged woman, who had attached herself to the governor in the days preced ing the baptism, implored the governor to baptize her. The governor permitted her to be baptized because of her ill health; this woman passed away shortly afterward. 24 A number of the adult Caiap also desired to be initiated into the mysteries of the Cat holic Faith, and a priest attempted to catechize them, but the attempt was abandoned because none spoke Portuguese. 25 Despite the apparent Caiap satisfaction with their reception, the governor was extremely worried about the security of Vila Boa. On the d he dispatched a letter to Lisbon calling for more weapons and munitions to fight the remaining hostile Indians and quilombos. 26 He requested the Crown provide 500 muskets and a suitable amount of shot and powder and used the r ecent Caiap makes the requested weapons and munitions more prudent, not only becaus e of their great numbers but also because of the great caution one must maintain, as they have id not

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195 trust the pacified Caiap: he and the other settlers considered them extr emely treacherous and dangerous. Caiap arrived on September 29, 1781. They were followed by a fourth arrival of 200 Caiap on September 27, 1782 (Souza 1872:460). These arrivals like those preceding them, were peaceful affairs, celebrated with pomp and ceremony in Vila Boa, but Governor Cunha Menezes now had over 500 Caiap, many of them redoubtable hs over the Acro and Chacriab had involved fewer Indians, and most of the thousands of Caraj and Java remained in their homelands, far away from Vila Boa.) If the Caiap had sprung one of their infamous surprise attacks, it could have resulted, as the governor obviously feared, in a frightful massacre. D kept his promise and permitted them to select the location of their new aldeia, named Maria I after the Queen of Portugal. They picked the top of a small rise overlooking a bend in the Fartura River, 14 leagues (85 kilometers or 53 miles) south of Vila Boa. 27 Situated at the transition between the forests of the riverbanks and the open savannah, the new aldeia possessed plent iful resources. Even the governor recognized the Caiap had chosen well, informing the Crown that the Fartura River was full of fish, the surrounding countryside abundant in game and good soils, and there was a cattle ranch nearby to supply the Indians wi th beef. 28 The Fartura was precisely the kind of place the Caiap preferred to build their villages; indeed, it had been considered 29 And, importantly, the Fartura was close

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196 enough to manage the aldeia easily, since the governor could quickly address Caiap desires and complaints or, if necessary, rush in troops to crush an uprising. 30 Until their fields began to produce, many of the Caiap remained in Vila Boa. An excellent description of their day to d ay affairs, written by an anonymous chronicler and eyewitness, has survived. 31 Every morning, Caiap families left for the surrounding women carried on their backs all the game the men killed and everything else they way they carried their children, with a tumpline of cloth that passed across their foreheads and secured the load or child to th eir backs. 32 The chronicler lived near where the hunters passed each day, and he and his family, especially his wife, gave small cakes, biscuits and sweets to the passing children; the hunters returned the favor and left palm hearts, game, birds, honey, wa door. One Sunday morning, the chronicler witnessed a peculiar spectacle from his window. 33 m, when a group of Caiap warriors accuse him of exploiting the Caiap, the merchan t attempted to halt the warriors with frantic gestures. This only encouraged the Caiap who, laughing heartily at the then continued on their way.

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197 Though seemingly an unimportant and innocent event, perhaps even amusing, the the Cai ap viewed their pacification. We have already seen how the Caiap practiced races in which teams o f men ran while carrying a heavy log. 34 A log race started a outside of a village, and each racer on a team took a turn shouldering a Buriti log these logs were so heavy that, according to Pinto da Silveira, the Bororo found lifting them difficult and runn ing as fast as possible under the load. When a racer tired, he from shoulder to shoulder until the teams arrived in the village plaza. Little effort, then, was required f distance. They were, after all, accustomed to carrying heavy logs while running as fast as they could over long distances. More importantly, however, log races were spirited events in whi beam, the Caiap warriors were doing the same. These were not dispirited and defeated men forced to acquiesce to a humiliating subjugation; rather, they were warriors proud of their sp eed and strength, and they were just as willing to engage and defeat their erstwhile enemies in sport as they had in war. Although the anonymous chronicler did not know it, what he had witnessed foreshadowed ill events to come. Problems of Pacification (1 783 1784) settled at Maria I by the end of 1782 and, o nce there, the y But there were at least two more arrivals of Caiap in early 1784, and, though these were poorly recorded, they swelled the aldeia population to such an immense size that the

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198 soldiers stationed at Maria I found it impossible to control the Caiap. In fa ct, the remained a formidable threat to not only caravans but also Vila Boa itself. We have a good idea of the Caiap population at Maria I because a census, taken by Jo s Lus Pereira, has survived (Figure 5 1). 35 According to the census, there were 518 Caiap at the aldeia in May of 1783, of whom almost half were children. Living in close proximity to the Portuguese had taken its inevitable toll: many Caiap had died 1 1 men, 14 women, 10 boys, and 2 girls most likely from colds and fevers, and the aldeia population had declined. Traumatic as these losses must have been to the Caiap, they were nothing compared to the deaths caused by the epidemics that annihilated the Panar: colds, fevers, and diarrhea reduced them from a population of just under a 1000 to 79 demoralized survivors in less than a decade (Schwartzman 1988:296; Baruzzi et al. 1977:185). 36 This suggests epidemics had already affected the Caiap, and their population had acquired some measure of natural immunity immunity that was lost or never acquired by the Caiap villages that migrated into the Peixoto de Azevedo. Bu t the aldeia population soon changed significantly. In correspondence that accompanied the census, Jos Lus Pereira informed the governor of a recent spoke with its inha bitants, and decided to convince the rest of their villages to settle s Your

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199 months wi th many people. The said Indians are residents of the Grande River on the 37 That these ten Caiap hailed from the Grande River was novel, since the preceding arrivals had all come from Camapu. 38 It had taken close to two years, but word o f the aldeia had spread throughout Caiap territory, traveling along the same networks of inter village communicati on that had permitted their warriors to raid so destructively in the mid 1740s. Villages from different regions, not just Camapu, were now sending small groups into Gois to investigate the aldeia. The Portuguese no longer had to contend with solely the Camapu Caiap, and, as they were to discover, this had serious ramifications for the social dynamic of the aldeia. Because more Caiap were expected, the soldiers at the aldeia attempted to have new fields planted, as the current occupants had only planted crops sufficient for 39 T here were too few soldiers at the aldeia to force 112 Caiap men, many of them aggressive warriors, to labor against their will. This forced a good field in expecta tantalizing clues to explain why Sergeant Pereira had to request slaves to plant new Caiap fields. Panar gardens are not communal village property: each married couple plants gardens the hus band clears the land; the wife plants, tends, and harvests the crops which belong to the wife and her clan, not the husband (Schwartzman 1988:74). 40 Caiap horticultural practices were similar to those of the Panar: men felled the forests, women tended th 41 If

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200 women owned the gardens and crops planted at the aldeia, then the Caiap rejected planting the new fields because the crops were intended for others, a violation of their understanding of the proper owne rship and allocation of garden resources. The Indians viewed fields as the property of woman and clans, and they saw no reason to abandon their traditional practices and, thus, refused to plant new fields. The soldiers regarded the gardens at the aldeia as the property of the aldeia and all its inhabitants a concept that clashed with Caiap beliefs, but they were greatly outnumbered and could do little to force the issue. If slaves were sent to Maria I to plant new fields no record of their activity ther e has survived then the crops were still green when, at the end of September, two 42 In May, the Caiap had promised their village would arrive within seven months, and they p roved true to their word: in late December and early January, new Caiap began appearing at Maria I. These Caiap, unlike their predecessors, were not greeted with fanfare. T hey were extremely suspicious and entered the aldeia unobtrusively. According t o the new governor, Tristo da Cunha Menezes, who had by then replaced the remorse 43 Soldiers, however, spied the lurking warriors and noticed new faces mixed among the familiar aldeia inhabitants. More Caiap arrivals followed. Lieutenant Jos Rodrigues Freire, a dragoon sent to observe the aldeia, report ed many children, elderly, and, more ominously, at least 178 warriors had appeared at the end of January. 44 The Portuguese now had an enormous horde of

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201 Caiap living at Maria I. These latter arrivals were neither celebrated nor invited to Vila Boa to gree t the governor quite the opposite, there was little to celebrate and great cause for concern. On January 16, 1784, the governor dispatched a letter to Lisbon and informed the Crown al l was not well with the Caiap pacification. 45 A few days earlier, an off icer at atmosphere at Maria I had changed since the Caiap from the Grande River arrived, and many of the soldiers stationed there were frightened; they feared of a rebel lion or an attack on Vila Boa. The new Caiap neither followed orders nor accepted a d eath. Almost every day, groups of Caiap left the aldeia to kill cattle on nearby ranches and threaten ranch hands; they returned to the aldeia to boast of their misdeeds. Marauding Caiap destroyed cornfields planted at the aldeia, despite a lngua info not want to work and say the blacks [i.e., slaves] work and they will go wherever they colonial society attributed to skin color and the demeaning lack of freedom inherent to slavery; a status they roundly refused to accept for themselves. There was violence. The Caia quarters requesting salt and, as I was not at home at the moment, he chided me and

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202 reached such an extreme that he hurled a This outburst brought more Caiap running and a crowd quickly gathered, but there was eating and threats to cowhands and soldiers. Soon after the last group of Caiap had arrived, a pedestre was found murdered. One of the lngua were from the aldeia and it was the lngua heard the sounds of people in the forest warned that the Caiap planned an ambush at the river, so the officer dispatched troops to the Fartura to investigate; they did not find anything. But there were sightings of Caiap lurking in ambush in the forests around the aldeia and along trails leading to lngua s warned the soldiers that warriors were p lotting another ambush. The officer, with a hint What had happened at Maria I? Why did the aldeia suddenly turn violent with the arrival of the Caiap from the Grande River? First, the Caiap had arrived in great numbers and clearly overwhelmed the ability of the soldiers to control them. As the 1782 all h ailed from Camapu, which likely aided the smooth functioning of the aldeia because, one

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203 supposes, they were somewhat related by kinship and accustomed to interacting with one another. However, the later arrivals hailed from the Grande River and were less familiar with the Camapu Caiap, lacked kin ties, and were not as easily integrated into the preexisting aldeia structure, in which they competed for limited supplies of food and goods. Third, the new Caiap were suspicious of the aldeia, which was unsu rprising considering they had come from sertes near the Bororo aldeias and had suffered the heaviest fighting; such fighting had also made their warriors more hostile and prone to confront the soldiers. Further, and perhaps most importantly, the aldeia h ad failed to meet the expectations of the Caiap. The governor had promised supplies of food, received; but the Caiap from the Grande River neither found a warm recepti on, nor discovered sufficient gardens, nor received a generous distribution of food and goods. So they reacted, showing their displeasure through the familiar language of violence, which was how they had interacted and communicated with the Portuguese for over 50 years. Portuguese into providing the aldeia with its numerous presents. The frightened ifts we give 46 The Caiap arrived at the aldeia expecting food and goods essentially tribute believing they had conquered the Portuguese; instead they discovered insufficient food, few goods, and expectations that their men labor like women in gardens. It was only natural that they responded with violence and browbeat

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204 the soldiers. After all, they believed this was what had forced the governor into giving them presents in the first place. With the Caiap pacification unwind ing and a revolt a very real possibility, the Jos de Mossmedes and every did not need to be reminded of the threat the Caiap posed: he had observed the aftermath of one of their raids while traveling to Vila Boa, and he suspected, with some justification, the culprits of the at tack were responsible for the disturbances at the aldeia. pedestres to the full complement of 178 soldiers in order to place a garrison of 80 soldiers in the aldeia to subj ugate the Indians to working in the fields and constructing 47 Readying new troops required time, which the governor could ill afford, so more easily perceive som and equipped. But sending the Acro and new troops to the aldeia was not all that the governor did to stabilize the aldeia; he also decided to use the Caiap in a campaign to pacify the Chavante. The Ch avante were the last major people in Gois not settled on an aldeia. They were G speakers, like the Caiap, who lived in the north and occupied vast tracts of campo east of the Araguaia River. Terrifying club fighters and excellent archers, the Chavante had increased their attacks on settlements in the decade since the Acro and Chacriab were pacified: more than 14 ranches were destroyed in 1783 alone; and, in

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205 May of 1784, they had attacked slaves near the settlement at Crixs. 48 In the wake of these attacks, Tristo da Cunha Menezes decided to pacify this formidable warrior people which would secure the northern settlements from their terrible attacks and complete the Pombaline era pacifications (see Hemming 1987:72 74) And it just so happene d that a military campaign was an excellent way of occupying the most truculent of the aldeia Caiap. Warriors naturally preferred the dangers of fighting to the emasculating drudgery of working on communal fields; and fighting in the north would take the men far away from the aldeia, where they would be less of a threat to the soldiers and nearby settlements. And the Caiap hated the Chavante (Freire 1951:14). They were willing to participate in a bandeira to settle an old vendetta The governor ordered a bandeira of 40 pedestres and 40 Caiap readied. They plunged into the northern sert es in July of 1784, returning that November with a number of Chavante captives abducted by the Caiap during a brief battle. 49 The er he informed the Crown that Maria I was secured and the need for the extra troops had passed. 50 The Caiap would eventually play a pivotal role i n the Chavante pacification, serving as skilled pathfinders and native warriors in the b andeiras sent against their old enemies Such cooperation continued in the years after 1784. Caiapo warriors were found in bandeiras sent to distant Cuiaba, wandering southern Goias in se arch of escaped slaves. 51 Villages, Population, and Maria I narratives have allowed. When Governor Cunha Menezes dispatched letters to Mato Grosso and So Paulo announcing the cess ation of ho stilities, he believed that all of the

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206 Caiap villages were Portuguese. However, hostilities continued with attacks on settlements and mule trains in Gois and Mato Grosso especiall y in Camapu pacification remained incomplete. Part of the reason the governor never completely subjugated the Caiap was because their villages, though connected by networks of kin and communication, were, much like other G speaking v illages, politically and economically autonomous; there was no supra regional authority to summon them from the sertes. between villages and, one suspects, provoked inte nse debates: some Caiap decided to accept the promises and gifts and began moving toward Vila Boa; others village ignored the governor and his promises. Some villages probably the majority were interested but reluctant to leave their sertes, so they sen t small groups, such as the ten warriors who appeared in 1783, to investigate the aldeia. There were doubtlessly many such groups sent to Maria I, but most passed unannounced and unnoticed thus, undocumented through the aldeia. Since small groups of Indi ans were constantly arriving from or leaving to the sertes, they attracted little notice. A n officer stationed at the Rio Claro, Joo Gaudie Ley, wrote of the arrival at the garisson of one such group from Maria I that ers going, I did not judge it 52 But some of the Caiap whom Gaudie Ley observed coming and going were new arrivals investigating the aldeia: some returned to their villages satisifed that they could live at Maria I; others decided against the move. This explains, at least in part, why the Caiap arrived gradually over a period years and hostilities, which declined after 1781, never truly ceased.

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207 Importantly, the traditional narratives have ignored the later arrival of large numbers of Caiap. Table 5 1 (below) lists the documented arrivals of Caiap at Vila Boa and Maria I, which permits us to re examine the chronology of the early populating The first thre e arrivals hailed from Camapu, the region whence came the Caiap lngua Feliciano, and where he had led Jos Lus Pereira and the 1780 bandeira. The first Caiap to arrive in Vila Boa came from this region. They lived closer to one another, and networks of kin and inter village cooperation connected their villages, 53 Later, word of Maria I spread far and wide, eventually reaching villages to the south, which led to the arrival of a large numb er of Caiap in late 1783 and early 1784. A few weeks later, another group of Caiap arrived at Maria I. Whence these Caiap came was not documented, but they were likely from the Grande River as well, perhaps stragglers following the earlier arrivals; p erhaps a different village from that region; in either case, their arrival meant the aldeia was completely beyond the control of the 27 pedestres and dragoons stationed there. The message Lus da Cunha Menezes sent to the Caiap had reverberated across th e immense breadth of th eir territory, and, though the pacification was incomplete, it affected the captaincies of Mato Grosso, Gois, and So Paulo (and even western Minas Gerais). One interesting topic yet to be addressed by historians is whether the Port uguese officials, administrators, and soldiers certainly believed t hey were dealing with villages an assumption that subsequent chroniclers and historians readily accept ed but there

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208 tes. As Table 5.1 shows, the villages from Camapu were small. It was not until late 1783 and early 1784 that truly large groups of Caiap arrived; indeed, the 178 warriors ar riving in late January of 1784 were nearly equal to, or even exceeded, the total number of Caiap men, wome n, and children in each of the villages that had arrived in 1781 1782. And t he villages arriving at Vila Boa in 1781 1782 appear small when compared to the reports of large villages occasionally encountered in the sertes. Pires de Campos reportedly ran across a Caiap village in Camapu, no less that he refused to attack because of its immense size. While we do not know how large this village was, i t is hard to believe Pai Pir and his Bororo were loath to attack a village of 200 or even 237 Caiap. While possible that, because of constant warfare and epidemics, Caiap villages were smaller in the 1780s than they had been a few decades earlier, ther e were reports of large Caiap v illages contemporaneous to the pacification. For example, more than 80 prisoners of who m only two were elderly women; the others were children were captured from a single Caiap village in Camapu in the early 1780s. This number of prisoners suggests a large village, since many of the able bodied women and older children avoided capture and most of the men were away raiding. the Caiap vi llage it entered; this admittedly vague description, nonetheless, suggests a village population larger than of any of the so 1781 1782. If Caiap villages tended to be large in those places where they faced bande iras, such as Camapu, why were the first villages arriving in Vila Boa so small?

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209 smaller villages. Since smaller villages were more susceptible to bandeira attacks, the gover one region where Caiap villages suffered bandeira attacks; so accepting peace with the Portuguese offered these small villages a modicum of safety. However, attacks from bandei ras, as we have already seen, had the effect of driving Caiap villages together, producing large villages that even a redoubtable Indian fighter like Pires de Campos shied away from. Presumably, Caiap villages in Camapu, even in the late eighteenth cen tury, were large, formidable, and filled with numerous club fighting warriors capable of defending their homes, wo men, and children. Instead of villages, it appears the governor had attracted various chiefs and their followers from the sertes. These Cai and Maria I had the reverse effect of bandeiras, which had driven villages together, and sp lintered large Caiap villages into smaller entities of chiefs and followers willing to attempt a new tactic in their on going conflict with the Portuguese. But the Portuguese, rts of villages. That the first groups of Caiap arriving at Vila Boa were smaller groups of chiefs and followers smoothed the transition to the aldeia. The Caiap arrived gradually and in small numbers, so the Portuguese were capable of providing them wi th impressive welcomes and distributing sufficient quantities of gifts to them. Further, the authorities and settlers in Vila Boa had little reason to fear the Caiap, at least initially, until several

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210 arly 1784 that they were forced to deal with the arrival of actual Caiap villages. Maria I was suddenly inundated by Caiap the number of warriors surged from 112 to over 600 who terrified soldiers, overwhelmed the aldeia, stressed (and destroyed) the co mmunal fields; and their numbers were simply too numerous to supply with sufficient gifts. With the arrival of actual villages, the authorities suddenly faced a dilemma: what to do with so many Caiap? We will probably never know exactly how many Caiap t he governor had to deal with, but the population was larger than the 600 or so whom historians have commonly accepted as living there (see e.g., Chaim 1983:124; Karasch 1981:106). Unfortunately, census data of the aldeia, like that carried out by Jos Lu s Pereira in 1783, is unavailable for the period after the Grande River Caiap arrived; this forces historians to make inaccurate estimates. Giraldin (1997:95) was the first to argue for a larger aldeia population. He estimated between 2,400 and 3,600 Ca iap lived at Maria I, arriving at number of women and children. The lowe r ratio of four women and children to every warrior comes from the reliable data provided by Verswijver (1992:83 n. 1), which was based on the analysis of census data taken from 12 people s from Central Brazil. The higher ratio of six women and children fo r each warrior was based off of a late nineteenth century estimate of the total Caiap population (Desgenettes 1906:223). This number should be rejected based on its purely speculative nature, eliminating leaves us with the lower estimate of

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211 2,400 Caiap; however, this number does not account for the late January arrival of 178 warriors reported by Jos Rodrigues Freire in February of 1784. The arrival of these Caiap increased the number of warriors to mo method of calculating population, this would indicate at least 3112 Caiap men, women, and children at the aldeia. This number of Caiap was more comparable to the more 51:16) and such a population explains why the 27 soldiers at Maria I were overwhelmed, unable to control the aldeia, and terrified. Explaining the Aldeia The reasons behind the Caiap decision to settle on Maria I remain obscure. No contemporary chronicl er of the pacification ever thought to ask the Caiap why they moved onto the aldeia. This has forced historians to hypothesize, with varying degrees of success, as to why Governor Lus da Cunha Menezes succeeded where his predecessors had failed. Here, we address the most recent analyses, both of which were based on close reading of primary sources. Karasch (2005:470) had suggested four reasons: 1) a drought, lasting from 1780 to 1782, followed by heavy rains; 2) the expansion of cattle ranching, which consumed land available for hunting and gathering; 3) dependence on iron tools; and 4) increased bandeira attacks. Similarly, Giraldin (1997:94 95) proposed the Caiap were influenced by: 1) the drought and unusually heavy rains; 2) the joint attacks by t he captaincies of Gois, Mato Grosso, and So Paulo; and 3) a captaincy wide outbreak of smallpox in 1771. Both Karasch and Giraldin hypothesized essentially the same reasons, as each noted that climatic fluctuations and military pressure had placed the C aiap under stress, but they differed

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212 on the role of manufactured goods and disease. The following discussion analyzes their hypotheses and proposes additional reasons for the Caiap settling on Maria I. Climatic fluctuations probably played a role in the Caiap pacification. The 1780 1782 drought was the second in a decade, as an earlier drought had occurred in the years between 1773 and 1776. This earlier drought, according to Alencastre hree years extinguished the fields and pastures, caused great mortality among the herds, paralyzed the mines, like the drought in 1780 years of drought. Although Portuguese farms and ranches suffered during these droughts, Caiap gardens were based on indigenous farming techniques, which one assumes were better adapted to local conditions and may not have been as heavily impacted. However, the back to back occurrence of multi year droughts followed by heavy rains possibly proved too much for the Caiap gardens. If so, then the Caiap found their gardens failing at a time when hunting and gathering was difficul t and, since Portuguese farms and herds had failed, pillaging was unavailable as a means of food, and supplies more acceptable. The droughts and torrential rains meant th at the expansion of ranching probably played little role in the Caiap decision to settle at Maria I. While true that the economy in Gois was transitioning away from mining in the latter half of the ce ntury, the years preceding the pacification, particul arly the 1770s, did not witness an expansion of cattle ranching. The successive years of drought devastated and reduced Portuguese herds

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213 and, though difficult to quantify, ranching stagnated and somewhat declined. According to Alencastre (1864:278), the droughts and torrential rains were so detrimental that many settlers abandoned their claims and settlements and migrate out of the captaincy. Far from seeing their hunting lands reduced, the Caiap may have found lands formerly occupied by the settlers wh ether miners, farmers, or ranchers abandoned and available for hunting and gathering. Further, the Caiap at Maria I hailed from Camapu and the Grande River: ranching heavily impacted neither region until the early nineteenth century indeed, much of the Tringulo Mineiro, then called the Sertes of Farinha Podre, was un inhabited because of the Caiap so the incursion of cattle onto the hunting lands of these Caiap was negligible. More important than the droughts, torrential rains, and loss of hunting la nds was manufactured goods was perhaps the most important factor in the Caiap decision to settle on Maria I. 54 Pillaging goods was an important asp ect of Caiap war, and th ey were dependent on Portuguese manufactured goods after more than 50 years of raiding. By the late eighteenth century, however, acquiring goods through raids was extremely risky. Retaliatory bandeiras inevitably followed raiders into the sertes. Often possessing a large contingent of native retainers, these bandeiras were capable of tracking raiders and ambushing villages ; this was quite unlike the failed forays against the Caiap by unenthusiastic press ganged soldiers led by inept commanders, like An tnio de Lemos e Faria. Since the Caiap traded neither with the Portuguese nor their indigenous neighbors raiding was their only means to acquire goods, and

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214 been instrument al in attracting the Caiap to Maria. Indeed, the importance of goods to the pacification can be judged from the reaction of the Grande River Caiap. Upon discovering there was neither sufficient food nor presents waiting for them at the aldeia, they thr eatened and bullied soldiers in the belief that this would intimidate the Portuguese into giving them gifts. Related to the increasing dangers of raiding for goods was the overall deterioration of the Caiap military situation. By the 1770s, the Portugues e centers of authority, lines of communication, and means of supplying the mining regions were firmly established; and the leaders of the captaincies of Gois, Mato Grosso, and So Paulo had agreed to attack Caiap villages. The Caiap faced a concerted m ilitary effort to destroy their villages that, however lacking in coherence and overall strategy, propelled bandeiras into the Claro, Piles, Bonito Rivers, attacked villages in Camapu and along the Piquiri and Taquari Rivers, and on Grande River and deep within the Tringulo Mineiro. 55 T hese expeditions traveled to far flung sertes to hunt Caiap: according to Governor Lus da Cunha Menezes, some of them covered 200 to 300 leagues (1240 to 1860 kilometers or 770 to 1155 miles). 56 So effective were these offensives that Caiap villages had de cided to search for new sertes As the sertes were increasingly circumscribed by settlements and traversed by bandeiras, the Caiap faced the prospect of fighting inter necine wars against rival indigenous groups for land and resources. There were vicious battles against the Bororo to the west, and an old vendetta driven war against the Chavante to the n orth; both these peoples were fierce club fighters in their own right and more than capable of battling the Caiap. Worse, some of the enemies of the Caiap, specifically the Acro

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215 and Chacriab, had recently allied with th e Portuguese and were aiding bandeiras. Although greatly diminished in size by conflicts, reinforced by soldiers and their muskets, the Acro and C hacriab provided formidable warriors capable of blazing trails into the remotest sertes. Surrounded by enemies, attacked even in the remote corners military allianc e and the end of bandeira depredations. The most unlikely factor to influence the Caiap decision to settle on Maria I was the outbreak of smallpox in Gois. Outbreaks of communicable diseases had certainly ravaged Caiap villages in the eighteenth centur y though these events went unnoticed and undocumented but the y never sought succor from the Portuguese, and nothing indicates the Caiap were in the thralls of an epidemic in the early 1780s. Although smallpox struck Gois in the early 1770s, there is lit tle reason to suspect the contagion had spread to villages in Camapu or the Grande River. Soldiers routinely reported large numbers of children, elderly, and even crippled individuals among the arriving Caiap. Epidemics, like smallpox, typically killed children and the elderly, but there were so many children an elderly among the Caiap that they were forced to travel slowly. This suggests the outbreaks of smallpox and other noxious disease were distant memories. Further, if an epidemic had so demoral ized the Caiap that some of their villages decided to accept peace with the Portuguese, one would expect the Indians arriving in Vila Boa and Maria I to be despondent, ridden with disease, and mere shadows of the club fighters that had once terrorized the sertes. Instead, the Caiap were assertive, even formidable: those from Camapu went on hunting expeditions, traded game with settlers, showed their strength by carrying heavy logs,

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216 and refused to work on communal fields; while the later arrivals from t he Grande River violence; in neither case d o we see the behavior of a people weakened or demoralized by epidemics. Finally, we must include among the reasons the aldeia wa s accepted the presence of lngua s and subtle transformations in Caiap villages. Contemporaries and early lngua s played a critical role in the settling of Maria I. Later historians, such as Karasch and Girald in, have continued to stress the importance of lngua s; however, lost in the analysis is that the lngua s employed in the 1780s were of a different order than those earlier employed in the century. By the late eighteenth century, the Portuguese benefited from their conflicts with the Caiap in the sense that they possessed large numbers of captives from whose ranks they selected lngua s. For example, in 1780, there were 23 Caiap (11 men and 12 women) living at So Jos de Mossmedes alone, and a great ma ny captives were found in southern Gois and Camapu. 57 Many of these captives, who were small children when abducted by bandeiras, had lived for years among the Portuguese: they spoke their native tongue and Portuguese, and they understood the indigenous culture of their youth and the frontier society that had abducted them. But there were also Caiap born and raised among the Portuguese: for them the farms, ranches, and mines of the frontier were home, but they were often raised by Caiap mothers and liv ed among other captives, so they too understood and straddled the indigenous and European worlds. The Portuguese selected their lngua s from these semi acculturated Caiap, who were neither wholly indigenous nor Portuguese in terms of culture, and they, i n

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217 turn, through bridging language and cultural barriers, played a critical role in facilitating communication. These lngua s differed from those employed earlier in the century. Lngua s, like those Pires de Campos released from captivity in the 1740s, wer Recently abducted and with limited familiarity with the settlers and their language, they were not the best brokers of inter cultural communication; to say nothing of the fact that they returned to villages that, for all intents and pur poses, held the upper hand militarily. The teenaged Feliciano Jos Lus was similar to these captives: he was a recent Christianity, but because the Portuguese believ recent capture meant his kin connections were still strong, unlike the Caiap who had lived for years among the Portuguese, and his (perceived) privileged birth, it was hoped, meant he would hold some sway in the village. However, his role was less that of a communicator than that of a pathfinder, one capable of leading the bandeira to a village, whose skills as a mediator were enhanced by the presence of the other lngua s, such as the married couple Jos and Fran cisca. The real cajoling of the Caiap fell to these lngua s who had carved a place for themselves in frontier society and it was they who mixed and mingled with their clans reinforcing and reiterating the message Feliciano carried; and they traveled to a village battered by bandeiras, whose inhabitants, unlike the Caiap 40 years before, no longer possessed a clear military advantage. No matter how numerous and capable the lngua s, the Caiap first had to permit them into their village to hear the message they carried. Forty years before, the Caiap

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21 8 had killed some of the captives whom Pires de Campos sent to their villages, ignoring his presents and promises. The Caiap might have abandoned the fratricidal practice of killing escapees because mounting l osses meant they could ill afford slaying men lucky enough to have survived and escaped captivity, but the influence of their prolonged contact with the Portuguese must also have played a role. By the late eighteenth century, the Caiap were in transition and their culture differed, however subtly, from that of 50 years before. There was a growing dependency on Portuguese manufactured goods, which altered the material culture found in their villages. They also knew more about the settlers: information th at was gleaned from observation or information carried to their villages by women and children escaping captivity. The Caiap, for instance, recognized differences in skin color and understood that some people of African descent possessed little freedom; such recognition indicates that the Caiap were aware not only of the differences between their native and the Portuguese enemies, but that there were differences within the latter category of enemies as well. 58 And, though the evidence is extremely scanty there were changes their population. descent, the progeny of a Caiap woman likely raped and a man of Portuguese or African descent. 59 He was surely not the only mixed descent Caiap, as women were frequently captured by bandeiras; some inevitably escaped and returned to their villages pregnant. The growing fami liarity with the frontier society that they confronted and the changes to their culture, it appears, allowed enough room for understanding that, when the lngua

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219 gifts and his promises, the Caiap did not reject them outright ; they listened, heard, and came. And many other Caiap followed them. Conclusion The arrival of the Caiap in Vila Boa was the beginning of a new phase of their history that of the aldeia. Their decision to settle on an aldeia was part of a trend in Go is one that began shortly before, and culminated under, the Directorate reforms of the 1750s that, in short order, saw al s settled on aldeias: the Acro and Chacriab (1774 1775), the Caraj and Java (1775), the Caiap (1 780 as they were variously called, the arrival of the 36 Caiap in Vila Boa was arguably th e crowning achievement: no people in Gois evoked more terror, fought more ferociously, or threatened mines, farms, and ranches in a wider area than the Caiap. On the surface, the founding of the Maria I mark s relationship with the Portuguese, which, for much of the eighteenth century, was dominated by violence even hatred; nonetheless, there was a long, albeit intermittent, tradition of accommodation and cooperation: as when the Bilreiro s had traded unfortunate captives to the Paulistas for manufactured goods, or when Caiap appeared at a farm somewhere along the road to Vila Boa and received gifts from the owner. So the Cunha Menezes and subsequent chroniclers would have us believed. Nor was it as peaceful as it appeared. There was little to distinguish the bandeira Jos Lus Pereira commanded from the many that plunged into the sertes in search of the Caiap. The Lus Pereira and th e troops surround nlike other bandeira

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220 leaders, however, Jos Lus Pereira arrived at a propitious moment in history: the Caiap were savaged by bandeiras, unable to acquire goods upon which they were dependent, pushed into dimini shed territories, and fighting powerful indigenous neighbors. Added to these challenges were the droughts and heavy rains of the 1770s and early 1780s. It was for these reasons, as well as internal changes of their culture, that the Caiap did not reject ed the lngua s who were not the raw captives Pires de Campos released, but intermediaries and facilitators of communication and the began to arrive at Vila Boa and Maria I, many Caiap remained in the sertes villages at all, but rather chiefs and their followers and those that arrived were far from igns that the Caiap were not pacified the men carrying but it became obvious when the Caiap from the Grande River arrived and overwhelming the guards, fields, and available supplies at Maria I. The aldeia turned violent, and there were legitimate fears of a rebellion an episode subsequently ignored or forgotten by chroniclers and early historians but the tumultuous early days passed; the aldeia survived. Caiap would live at Maria I, and later So Jos de Mossmedes, until the mid nineteenth century, and, when they finally and irreparably abandoned the Gois aldeias, many moved onto new aldeias in Mato Grosso and Minas Gerais. To underst and why so many Caiap whose raids were legendary for the ir sheer destructive violence, sought accommodation and cooperation with their erstwhile enemies, we must examine

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221 the world they created at Maria I and Mossmedes, a crucial, though under appreciated, part of their history.

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222 List of the Indians of the C aiap Nation found in the aldeia Maria I from July 15, 1781, until May 26, 1783. Men 112 Women 151 Boys of the age of 8 or 10 years 51 Girls of the age of 8 or 10 years 61 Boys of the age of 6 or 7 years 56 Girls of the age of 6 or 7 [years] 62 Re port of the young Indians born in the aldeia Maria I. Infant boys 12 Infant girls 13 Report of the Caiap Indians who died in the Aldeia Maria I from July 15, 1781, until May 26, 1782. Men 11 Women 14 Boy s 10 Girls 02 Figure 5 Table 5 1. List of Caiap arrivals Date Number of Caiap Region Reference September 21, 1780 Camapu AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019 May 29, 1781 On 88 Caiap Camapu Souza 1872:460 September 29, 1781 237 Caiap Camapu Souza 1872:460 September 27, 1782 200 Caiap Camapu AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019 December, 1783 and January, 1784 Grande River AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. Late January, 1784 Grande River? AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2136

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223 1 The one people that did not settle onto a mission was the Av Canoeiro (Karasch 1992:133 134, 2005:485 492). Their rise to notoriety as a ferocious and unconquerable people began with the decline of hostilities at the end of the speaking people did not accept peaceful contact with national society until the late twentieth century. 2 Reproductions of the important Pombal era Indian legislation are found in Neto (1988:152 205). 3 Historian Hal Langfur (2006:61) has pointed out, however, that very little historical research has been conducted on the Directorate outside of the Amazon basin, and its effects are neither well known nor understood. 4 For an analysis of the Directorate aldeias in Gois, see Chaim (1983), Karasch (1992), and Ravagnani (1987). 5 AHU_ACL_CU, Cx. 32, D. 1996. Not much is known about Jos Luis Pereira. He was likely part Indian in his heritage; but he was certainly a tough Indian fighter and backwoodsman, skilled in wood lore and able to live for months at a time in the backlands. He was certainly cut from the same cloth as Pires de Campos and Pinto da Silveira, though, perhaps, without their brutality. After 1780, he commanded the Caiap aldeia at Maria I; and, later, he married the famous Damiana da Cunha, a Caiap leader (chapter 7). In 1789 and 1803, he participated in tough campaigns against the C anoeiro in the north of the captaincy. On this now forgotten soldier, see e.g., Souza (1872:463) and Karasch (2005:487). 6 Karasch (2005:469) suggested this bandeira succeeded because of it was composed mostly of natives; however, the composition was quit e un exceptional, since the ranks of most bandeiras were filled with indigenous retainers, e.g., Antnio Pires de Campos led mostly Bororo Indians, and the same can be said of Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira. Records of bandeiras from Mato Grosso, which were sent against the Caiap, indicate large numbers of Bororo Indians filled their ranks, see IHGMT Pasta 101 n 2311. 7 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2015. 8 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 9 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2015; IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 10 Felciano Jos Lus appears in a number of letters, see e.g. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. Oddly, he has disappeared from many of the subsequent retellings of these events (e.g. Karasch 2005). It is difficult to overstate the importance of lnguas: soldiers complained t hat none of the Caiap spoke Portuguese and communication was extremely difficult. 11 A census of So Jos de Mossmedes, dated March, 6, 1780, counted 11 Caiap men and 12 Caiap women out of a population of 814 Indians at the aldeia; the population also i ncluded: Acro, Xavante, Karaj, Caraj, and Javas, see AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 1996. A baptismal record from October 12, 178,2 lists one of these Caiap couples, Jos and Francisca, as well as their two children, Aleixo and Anadeto, which can be foun d here: AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. These two children were likely born while their parents traveled to the Caiap in Camapu, a roundtrip journey that lasted from October 1780 to September 1782. 12 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 1996; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx 2079. 13 It is generally accepted that the Bandeira left on February 15, 1780 (e.g., Alencastre 1864:315). This is equivocal. If the bandeira returned to Vila Boa after five month and six days in the sertes, then this departure date appears incorrect, si nce February 15 to September 21 is more than the five months and six days. The governor was inconsistent about the departure date. In a letter dated July 20, 1780, he wrote that the bandeira left on March 15, but in later correspondence claimed the bande ira had left on February 15. Accepting that the bandeira was in the sertes for five months and six days, then it would seem that it departed on April 15. Perhaps, the five months and six days referred to when the bandeira left the last Portuguese settle ment along the Claro and Piles Rivers? 14 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 15 Alencastre (1864:317) claimed the old man was named Romexi and was sent by the chief Angra ox; however, what the governor recorded, see e.g. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. There is no doubt that a Caiap man named Romexi existed, but it appears he arrived with a chief named Angra ox sometime before October 12, 1782 (AHU_ ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076). 16 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2168. 17 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. 18 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. 19 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. 20 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019.

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224 21 See e.g., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019 and A HU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2079. The governor ordered the Caiap to return to the sertes with his offer and return with an answer. Both Alencastre (1864:317) and Silva e Souza (1872:460) subsequently recorded that the Caiap elder ordered the warriors to summon their aldeias from the sertes. 22 318) appears to have been the first to identify the Caiap chiefs: Romexi (the old man who arrived in 1780); the mayoral Angra ox and another chief, Xaquenonau (both arriving in May of 1781), Cananpuaxi (who arrived on September of 1781), and Pupuar (who arrived in 1782). Modern commentators have employed these names ever since (e.g., Karasch 1981, 1992, 2005) However, there is good reason to suspect that Alencastre embellished his chronicle. In a letter dated December 18, 1782, Governor Cunha Menezes remitted a list of 99 Caiap children baptized on October 12, 1782. The list includes the names of the chil Pay May governor. The list also adopted their children. And, according to the governor, these Caiap hailed from Camapu and had only recently arrived in Vila Boa, see AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. While it is not impossible that a number of Caiap men were named Romexi and that several chiefs c alled themselves Angra ox, it seems more likely that Alencastre used a copy of the baptismal list or sources, now lost, to embellish his chronicle. Certainly, he based his narrative off the now missing Annais de Gois (the record of government affairs) letter and/or the diocese baptism records (which this author was not able to access in 2005). Future research may rescue the names of these chiefs and other Caiap from the dustbin of history, but until new docu ments come to light, it is best not to use the names provided by Alencastre. 23 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. 24 that Alencastre incorrectly attrib uted the name to an earlier woman. Other sources (Souza 1872:460) simply refer to baptismal record, see AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. 25 IH GB Lata 397, pasta 2. 26 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2015. 27 quantity of fish in its waters and game found along its banks. 28 AHU_ACL_CU_008m Cx. 3 2, D, 2019; MB Pct 405 (1750 1783), f. 36v. 29 AHEGO Livro 26, f. 256v. 30 The ability to rush troops to the aldeia was critical to the Portuguese. Their previous experiences with settling the Acro and Xacriab on aldeias had taught that uprisings were lik ely and, when the aldeia situated far away from Portuguese settlements, near impossible to put down. 31 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 32 Saint Hilaire (1975:71) described this tumpline among the Caiap of So Jos de Mossmedes in 1819. Kupfer (1870) described Ca iap women in Mato Grosso, whom he visited in 1857, using this tumpline. 33 The very mundane nature of this tale makes it ring true. 34 For a description of Panar log races, see Schwartzman (1988:166 170). 35 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2104. 36 In contrast to the Caiap, when the Panar arrived in the Xing Indigenous Park, there were no pregnant women, no elderly, and very few children among them, see Schwartzman (1984:232). 37 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2104. 38 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2079. 39 AHU_ACL_CU_ 008, Cx. 34, D. 2104. 40 The peanut, an important ritual crop, is harvested collectively and shared by the entire village, see Ewart (2005:23 24). 41 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 42 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2125. 43 AHU ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 44 AHU _ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2136. 45 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131.

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225 46 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 47 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 48 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2156. 49 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2168. 50 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2169. 51 APMT Ano 1791, Doc. 16; IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. Bororo. 52 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2131. 53 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2079. 54 For the analogous example of a G speaking people entering into peaceful contact in order to acquire goods, see Turner (1992). 55 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 16, D. 997. For example, bandeiras were organized from: So Paulo (BN I 30, 12, 17 n 39; BN I 30, 22, 11 n5; DI 1895, vol. 8:133 179; DI 1894, vol. 7:138 187); and Cuiab (BN I 30, 09, 26 n1; BN I 30, 09, 26 n2; BN I 30, 12, 17 n 40). 56 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2015; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. 57 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 1996. 58 This had happened with the Panar. Schwartzman (1988:259 rious Panar songs and a ceremony originally came from enemies: several women were abducted and forced to marry hipe, but they eventually escaped and brought knowledge of foreign songs and dances to their village. 59 We will never know for sure if this chie f was a Portuguese or slave captured and raised among the Caiap. As we have seen, reports of Caiap abductions of the Portuguese or their slaves were extremely rare, so this chief was not likely a former captive. Further evidence against his being a for mer captive is that neither the governor, nor soldiers involved in the pacification, nor the administrators at the aldeia, ever mentioned discovering captive Portuguese or Africans among the Caiap.

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226 CHAPTER 6 THE CAIAP" AT MARIA I AND SO JOS DE MO SSMEDES (1781 1832) Introduction At the end of 1784, a great horde of Caiap, whom the Portuguese liked to think of were the most feared of the native peoples in Gois: they were a lurking, black painted threat; a warrior people who raided relentlessly and w ith incredible ferocity; their raiders killed women and children. In late 1831, when the Caiap finally and irrevocably abandoned their last aldeia in Gois, So Jos de Mossmedes, to which they had been rel ocated after Maria I was extinguished in 1813 181 4, they were no longer the same people whom the settlers had so feared in 1780 1784. Many Caiap spoke Portuguese and worked for settlers as servants, cowboys, or rowers. There were new Caiap leaders, not just the traditional warlike chiefs who had led their raids from the sertes and terrorized the soldiers at Maria I, and there were new ways of doing vid Block (1999:1 2) coined to describe the native cultures that emerged in the Jesuit missions of Moxos (eastern Bolivia). Geographically isolated, defended by the Jesuits, and protected by royal prohibitions on Spaniards interacting with the native cate chumens, the missions at Moxos were protected from the sort of exploitation and conflict that destroyed so many other missions in the New World. They flourished for more than a century (from the mid 1600s until the Jesuit expulsion from Spanish lands in 1 767), and, during this time, the a so

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227 indigenous. The natives acquired some degree of nat ural immunity to European diseases from repeated exposure: the mission inhabitants who survived epidemics passed their immunities on to their children, and, through this sad and horrible process, s by the time of the Jesuit missions to experiment with their own and European cultures. The more egalitarian societies and simple economies of the native lowlands were modified by the introduction of Spanish style leadership: the traditional chiefs saw their positions strengthened and expanded in many ways, and the native population became less egalitarian. There was economic specialization: some Indians worked to prod uce food for others, especially European technologies and crops were introduced to the Indians. These were adopted, ction of European and Indian favor of metal cutting implements, especially to clear garden p lots. Such transformations were neither the result of Jesuits control over their mission catechumens, nor were they solely the product of the Indians choosing between acquaintanc e, interaction, and active negotiation between European and Indigenous cultures within a more or less protected space. inherent ethnocide and toward a more nuanced understa nding of the profound effects,

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228 not all of which were negative, that such places had on indigenous cultures. Indeed, the transformations of indigenous cultures that culminated under the Jesuits in Moxos were uccessfully the challenges of the Spanish frontier long after the Society was expelled in 1767. As Block (1999:2) has emphasized, in Moxos until the middle of the ninet A somewhat similar situation occurred in Gois. As we have seen, the Caiap egan long before Maria I. They had, for example, adapted their raiding techniques to cope with the killing efficiency of black incorporated Portuguese goods looted during raids into village life. Such transformations continued indeed, they accelerated at Maria I and, later, the aldeia at Moss medes. Both aldeias were places where the Caiap, through exposure to epidemics, acquired some immunity to European disease. And Maria I and Mossmedes, in many ways, sheltered the Caiap from attack: there is no record of bandeiras attacking the aldeia Caiap, even when it was apparent that they were responsible for a raid; and the supply of manufactured goods that trickled into Caiap villag es meant raiding for plunder and provoking bandeiras declined. New forms of leadership and economic complexity e merged at the Gois aldeias: traditional chiefs still governed the Caiap, but their powers were expanded; a hierarchy of chiefs based on Portuguese ranks emerged; and the position of head chief of the aldeia appears to have become reified in certain indiv iduals and families. The Caiap population also became less egalitarian, and the Portuguese lngua

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229 intermingling of European and native cultures, emerged as powerful intermediaries and leaders. And, of course, European technology and crops were introduced. Some of these enabled the Caiap to exploit the environment more efficiently and expanded their subsistence economy. Yet, despite all the changes, many native traditions continued at the Caiap aldeias. The aldeia Ca iap preferred to construct their homes from native materials and in their traditional style; they cooked their food much as they had in the sertes; they practiced many traditional forms of body ornamentation; and the Caiap maintained many ceremonies, da nces, and rituals for healing and religious purposes. There were important differences from Moxos, of course. Caiap mission culture developed outside of a milieu of rigorous, if somewhat benign, Jesuit tutelage a nd administration. The Caiap pacificatio n took place under the Directorate, the marquis there were no Jesuits at Maria I and Mossmedes (long before either aldeia was established, King Jos I had dispossessed a nd ordered the Society from his possessions in Amazonia in 1756 1757, and then the rest of his possessions in 1758 1759). And neither Maria I nor So Jos de Mossmedes were geographically isolated; nor were the Portuguese prohibited from entering the ald eias; indeed, one of the the integration of the aldeia Indians into frontier society. So the aldeia Caiap, especially once their numbers no longer overwhelmed the s oldiers at Maria I, were subject to more interaction, accompanied by more abuse and exploitation, than had occurred at Moxos. Once the Indian threat in Gois began to fade in the late 1780s, the

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230 Directorate aldeias declined in importance and were allocate d fewer resources; which greatly contributed to their later decadence, so nothing akin to the century of Jesuit tutelage in Moxos occurred in Gois. The Directorate was finally abolished in 1798, but this had little impact on the administration of the ald eias, especially in remote Gois, and certainly did not improve the lot of the aldeia Indians as was intended (see Hemming 1987:60 61). There was a lot about the Gois aldeias that was negative. We know the Caiap suffered epidemics, hunger, abuse, and mu ch misery, especially in the waning days of Mossm edes; the development of their mission culture was a difficult experience. In 1819, two Europeans visited the Caiap aldeias and later wrote largely pessimistic accounts of what they observed: Auguste Fran ois Csar, the provenal de Saint Hilaire (1975), was a French voyager and botanist, who toured widely in Brazil in the years between 1816 and 1822; and Johan Emanuel Pohl (1951), an Austrian botanist and physician, traveled Brazil between 1817 and 1821; both men heard tales of devastating epidemics and simmering discontent at Mossmedes. They denounced the forced labor and corporal punishment the Caiap endured; they scowled at the once lavish aldeia buildings and baroque church, many of which, t hough bu ilt to beguile the native s into accepting peace, had long since decomposed into rotten, roofless hulks; and they witnessed the Caiap unhappily laboring under the watchful eyes of armed soldiers in communal fields. The Frenchman and the Austrian sadly not ed the stocks occupied a prominent place in the center of the plaza and the palmatria (a wooden paddle used for beating women and children) never gathered much dust. To these European visitors, Mossmedes was a failure: fear of stiff corporal punishment and

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231 musket toting guards kept the inhabitants there and perhaps most importantly of all to their minds, the Caiap had never abandoned their native traditions. Much of the subsequent historical analysis of the Gois aldeias (e.g. Atades 1998:77 94; Hemm ing 1987:76 77) has emphasized the misery, deprivation, hunger, forced labor, harsh punishment, and failures these two visitors, among others (e.g. Cunha Matos 1874:244), emphasized and recorded. However, it is too easy to lose in the decayed extravagance of the baroque Mossmedes church, the ennui of forced labor, and the visible reminders of corporal punishment that many Caiap willingly remained at the aldeias the sertes were vast and escape was possible. A small number of Caiap even stayed at Mossm edes after the vast majority of the inhabitants had fled in late 1831; indeed, many of the fugitives quickly settled on similar, if less elaborate, aldeias in Minas Gerais and Mato Grosso, suggesting that, despite all their unattractive aspects, aldeias he ld some appeal to their inhabitants. This chapter seeks to understand that appeal and describe the kind of lives the Caiap created at Maria I and Mossmedes. It seeks to reveal how their G culture intermingled with that of the Portuguese and Brazilians the frontier for more than a century. For the mission culture that evolved in Gois spread widely and affected Caiap villages throughout the entire breadth of their territory, from the headwaters of the Araguaia River and Camapu to the Paran and the Tringulo Mineiro. It was only the most distant and remote Caiap villages that were unaffected by the events unfolding in Gois that is, t he Caiap moving deep into the sertes north of Cuiab, those who would become the known as the Kreen Akrore.

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232 For most Caiap living east of the Araguaia, until they finally disappeared as an autonomous people in the early twentieth century, it was the mi ssion culture that developed in the Gois aldeias that allowed them to interact with and adapt to the frontier society that had overrun so much of their territory. The Physical Setting: Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes Unfortunately, very few description s, much less physical plans, have survived of the aldeias. At Maria I, Governor Lus da Cunha Menezes had planned to build an aldeia similar to that found at Mossmedes. Surviving plans of the facilities he initially envisioned show a lavish aldeia compl ex. 1 A plan dating to 1782, for instance, included a house for the governor, a residence for a priest, several barracks for troops, a baroque church, and six rectangular communal houses for the Caiap. Additionally, a mill, a large barn for goods and foo dstuffs, and a stable for workhorses were planned. There were to be fruit orchards, several banana fields, and even a vineyard. This elaborate aldeia setting was quickly abandoned, probably because of cost and the rather unstable environment that develop ed in the early years of the aldeia. A more modest plan, dating to 1785, shows only a church, four communal houses, a small garrison house, and a ditch to bring water into the aldeia. This later plan, as we shall see, was much closer to what was actually constructed at Maria I, which always remained the more rustic of the two Caiap aldeias. Mossmedes, in contrast, was a large and sprawling facility. Surviving plans for the aldeia show that the administrative center was built around a central plaza fron ted by a baroque church. 2 Opposite the church was a summer residence of the governor, a long and narrow single story building with an elaborate entrance facing the plaza. Flanking the plaza, and running its entire length, were Portuguese style homes buil t for

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233 the aldeia Indians: constructed of wood, these had tall doorways, narrow windows, high ceilings, and tiled roofs. Also found at the plaza was a small residence for a priest and several large barracks for troops. T he aldeia had a waterwheel for grin ding maize, a sugar mill, several barns for livestock and horses, and numerous storehouses. A shallow canal brought water into the aldeia for drinking and washing clothing. When Saint Hilaire and Pohl visited Gois in 1819, Maria I was abandoned for almos t six years and Mossmedes decadent and declining. Maria I was in a state of complete ruin, unsurprisingly. Neither Saint Hilaire nor Pohl expressed much interest in the former aldeia, unfortunately, and the descriptions they left were exceedingly b rief. Saint Hilaire (1975:75) only paused to examine the ruins and merely noted the had built their homes. Pohl (1951:367 368) left a somewhat more complete description. He observed Maria I was on the top of a low rise and near a bend in the Fartura River and, like Saint Hilaire, noted that the aldeia was divided into two parts: built facilities, a nd what amounted to a Caiap village built somewhat apart from these structures. The Portuguese built portion of the aldeia was better preserved, being that it was constructed from more durable materials, and consisted of two wood framed buildings. These according to Pohl, measured 43 steps in length and 16 in width. They had the high ceilings, narrow doors and windows, and tiled roofs typical of colonial architecture of the era. One building was for the governor and his retinue; the other served the a ldeia administrator, soldiers, and the aldeia priest in his occasional visits for

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234 arrival, though scattered about inside of the buildings were some rustic furniture probably le ft behind by the herders who occasionally passed through the region. 3 Pohl residence, but much of this structure had burned during one of the annual dry season burning s and only the barest outline remained. Around one hundred paces from these buildings were work and storage areas. There were sheds of miscellaneous use, an old iron forge, a collapsed engenho de aucar powered mill for grinding maize, and what appeared to be a distillery for producing Brazilian cachaa harvest had been stored there. It was empty except for rats and b ats and the high ceiling drooped dangerously, but this was the most interesting structure at Maria I, as it was there that the Caiap had chosen to build their homes. The houses, unfortunately, had burned, but the ruins that remained were sufficient for P ohl to perceive the Caiap had constructed their homes in a circular pattern around the main storehouse. The Caiap aldeia at Mossmedes was very similar to that at Maria I: there were Portuguese constructed facilities and, built ap art from these, the Caia p constructed homes. Although the Portuguese had spent vast sums and constructed an elaborate faci lity at Mossmedes to lure hostile people s into accepting peace, the aldeia had been allowed to decay. By 1800, all of the Portuguese constructed structure s were falling apart indeed, many were abandoned and a canal built to carry water to the aldeia had silted up. 4 Little had changed when Pohl and Saint Hilaire visited. Pohl (1951:360) n which were built

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235 small buildings with two stories to house the officials that normally accompany the Hilaire (1975:64) put the plaza at 145 by 112 paces and found it with its weathered exterior, had obviously suffered from years of neglect, much like the oth er buildings found at the plaza. T he garrisons and other story residence was pulled down to prevent it from collapsing, leaving behind a labyrinth of small, open roofed rooms on the ground floor (Pohl 195 1:36). The buildings found at the plaza were inhabited by a few soldiers, their families, and around fifty agregados Hilaire 1975:64). Very few Caiap lived in the Portuguese constructed homes, and those who did were mostly women, the wives of the soldiers and agregados. The Caiap claimed the Portuguese style high ceilings made for cold living in the rainy season (Pohl 1951:36), so they built their homes in the traditional manner and apart from the plaza. Ther e were only a dozen of these house s to the west of the Mossmedes plaza, as most of the Caiap had decided to build their homes nearer the communal fields, which sat about a league away (Saint Hilaire 1975:66; Pohl 1951:36). The Caiap homes were very sim made of straw and their structure is the same as the Luso ith eyed Frenchman noted

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236 crossed posts with mud, the Caiap limit themselves to weaving palm fronds between them could be closed off by a cover of palm fronds (Saint Hilaire 1975:66). Unfortunately, we do not know if the Caiap had, as at Maria I, constructed a circular village: neither Pohl nor Saint Hilaire mentioned the layout of the homes, and the only other description of de of the aldeia facilities, not the homes the Caiap had constructed farther away. 5 Saint Hilaire (1975:71) peeked inside the Caiap homes and thought them small, dark, and smoky. There was a small fire or two smoldering in each house that he entered. C aiap men, women, and children gathered around these fires, which were lit to provide light, warmth, and a sense of community; these were not cooking fires. Cooking was done outside of the home and in traditional style earth ovens. These had changed litt le since Joo Godi Pinto da Silveira described them in 1760. They were shallow pits filled with stones on which women lit a fire. Saint Hilaire (1975:71) of the ston the food with palm leaves and filled in the oven with earth. The buried coals, heated stones, and food were left for an hour or two and then the earth and coals were Hilaire tried some beef

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237 While wandering the aldeia, Saint Hilaire (1975:70) perceived a lack of material possessions among the aldeia Caiap. 6 He spotted very few European manufactured items, whether scattered about the village or stored in the homes he entered, and few of the goods he spied were left in plain sight; many items were hidden in the thatching of the Caiap homes (cf. Ewart 2000:203). The most visible items in the Caiap homes were hearthstones, the sleepin g berths and mats, some weapons, and the distinctive Caiap baskets. The berths were constructed of wooded stakes thrust into the ground to support a platform of branches; these berths were barely long enough for a single person. The berths were rare, si nce most Caiap slept on mats woven from Buriti palm fronds (Saint Hilaire 1975:70), which they placed on the ground and laid upon without any head support or cushion. Caiap men still made and practiced with their famous clubs and formidable longbows. P ohl (1951:365) was keen to observe the latter in action so a few Caiap archers rounded up a chicken and easily dispatched their unfortunate victim at 80 paces, which impress ed the Austrian. The most prominent possessions found in the Caiap homes were ba skets called jucunus (Saint Hilaire 1975:66). More than fifty years before, Pinto da Silveira had certainly fascinated Pohl and Saint e] torn and woven, forming the base on which they put a little rolled up mat, woven from the same needing to augment the size [of a basket], they stick on another rolled Caiap jucunus could reach a prodigious size. Saint Hilaire (1975:70) saw baskets that

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238 were 1.3 meters (52 inches) tall and filled with enormous loads. And women hauled these heavy baskets about on their shoulders by means of a tumpline. We s ee from the surviving descriptions of Maria I and Mossmedes that the Caiap had, as much as was possible, attempted to recreate traditional living arrangements at both aldeias. They rejected the Portuguese constructed living arrangements, preferring to c onstruct their homes from traditional materials and, at least at Maria I, in a traditional pattern of a circular village. Inside their homes, the Caiap lived very much as they did in the sertes: they slept on berths or mats, lit small indoor fires for l ight, warmth, and community, and cooked outside their homes in earth ovens. Inevitably, there were changes. Some women had married Portuguese and Brazilian men and lived apart from their families and in the Portuguese constructed buildings. The communal fields were planted, worked, and harvested according to European standards, not those of the Caiap, and the sounds and rhythms of traditional village life were disrupted by the grinding of maize in the mills, the clamor of the forges, and the presence of soldiers and agregados. The Caiap Population at Maria I and Mossmedes The population of Caiap living at Maria I and, later, So Jos de Mossmedes remains difficult to judge because of a paucity of census data; the general trend of both aldeias was to ward decline. The population of Maria I, as we have seen, once exceeded 3,000 individuals; though this number fluctuated considerably because so many Caiap regularly came to and went from the aldeia. Sometime before 1800 we do not know exactly when a la rge number of Caiap fled from Maria I after Governor Tristo da Cunha Menezes imprisoned one of their chief (see below). This flight considerably reduced the population of Maria I. Another large abandonment of the

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239 aldeia followed in 1807 1808 (chapter 7 ). A few years later, there was an outbreak of smallpox that killed more than 80 Caiap (Saint Hilaire 1975:69). In 1813, there were only 129 Caiap at Maria I: the aldeia was extinguished and the Caiap relocated to So Jos de Mossmedes. 7 The Mossmed es aldeia never had anything near the population of Caiap found at Maria I. How large the Caiap population was at its zenith, we cannot say, but there were a mere 138 Caiap living there in 1813. 8 And, once the Caiap relocated from Maria I to Mossmed es in 1814, the aldeia had 267 Caiap. This was probably the largest number of Caiap to live there. Many of the Caiap relocated from Maria I to Mossmedes found the aldeia disagreeable; flights soon reduced the population even further. Unfortunately, w e do not know exactly how many Caiap remained at Mossmedes in 1819. Neither Pohl nor Saint Hilaire thought to mention the size of the aldeia population. However, in the course of condemning the Brazilian mismanagement of the aldeia, Saint Hilaire (1975 There were so few Caiap that the Brazilian authorities worried about the continued existence of the aldeia and author ized an expedition, commanded by Damiana da Cunha, whom we shall meet in the next chapter, to enter the sertes in search of Caiap (Saint Hilaire 1975:72). Although this expedition was successful, the aldeia continued to decline. In 1824, there were 128 Caiap at Mossmedes (Cunha Matos 1874:244). This number fluctuated, and there were between 125 and 130 Caiap at the aldeia in the following year (cf. Cunha Matos 2004:294 and Karasch 2000:67). This

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240 number appears very similar to the census data of 181 3 1814, suggesting that the Caiap relocated to Mossmedes from Maria I had largely fled the aldeia. We have no census data available after 1824 1825. The population certainly declined and became precipitously low, which led to several more government spo nsored expeditions by Damiana da Cunha. Although these expeditions were successful, the aldeia continued to decline. It whimpered a long for many years, with the population probably fluctuating around 100, until the Caiap finally abandoned it in 1831 18 32. Physicality, Body Ornamentation, and Clothing Physically, the aldeia Caiap were an impressive people. Saint Hilaire (1975:67) shoulders, hair that was thick, stiff, black and strait, a wide chest, red skin, and thin ed from other people heads, open and intelligent countenan ce, lofty stature, closely set eyes, and the dark characteristically less generous in his opinion. He was interested in their wide and flat feet and splayed toes characteris one could distinguish the footprints of the Indians from others, especially in the sand of Caiap cheeks were

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241 The Austrian curmudgeon found the Caiap women especially repugnant. They simultaneously carried young children on their hips and immensely heavy loads of firewood or baskets loaded with peanuts supported only by a tumpline that passed across the forehead and maintained the weight of the load on the shoulders. The heavy burdens women carried elicited sympathy from Saint these poor creatures carrying enormous bundles of firewood on their backs, or around the forehead like a b and were constantly in motion. opinion of the Caiap women. A good deal of intermarriage had occurred between Caiap w omen and the Brazilian soldiers and agregados. The children of these unions Hilaire (1975:67) noted with interest, and Interestingly, the pract da Silveira had observed among the Caiap at war with the Portuguese, had been abandoned at the aldeia. Instead, Caiap men and women wore their hair long,

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242 framed the face in a manner commonly seen among the modern Kaiap or Xavante (see e.g., Verswijver 1996). Other for ms of body ornamentation had declined among a practice that had fallen out of favor at the aldeia (Pohl 1951:364). 9 Caiap men and women, judging by what is known about the Panar, had also had once worn earplugs. 10 This practice too had declined. The one exception was Damiana da Cunha. Brazilians would have frowned upon the continued use of the aggressive appearing tonsure, lip disks, and earplugs, so the decline in their use and presence among the aldeia Caiap was unexceptional, if not expected. Other forms of native body ornamentation remained popular. Caiap men, wo men, and children painted themselves red with urucum (annatto) and black with genipap dye. The re were a number of different patterns used in body painting: the Caiap often went about with their feet painted black (Souza 1872:494), and they used times (Pohl 1951: 362). The Caiap also habitually rubbed a viscous palm oil on their bodies. Pohl (1951:364) believed the oil offered protection against insect bites, but he found the smell disagreeable and thought the practice caused dirt to adhere stubbornly to the bod y. The Caiap tied strings of animal claws and beads to their arms and legs,

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243 these rattled whenever an individual walked or danced (Pohl 1951:362). Men, women, Clothing was not widely worn at the aldeias. Children scamp ered about naked and painted in urucum and genipap. Most Caiap men and women walked about with their chests bared and wore only a simple cotton wrap that covered them from waist to mid thigh (Pohl 1951:363). Denunciations of aldeia nudity were legion ov er the years and one suspects many aldeia Caiap, as they were wont in the sertes, went about completely naked much of the time. 11 The wraps Saint Hilaire and Pohl observed were an acceptable accommodation to the European prudes who demanded some modesty at the aldeia. In the heat and humidity of Gois, these wraps were far more comfortable and cooler than rough spun cotton trousers and dresses that the authorities provided. But, when more modesty was required for instance, while in Vila Boa to witness a holiday procession the Caiap men usually wore simple cotton shirts and pants; the women wore one piece dresses. In such instances, the chief of the aldeia was known (Pohl 1951:363). The dapper dress of this chief set him apart from his followers with a conspicuous display of his wealth and status; lesser chiefs wore similar, though less elaborate, clothing. Caiap men and women, despite almost fifty years at the aldeias, still impressed visitors. Caiap men were tall, lithe, and strong it was no wonder that the black painted warriors had once struck such deep terror in settlers when they appeared suddenly from the forest growth, screaming, and swinging clubs. Wo men impressed visitors with their strength and constant hard work. Men, women, and children still

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244 painted themselves with native dyes and wore beads and rattles. But the years at the aldeia had brought important changes: men no longer wore lip plugs, ear plugs were absent, and the striking triangular tonsure was abandoned (in part because the Caiap in clothes and, sometimes, shirts, pants, and dresses. Chiefs occasionally wore elaborate outfits that could include a musket, a gold belt buckle, and tricorn hat. Still, the Caiap had managed to adapt native and European traditions to the context of the aldeia and find a middle road that was neither totally indigenous nor totally European. Health and Disease When the Caiap began arriving at Vila Boa and Maria I, they were exceedingly healthy. There were large numbers of warriors, women, infants, small children, and elderly; the blind and the crippled were found among them. Such good health appears to have continued into the early nineteenth century. Saint Hilaire (1975:69), for one, thought the health of the Caiap compared most favorable to that of t he local Brazilians, the majority of whom, he observed, were sickly and suffering from malnutrition and various tropical urbed Saint Hilaire absent from the Caiap (Saint Hilaire 1975:69). This was probably because the Indians consumed a wide array of forest resources that were rich in vitamins and minerals.

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245 Although not afflicted with the same ailments as the Brazilians, the Caiap did suffer from disease. As always, close contact between the Europeans and Indians created opportunities for the spread of lethal pathogens, and the Caiap had been attacked by various epidemics over the years. Indeed, soon after they began arriving at Vila Boa, Governor Cunha Menezes was forced to deal with the untimely deaths of several elderly Caiap women. More deaths followed. Outbreaks of epidemics, though poorly recorded, continued to haunt Maria I and Mossmedes. We know, for example, a smallpox epidemi c struck southern Gois in 1811. Despite ineffective attempts to quarantine the contagion, the epidemic spread from Meia Ponte (Pirenpolis) to Vila reached the aldeia Caiap (Giraldin 1997:98), and the memory of its effect was alive that is, the sort of smallpox that attacked Europeans Hilaire (1975:69) sadly related. Many 12 Such outbreaks, however infrequent they may have been, were clearly devastating e vents and carried away many otherwise healthy individuals. Considering the ebb and flow of Caiap to and from the sertes, epidemics unlikely remained isolated at the aldeia population: they must have spread widely and caused considerable damage even to i solated villages. There were also endemic diseases at the aldeia. Saint Hilaire (1975:69) observed lesions would be visible, which the Caiap had acquired from soldiers and agregados

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246 Caiap were doomed to extinction because they lacked an effective means of treating such afflictions. Although true that the Caiap had no effective cures for smallp ox or syphilis, they es with various herbs savannahs and forests, likely had actual medicinal value and worked to relieve symptoms, if not actual disease. Other means of coping with disease were less effective. Fevers, for example, were dealt with by immersing the body in water, a practice that appears to have hastened death. But, like many native peoples the Caiap saw disease as a spiritual affliction or the work of witchcraft. There we re doubtlessly shamans and native healers to combat witchcraft, but we have no records of their existence, though Pohl (1951:366) saw many one of these amulets. These of disease were dear possessions: none of the Caiap would agree to trade their amulets for the trinkets the Austrian offered them. Blood was considered a powerful substance, and excess or contamina inch arrow various times against the affl icted area. The arrow has a barbed point of quartz

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247 with a button 13 This miniature arrow was called a kutuschn Bloodletting was a common European practice at the time and familiar to Pohl who though finding the particular Caiap method of The aldeia Caiap, despite the occasional epidemic and the endemic venereal diseases, were healthier and more robust than the local Brazilians, who were tormented by goiter and other tropical ailments, largely because of diet and the use of native cures culled from the forests and savannahs. However, epidemics, like smallpox, took a heavy toll from the aldeia population; still, the in dividuals who survived possessed natural immunities to European disease, and the emergence of a disease resistance population, which had begun in the eighteenth century, undoubtedly progressed at efforts to eradicate native beliefs concerning witchcraft, the Caiap maintained many of their traditional means of treating disease, including roots, herbs, amulets to combat the spirits, and bloodletting. Religion and Ritual at t he Aldeias Although we know amulets were used to combat spirits and witchcraft, unfortunately, very little was recorded about Caiap religion and ritual. Saint Hilaire re suspicious of this information. He noticed the Caiap word for God at the aldeia was puhanca which evidently was taken neither from Portuguese nor the Lngua Geral [Tup

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248 had settled at Maria I. He concluded, therefore, that the Caiap had practiced some form of native religion, which, we shall see, had merged with Catholicism. Pohl (1951:361 362), who was always more willing than Saint Hilaire to attribute sacrifices were almost certainly not a part Caiap rituals, though the Austrian was correct that various rituals were practiced in the sertes, most probably including some dedicated to the sun and moon (a common enough among Amerindians to suppose its existence). Some o f these rituals, despite the Portuguese and Brazilians efforts to and dyed black with genipap, decorated with animal claw rattles on their hands and a rough yell with the repeated wood and horn, joined the singers. Then, Caiap men entered the festival shouldering heavy logs, which they passed from shoulder to shoulder, dancer to dancer, as women Such a dan pious priest, Father Silva e Souza (1872:494), sniffed in distained at licentious Pohl unfortunately, did not observe one of these rituals and was repeating what the Brazilians told him. Saint Hilaire (1975:66), in contrast, observed some Caiap

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249 were stripped f rom the customary ritual context and, therefore, must represent only fragments of larger ceremonies and rituals. In order for the dances to be performed, pedestres were dispatched to summon Caiap men from the fields where they worked; no women participat ed in the dances. The men began by forming a circle, and, as each took his place at the edge, they began stomping their feet and singing a low, slow song. precision but wi thout any vivacity, the legs slightly doubled, the body curved to the front, Hilaire until, unexpectedly, the dance changed: a dancer leapt into the middle of the circle, bent over, and began to beat the ground with three fingers. With this act, Saint Hilaire was told, the dancer Dana do Urubu Dana da ona turns in that of this child represented, according to Saint Hilaire, a jaguar s talking prey, killing it, and returning to its lair with the body. 14 Although indigenous rituals persisted at the aldeia, the Portuguese had tried to impose their Catholic religion on the Caiap. In the 1780s, newly arrived Caiap children and several elde rly and ill individuals were baptized and, as we have seen,

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250 there were failed attempts to teach the adults at least the rudiments of Catholicism. The early and enthusiastic conversions, such as that of the elderly Dona Maria, raised hopes that the Caiap the years the late eighteenth century campaigns to secure the hinterlands of Gois from the large st and most hostile natives peoples had more or less succeeded in reducing the Indian threat and the aldeias became less important so did the effort to convert and indoctrinate the Indians. By the early nineteenth century, most Caiap at the aldeia were ba ptized and knew the rudiments of Catholicism. Saint small number of elderly, who did not manage to learn the most simple prayers and a married by apparent that there were few true Catholics among the Caiap. Saint Hilaire felt their the local priest usually presented himself at the aldeia for Sunday Mass and spent little time ese opinion of both European visitors was shared by another visitor, the Portuguese engineer, soldier, and, later, politician, Raymundo Jos da Cunha Mattos (1874:244).

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251 All three blamed the failure to convert the Caiap on the corrupt administrators an d the lazy and absent priest. Despite their superficial understanding of Christianity, the Caiap enjoyed the spectacle of Catholic ritual, particularly the larger processions held in Vila Boa. Pohl tivals and always request very late in the waning days of the aldeia, the Caiap enjoyed these processions. In March of 1830, the president of Gois ordered beans, manioc flour, salt, and tobacco distributed to the Caiap at So Jos de Mossmedes so the Indians could travel to Vila Boa and witness the Procession of the Senhor de Bom Jesus dos Passos. 15 Holiday processions and feasts brought relief from the drudgery of comm unal labor, which must have contributed to the Caiap desire to attend these events, but there was also something more to this desire than a mere need to shirk labor forced labor. We find hints of the Caiap love of pageantry and ritual in their great enj oyment of the Te Deum performed for them in 1781. Indeed, the Caiap had arrived at Maria I with a love of music and ritual both of which were methods used to greet valued visitors in their own villages so it was unsurprising that they enjoyed observing C atholic festivals. Unfortunately, we can only imagine how the Caiap interpreted Catholic rituals, but they must have understood these in ways that deviated from the Portuguese and Brazilian orthodoxy. Certainly, by the early nineteenth century, if not mu ch earlier, a syncretic folk religion that blended Caiap beliefs and Catholicism had developed at the aldeia (it probably spread widely throughout villages in the sertes as well). As we have already seen, when asked their word for God, the Caiap respon

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252 indicating a syncretic intermingling of their native traditions with Catholicism. An early chronicler of Gois, Father Silva e Souza (1872:494), writing in the first decade of the nineteenth century, recorded that important Caiap ritu (late March and early April). The men and women, he said, would paint themselves and races. Pohl (1951:362) was also told about an important C aiap ritual that was celebrated at the same time as Lent (the middle of February and early April). Known as the quebra cabea Caiap men and women forming a circle around a chief armed with one of the famous sword shaped clubs. The Caiap danced with a slow and shuffling gait around the chief. Some of the male dancers carried a log on their shoulders, which they passed among themselves. After a dancer had carried the log and had passed it to another dancer on this wounded and stumbling man to clean the blood that flowed fro A similar ritual was used to mourn the death of a wealthy or important individual (Pohl 1951:362). Mourners spent ouse for a dance. Again, male dancers passed a

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253 ompanied by food and personal items such as a sign of a rich individual at the aldeia they were slaughtered to provide meat for the f east. Saint Hilaire (1975:71), small arrow and struck their heads until blood freely flowed at the death of an important village personality or family member. In these r ituals, we find evidence that blood was an important substance to the Caiap. More importantly, though derived from secondhand information and somewhat vague, these descriptions of Caiap rituals show themes of penitence, suffering, blood, death, and even the afterlife (seen in the items buried with the dead) themes also found in the Passion, Crucifixion, and Resurrection of Christ. It was no coincidence that syncret ic folk religion had developed at the aldeia, one that sought to find commonalities and reconcile native rituals and beliefs with the Catholic religion and its liturgical calendar. Caiap traditions existed beside and mixed with Catholicism: the one did n ot replace the other; nor did the Caiap reject wholesale Catholicism; rather, they sought to find an acceptable middle, grasping at and adopting those aspects of both traditions that they found meaningful. Social Hierarchy: Chiefs, Commoners, and Lngua s One of the more profound changes to the Caiap that occurred at Maria I and Mossmedes was the imposition of hierarchy. The Portuguese and Brazilians

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254 lngua They were the rank and file of the aldeia. Above the commoners were the caciques, the Caiap leaders. In the sertes, chiefs led because of their personalities and prestige; they persuaded and cajoled followers into action, but the position of chief was reified, ranked, and expanded such that chiefs could punish their followers and did not lead through per suasion alone at the aldeia. And, finally, there were the Portuguese speaking lngua Lngua s, as we have seen, were important during the pacification, which did not change at the aldeias, even though the numbers of lngua s increas ed. The lngua s became powerful leaders in their own right at the aldeias. ndios The ndios were, in a sense, the most important inhabitants of the aldeias. They were the most numerous of the Caiap, and it was their active participation that made it p faltered; when they abandoned Mossmedes and refused to return in 1831 1832, the aldeia ceased to exist as a space occupied in any meaningful sense by the Caiap (it conti nued to exist on paper). The image we have of the commoners is that of a conservative people who preferred many of their own traditions to those of the Portuguese and Brazilians. ndios spoke little Portuguese, preferred their G language for their day to day interactions, lived in traditional houses, slept on wooden cots or on floor mats, cooked in earth ovens, used body paints and traditional adornments, and enjoyed hunting, fishing, and

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255 gathering. But the ndios were also responsible for many of the ch anges that took place at the aldeia: they abandoned the triangular tonsure, lip disks, and earplugs worn in the sertes; they adopted the use of clothing to varying degrees; and they knew a little Catholicism, which they mingled with their own native belie fs. It was often their decisions that saw various European cultural practices and manufactured goods adopted and used or rejected and ignored. The primary role of the ndios at the aldeia, at least as far as the soldiers and administrators were concerned, was to provide labor. They planted, worked, and harvested the communal fields, herded cattle, served in bandeiras, and crewed canoes plying the Araguaia River trade. Indeed, two skills the Caiap frequently found useful later in the nineteenth century w ere first learned at the Gois aldeias: canoeing and cattle husbandry. Building and using canoes was not something the Caiap regularly did before Maria I, but they soon acquired these skills and, later, possessed a reputation as powerful rowers (see Kupf er 1870). 16 Similarly, the Caiap became skilled cattle herders at Maria I and Mossmedes (Pohl 1951:362). Well after the Gois aldeias had ceased to exist, there were Caiap working as cowboys and herders in Camapu and the Tringulo Mineiro (Ferreira 20 01:22). The Portuguese and Brazilians had attempted to teach the Caiap other trades, such as carpentry, forging, and weaving. These efforts, from what we can tell, met with little success. No indigenous tradesmen emerge from the historical record, and n either Saint Hilaire nor Pohl recorded observing Caiap engaged in trades. 17 In 1819, a mulatto woman was paid to teach Caiap women to spin cotton and weave cloth (Saint Hilaire 1975:65); but they found this work objectionable and frequently fled. 18 Attem pts

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256 were later made to forcefully teach Caiap children to weave, but they, like their parents, fled the looms. 19 It is unsurprising that the Caiap did not readily take to trades like carpentry or spinning. Such tasks, in addition to their unfamiliarity, were at odds with Caiap notions of work. Caiap labor was divided between the sexes: men felled the forests for gardens, but spent much of their time in other pursuits, such as hunting, fishing, and making war; the planting, maintenance, and harvest of g Hunting, fishing, gathering, and gardens provided the Caiap with sufficient food and plenty of leisure time, so they did not need to labor for hours on end under the hot sun in communal fields or suffer the humidity indoors worki ng looms. And the concept of producing a surplus of food or goods for storage, sale, or trade was foreign to them. At the aldeia, however, the Caiap men were expected to fell the forests, plant and maintain the fields, and harvest the crops. They were to labor almost every day and for long hours just like peasants on fields planted with the expectation of providing food for all the Caiap, the Portuguese and Brazilians, and to produce a surplus for storage and sale. The Caiap were unaccustomed to this labor regime, which they neither understand nor cared for, and, initially, they reacted violently: for example, soldiers demanding men plant and tend fields were ignored or threatened. It was much the same with trades. These were unfamiliar tasks and de emed inappropriate, if not useless. For example, Caiap homes at the aldeia were simple affairs and easily repaired, so they had no need to learn how carpentry and the manufacture of beam joists and the trussing of walls. Moreover, weaving to produce a s urplus for sale, as the

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257 looms at Mossmedes were supposed to do, was a concept foreign to Caiap women, so it was rejected. But the Portuguese and Brazilians wanted the communal fields planted and the looms to produce cloth; they needed the Caiap to work. This meant forced labor. We do not know when forced labor was instituted at Maria I it was certainly not thrust upon the Caiap until their numbers fell well below 3,000 but it was present in the first decade of the nineteenth century, and very unpopula r. 20 This unpopularity remained true at Mossmedes in 1819. There, the Caiap labored under armed guards five days a week (Saint Hilaire 1975:64). On Sunday they were required to attend mass if there was one and then they had the rest of the day off. Mo nday was also free from labor requirements. Yet, despite the imposition of forced labor, the Caiap attitude toward work proved extremely resilient. A more or less traditional attitude toward work prevailed at Mossmedes, which greatly vexed observers. W hen forced to work in the communal Hilaire (1975:69) shared oing a common critique of Indians, claimed supremely happy when they can satisfy their pronounced fondness for meat, booze, ing their time in familiar pursuits rather than

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258 51:364) even in this they do not exert themselves much. When they catch game which is not difficult, given the abundance in the virgin forest they relax Brazilians could do to change the Caiap attitudes toward work and their preference for aldeia altogether, in part, to pursue their predilections without the distractions of aldeia labor. Chiefs The Caiap cac chief had changed by the time Saint Hilaire and Pohl visited, so it is necessary to examine the traditional role of chiefs to understand the extent of the transformation that had occurred. Unfortunately, because of limitations inherent to the available sources, this reconstruction must remain very incomplete. Pires de Campos (1862:437), for meant there was at least one chief in every Caiap aldeia whom the inhabitants recognized as their most important leader. Pires de Campos named this chief the principal assume that no chief ruled over several villages, however, this does not mean that the principal was the only chief in the village. In fact, there were many lesser chiefs in each village; the principal was only the most prominent chief. There was a lot of competition and jostling between the principal and the various lesser chiefs for political power, influence, and followers. 21

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259 Being a chief was a matter of consensus: the inhabitants of a Caiap village agreed upon whom they felt was fit to lead; there was no sense of inherited ra nk that become chiefs. Undoubtedly, t here were several criteria for evaluating chiefs, but we know only one of these for certain: war. As Pires de Campos (1862:437) said, t he raids. These were aggressive and bellicose men, the killers of many enemies, and they led many raids that brought significant quantities of plunder to their villages. The acquisition of prestige. War was an important means through which chiefs accumulat ed prestige symbolically from the act of killing and, one assumes, t hrough the distribution of plunder and followers. Because the status of chiefs was dependent on how others viewed him, there 22 Oratory and well honed skills at persuasion were probably the most potent weapons a Caiap chief had to jostle reluctant or wayward followers into action. Beca use the competition and factionalism between rival chiefs was strong, a chief had to perform. Incompetent chiefs s witch to other leaders like traitors 23 This redoubtable Indian

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260 ce was dependent on performance. Even the village principal could fall from grace and be replaced. This shifting pattern of leadership declined at the aldeias. In the correspondence left by Governor Cunha Menezes, Jos Lus Pereira, and the soldiers dea ling directly with the Caiap arrivals, only one chief was recognized among each group of Indians to arrive. 24 assumed each of the arriving chiefs was a principal. There were other le aders among the Caiap arrivals, but the Portuguese did not recognize them or accord them as much Portuguese singled out, recognized, and worked through a specific leader, it t ended to reinforce individuals in the position of chief. The Portuguese went further in strengthening and hierarchy among Caiap chiefs at Maria I. Instead of recognizing and working through all of the chiefs who arrived, the Portuguese selected one chief to be the principal of the entire aldeia population. According to Alencastre (1864:317), one of the early chiefs chosen for this position was Angra ox. A Caiap chief by this name existed, as his name appears on a baptismal registry, and he was doubtl essly an important leader. 25 In all probability, Angra ox was a chief and a warrior whose reputation was widely known and respected, if not feared, among the various Caiap villages. His rise to power at the aldeia began shortly after he arrived in Vila Boa with, according to Alencastre (1864:317), another chief named Xaquenonau. 26 W e find both of these names on a baptismal registry dating to Portuguese recognized a t least two chiefs, namely, Angra ox and Xaquenonau.

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261 Angra ox saw Governor Lus da Cunha Menezes adopt his son as a godchild, and another son and a daughter were adopted by a captain, Francisco Xavier Leite do Amaral; Xaquenonau and his wife, Cequaqua i, had children adopted by a politician and cavalry officer, Francisco Pereira Marinha, and another officer, Capito Antnio de Souza Telles. Portuguese of high social standing, like Governor Cunha Menezes and these officers, preferred establishing fictiv e kin relations with Caiap whom they believed to be leaders, so both Angra ox and Xaquenonau should be considered chiefs. However, the record from the baptism explicitly recognizes only one Caiap ox. When he arrived in September of 1782, Angra to tradition, he was the principal of all the Caia p at Maria I. This process continued as more Caiap arrived at the aldeia. Angra ox remained, in the eyes of the Portuguese, the principal of the aldeia, and it was to him that they first turned when in need of the aid or assistance of a chief. Subseq uent chiefs arriving at Maria I, much like Xaquenonau, though previously independent leaders in their own right, thus found themselves subordinated to Angra ox. These chiefs found it difficult to challenge the prominent position of Angra ox because th e food and goods provided to the Caiap were first given to him for distribution. And, at the same, as raiding Portuguese settlements declined, it became more difficult for chiefs to use war and the pillage of goods as a means of acquiring prestige and fo llowers. An old tradition, we shall see in the next chapter, holds that the position of aldeia principal became a family affair for Angra ox. Reportedly, he passed his authority on to his

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262 grandson and granddaughter, Manoel and Damiana da Cunha. The si blings, both of whom were powerful intermediaries, so goes the tradition, inherited their elevated status at the aldeia from their grandfather. We do not know for sure if Damiana and Manoel were related to Angra ox, but their parents were, by all accoun ts, chiefs, so it seems certain that they owed their later prominence to family connections. The Portuguese and Brazilians further reinforced hierarchy at the aldeia by organizing Caiap chiefs into a system based on Portuguese military ranks. According t o Pohl (1951:362 363), the most important aldeia chief had the rank of coronel called commoners by his clothing and valuable possessions: the colon el wore a broad brimmed tricorn hat, wool sho rt pants, a shirt, a belt with a gold buckle, and carried a musket. Lesser Caiap chiefs also received titles. There was a capito alferes (Saint Hilaire 1975:70). There were also probably sargentos cabos These chiefs wore clothing similar to, though less elaborate than, that of the colonel. For example, in 1829, two military style uniforms of rough cloth, including pants and a shirt, were distributed to two of the lesser Caiap chiefs at Mossmedes. 27 In chapter 8, we shall see that the hierarchy of coronel, capito, and alferes affected Caiap villages throughout the sertes. Saint by a chief that this reflects the influence the hierarchy institutionalized at the Gois aldeias had on Caiap leadership.

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263 Chiefs played an important administrative r ole at the aldeias. They were expected to maintain their followers at the aldeia, provide labor when required, enforce rules, and dispense punishments. Here, we see one of the ways the power and authority of Caiap chiefs had increased at the aldeia: chi efs carried out punishments, something they were unable to do in the sertes. 28 Chiefs were also commanded warriors participating in bandeiras, as occurred, for example, when the Caiap marched against the Chavante in 1784 (Freire 1951:15 16). And chiefs were expected to aid efforts to return Caiap fugitives to the aldeias. 29 For their part, the Caiap expected their chiefs to secure goods and defend them against excesses. We have already seen how Caiap chiefs used violence to intimidate Portuguese soldi ers and administrators into providing their followers with goods. They traded the skills of their followers for goods, dispatching, for example, warriors to aid a bandeira against the Chavante. Defending their followers was also a very important role for chiefs. In 1822, for example, a Caiap chief interceded on the behalf of the aldeia Indians, denouncing the violent punishments meted out on the aldeia. 30 The complaint led to the removal of the pedestre. 31 In 1827, Caiap chiefs brought the violent exce sses of the aldeia administrator to the notice of the governor; the administrator was removed. 32 It was dangerous to ignore or antagonize Caiap chiefs. They could renounce the aldeia and lead their followers into the sertes. 33 They were even known to str ike back at their oppressors, as Governor Tristo da Cunha Menezes discovered when he imprisoned a chief, provoking a mass flight from Maria I as well as a destructive raid against one of his estates (see below). The chiefs knew the Portuguese and Brazili ans

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264 needed them and used this to maneuver, which led authorities to see them as fickle and disloyal. But what the Portuguese, Brazilians, and Caiap expected from chiefs was not always compatible, so a chief had to maneuver carefully between authorities a nd followers; navigating the diverse expectations put upon them was difficult, sometimes impossible, for chiefs. Those chiefs who repeatedly angered or failed one side or the other could end up imprisoned or be abandoned by their followers. 34 And chiefs w ere far from infallible at their difficult task. Cunha Matos (1874:305), for one, believed the civilized if the directors, the chaplains, the garrison commanders, and the ir own Indian chiefs had other views of them and did not consider them as slaves and beasts of Lngua s There was intermediary category of Caiap living on the Gois aldeias, the Portuguese speaking lngua s Unfortunately, they were very poorly do cumented and little is known about them. With the except for Damiana da Cunha (see e.g., Norberto 1861; Karasch 1981), lngua s remain largely unanalyzed in the major works on the Caiap (cf. Giraldin 1997; Atades 1998), despite their importance. Cultural ly, the lngua s were neither entirely Caiap nor entirely European: they were a mixture of the two traditions. While most, if not all, Caiap living on the aldeias had acquired some aspects of Brazilian culture, what made lngua s different was their great er familiarity with and adoption of European ways. Lngua s spoke Portuguese and their G language, they tended to slip in among and mix with the aldeia Caiap, the Caiap in the sertes, and the Portuguese and Brazilians living on the frontier. It is, pe rhaps, because of this that the lngua s were so poorly documented: they were

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265 invisible until needed for some task, such as facilitating communication or trailblazing, and tended to blend in among the aldeia population. Because of their skills, the lngua s were more influential with government authorities than the commoners, but often had less influence with administrators and commoners than the traditional chiefs. They could be leaders at the aldeias, with authority operating parallel to that of the tradi tional chiefs; however, the commoners accorded most lngua s lower status than their traditional chiefs. But chiefs could be lngua s; and lngua s could be chiefs. Caiap lngua s had emerged slowly in the decades before Maria I. Few, if any, of the early l ngua s had chosen to live among the Portuguese. Most were prisoners many, perhaps the majority captured as children and distributed to settlers as slaves; though some were born and raised by captive Caiap mothers (many such children were of mixed descent like those Saint Hilaire observed at Mossmedes,). They lived in frontier settlements and acquired some Portuguese language skills and familiarity with the miners, ranchers, and the slaves. This made them useful intermediaries: bandeirantes, soldiers, and governors made periodic use of these lngua s in attempts to communicate with the Caiap, almost always without success. This early population of lngua s was probably not self reproducing, and periodic influxes of captives, especially women and childre n, were necessary to replace those who managed to flee from or died in captivity. Much of this changed with the pacifica tion of the Caiap. Their knowledge and understanding of the Portuguese rapidly expanded and was no longer limited to furtive observati on, what raiders culled while pillaging settlements and corpses, and information gleamed from escaped captives. Indeed, one of the first things the Caiap

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266 set about doing was gathering new information. One important means of doing this was by permitting their children to live with Portuguese families. This was what happened with Damiana and Manoel da Cunha: reportedly the grandchildren of a Caiap chief, they were baptized, adopted as godchildren by the governor, and sent to live in his house. The broth er sister team was sent to acquire knowledge of their respective genders from their Portuguese host. Damiana and Manoel were certainly not alone: the children of other Caiap went to live with families in Vila Boa and elsewhere. In 1857, a German visitor to the Caiap aldeia at Santana do Paranaba met one of these children lngua who claimed to have learned Gois. This m an was in his early forties and could not have been among the children educated in the 1780s, so the practice of sending Caiap children to the homes of frontier elites evidently continued for a long time. And, from what we know about later Brazilian Caia frontier families in exchange for goods of various kinds. This apparently heartless practice makes sense if we accept that these parents were sending their children to observe and le arn, not merely trading them away for a few trinkets; the parents of these children expected them to return someday. There were also many adult Caiap who spent time in frontier settlements, often laboring or participating in bandeiras, and these enterpri sing individuals acquired a lot of knowledge. So the number of individuals capable of being lngua s swelled dramatically after the pacification, and the Portuguese and Brazilians no longer had to rely on captives or the children of captives.

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267 In the early days of the pacification, there were very few Portuguese speaking Vila Boa and Maria I. This made communication very difficult. The Portuguese relied heavily on the l ngua s: they were always present in the interactions and negotiations and considered so important that authorities concerned themselves with their movements. 35 Such reliance came with a heavy price, as some of the lngua were split, and they wer e not always reliable and trustworthy: the murder of a pedestre, for example, was instigated by a lngua 36 Nonetheless, the Portuguese need the lngua s and accorded them a lot of influence. The lngua s also acquired a lot of influence from the Caiap: th e chiefs, even in the later stages of the aldeia, needed lngua s to speak with the government authorities. Lngua s eventually developed into a source of authority parallel to the chiefs. Because they aided facilitating communication, they often stood betw een government authorities and the traditional chiefs and, typically, appeared at interactions involving outsiders and the Caiap. A lngua accompanied a Caiap chief interacting and negotiating with missionaries on the Paran River in 1810 (see chapter 8 ). Both Saint Hilaire (1975:72) and Pohl (1951:361) recorded meeting Damiana da Cunha. Presumably, it was her task to greet and deal with visitors to the aldeia; much of what both visitors learned about the aldeia appears to have come from Damiana. And Kupfer (1870), a German who visited the Caiap aldeia at Santana do Paranaba in 1857, recorded that one of the first persons he encountered was a lngua who also happened to be the most loquacious of his interlocutors. This intermediary position allowed lngua s to influence interaction with outsiders and the distribution of goods. A

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268 native chief and lngua on the Paran River, we shall see, competed with one another to well as her brother Manoel, controlled the flow of goods into the aldeia and successfully competed against chiefs, who were often disgruntled and prone to leading their followers into the sertes, to maintain the Caiap at Maria I and Mossmedes. Clearly some lngua s held considerable influence on, and off of, the aldeias. Regardless of how much authority, influence, and legitimacy that the Portuguese and Brazilians lent to the lngua respect than their traditional chiefs. The missionary who interacted with two Caiap vol. 3:170). Although the missionary believed he was dealing with chiefs, he was, in fact, interactin g with a native chief and a lngua Brazilians to run Santana do Paranaba was shown less respect than the village chief. And the inf luence of Damiana da Cunha, who was accorded nearly as much respect as a traditional chief at the aldeia, was limited when confronted by what appears to have been a traditional chief in the sertes (see chapter 7). Damiana was not the only lngua with powe r and influence approaching that of the traditional chiefs. One of her contemporaries, a Caiap man named Manoel, was a powerful lngua (chapter 8). He had served as a pedestre in Gois but fled from the aldeias, probably in 1808, and appeared on the Par an and Sucuri Rivers in 1810. He rapidly rose in power and importance in the region, using his Portuguese language skills and superior knowledge of frontier society to set himself up as a prominent

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269 from Itu to Cuiab, and he was sought after by several trading and exploration expeditions sent to t he Paran. He also was a chief; however, Manoel was more powerful than most Caiap chiefs: he controlled trade between the Brazilians and Caiap villages on the Sucuri River and, eventually, was recognized as a chief by several villages in the region. Manoel established a loose hierarchy of leaders, who possessed military ranks much like the chiefs in the Gois aldeias, and appointed lesser chiefs and int ermediaries in the villages he controlled. Most lngua s, unlike Manoel, did not become chiefs. The majority led simple, if quiet, lives and blended in among the Caiap who lived at the aldeias or in the sertes. If they were of mixed descent, they easily mingled among the inhabitants of rural settlements. Often, lngua s were found working on farms, ranches, and as servants. In 1816, for example, Saint Hilaire (1975:69 n.28) met two Portuguese speaking Caiap servants. Many worked as pedestres, especial ly at the aldeias, or used their woods lore to guide bandeiras or expeditions in the backlands. In 1804, for example, two Caiap lngua s helped guide a survey expedition working in near the Claro and Piles Rivers (Anonymous 1918:210). One of the Caiap servants whom Saint Hilaire met was and an important lngua in his own right commanded an expedition to open a road into Camapu. 37 Lngua s most frequently served as translato rs and facilitators of communication, a role they played even very late in the existence of the Mossmedes aldeia. In January of 1832, President Jos Rodrigues Jardim ordered the ordered six of new commander for an

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270 expedition to the Caiap. 38 The expedition did not occur, and the Caiap fugitives did not return to the aldeia, so these lngua s were again ordered to Vila Boa to aid an expedition in October. 39 The fugitives refused to return, which spelled the end of the aldeia at Mossmedes, despite the efforts of these lngua s. Long after the demise of the Mossmedes aldeia, Caiap lngua s continued to play an important role on the frontier. New Caiap aldeias sprang up in Mato Grosso and the Tri ngulo Mineiro, and lngua s always appeared in these. They facilitated communication with the non Caiap and smoothed interaction between the Indians and their Brazilian neighbors. Their numbers proliferated, and toward the end of the nineteenth century, Brazilian ways had so thoroughly infiltrated the Caiap that many of them were indistinguishable from the rural poor (chapter 9). There were fewer so called ndios than Caiap of mixed cultu re who spoke Portuguese and easily mingled with and worked among the Brazilians. The lngua s lost much of their importance as cultural mediators: too many Caiap spoke Portuguese and knew the ways of the frontier as the ir people slowly faded into the Braz ilian population. Flights and Violence on the Caiap Aldeias The nature of Caiap flights and the role of violence at Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes remain almost completely unanalyzed in the extent historical literature. That the Caiap frequently fl ed the aldeias and resorted to violence has been attributed supervisors, the scarcity that many times leaves them hungry, [and] the hard labors to which they are subjected in the fields are the causes of their

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271 resorting to violence we re committing acts of resistance. That resistance was involved in many of the flights from and acts of violence at the aldeias cannot be denied; but this too easily defines Caiap actions without searching for deeper cultural motivations. We have already seen that many Caiap practices continued at the aldeias, including homes built with traditional materials, food cooked in traditional earth ovens, and even traditional rituals and healing practices. It was the same with flights and violence: these, at t imes, represented the continuation of Caiap culture within the context of the aldeia, especially the persistence of inter village travel, trekking for resources, and the use of violent acts to accumulate prestige and communicate with outsiders. But, beca use the aldeias were viewed spaces wherein European culture and practices supposedly dominated, the Portuguese, Brazilians, and European visitors interpreted flights and 40 In the early years of the pacification, there was a lot of movement of people, things, and information between Portuguese settlements, the aldeia at Maria I, and Caiap villages in the sertes. We have seen that small groups of Caiap traveled to Vila Boa and investigated Maria I before returning to the sertes with information and gifts; that hunting and gathering expeditions of men, women, and children passed through Vila Boa and Maria I and; that parties of warriors roamed the countryside comm itting acts of violence. 41 There was little the Portuguese could do to stop the Caiap peregrinations, especially once the troops stationed at Maria I were overwhelmed, so this movement was tacitly accepted. Indeed, in some cases, it was actively promoted The free passage of Caiap to the sertes served Portuguese

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272 interest by attracting new arrivals, thus furthering the pacification, and, at the same time, allowed the more truculent warriors to slip away instead of fighting the pedestres. This permissiv e attitude passed in a few years. Eventually, the Caiap were expected to stay put, but, because the government lacked the manpower to keep the Indians in one place, it had to accept some ebb and flow of people to and from the sertes. We can gleam some i dea of the extent of this movement from the encounters a survey team had while exploring the Claro and Piles Rivers in 1804 1805 (Anonymous 1918, vol. 84:213 214). At one point, the team encountered a dilapidated, though ch their Caiap guide, a man named Loureno Manoel, traveling. The Caiap were very active in the region. Loureno Manoel, the day before encountering the abandoned ca mp, had acquired fresh fish from friendly Indians fishing in a stream. The team also encountered signs of Caiap passing through the region, including a large trail that a guide, who had many years experience tracking, probably Manoel, judged to be the wo rk of perhaps 80 individuals (Anonymous 1918, vol. 84:204 205). This discovery frightened the surveyors who, because they feared an ambush, slept with their arms close at hand and posted guards that night. The survey after 25 years, aldeia Caiap headed into the sertes to travel, hunt, and fish. Loureno Manoel, an inhabitant of the Gois aldeias, admitted he was familiar with the old camp the surveyors had stumbled across. The survey team noted that the Caiap tra ils passed through regions rich in game, fish, and even fruit trees. Presumably, knowledge of these camps and the trails leading to them

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273 was widespread at the aldeia and exploited by individuals and small groups leaving the aldeia to travel visit relative s in distant villages and exploit forest resources. The exploitation of resources helps explain why the survey team discovered signs of Caiap moving through the sertes of the Claro River. At the time, it was common to assume Indians moving through the s ertes were setting off to attack settlements; indeed, the survey team assumed the passing Caiap were hostiles, so they traveled warily, posted guards, and slept uneasily. But it was extremely unlikely that they had come across evidence of a Caiap war p arty, since 80 Caiap would have been an extremely large war party at the time, and the surveyors, after all, were not attacked. More probably, the Caiap were trekking. Trekking was (and is) a typical G practice wherein the inhabitants of a village spl it up to travel in small family groups through the sertes, usually to exploit specific resources (Werner 1983). Trekkers moved slowly. They traveled a short distance each day, built small expedient shelters and camps, and paused to hunt and gather. A t rekking expedition could travel great distance before returning to the village from which it had begun. Such treks could last a long time: for example, the modern Xavante trekked for several weeks or even months at a time (Maybury Lewis 1974:52). The Cai ap, because of their heavier reliance on horticulture, probably did not trek for as long as the Xavante. Caiap treks probably lasted about as long as Paran treks, which lasted around three weeks, and, like their descendants, were directed toward acquir ing resources (cf. Heelas 1979:49). In the case at hand, the evidence points to a group of trekking Caiap: the survey team encountered trails and camps, evidence of large numbers of passing Caiap, and sertes rich in game, fruit trees, and other resourc es.

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274 That small groups of aldeia Caiap trekked to the Claro and Piles to hunt and fish were guilty of nothing more than practicing a traditional, though misunderstoo d, pattern of resource exploitation and peripatetic settlement. This makes it problematic to about by discontent and harsh treatment. In many cases, one cannot discern whether a members in another village, or to acquire a specific resource unavailable at Maria I and Mossmedes. For example, in December of 1829, Manoel da Cunha was ordered to investigate the reasons two chiefs, Joaquim and Fabiano, had led their followers from the aldeia. 42 These chiefs and their followers had returned to the aldeia, and, though have been trekking group and never intended to flee the aldeia. (Unfortunately, the reasons these chiefs gave for leaving the aldeia appear not to have survived.) In March of 1830, a Caiap woman named Victoria Maria was captured after fleeing from Moss medes aldeia. 43 The authorities ordered her imprisoned until she could be returned. Although we do not know the reason this woman left the aldeia, she may have been simply traveling. A chief named Miguel Impocaro led his family and followers from the Mos smedes aldeia in late 1831 an act that precipitated the final abandonment of the aldeia but this was not the first time this chief had left the aldeia. 44 Authorities were were probably treks. And there is a strong possibility, discussed more fully in the next

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275 chapter, that many of the Caiap whom Damiana da Cunha returned to the aldeias were merely trekking. There were, of course, instances of Caiap abandoning the aldei a and moving into the sertes because of discontent. For example, many Caiap fled the aldeia after Tristo da Cunha Menezes imprisoned one of their chiefs. 45 In 1810, Joo Ferreira de Oliveira Bueno (1856:188), a missionary, encountered aldeia fugitives on the Paran River. These Caiap claimed they had abandoned the Gois aldeias because they had not received sufficient food and clothing while living there. In September of 1829, after being punished for eating dirt, two young Caiap fled. Both were la ter captured and returned to their parents. 46 And, in early 1832, shortly after most of the Caiap had fled from the Mossmedes aldeia, a food shortage propelled a few of the remaining stalwarts to flee. 47 soldiers sent after 48 So there were many instances of Caiap tiring of the existence they found at the aldeias and taking to the sertes. They fled because of mistreatment, hu nger, and abuse doubtlessly, discontent and resistance lay behind the decision of many Caiap who headed for the sertes but cultural factors, such as hunting, fishing, gathering, and Giraldin (1997:97) has suggested this inability to control the movement of the Caiap was a weakness of the aldeias, one that greatly contributed to the withering away of the resident population. While true that the ability of the Caiap to wander off without attracting the notice of administrators and soldiers reduced the aldeia

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276 the long term survival of Maria I and Mossmedes. The free movement of small groups o f Caiap meant hunting and gathering continued, which decreased reliance on the increasingly diminished harvests of the communal fields, and helped keep hunger at bay. And hunger was behind at least two of the major flights from the aldeia (see chapter 7) The movement of Caiap also permitted a circulation of trade goods to those villages that remained in the sertes. This helped attracted individuals and small groups to the aldeia and reduced tensions caused by Caiap raiding farms and ranches to pilla ge (see chapter 9). Perhaps most importantly, one of the principal complaints the Caiap had about Mossmedes was that, because of troops stationed there and the proximity to Vila Boa, they could no longer hunt, fish, and travel as they wished (Pohl 1951: 361). This, more than the Caiap ability to slink into the sertes beneath their Mossmedes aldeia. Violence To Saint Hilaire (1975:65) and Pohl (1951:361), it appeared th at the aldeia Caiap were thoughtlessly exploited and violently punished by thuggish soldiers and administrators. The Frenchman and the Austrian were quick to point to the prominent position of the stocks in the plaza and the use of the palmatria as evid ence of this. They criticized the excessive punishment and exploitation that, they believed, led to Caiap discontent and flights. While the Caiap did suffer corporal punishment something they were unaccustomed to in the sertes government authorities d id not own a complete monopoly of force at the aldeias. Antagonizing the Caiap was dangerous and could lead to violent reprisals, of which administrators and soldiers

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277 vals corroborates this tale of a murdered priest Saint Hilaire, for one, did not mention it; and such a story would have caught his attention but the mere fact it was told to a European visitor speaks to the great fear Caiap violence still engendered. Clearly, the occasional outburst of violence of the sort that had once plagued Maria I had by no means ceased in the early nineteenth century, and administrators and soldiers rega rded the Caiap with suspicion and went about their duties armed. some historians (e.g., Atades 1998:90 oppression. Violence was the e xpression of culture and often a means of communication. 49 Saint had an important role in dis pute resolution and intra ethnic relations at the aldeia. Violence was also means of inter cultural communication: there were cultural messages and meanings not mindless barbarism, as some chroniclers would have us believe in the destructive raids and the killing of wome n and children. Such communication was most forcefully seen when Governor Tristo da Cunha Menezes failed to supply the Maria I with sufficient quantities of food and goods. The aldeia Caiap communicated their displeasure through violence, as one terrif

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278 50 In the sertes or at the aldeia, violence was culturally important to the Caiap. Although intimidation, bravado, and violence elements of Caiap war had b een brought to the aldeia a space ostensibly populated by a pacified and allied people to communicate displeasure, provoke fear, and procure goods, the early disturbances later attempts to assert control over the Caiap were not as successful, and violence continued to play a prominent role in his interaction with the Caiap. At some point we do not know exactly when the governor faced a serious problem from a demanding Caiap chief. This chief traveled to Vila Boa to meet with the governor, but Tristo da Cunha Menezes became so angered during t he interview that he ordered the Caiap leader slapped in irons and imprisoned. 51 from the aldeia. 52 Suddenly, the governor faced the frightening prospect of Caiap raids, so he ordered the imprisoned chief released, persuaded him to return his followers to the aldeia, and permitted the formerly imprisoned chief to return to the sertes. The ch ief was good to his word and returned his followers from the sertes: livestock, and fowl and all that [they] found and [they] destroyed plantations and reduced every 53 This was more than a mere act of resistance. The raid was not conducted against a randomly chosen and isolated homestead or a convoy of mules carrying goods. Rather, using knowledge acquired from the aldeia, the Caiap singled out

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279 communicated a power Subsequent governors and presidents of Gois attempted to avoid Tristo da example, in 1822, a chief and sev eral other Caiap brought a complaint against a pedestre, Manoel Joaquim, for the use of excessive and violent punishments. 54 Their that it was best for the chiefs to p unish recalcitrant or disobedient followers. 55 Similarly, the hands of the aldeia administrator. 56 Their complaints resulted in the administrator being dismissed. In thes e examples, officials listened to Caiap chiefs and avoided a violent response by removing the offending individuals. Raiding also continued at the aldeia. We have already seen how the Caiap left the aldeia to attack nearby farms and ranches in the early 1780s. These attacks were such attacks, chiefs and warriors showed their followers and rivals that they were unafraid of the Portuguese and willing to confront them, thus acquiring prestige and status. Later, raids were conducted less boldly, though it was common knowledge that the aldeia Caiap raided. Traveling the road from Gois to the Piles in 1823, Cunha sometimes on this road, and one should take precautions on their account. The domestic Indians of the aldeia at So Jos also conduct various raids disguised as wild heathen: they never kill but only tems and avoidance of slaughters

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280 was a judicious modification of the previous raiding behavior of the Caiap: it reduced the chance of a violent retribution, as settlers were less likely to settle scores over stolen goods than murdered women, children, and slaves. And raiders took the added precaution of obfuscating their identities by pretending to be so not aldeia residents. That the aldeia Caiap were responsible for such attacks was usually discovered by the sudden and unexplain ed appearance of stolen goods (see chapter 9). From what we can tell, they suffered little retribution. Violence played an important cultural role in the aldeias of Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes. In the sertes, violence had been a tool the Caiap e mployed in interacting among themselves and with others. It was a means of acquiring prestige, communicating, and capturing goods. Violence was brought to the aldeia, despite the Portuguese belief that the Caiap were resilient and adaptable to the exigencies of the frontier. This innovative application and adaptation of Caiap traditions within the context of the aldeia made the Caiap formidable foes, as Governor Tristo da Cunha and travelers to the Piles discover ed to their dismay. Chiefs and warriors used their knowledge of their erstwhile enemies weakness to raid, communicate displeasure, and acquire goods, much as they had done in the sertes; but the messages they wished to convey were more effectively deliv ered and the ability to divert catastrophic retaliation was more sharply honed because of what they had learned. Conclusion When the Caiap began arriving at Vila Boa and Maria I, they entered a new phase in their history, one that saw many of their native traditions mix and mingle with

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281 mission culture that evolved and continued to evolve at the aldeias permitted the Caiap to interact and negotiate with the frontier in w ays that ha d not been possible before the pacification. The Caiap remained a physically impressive people the men tall and lean; the women strong and active whose health, despite the occasional and de vastating epidemic and endemic venereal diseases, compa red favorably to that of their sickly Brazilian neighbors. At first glance, the Mossmedes aldeia appears to have been an indigenous place, especially in the writings of Saint Hilaire and Pohl, as the majority of Caiap lived apart from the Brazilians, bu ilt traditional multi family houses, cooked in log races, danced in nocturnal ceremonie s, and preferred hunting and fishing to laboring in communal fields or working the looms. There had been significant changes. Some were subtle. Religious rituals, ceremonies, and dances which were strikingly exotic to the European visitors had mixed as pects of the native cosmologies and spiritual beliefs with Catholicism and its complex liturgical calendar. New forms of leadership had emerged: traditional chiefs governed the aldeia Caiap, but they were ranked into a hierarchy, and their powers expande d to include punishing followers. Other changes were less subtle. The aldeia Caiap had abandoned some forms of body modification, lip disks and earplugs were absent, and men and women had adopted loincloths and simple dresses. Caiap men worked as herd ers and constructed and rowed canoes on the Araguaia. The great slaughters of slaves and pillaging of mule trains were replaced by stealthy raids and an

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282 avoidance of murder. And there were greater numbers of mixed descent Caiap and speakers of Portugues e. Many of these Caiap were lngua s, intermediaries who could became powerful leaders and it was they who best embodied the mixing of native and European traditions in the mission culture of the Gois aldeias. But these transformations came at a terrib le price: there were epidemics, abuse, hunger, and much misery at the aldeias. Yet, for all the negatives, the Caiap lived at Maria I and Mossmedes, and, soon after the later aldeia was abandoned, many of its former inhabitants on state supported aldeia s in Mato Grosso and the Tringulo Mineiro. Caiap mission culture spread widely and affected villages throughout the sertes. Only the most remote Caiap, such as those pushing into the sertes north of Cuiab, and who m would one day become the known as the Kreen Akrore, were unaffected. In breadth of Caiap territory. More and more Caiap worked as servants, rowers, herds, and agricultural workers as the nineteenth century progressed. And, by the first decade of the twentieth century, many Caiap were indistinguishable from the rural poor of 1 These plans are found in Chaim (1983:228 228) and Karas ch (1992b:399). 2 These plans are found in Karasch (1992:403). 3 See, MB Pct 418 (1810 1820), f. 75. Everything movable, including the doors and gates of the buildings, the roofing tiles, along with any food, goods and iron tools were ordered removed from Maria I and transported to So Jos de Mossmedes in 1813. Only the support posts and the wood siding of the two buildings and the barn were supposed to be left behind. 4 IHGB CU 1.2.8. 5 Archaeology will eventually resolve the shape of the Caiap villag e. This random pattern is inexplicable. In all other cases were a description of a Caiap villages was recorded, it was described as circular in form (see chapters 8 and 9). And the modern Panar live in circular villages, see e.g., Heelas (1979), Schwa rtzman (1988), and Ewart (2000). The circular village spatial organization was likely employed at So Jos de Mossmedes, especially since the Caiap shunned the pre fabricated buildings and chose to build their homes apart from the aldeia. Previously, t hey had built a circular village at Maria I, and it follows that they would do so at So Jos de Mossmedes. Similarly, neither Pohl nor Saint this feature appears frequently in other contemporary descriptions (see chapter 8 and 9).

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283 6 Heelas (1979:50) observed the same among the Panar, noting the absence of large quantities of conspicuous household goods as well as the paucity of ritual goods. 7 MB Pct. 419 (1820 1825), f. 74. 8 MB Pct. 419 (1820 1825), f. 74. 9 peoples, for instance, those commonly depicted in nineteenth century engravings of the Botocudo of Minas Gera is. Interestingly, Schwartzman (1988:176) observed that the Panar had also abandoned wearing lip plugs in the Xing. 10 Earplugs of varying types are very common among Brazilian Indians, including G speakers. Among the Panar, earplugs are very elaborat e and highly decorated ornaments (Schwartzman 1988:174). They are made of a long shaft of wood wrapped in colored cotton and connected to an inverted freshwater muscle shell, such that the pearly inside of the shell faces outwards. Men and women wear ear plugs, which do not connote rank. The piercing of the ears for these ornaments is an important ceremony and rite of passage, commonly performed on boys of girls of five inserted into the hole to keep the wound open (Schwartzman 1988:172 worn in the ears of Indians (probably Xavante) traveling via in the Brazilian interior. The plugs Pohl witnes sed Damiana wearing likely resembled these. It is unlikely that these plugs connoted rank, as Pohl suggested. More likely, the Caiap had continued wearing earplugs but, in the context of the aldeia, wore them only during rituals or dances. At other tim Saint Hilaire nor Pohl mentioned the use of earplugs among the Caiap, since both men visited the aldeia when little ceremonial activity was occurring. Pohl pro bably saw Damiana wearing the earplugs and assumed these were a sign of rank, which he contrasted with the practice of wearing earplugs among the Botucudo (G speaking peoples of Minas Gerais). Among the Botocudo, earplugs, according to Pohl, did not conn ote rank. But Botucudo earplugs were much larger, like their batoque lip plugs, and fit within widely stretched earlobes; they were very distinct and very noticeable. In contrast, the Caiap perforations were much smaller, since they only had to accommod ate the relatively thin shaft of an earplug, and not as noticeable. Conceivably, Pohl did not notice the Caiap had pierced ears. Damiana appears to have gone about without her earplugs, since Saint Hilaire, who briefly described her appearance, did not mention her wearing them. He was a keen eyed observer and would likely have mentioned something like earplugs and their connotation of rank if she had worn them. 11 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 63v; MB Pct 422 (1815 1828), fls. 118 118v. 12 Saint Hilaire incorrectly believed measles was to blame. According to Arnt et al. (1998:97), Odenair Pinto de Oliveira, who worked with the Panar before their transfer to the Xing Park, pulled many Panar corpses from rivers, into which they had thrown themselves ou t of desperation to escape the high fevers assailing them. 13 Schwartzman (1988:282 283) identified this as one of the more important cultural characteristics linking the Caiap to the Panar, as the use of a small bow and arrow in bloodletting is a practic e common to the Panar today (Heelas 1979:131). The bow and arrow is called a swoka and is used to treat blood contamination or excess blood in the body, which, the Panar believe, causes aches, pains, and illness. 14 Schwartzman (1988:283) cast doubt on t he rituals and dancing described by Pohl and Saint Hilaire. He correctly dances were too vague and readily match dances practiced by a num ber of other groups. There is some truth to this critique. Pohl did not witness log races during his stay, but drew his information from the pedestres and Portuguese speaking Caiap; they certainly had witnessed these ceremonies and much of what they tol d him matches what a later descriptions of the Caiap at Santana do Paranaba, for example, the repetition of successful raids and hunts, the burial of the dead personal possessions. Similarly, considering the detail of Saint is no reason to doubt the veracity of the dances he described; however, what Saint Hilaire witnessed was removed from any ritual component, performed to satisfy the curiosity of a visitor, and performed without the participation of women; the dances he wi tnessed represented elements of larger rituals practiced by the Caiap living at So Jos de Mossmedes. Later descriptions of Caiap dances (e.g., Kupfer 1870) resemble, if vaguely, those of Saint Hilaire and Pohl. 15 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 63. This procession initiates Holy Week in April. 16 AN Cod 807, vol. 15 f. 95v. 17 Saint Hilaire (1975:64) recorded a blacksmith among the pedestres and found a carpenter at So Jos de Mossmedes; however, neither individual appears to have been Caiap. In 18 27, two masons and a carpenter were ordered to the aldeia to repair the dilapidated buildings, see MB Pct 422 (1815 1828), f. 118v. That same year, Governor Miguel Lino de Moraes reported that Joo Rsario de Nascimento, a master carpenter, was charged wi th

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284 teaching two Caiap his trade, which suggests no Caiap were capable of performing these tasks, see AHEGO Livro 148 (1826 1828), f. 46v. 18 See e.g. AHEGO Livro 16 f. 20v. 19 AHEGO Livro 155(1828 1830), f. 48. 20 AHEGO Livro 45 (1804 1809), f. 44v 45, 49, 51v. 21 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. Much of this information matches what is known ethnographically about G speaking societies generally (see e.g., Maybury Lewis) and the Panar specifically (e.g., Ewart 2000). 22 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 23 AH U_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 24 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx, 33, D. 2076 and AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 25 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. 26 Alencastre ascribed these names to caciques arriving in 1781, when the two caciques actually arrived in September of 1782. 27 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f.44. 28 AHEGO Livro 73 (1820 1822), f. 28v. 29 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 50v; IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 30 AHEGO Livro 73 (1820 1822), f. 28. 31 AHEGO Livro 73 (1820 1822), f. 28v. 32 AHEGO Livro 148 (1826 1828), f. 41. 33 AHEGO Livro 161 (1829 1834), f. 9v; AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 45 45v. 34 See e.g., IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 35 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. 36 AHU_ACLCU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 37 AHEGO Livro 144 (1826), fls. 31v 32. 38 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 46. 39 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 50v. 40 On the over use of resistance as an analytical tool, see Brown (1996). 41 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35 D. 2131; IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 42 AHEGO Livro 161 (1829 1834), f. 9v. 43 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 63 64. 44 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 45; Matutina Meyapontense (hereafter, MM) 9 2 1832. 45 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 46 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 48. 47 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 47v. 48 MM 5 8 1833. 49 In the Peixoto de Azevedo violence was part of Panar politics, an expression of masculine status and values, and a means of social control, see Heelas (1979:61). 50 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 51 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 52 These were likely the Caiap from the Grande River in So Paulo. 53 IHGB Lata 397, pasta 2. 54 AHEGO Livro 73 (1820 1822), f. 28. 55 AHEGO Livro 73 (1820 1822), f. 28v. 56 AHEGO Livro 148 (1826 1828), f. 41.

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285 CHAPTER 7 DAMIANA AND MANOEL D A CUNHA Introduction In 1830, the president of Gois, Miguel Lino de Moraes, was deeply worried. A horde of Caiap from Mato Grosso had crossed the Araguaia River, and, as they moved through the hinterlands of Gois, the flames of their campfires could be seen in the night. Warriors sku lked around isolated settlements and terrified local settlers. These were not dispirited or defeated Caiap: they had attacked mule trains, plundered goods, committed murders, and even defeated a bandeira dispatched to punish them in Mato Grosso. It was o nly when two large bandeiras plunged into the backlands to attack them that the Caiap had fled into Gois. There had been no conflicts, yet. But the specter of war with the formidable Caiap had reappeared, and a panic, akin to those of the past century broke out as word spread: fear emptied the roads and rivers of commercial traffic, fields lay fallow, herds went feral, and the tenuous economic prosperity of the province was threatened. There were calls for succor, demands for arms, and a clamor for a ction and the president had every reason to be worried about renewed hostilities. To assuage the fear, avoid war, and pacify the Caiap, the president turned to a middle aged woman, a Caiap Indian named Damiana da Cunha. This was not the first time the r ulers of Gois had sought her aid. On numerous occasions, Damiana had plunged into the sertes and peacefully returned with Caiap. The president summoned this quiet and unassuming woman the wife of a military officer, and sister of the acting director a t Mossmedes to Vila Boa with high expectations: Damiana had always succeeded in avoiding hostilities; she had always returned with Caiap from the

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286 sertes. Damiana, of all the people in Gois, could pacify the Caiap from Mato Grosso, and without the nee d f or arms. Because of her work in the sertes, Damiana da Cunha became famous. Nineteenth century residents, politicians, and chroniclers of Gois lauded Damiana and wove long winded encomium to the noble birth and Christian piety that propelled her into the sertes: The granddaughter of a chief, as they named her, [Damiana] understood her mission; her faith guided her to the difficult sertes, opening the road to the Indian villages, and the Caiap, until then indomitable and haughty in their savage libe rty, bowed before the sympathetic words, full of faith and love, of hope and charity, from a woman esteemed by the blood that flowed in her veins. [Norberto 1861:529] Damiana, to such chroniclers, was much like the intrepid catechists and saints who plunge d into the heathen wilds of the Old World or the missionaries and martyrs who suffered among the Brazilian Indians. In the twentieth century, historians lauded of women in the chauvinistic world of nineteenth century Brazil (e.g., Karasch 1981; Brito 1982). More recently, Damiana has become controversial: she has been 85). Nonetheless, Damiana da Cunha remains a local hero in the regional hagiography of Gois. She is celebrated alongside Bartholomeu Bueno da Silva, Antnio Pires de Campos men who fought and slaved her people and the other conquerors and discoverers of the mines. There is a street named after D amiana in Gois Velho; and the locals proudly regale visitors with tales of her bold spirit, pious feats of catechism, and audacious voyages into the sertes.

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287 Despite all that has been written about her, Damiana da Cunha remains a complex and, in many ways elusive historical figure. 1 Very little was ever recorded about her during her life, and much of what we know appears apocryphal; indeed, much of her written biography appears to have been derived from older oral folk traditions that were recorded and p reserved by the nineteenth century chroniclers of Gois. We know that she was a product of the Caiap aldeias, a lngua who occupied a powerful position between the worlds of the Caiap of the sertes, the Caiap of the aldeias, and the frontier society o rigorous analysis, so much of what we know about her remains little more than old folk traditions reinterpreted by modern analys i s and new perspective s But she was certainly more complex than a saintly catechist, whom the nineteenth century historians lauded, or the willful dupe of government oppression and colonialism, whom recent historians have deconstructed. brief biography, an admirable work that follows the traditional narrative of the early chroniclers. Accordingly, Damiana was among the first 36 Caiap sent by chief Angra ox to Vila Boa in 1780. She was an infant, carried by her mother, the daughter o f Angra ox, and accompanied by her brother, a toddler. When Governor Cunha Menezes had the Caiap children baptized, he adopted Angra his godchildren and christened them Damiana and Manoel da Cunha. Then, while the other Caiap settled at Maria I, Damiana and Manoel went to live with the governor to be educated, after which they disappear from history for almost 30 years. When we

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288 because of her grandfa The early nineteenth century was a time of crisis for the Caiap aldeias: there were crop failures and desertions; Maria I was extinguished, while So Jos de Mossmedes seemed perpetually on t he verge of total abandonment. Each time the end appeared nigh, the rulers of Gois called upon Damiana: she and a small retinue of aldeia Caiap valiantly pushed into the sertes, located Caiap, and returned them to the aldeias. The first expedition ha ppened in 1808. Damiana returned from the Araguaia with around 70 Caiap. Then, in 1819, Damiana again voyaged to the Araguaia and returned with another 70 Caiap. In 1821, there was another expedition, and more Caiap returned to Mossmedes. In 1828, Damiana traveled to Camapu, and more than 100 Caiap returned with her. Despite repeated flights and its near total efforts. In 1830, Caiap from Mato Grosso unexpectedly arri ved at the headwaters of the Araguaia. There was talk of war, which Gois had not suffered for almost 50 years, and the president reached out to Damiana to save the province and the Caiap from a disastrous, costly, and unnecessary conflict. Damiana agre ed and set off on an eight month expedition, accompanied by her soldier husband Manoel Pereira da Cruz her second husband; the first was Jos Lus Pereira the hero of the pacification and two aldeia Caiap, Jos and Luiza. Unlike her previous missions, t his attempt ended unsuccessfully: only a few Caiap returned; worse, Damiana had fallen ill with a

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289 debilitating fever. She died after arriving at Mossmedes, and, without her leadership, the aldeia was soon abandoned. It is no surprise that considering h er biography, Damiana became a folk hero in Gois. Here was a woman an Indian woman no less who twice married military officers and repeatedly plunged into dangerous sertes like a bandeirante of yore to face the formidable black painted Caiap; and she d ied tragically. Told in this fashion, do. Yet, it tells us very little about Damiana or Manoel. We learn almost nothing about the siblings, the Mossmedes aldeia, or the Caiap; and much of what we do learn is assumed. For example, it is assumed that Damiana inherited her rank from her grandfather, Angra ox, an interpretation derived from the romantic emphasis the early chroniclers placed on her birth; but inheriting st the Portuguese and Brazilians did, not the Caiap. Another assumption: Damiana was a chief. She was almost certainly not a chief, despite chroniclers naming her as such; lngu a an intermediary Apart from the events: the assumption being that she approached un contacted and potentially hostile Caiap in the sertes; in fact, she preferred to work among so Caiap who had left the aldeias for various reasons. The traditional narrative also ignores the ranks to become the interim director of the Mo ssmedes aldeia. His role in

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290 nineteenth century, when few chroniclers and historians would have thought of finding in her anything other than a pious and spirited chief and missionary who saved frontier settlements from Caiap aggression, we should not accept the traditional narrative without critical reflection and analysis. Damiana and Manoel were part of an aldeia context poorly understood, even by their contemporaries, and the most promi nent individuals of the Caiap mission culture lngua s straddling the Europeans and Indigenous cultures on the frontier, and the products of the information exchange occurring at the aldeias: they spoke Portuguese and their native Caiap language; they were versed in the culture of both their own people and the frontier settlements; and they were strategical ly placed to exploit the opportunities offered by both cultures. Their success and leadership was a joint effort that, in many ways, eclipsed the power of the traditional Caiap chiefs. Although important leaders, Damiana and Manoel were not distribution of booty, and oratory were not their paths to lngua s, intermediaries and cultural interpreters, whose power origina ted with political and family connections at the aldeias, was based on their status as go betweens mediating between cultures and controlling the flow of people, information, and goods. This chapter attempts to develop a more satisfying biography of these remarkable siblin gs. It begins with the Caiap pacification in 1780 and ends in 1832, the year that the Caiap finally and irrevocably abandoned So Jos de Mossmedes the rotting

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291 edifice that once seduced the Caiap from the sertes had finally released it s grasp on the them after Damiana had died and Manoel was imprisoned. Damiana and Manoel n the early days of the Caiap pacification and the aldeia at Maria I. According to tradition, Damiana and M anoel were among the first Caiap children to arrive in Vila Boa. As the grandchildren of the powerful chief Angra daughter, to accompany Romexi on his voyage to Vila Boa. There is a whiff of apocry pha to this biographic detail, as neither the governor nor Alencastre (1864:346), whose writings were the most complete of the early nineteenth century chroniclers, 2 Nonetheless, t here is no doubt that Governor Menezes da Cunha identified Damiana Saint Hilaire (1975:72 chiefs, we just do not know if their grandfather was chief Angra ox. We have already seen how the chroniclers ma nipulated the names Romexi and Angra ox, and, figure out when they arrived, until their baptismal records are found. The relationship to Angra ox, as told in the tra ditional narrative, appears to represent a romantic ideal based on an older folk tradition added by later chroniclers who wished to see Damiana descended from a noble line of the aldeia principal, a chief who had accepted peace and found virtue in the gove life at Maria I.

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292 While most of the other Caiap moved to Maria I, Damiana and Manoel remained in Vila Boa to be instructed in Catholicism, the Portuguese language, and the proper roles for men and women in frontier society. The Portugu ese had several intentions in educating the children of chiefs. First, they intended to create Christians and new vassals out of the children through education. These children would then rejoin the Caiap, serve as chiefs, and aid in integrating their pe ople into frontier society. In this, the Portuguese rather failed: they neither acquired nor created many Christians or loyal vassals from the Caiap; and few of the chiefly children appear to have returned to the aldeia to become chiefs. Second, the Por tuguese needed Caiap capable of speaking Portuguese, since, in the early days of the pacification, communication was conducted solely through the lngua s, whose numbers were limited. Here, the Portuguese found more success: the numbers of Portuguese spea king lngua s, as we have seen, did faithful in their promises (Karasch 1981:106). The Portuguese discovered this tactic did not work. The presence of Caiap children in homes did not influence the events at the aldeia: the Caiap refused to obey orders, came and went as they saw fit, and often threatened and intimidated their so with gifts. d little influence on events at the aldeia was, in part, because t he Caiap did not view them as hostages. Instead, they saw the children as a means to secure new, useful, and hitherto largely un accessible information. We have seen that, unlike many oth er native peoples the Caiap almost never abducted the Portuguese and their slaves. But the capture of women and chil dren was a common

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293 way for native peoples to acquire information, new ways of producing items, and technology from their neighbors so the Caiap were at a disadvantage, especially in the use of firearms and language skills, compared to neighboring peoples such as the Bororo and Acro, who lived on aldeias and participated in bandeiras. 3 Sending children, like Damiana and Manoel, to live w ith the governor enabled the Caiap to access and acquire previously unavailable information. 4 This proved to be a successful and enduring tactic, one that was used right up until the end of the nineteenth century. sitions began with this early childhood training. Raised and educated among the elite in Vila Boa, they were more familiar with the governing class, had studied and learned their ways, and spoke better Portuguese. 5 Other children sent to live in Portugue se households did not acquire the same immersion in frontier society, so the vast majority of the m and even many of the lngua s were at a distinct disadvantage when dealing with the government authorities or visitors, especially compared to Damiana and Manoel. The siblings were simply better prepared to act as intermediaries. Damiana, for example, c harmed Saint Hilaire she the Caiap at the almost forty years before.

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294 Education was not the only reason that Damiana and Manoel rose to the fore of the aldeia Caiap. We have already seen th at the Portuguese governed and distributed goods through the agency of chiefs, which had the effect of reifying the position of chief in certain individuals and families. Because the most amenable aldeia chiefs received preferential treatment and recognit ion, they and their families became more powerful vis vis the other chiefs; this status and recognition was then passed to the children of these chiefs by administrators. This was precisely what happened to Damiana and Manoel. According to the sources, their grandfather and father were chiefs. Accepting that Pohl had not mistaken a father for a grandfather a rather unlikely occurrence it thoroughly foreign imposition of heredi tary rank and leadership onto the more or less and intermediaries. were unavailable to the o ther Caiap. It was almost certainly through family connections that Damiana married into the governing apparatus of the aldeia, when, at approximately 14 years of age, she wed Jos Lus Pereira, the leader of the 1780 bandeira and first administrator of Maria I (Saint Hilaire 1975:72; Karasch 1981:107). Practically nothing is known about this marriage, not even the date (if Damiana was an infant in 1780 1781, she must have married Jos Lus Pereira around 1794 1795), but, 6 The marriage shrewdly

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295 position to influence important de cisions, especially the allocation of goods. Jos Lus Pereira, after all, was not only the leader of the 1780 bandeira, but also the soldier in charge of the Caiap at Maria I. This appears to have been a successful tactic and worth repeating, as Damian a married another soldier a few years after Jos Lus Pereira died. When Pohl (1951:361) visited Mossmedes in 1819, she was preparing to marry Manoel Pereira da Cruz, a low ranking officer. at the aldeia: her brother Manoel was a pedestre, and her niece, Luiza, married a pedestre named Jos Antnio. 7 Poorly equipped and poorly trained, the pedestres were responsible for ensuring the Caiap remained at the aldeia, performed their labor oblig ations, and contributed to the communal gardens and the harvest. As an institution, the pedestres placed Caiap in the power structure of the aldeia and offered a route to advancement; pedestres also earned a salary and food rations, however meager, and, thus, it was a means of accumulating some wealth. 8 aldeia director was due, in part, to his reputation as a reliable pedestre (He once discharged a difficult mission and pioneered a road from Vila Boa to C amapu in 1825). 9 There were enough benefits to being a pedestre that many Caiap served (Saint Hilaire 1975:69), but Damiana and Manoel appear to have gone to extra lengths s to implausible to suppose there were other family members involved in the pedestres.) positio n where they could influence the distribution of goods. The record of this is

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296 allocation of resources. In March of 1821, for example, Damiana da Cunha was provided with la rge amounts of goods to supply Caiap traveling to Vila Boa: this included three pounds of dried meat, eight rapaduras ( blocks of crude sugar ), and three half varas (about half a meter) of tobacco. 10 And Manoel, while he was interim director of the Moss medes aldeia, was responsible for acquiring food and goods for the Caiap, including salt, tobacco, shovels, axes, sickles, hoes, drills, chisels, and quantities of cloth, clothing, and other small items. 11 We also know that, during her later expeditions, Damiana carried goods to gift to the Caiap. 12 It is reasonable to assume she brought quantities of goods with her on the earlier expeditions as well, though we do not have a record of this. These goods were distributed to the Caiap to convince them to r eturn with her; undoubtedly, there were promises of more to come. Control over such goods was extremely important. Manufactured goods had played an import ant role in attracting the Caiap to Maria I, and access to them was one reason many Caiap remained at the aldeia in its waning days. Saint Hilaire (1975:72) appreciated this, observing the Caiap living at Mossmedes enjoyed a more secure supply of manufactured goods than those who lived in the sertes. And largesse was one of the economic pillars of effective leadership among the Caiap. Similarly, ethnographers of the Panar have noted the importance of procuring and dis tributing goods in village politics (see e.g., Schwartzman 1988:325 361). And, more generally, the ability to establish political power through the distribution of goods was (and remains) common among Brazilian Indians, including G speakers (see e.g., Fisher 2000). Much as Jos Lus Pereira had distributed gifts to the Caiap and lure them into

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297 peace, Damiana and Manoel used goods to woo Caiap onto the ailing Gois aldeias and keep them there. Goods reaching the aldeia were distributed according to how the siblings saw fit, and they surely rewarded those who chose to follow them. The pedestres also provided a means of accumulating considerable wealth. Damiana, for example, owned an Angolan slave named Serafim (Brito 1982:88). 13 He died in 1811, before Damiana had achieved her fame as intermediary, so he must have been acquired through family connections and the marriage to the aldeia administrator. Considering the importance of slaves on the image as an elite and chiefly individual and not just among the Caiap. 14 later prominence began in the heady days of the pacification and the founding of Maria acquired a greater familiarity with the frontier societ y that had overrun their territory than th a t possessed by the other Caiap. Their grandfather and father were recognized chiefs with influence in the administration and distribution of goods. And th eir family possessed important connections: Damiana wed the first administrator of the aldeia, and her second marriage was to an officer; Manoel was a respected pedestre; and their niece married a for the acquisition of wealth, including an Angolan slave, and, as events unfolded, considerable political influence at the aldeias and in Vila Boa. A better education and a so family, which arose because of Portuguese notions of inherite d status, permitted the

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298 brother sister team to a s cend to the fore of lngua s at Maria I and Mossmedes. By the edifice of the old Pombaline aldeias and emerge as powerful lea ders. 1830) Damiana became famous because of her expeditions to the Caiap in the sertes. Nonetheless, her expeditions were poorly documented: no consensus exists between the various chroniclers and historians e concerning the number and dates of her expeditions. Norberto (1861), for instance, claimed there were four expeditions: 1808, 1820, 1828, and 1830. Britto (1982) also listed four expeditions: 1808, 1821, 1828, and 1830. Karasch (1981:119) discussed fi ve missions: 1808, 1819, 1821, 1828, and 1830. She also suggested the possibility of other (unrecorded) expeditions. Fortunately, despite the limitations of the available sources, it is possible to resolve tions. Archived documents refer to expeditions in 1821, 1828, and 1830. And Damiana was preparing for an expedition at the time of her meeting with Saint Hilaire (1975:72) in 1819. This leaves the 1808 expedition undocumented; but, we shall see, the Cai ap were subjected to heavy forced labor around 1808 and Portuguese speaking Caiap, who openly admitted they were fugitives from Gois, appeared on the Paran River in 1810. This evidence weighs heavily toward a flight having occurred around this time. Therefore, Karasch was correct, Damiana conducted five expeditions: 1808, 1819, 1821, 1828, and 1830. The unrecorded and undocumented expeditions Karasch suggested certainly occurred. than once, the attempt was made to send to their native forests some of the most trusted [Caiap] in

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299 s referring to Damiana lngua s living at the aldeia then, it must be that she had conducted other expeditions which were not recorded; this was probably because Damiana organized these expeditions and received little su pport from the state. argues that she was most successful when she entered the sertes in search of aldeia editions with the 1780 bandeira of Jos Lus Pereira, assuming that, much like her husband to be, she had traveled to and bargained with Caiap who were hostile to the frontier. We shall see that, in fact, Damiana often sought out so om the aldeia: these were Caiap who had recently fled from or, perhaps better said, left the aldeia; their location in the sertes was known; Damiana was familiar to them, a known and respected leader and intermediary; and she as well as her brother pro bably had kin connections with them. Aldeia fugitives proved easier to cajole into returning, and the expeditions where Damiana contacted them were very successful and returned large numbers of Caiap. Such expeditions occurred in 1808, 1819, and 1828. I Caiap. During these expeditions, Damiana contacted Caiap who had not recently fled from the aldeia: they had limited familiarity with her as a leader; they probably possessed weak kin connections to her and her brother; and, certainly in one case and probably in another, these Caiap had been involved in recent conflicts with bandeiras.

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300 These Caiap permitted Damiana to enter their villages, but they treated her and her promises s keptically, and she only returned with small groups of men, women, and children. Sent to investigate the Mossmedes aldeia Maria I was abandoned before the expeditions in question the Caiap discovered the aldeia was decadent and in decline. Mossmedes h ad fallen from its previous glory and no longer attracted the Caiap from the sertes, so the new arrivals soon fled and did not return from the sertes. The 1808 Expedition f irst decade of the nineteenth century, officials in Vila Boa attempted to reinvigorate the lagging mining economy by developing a vigorous river trade with Par (Alencastre 1865:36; Doles 1873:45). Beginning around 1805, the Indians living in the aldeias, including those at Maria I and Mossmedes, were subjected to labor drafts and forced to construct and row canoes on the Araguaia River. In 1806, for example, 48 Caiap from Mossmedes rowed five canoes north to Para (Alencastre 1865:36). Another 50 alde ia Caiap served as rowers the following year. 15 The difficult labor, harsh treatment, and long duration of the expeditions were resented, and the native rowers despised the river trade and desired to be free of its oppressive and onerous toil. 16 Rowing ca rried men far away from their families for many months, and constructing canoes required so many men that one director warned there was insufficient labor available for the Caiap to clear and plant gardens. 17 But such warnings were not heeded in Vila Boa; reinvigorating the economy of Gois was, as always, a priority, and much of the labor for the river trade continued to come from the aldeias. Inevitably, the disgruntled and hungry Caiap tired of this

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301 situation, and many of them fled sometime in late 180 7 or early 1808. Some of the fugitives headed south: Portuguese speaking Caiap, fugitives from Gois, appeared on the Paran and Sucuri Rivers around this time (see chapter 8). Other Caiap fled west to Camapu and the headwaters of the Araguaia, regio ns still sparsely populated and home to populous and independent villages. Many aldeia Caiap had trekked to the latter region as recently as 1804 1805; and Damiana, Manoel, and many of the aldeia Caiap had originally hailed from Camapu, so both regions were familiar and places where kin connections were strong. The events of 1807 1807 had drained the aldeias population, so Damiana da Cunha, apparently on her own volition, decided to lead an expedition to the Araguaia. Her effort was successful and sh e returned with around 70 Caiap in late 1808 or early 1809 (Norberto 1861:530). Little else was recorded about this expedition, unfortunately. Considering the circumstances of the forced labor and the recent flight of Caiap from the aldeias, Damiana alm ost certainly traveled to and contacted former inhabitants of Maria I and Mossmedes in 1808. Exasperated with the situation at the aldeia, these Caiap had left to avoid the onerous labor drafts and looming food shortage. They probably set off on a trek to collect food, led by a discontented chief or chiefs and intended to return to the aldeia once the situation improved. Considering the ebb and flow of people and information between the sertes and the aldeias, the location of these fugitives was well known to Damiana. So she trekked off to the Araguaia whence she originally hailed and possessed stronger kin connections and appeared among the Caiap bearing trade goods, promises of more to come, and information concerning the demise of the forced labo r. The gifts Damiana distributed and the

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302 promises she made were well received and convinced the Caiap to return. This expedition established a pattern that Damiana would subsequently repeat with great success and much acclaim of reaching out to former a ldeia residents who had recently fled or trekked away from the aldeia. The 1819 Expedition Mossmedes struggle. There were many flights, the Caiap population at both aldeias waned. There were only 129 Caiap left at Maria I when the aldeia was extinguished and the inhabitants relocated to So Jos de Mossmedes in 1813 1814. At the time of the transfer, Mossmedes had a mere 138 inhabitants. 18 Mossmedes proved less popular with the Caiap than Maria I: it was older, decrepit, surrounded by depleted soils, and there were fewer game animals nearby to hunt. More agregados and soldiers lived at the aldeia, and its proximity to Vila Boa meant forced labor was more easily enforce d (Pohl 1954:361). Desertions plagued the aldeia, unsurprisingly. The first to flee, presumably, were the Caiap who had been transferred from Maria I. In 1819, Damiana undertook a second expedition. When Saint Hilaire (1975:72) visited Mossmedes, Dami general [i.e., the governor] explained to the Frenchman that she wanted to return to the aldeia Caiap who lived in the sertes. When Saint Hilaire suggested this bold enterprise might fail, Damiana This enigmatic response somewhat befuddled the Frenchman, though he later she was undertaking that voyage finding herself convinced that her compatriots would feel themselves happier at the aldeia than in the

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303 Saint Mossmedes with around 70 Caiap in 1820 (Noberto 1861:530). A baptism for the small children was held shortly after their arrival. This expedition appears similar to that Damiana conducted in 1808. Damiana the government, initiated the expedition. She planned on being absent from the aldeia for only three months, a relatively short time for a roundtrip voyage through the sertes (Jos Lus Pereira, in contrast, had wandered for three months before finding a Caiap short span she expected to be absent from Mossmedes indicate both that she was aware of the location of the Caiap she planned to visit and that she did not f oresee problems convincing them to return. This was because she set off to contact recent Hilaire. must have been based on previous experience among the Caiap with whom she planned to sojourn. This was, despite what Saint Hilaire concluded from her words, an admission that Damiana was reaching out to aldeia fugitives familiar with her position as a l eader at the aldeia. Finally, the number of Caiap returning with Damiana was reportedly identical to those who had accompanied her in 1808, which suggests she was dealing with the same group of Caiap, probably a chief disposed to leading his followers o ff the aldeia out of discontent or, perhaps, to trek for resources. 19 The evidence indicates the Caiap whom Damiana returned to Mossmedes in 1820 were aldeia fugitives. The location of these Caiap was well known at the aldeia,

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304 they knew Damiana and reco gnized her as a leader, and they likely possessed kin connections to her. When Damiana appeared bearing promises and gifts, they once again agreed to return with her exactly what she had predicted to Saint Hilaire. The 1821 Expedition Although Damiana suc cessfully returned Caiap to Mossmedes, conditions remained poor at the aldeia, and there was a lot of discontent among the inhabitants. In March of 1821, a new director, Jos Miguel da Silva, took control of the aldeia. 20 His appointment coincided with a distribution of goods: Damiana da Cunha and a pedestre, Estanislav Jos Xavier, received 12 pounds of dried meat, eight blocks of unrefined sugar, and a quantity of tobacco to distribute. 21 These presents, intended to aid the to power, did little to improve the situation at the aldeia, especially hunger. Hunger was a pressing problem at Mossmedes in the 1820s. After 40 years of planting, the soils and fields surrounding the aldeia were depleted and produced little in the way of foodstuffs. A list of crops grown at the aldeia in 1821 has survived: there were 80 carts of corn, 140 alqueires (an alqueire is a measure of dry goods, approximately 13.8 liters) of beans, 105 alqueires of rice, 10 alqueires of Castor beans, 20 alquei res of cotton, and 150 alqueires of manioc. 22 The state took a tenth of these crops, a portion was sold to purchase goods and supplemental food for the aldeia, and what remained was destined to feed the aldeia and this was precious little food for an entir e year. Just as importantly, agricultural products fetched a low price at the time something the document pointed out so the confiscation and sale of the crops produced little in the way of tangible benefits for the aldeia.

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305 With their fields failing, hung er setting in, and the supply of manufactured goods diminishing, many Caiap left the aldeia. The first to go were probably those who had returned with Damiana in 1820. So, not even a year after her last expedition, Damiana again headed to the sertes. We know very little about this expedition. Although authorities, one suspects she again initiated this expedition; and she likely once again traveled to the headwaters o f the Araguaia. Although it has been previously thought fact, only a mere 35 Caiap returned from the sertes in September of 1821 (Giraldin 1997:129, n. 11). These 35 Caiap were almost certainly not recent fugitives from the aldeia. Although no chronicler recorded this about the 1821 expedition, it appears Damiana was unable to locate fugitives from the aldeia or, more likely, they refused her requests to return to Mossmedes. So she encountered another group of Caiap and entered their village, but these Caiap had few connections to Mossmedes and, in all likelihood, had recently su ffered bandeira aggression. Damiana was able to enter by exp loiting the lack of intra ethnic warfare, her identity as a Caiap Indian with clan membership, and her status as a lngua She found the inhabitants open to her offers of peace and promises of t rade goods, but many Caiap refused to accompany her back to Mossmedes and, just as in the days of Governor Lu s da Cunha Menezes, sent a small group of men, women, and children to investigate the promises, examine the aldeia, and acquire some gifts.

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306 Evid ence of this comes from the small number of Caiap accompanying Damiana. It cannot be a coincidence that almost exactly the same number of Caiap had earlier accompanied Jos Luis Pereira to Vila Boa. And Damiana was later to return with a similar number of Caiap in 1831. The Caiap in both of these examples had no or limited experience with the Gois aldeias; they had suffered recent bandeira aggression; and they regarded the frontier with hostility and suspicion, so they warily sent a small expedition to investigate the promises they heard. It was much the same in 1821. And, after arriving at Mossmedes, the Caiap found deplorable conditions. Since they were sent on what was essentially a reconnaissa nce mission, they quickly fled to the sertes. U nsurprisingly, they did not return. The 1828 Expedition Abuse, corruption, and exploitation were serious problems at Mossmedes in the years that followed. A pedestre named Manoel Joaquim was removed because of complaints that he abused the Caiap. 23 In 1823, Estanislav Jos Xavier, the same pedestre with whom Damiana da Cunha had received goods in 1821, became director of Mossmedes, replacing the sickly and ineffective Jos Miguel da Silva. 24 But this brought little improvement. In 1824, a soldier req uesting a transfer from the aldeia claimed Jos Xavier was no better than his predecessor. 25 It was around this time that Raymundo Jos da Cunha Matos (1874:244, 304) visited Mossmedes. He was dismayed by what he saw: the aldeia was a mere shadow of its f ormer Pombaline glory, and the inhabitants completely indifferent to the corruption

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307 the directors, the priests, the commanders of the troops, and their own Indian leaders Inte restingly, Cunha Matos (1874:305) included Damiana among the exploiters of the Caiap. This irascible Portuguese officer and engineer wrote that Damiana goes naked and pa persuaded nor co opted into doing the bidding of authorities. He was not alone among the autho rities in finding her actions unintelligible, if not contradictory, to what they 26 Only a few short years before, Saint Hilaire was charmed by Damiana and held her in esteem, an opinion tha t reflected the beliefs of administrators, soldiers, and others at the aldeia. Why did other officials form such a negative opinion of Damiana? status as an intermediary. In the sertes, Damiana abandoned her clothes when she entered Caiap aldeias. Jettisoning the visible markers of frontier society, her education, and her identity as the wife of a soldier, she blended in, like a chameleon, with a deft change of her outwa rd appearance. Painting herself red and black with ability to shift in between the worlds of the aldeia, the sertes, and the frontier made it fixed; it shifted and often hid her true hybrid identity.

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308 Cunha Matos had not always had such a low opinion of Damiana. H e had once thought better of her and, sharing the positive view that many others held, had earlier proposed she command a force of 100 Caiap war riors against the Canoeiro 27 This was no mean task: the Canoeiro were t he most formidable of the peoples then raiding the ranchers and small farmers in northern Gois (see e.g., Toral 1984). It appears, however, that when Cunha Matos proposed Damiana lead the Caiap against the Canoeiro, he had little knowledge of the situation at Mossmedes. Later, he learned t here were hardly any Caiap available for such an expedition. In 1824, Cunha Mattos put the aldeia population at 128 men, women, and children, which was simply far too few Caiap from whom to find the necessary 100 warriors needed to fight the Canoeiro. Cunha Mattos must have changed his opinion after visiting Mossmedes and discovering the impossibility of his plan to conquer the Canoeiro with the aid of the Caiap. It appears that Cunha Mattos had met with Damiana and was disappointed when she refused his request for aid against the Canoeiro. He took from this encounter the aldeia. By the mid 1820s, there was little reason for the aldeia Caiap to remain at Moss medes. Corruption, poor administration, hunger, and shrinking revenues from the sale of crops meant the aldeia provided little in the way of food or manufactured goods. Only a few years before, Saint Hilaire and Pohl had observed few manufactured goods a t the aldeia. Later visitors were shocked to discover many of the Caiap went about almost completely naked. In 1827, the resulting complaints and lack of supplies resulted in the round up, slaughter, and sale of feral cattle to purchase clothing for the

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309 Caiap. 28 But few of the goods purchased by the slaughter appear to have made their way to the aldeia, and there were reports of Caiap raids around this time. Cunha theless have been accused of heading to the road and assaulting the convoys remained at the faltering aldeia: though accused of raiding, the aldeia Caiap were never attacked w ithin the boundaries of Mossmedes, which offered them security from bandeiras and aggressive settlers. In October of 1827, another aldeia director most likely Estanislav Jos Xavier was removed after several chiefs complained that he was abusive and stole goods that belonged to the aldeia. 29 The removal of the director was followed by Manuel da 30 This was a tactical move on the part of the rulers of Gois. Many aldeia Caiap had chosen to leave the al deia for locales that offered many of the same benefits: for example, Caiap deserters from Maria I and Mossmedes had successfully established contact and trade with Paulista boatmen and missionaries on the Paran and Sucuri Rivers (chapter 8), where the y were free to live their without meddling administrators, pedestres, and forced labor; other Caiap had moved to Mato Gross, where they worked for ranchers and farmers; and still others turned their backs on the frontier settlements and lived peacefully i n the sertes at headwaters of the Araguaia River, Camapu, and Tringulo Mineiro. Manoel was appointed in an attempt to placate chiefs dissatisfied with the aldeia and prone to leading their followers to these places.

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310 Manoel officially controlled the ald eia from late 1827 until his removal in 1832. He served as an important intermediary between the aldeia Caiap and the authorities in Vila Boa and, from what we can tell, was successful at securing quantities of manufactured goods. In May of 1829, for ex ample, the government dispatched a large number of desperately needed tools, including six sickles and a dozen hoes, to the aldeia for the Caiap to establish new gardens. 31 have worked, at least for a few years. Later, th e Caiap accused Manoel of selling goods for his own profit and fled from the aldeia. sister team had consolidated their expedition il Luiza, as we have seen, was married to a soldier named Jos Antnio. In March of 1828, Damiana requested Jos Antnio be released from duty to assist her in a mission to the Araguaia 32 This created a small controversy. Much like his famous in law, Jos Antnio straddled the boundaries of cultures at the aldeia, and his in between status as a lngua and a soldier caused him problems. A priest working at Mossmedes complained of seei ng Jos Antnio going about naked and painted, and he was ordered to report to Vila Boa in May of 1828. 33 behavior as cultural apostasy and suspected he was a traitor; they feared he might provide arms to the Caiap then attacking the roads to So Paulo and Cuiab. The law to accompany her and, instead, ordered two pedestres to assist the expedition. 34 But Damiana dug in her heels and threatened to cancel her expedition if Jos Antnio was removed from the aldeia; she

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311 was critical to a successful outcome. He relented and permitted Jos Antnio to remain at Mossmedes and accompany the expedition. 35 After the situation with Jos Antnio was resolved, Damiana began her fourth, and most successful, expedition. In January of 1829, she returned to Mossmedes with a group of 100 Caiap, including two chiefs. Goods, food, and other small gifts, were distributed in an attempt to gain their trust and avoid their returning to the sertes. 36 In December of 1829, President Miguel Lino de Moraes demanded the two chiefs, Joaquim and Fabiano, be reprimanded for fleeing the aldeia. 37 He instructed Manoel to investigate the reasons they had fled with their followers and ordered them replaced by more faithful chiefs. 38 These two chiefs m ust have been the ones whom Damiana returned with aldeia fugitives, since he reprimanded the two chiefs for having previously left the aldeia. It also illustrates the eclipsed the traditional chiefs. Officially, Manoel could dictate who was, and who was not, considered a chief, which had ramifications for the distribution of goods. And, through his control of the pedest res and the distribution of goods, Manoel could reward the faithful or punish the wayward ; even Caiap chiefs were subject to his rule. remains unknown.

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312 The 1830 Expedition Late in 1829, a horde of Caiap began raiding in Mato Grosso. They waylaid a convoy carrying goods to Cuiab, killing six pack animals and stealing some tools. 39 No one was injured in this raid, but a second attack on a mule train left pack animals slain, goods plundered, and a foreman killed. 40 A bandeira, composed of townsfolk and some Guan Indians from an aldeia, was hastily dispatched from Cuiab to punish the responsible Caiap. A brief skirmish was fought until a Caiap missile killed one of the Gu an, which took the fight out of the townsfolk and their allies; the bandeira retreated in defeat. Two more bandeiras were quickly organized, but the Caiap fled before them, abandoning their village and pushing east into the hinterlands of the Claro Rive r. They soon established a new village and began burning fields. The smoke of the fires, as well as evidence that the new arrivals were spying on isolated settlements, frightened farmers and ranchers into abandoning their holdings. Word of the new Caiap arrivals and their conflicts in Mato Gross spread between the isolated and vulnerable settlers of the Claro, and there was a panic. Panicked settlers and their complaints soon reached Vila Boa, and the rulers of Gois turned to Damiana da Cunha for a fin al time. On May 15, 1830, President Miguel Lino de Moraes ordered 9$600 reis allocated for purchasing provisions (including a cow) and gifts to give to the Caiap. 41 As in 1828, Damiana da Cunha used her leverage with the president to select the participa nts. She picked her niece Luiza and in law Jos Antnio and requested her soldier husband Manoel Pereira da Cruz come along. 42 The latter request met with some resistance: someone suggested her brother should accompany her instead ; but Manoel, citing his responsibilities at Mossmedes, declined to assist his sister. 43

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313 The mild debate over who should accompany Damiana owed to a letter she carried on this expedition. The governor ordered Damiana to read this letter to the Caiap from Mato Gross, but there wa s a problem: the chosen messenger was illiterate. in Brazil, did not include reading and writing. Because of her illiteracy, Damiana requested her husband, who was lit erate, accompany her to the sertes. After Manoel declined to accompany the expedition, Manoel Pereira da Cruz received permission from the president and his commanding officers. There was little to distinguish this letter from that Jos Lus Pereira carr ied into the sertes more than 50 years before. Written by the president of Gois, the letter offered the Caiap friendship and peace or war and annihilation, and it is worth quoting at o much of the aldeia enterprise in the early nineteenth century: Dona Damiana. The friendship with the Indians of the Caiap nation, our neighbors, concerns me greatly, if they knew the advantages of the civilized life and the fortune of living in the boso m of the Roman Catholic Church, according to the principle of the great God, lord of all; if they voluntarily present themselves to live amongst us, mingling with the peaceful residents of this province assisting them with their labors, and learning to wor k from them forests, as if they were wild beasts. This truth, recognized by you and many to persuade them to accept the invitation that you make, assure them that our brothers, sons of Brazil, and for awakening in them the love of good. It is not to disturb their liberty since they are free and forever shall be treated as such. If you find them averse to leaving their aldeias to come and live with us, do not force them but grant them passage to this capital to speak with me, where I shall treat them very well [and] give them gif ts and tools for their exertions. Recommend to them that they respect the inhabitants of this

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314 they work to the contrary, they cannot wonder why I send armed forces to the fores You should study these instructions before leaving to the serto. They shall serve as a guide in the good services I expect from your zeal for the interests of the province and the people of the Caiap Nation, whom I greatly esteem. City of Gois, May 15, 1830. Miguel Lino de Moraes. 44 The president promised much and offered little beyond Christian salvation, goods, and an opportunity to learn to work. He saw the Caiap as children, lost in th e forests, living miserably beyond the bosom of the Church and Christian civilization. But they had only his civilization; failing that, they had the opportunity to present themselves and witness the splendor of the aldeias and receive presents and experience his largesse. In either case, he warned the Caiap to cease their depredations; otherwise, they faced more bandeiras and destruction in their beloved forests. T he recent arrival of Caiap from Mato Grosso had forced the president to reach out to Damiana in an attempt to avoid the sort of ruinous hostilities that had once ravaged Gois. As with her other expeditions, Damiana planned on leading a small band to the headwaters of the Araguaia River. There must have been some reluctance on her part, however, even though she agreed to lead the expedition, since this was not the sort of undertaking Damiana normally preferred. The Caiap from Mato Grosso were not recen t fugitives from the Mossmedes aldeia: Damiana neither was familiar with their location nor found them pliable.

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315 From what we can tell, it appears the expedition to the Caiap from Mato Grosso failed. Damiana did not return to So Jos de Mossmedes unt il January 12, 1831 (Norberto 1861:533, 534, n. 22), after nearly eight months had passed. Only a small group of Caiap accompanied Damiana. She had traveled to the depths of Camapu, a age from Vila 45 At first the Caiap listened to Damiana and many were inclined to follow her, but one of the the Caiap. Although the Caiap allowed Damiana into their village, they were less familiar with her as an intermediary and leader, and, having recently confronted bandeiras, they were wary and suspicious of the Brazilians, but the lure of peace and pros pect of trade goods was enticing, so a small group of 32, mostly women and children, went to investigate the aldeia. The new arrivals, like so many of those who preceded them, soon fled. to tradition, she had to be carried into Mossmedes because of a terrible fever she contracted in the sertes (perhaps malaria), and when the grateful president traveled to So Jos de Mossmedes to visit the new arrivals and congratulate Damiana, he found her seriously husband to stay by her side until the end arrived, but Manoel Pereira da Cruz did not have long to wait: his wife died at So Jos de Mossmedes at the end of Fe bruary or early March of 1831. Damiana was buried in the Mossmedes church (her grave is now lost), and her death removed the only effective leader willing and capable of convincing the Caiap to return to the aldeia. The days of the Caiap aldeia at Mos smedes were numbered.

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316 The End of Manoel and So Jos de Mossmedes The Mossmedes aldeia continued its precarious existence for two years after collapsed beneath the year s of neglect, and the fields fell fallow; the hunger and discontent among the few remaining Caiap was palpable; there were more raids originating from within the boundaries of the aldeia. It was patent to all observers that Manoel was increasingly corrup t and negligent in his administration. 46 Flights, as always, plagued the aldeia. Small numbers of Caiap, individuals and family groups, slipped away. Some vanished into the sertes; others were captured, imprisoned, and returned as when, for example, on e unlucky woman, Victoria Maria, was imprisoned for nearly two weeks in March 1830 for fleeing. 47 A mass flight was suspected in August of 1830, and, in response, the Caiap children were ordered rounded up and re distributed to local settlers to ensure th eir continued education and 48 This draconian proposal can hardly have helped rebuild moral or ameliorate the rapidly deteriorating situation at the aldeia; but the Brazilians appear to have known that it was impossible to stop the Caiap fr om fleeing, so they resorted to desperate measures. But most flights went unnoticed or unrecorded; the Caiap simply and silently disappeared from the aldeia. Various methods for rejuvenating the Mossmedes were proposed. These were almost uniformly impr acticable, expensive, and, therefore, unimplemented. There was an ambitious proposal to invigorate the aldeia through animal husbandry. 49 But this program was quietly abandoned it was too expensive. Several less ambitious projects commenced that involved the distribution of goods to bribe the Caiap into staying. In March of 1830, for example, several lots of goods were ordered distributed to the aldeia,

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317 including 12 shirts and 12 dresses of cotton and 12 camisoles of rough cover the nudit as a stimulate so that they voluntarily trade some of their young children to be educated 50 goods to the Caiap men: 12 hedgebills, 10 axes, and eight hoes, and sufficient heavy cotton cloth for 12 shirts, 12 pairs of pants, and 12 coats. 51 A further lot of eight alqueires of beans and farinha, an alquiere of salt, and two rolls of tobacco were sent t o the aldeia so that the Indians could travel to Vila Boa to witness a religious procession. 52 The distribution of goods, at such a late date, met with little success; indeed, judging by the later complaints logged against Manoel, few of these goods actual ly reached the intended Caiap. The end came on December 28, 1831. The majority of the Caiap, following a chief named Miguel Impocaro, who was known to have led his family from the aldeia before, slipped away. 53 There could not have been very many Caiap left, as authorities were shipping clothes and good for what appears to have been 12 couples so the end of the Pombaline aldeia was anti climatic When informed of this flight and, indeed, this turned out to be a flight the president requested the aldei a priest, the only reliable authority available to investigate the circumstances, to inquire into how Miguel Impocaro and his family fled, whether in one group or many small groups, their direction, and whether it was possible to dispatch someone after the m. 54 On 18 January 1832, the president ordered the creation of an expedition of 10 or 12 pedestres to be supplied with sufficient farinha civilized [Caiap] Indians come to this city [Vila Boa] in order t o nominate a commander,

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318 55 But the expedition never got off the ground and was canceled in February. 56 After this expedition was cancelled, confusion reigned in Vila Boa over what should become of the few Caiap who remained at Mossmedes, most of whom were women, children, and elderly. Someone proposed dissolving the aldeia, distributing the s Tigres in the north. 57 This did not prove to be a popular plan. In April, the town council reiterated that the aldeia should be dissolved it was too costly to maintain and suggested the Caiap be transferred north to Salinas where they could work as row ers and crop producers. 58 This plan, it was argued, had the additional benefit of placing the Caiap near the ongoing conflict with the Chavante and Canoeiro, thus ma king them available as native auxiliaries on bandeiras This plan, like its predecessor, met with little support (the elderly and women would not have served well fighting the Canoeiro). An anonymous critic published a rebuke arguing that the Caiap would quickly flee when they learned of the proposed relocation, and that moving them from the ir lands would result in great mortality. 59 The anonymous critic proposed the state should maintain the Mossmedes aldeia and use it for what it was originally intended: to woo new levies of Indians from the sertes. This plan, like those it preceded, met with little support. It was too impractical: conditions at the aldeia had all too recently driven away Caiap; Mossmedes was a decayed husk that would require serious renovation before it would be able to seduce anyone into settling there, and there wer e simply no funds available for such repairs.

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319 While the fate of the aldeia was debated, the blame for the 1831 flight fell on Manoel. An investigation revealed he had dillydallied in informing authorities in Vila Boa. 60 When asked to explain the delay, Ma noel claimed an illness had prevented him from sending a timely notice, but the president dismissed this as a weak, if not fleeing. 61 Whether willful or not, Manoel had influ enced the Caiap decision to flee from Mossmedes: the accusations that he was corrupt and exploited his position were investigated and interviews with the remaining Caiap revealed Manoel had sold the tools needed to work the fields and confiscated their crops. 62 Manoel made his situation worse by requesting a discharge from his duties. 63 This convinced the president of d imprisonment. Accused of corruption, suspected of precipitating the final flight of the Caiap, and perhaps ill, Manoel was arrested and languished in prison in Vila Boa until he died far away from Mossmedes and the Caiap. A trial was planned before M and a sergeant dispatched to So Jos de Mossmedes on October 14, 1832, to gather witnesses. 64 Ordered to bring two Caiap chiefs to Vila Boa to testify against their erstwhile director, the sergeant discovered only seven Caiap inhabitants remained. 65 66 It was the death knell of the Mossmedes aldeia. Sadly, the final exploiter of the Mossmedes aldeia was Manoel da Cunha. He was the last in a long line of corrupt and inept directors whom Cunha Matos had thought

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320 failing, since many other directors were removed over allegations of exploitation, abuse, and corruption, but Manoel was unique for being a Caiap; he was also unique in that it was under his rule that Mossmedes was finally and irrevocably abandoned. That Mossmedes was finally abandoned surprised no one, as the aldeia had been on the verge of extinction for many years until the Caiap followed Chief Manoel Impocaro into the sertes. Although authorities had formulated various plans to save the aldeia, including appointing Manoel to act as director, their efforts to halt the rot were half hearted and ineffective, even counterproductive. Superficially, Manoel was a good Ca ndida te to lead the aldeia: he was a lngua educated and literate, a reputable soldier, and familiar to the Caiap, pedestres, and agregados living at Mossmedes; he had already served for years as an intermediary between the authorities and Caiap; and he was the brother of Damiana. But the bureaucratic responsibilities o f being director clashed with Caiap expectations of lngua s and chiefs. Directors, chiefs, and lngua s competed with one another for influence at the aldeia, and they employed similar means of attracting and maintaining followers: directors distributed g oods provided by the state (they could fall back on the coercion of the pedestres when needed); Caiap chiefs and lngua s procured and distributed goods (and, like directors, aldeia chiefs could punish wayward followers). ctor, a Caiap lngua was in control of the leader: he was no longer merely one of many lngua s, but the most prominent and,

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321 indeed, powerful Caiap lngua ; he was also no longer a pedestre, but the acting director in charge of the daily administration of Mossmedes; and he became much more than either a lngua pedestre, or chief since his new role encompassed elements of all these identities. Unlike his Portuguese and Bra zilian predecessors, Manoel came to office heavily constrained by the expectations and limitations the Caiap placed on their chiefs and lngua s, especially the expectation that he be generous with the distribution of food and goods. When Manoel was unabl e or failed to provide sufficient supplies, whether because of his alleged thievery or because the state was simply unable to provide sufficient quantities, the Caiap became dissatisfied with his leadership. The chiefs complained, accused Manoel of corru ption very likely, a truthful accusation no less and they and their followers fled the aldeia. Such flights had happened before, but the aldeia had not collapsed as it did while Manoel was the acting director. This was because of Damiana. During her lif e, she was a charismatic intermediary a leader through her family and political connections, and, importantly, she was willing to work for the continued existence of the and, simultaneously, left Manoel to occupy the position of director, intermediary and Caiap leader. The Caiap thought him a corrupt director and a tarnished intermediary and leader. Discredited in his bureaucratic and indigenous leadership roles, Manoel possessed little influence among the aldeia Caiap and neither was able to keep them there nor return them. In 1831 1832, there were no influential intermediaries left Damiana was dead, Manoel discredit ed and when the ineffective and half hearted

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322 attempt to return the fugitives to Mossmedes was brusquely rebuked, the aldeia effectively ceased to exist. the president disp ensed with the aldeia priest. 67 Although the priest of Mossmedes was largely absent and ineffective, this was an important symbolic act: the aldeia was no longer considered a place of catechism, conversion, and civilization. The remaining Caiap were tra nsferred to Arinos in 1833 1834 (Karasch 1998:131, 1992:412, n. 35). Although Mossmedes existed until November of 1879, when it was declared extinct and its lands put on sale (Souza Spinola 1880), the final relocation of the Caiap meant t he lavish aldei a, which Governor Jos de Almeida de Vasconcelos de Soveral e Carvalho built almost 60 years before, no longer existed as a place occupied by Indians. Meaningful numbers of Caiap, or any other native people never again lived there. 68 The aldeia fugitives after declaring they would travel where they saw fit, spread through the hinterlands. Most headed to the west. On February 24, 1833, the fires of some of these Caiap were seen just outside the settlement at Rio Claro; frightened settlers panicked and requested arms and munitions be sent. 69 But their fears proved exaggerated: the Caiap simply slipped by the settlement on their way to the headwaters of the Araguaia River, Camapu, and other locales. Conclusion Conceived and constructed to seduce the bel licose G speakers of Gois from the sertes, the once lavish aldeia at Mossmedes perhaps the greatest of the aldeia established under the Pombaline Directorate had collapsed from neglect, abuse, and indifference. All the expensive grandeur tha t had once wooed the Caiap and Chavante from the sertes

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323 fields and orchards; and the food, goods, and tools was decadent or gone; the bustling throngs of Acro, Chacriab, Caraj and Java were gone, havin g long ago fled or died from epidemic disease. Even the Caiap, perhaps the most tenacious of behind an aldeia that, without their presence, was little more than a quaint an d somewhat isolated hamlet, which it remains to this day. The end of Mossmedes was intimately connected to the demise of its two most famous inhabitants, Damiana and Manoel. The siblings had prolonged the tenuous existence of the aldeia for many years: w hen too many Caiap left for the sertes and Mossmedes was threatened, Damiana brought them back; and Manoel, as a pedestre and acting director, controlled them. When Damiana died and Manoel was discredited, the Caiap fled and did not return; the aldeia at Mossmedes ceased to exist. Damiana and Manoel were the most prominent and powerful members of the Caiap mission culture that had developed in Gois. They w ere lngua s, intermediaries and cultural hybrids, possessing authority and influence in two c ultures. At the aldeia respected leaders, capable of exerting influence and acquiring followers, but their leadership was parallel to, and even undercut, that of the traditi onal chiefs, like the castigated Joaquim and Fabiano, who led their followers into the sertes and against whom the siblings competed. Damiana and Manoel relied on their ability to mediate with authorities in Vila Boa and their finesse in acquiring, contr olling, and distributing goods to a greater degree than the traditional chiefs, so their influence was limited with Caiap who, having chosen to remain in the sertes, possessed few connections to the

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324 aldeias. As the events in 1831 showed, when a village leader opposed Damiana, her influence was limited. In Vila Boa, Damiana and Manoel were considered leaders capable of maintaining and controlling the Caiap at the aldeias, and returning them there when necessary. Authorities commonly named and thought o f Damiana as a chief (and likely thought the same of Manoel), but she was unlike the traditional chiefs, the subtler arts of diplomacy and negotiation, wooing Caiap f ollowers and peddling influence with authorities in Vila Boa through promises, deeds, and gifts. Their power came from their in between status, their ability to slip in and out of cultures, to charm to truly never belong to either the frontier settlements or the sertes. Explaining exactly why Damiana and Manoel maintained Maria I and Mossmedes remains difficult. The siblings left no written explanation for their action s, and we have only the words of contemporary observers, like Saint Hilaire (1975:72), and the later chroniclers, such as Norberto (1861:529), to guide our interpretations. They thought lood and good character who led holy missions into heathen sertes. Such rational explained the appropriate persona to lionize in the regional hagiography; it was the sor t of pious explanation that resonated with Europeans and Brazilians, and one that Damiana must have exploited to explain her efforts. (1951:361), for one, thought the aldeia Ca iap had little idea of Christianity, including

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325 those, like Damiana, who had lived most of their lives at the aldeias. It would, however, simply because a curmudgeonly Austrian found no true Catholics among the aldeia measure, was educated in the governo good Christian. She was, after all, more acculturated than the other Caiap. But one must wonder if Damiana and Manoel were not more base and self serving, as it cannot have been lost on them that, without th e aldeias, they were rural folk and indistinguishable from the many agregados, mixed descent laborers, and detribalized Indians of Gois. They had some stability, respectability, and wealth in their lives, but Damiana and Manoel were never very far from t he bottom of the social ladder higher up than the African slaves, certainly, but never much above the lowest of the freeborn wealth, and success were tied to the aldeias, especially Mo ssmedes, so maintaining these places meant maintaining their privileged positions on the frontier. Maintaining the aldeias as a source of privilege and power, rather than the Christian catechism and noble birth the nineteenth century chroniclers lauded, probably comes closer to the truth of explai ning Damiana and Manoel. The narrative written for them was of a selfless enterprise and faith guided by an ardor for the Christian salvation of souls, but the siblings spent their lives finding a meaningful pla ce on a hostile frontier, one that had little more use for the m and their people than as petty laborers, rowers, and ranch hands.

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326 In challenging the older narratives, recent scholarship has not been generous to Damiana and Manoel, faulting them for partici pating, not resisting, the aldeias. Atades (1998:82 olent confrontation for which the Caiap were famed and implied resistance was the only proper course on the frontier. But, on close cisely because she was so unwilling to submit passively to their whims. Contemporary authorities, like Cunha Matos, would backlands to return Caiap to the aldeias was danger ous, even heroic, work: the sertes of Gois were filled with physical deprivation and hunger the younger Bartholomeu Bueno da Silva, reduced to boiling belt leather and pillaging Indian villages for food, nearly perished in their vastness and there were b andits, hostile quilombos, a nd the famously bellicose G to contend with. The expeditions Damiana led were far her important role at the aldeias. Giraldin (1997: 99), in contrast, reduced her life to a mere four paragraphs and a paltry smattering of footnotes, transforming a dynamic historical figure into a life that barely merited mention, much less exegesis. Even the sympathetic Karasch (1981:117), whose work reflec ts the traditional perspectives of the

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327 he most unlikely of Caiap to encourage others to resist the allure of the aldeias or to take up arms against them. It is all too easy to argue, with the benefit of hindsight, that Damiana and Manoel made the wrong choice in cooperating and accommodating, not resisting, the frontier. Indeed, Damiana and Manoel propped up aldeias inherent with ethnocide, forced conversions, forced labor, and abuse; they labored for colonial authorities who despised and exploited their people. But this should alert historia ns that, far from being passive agents of colonialism, Damiana and Manoel were complex people, caught in complex times, and making difficult, even contradictory, decisions. The trajectory of their lives was guided by their in between status as intermediar ies, as lngua s. They had never known sertes without Europeans and might not have viewed them as foreign interlopers and invaders, and their long acquaintance and education among the Portuguese and Brazilians meant Damiana and Manoel did not necessarily share the same worldview as the rest of the Caiap, especially those living in the sertes. Since the siblings had lived most of their lives in the aldeias, they thought of these and the frontier settlements, not the villages hidden in remote sertes, as their true homes. It very well may have been that Damiana and Manoel felt they belonged to nowhere else than Maria I and Mossmedes. We will simply never know for sure, unfortunately. But Damiana and Manoel were not alone in making the decision to accomm odate lngua s, contemporaries and rivals of Damiana and Manoel, who, like the siblings, hail ed from Gois and sought to participate, interact, and trade with frontier settlements. Several of these lngua s appeared on the Paran and Sucuri Rivers where they sought interaction with the boatmen plying the rivers and

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328 wooed missionaries. Their history, long ignored, is the subject of the chapter that follows. 1 Damiana can be found in Brito (1982), Couto (1986), Hemming (1987:77 79), and Atades (1998:81 85). An interesting document archived in the Fundacao Cultural Frei Simon Dorvi, Gois Velho, contains a collection of the 2 IHGB 1.2.7., fl. 255; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. 3 Cowell (1 974:93) discussed the capture of women and children as a source of technological information and the Kreen Akrore in the late 1960s. 4 The Panar are keenly interest in aspects of alien cultures. Indeed, this is one of the important underlying themes expl ored by Ewart (2000). For the Panar, the exploration, adaptation, and adoption of foreign technology and goods, for example, Brazilian crops, is through first hand contact and experience. 5 Schwartzman (1984) analyzed the role Portuguese language skills played the creation of parallel leaders among the Panar in the Xing Indigenous Park in the 1970s and 1980s. He attached importance to the ability of Portuguese speaking Panar to control information and goods. 6 Schwartzman (1988:129) found that Panar parents select spouses for their young children; marriage outside of of eight years possibly reflects this practice. 7 AHEGO Livro 151 (1827 18 28), fls. 47v 48. Very little is known about Luiza or Jos Antnio: presumably, both were Caiap; Jos Antnio was a soldier, so he spoke Portuguese (Luiza probably did as well); and both participated 8 MB Pct 419, f. 40. 9 AHEGO Livro 144 (1826), fls. 31v 32. 10 See MB Vol. 376. 11 AHEGO Livro 15, f. 33; AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 42. 12 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 71v. 13 14 A careful reading of the sources indicates that some Caiap individuals in addition to Damiana da Cunha were able to own cattle and food surpluses for their own benefit, see Pohl (1951:362). 15 AHEGO Livro 45 (1804 1809), f. 51v. 16 AHEGO Livro 45 (1804 1809 ), fls. 44v 45. 17 AHEGO Livro 45 (1804 1809), f. 49. 18 MB Pct 418 (1810 1820), f. 74. 19 That a baptism was held soon after their arrival suggests nothing more than these Caiap had absented themselves from the aldeia long enough for children to be born. Th e lack of a Baptism mentioned for the 1808 expedition could indicate that no children accompanied the fugitives or, more likely, that the records were lost. 20 AHEGO Livro 83 (1820 1824), fls. 11 11v. 21 See MB Vol. 376. 22 MB pct 419 (1820 1825), fls. 94 95. 23 AHEGO Livro 73 (1820 1822), f. 28. 24 AHEGO Livro 104 (1822 1825), f. 25v. 25 AHEGO Livro 126 (1824 1826), f. 31v. 26 AHEGO Livro 151 (1827 1828), f. 48. 27 AHEGO Livro 119 (1823 1826), f. 73. 28 MB Pct. 422 (1815 1828), f. 118. 29 AHEGO Livro 148 (1826 1828) fls. 41v 42. The documents do not state who this director was. The documentation between 1823, when Estanislav Xavier began as director, and 1827, when Manoel da Cunha was appointed interim director, is best described as scanty. 30 AHEGO Livro 148 (1826 1828), fls. 41v 42. 31 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), fls.41v 42.

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329 32 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), fls. 47v 48. Documents, now lost but cited by Norberto (1861:537 n. 26), th Battalion, and his wife among those who participated in the 1828 and 1830 expeditions. 33 AHEGO Livro 144 (1826), f. 70v. 34 AHEGO Livro 144 (1826), f. 86v. 35 AHEGO Livro 151 (1827 1828), f. 48. 36 AHEGO Livro 161 (1829 1834), f. 9v. 37 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 26v. 38 AHEGO Livro 161 (182 9 1834), f. 9v. 39 BN II 36, 12, 14. 40 BN II 36, 12, 14. 41 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 71v. 42 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 72; AHEGO Livro 156 (1828 1830), f. 82. 43 AHEGO Livro 144:222; AHEGO Livro 156:82 82v. 44 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 72. 45 46 MM 5 4 1830. 47 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), fls. 63, 64. 48 MM 7 8 1830. 49 MM 4 1 1831. 50 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), fls. 63 64v. 51 AHEGO Livro 155 ( 1828 1830), f. 64v. 52 AHEGO Livro 155 (1828 1830), f. 64v. 53 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 45; MM 9 2 1832. 54 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 45. 55 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), fls. 45v 46. 56 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 47v. 57 MM 6 9 1832. 58 MM 10 10 18 32. 59 MM 8 11 1832. 60 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 45 61 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 50v 62 MM 5 4 1832. 63 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 50v. 64 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 50v. 65 AHEGO Livro 85 (1820 1840), f. 51v. 66 MM 5 8 1833. 67 MM 5 11 1833. 68 There were a few Caiap individuals at the Chavante aldeia at Carreto, the descendents of Caiap relocated to that aldeia in 1795. An epidemic had destroyed the majority of the Chavante population, so the Portuguese attempted to reinvigorate the aldeia w ith a forced relocation from Maria I (Cruz Machado 1855:29). There were also numbers of captives living in various settlements. 69 MM 8 24 1833; AHEGO Livro 159 (1828 1836), f. 31v

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330 CHAPTER 8 THE SUCURI AND PARA N CAIAP" (1809 1827) Intro duction 1 He was describing his experiences with the Caiap i n 1810, when he had participated in a mission to the banks of the Paran River, where fugitives from the Gois aldeias at Maria I and So Jos de Mossmedes had appeared and sought to trade with merchants traveling to Cuiab. Father Oliveira Bueno found t he Caiap peaceful and willing to trade for goods; he even believed the Caiap were open to Catholicism. Only a century before, the Caiap had appeared on those same banks, but travelers to the mines, such as Joo Antnio Cabral Camello and Antnio Pires de Campos, had warned against their raids; a boatman foolhardy enough to make port and greet Indians appearing on the riverbanks risked almost certain disaster. The transformation of the Caiap of the Paran from terrifying club wielders to peaceful India ns hailing passing canoes reflected the profound influence of the Gois aldeias a cross the breadth of their territory. By the early nineteenth century, the Panar and Sucuri Rivers had emerged as some of the most important centers of Caiap ethnogenesis that occurred outside of the aldeias. This chapter examines evidence of Mossmedes. The beginning of the nineteenth century was a tumultuous era for Brazil. In 1808, th arrived in Rio de Janeiro. Soon after, Dom Joo, the ruling Prince Regent, took an

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331 uncompromising and warlike position against the Brazilian Indians. Largely influenced by the interests of settlers then invading the forests of eastern Minas Gerais, whom the so a general term used to describe a nu mber of hostile hunter gatherer s occupying the rugged territory along the borders of eastern Minas Gerais, so uthern Bahia, and Esprito Santo resisted fiercely (see Langfur 2006), Dom Joo declared the last official war agains t a Brazilian people Promulgated on May 13, 1808, the decree condemned the Botocudo, especially those of the Doce River in Minas Gerais, 2 The Prince Regent called f law and promise atone for their aggres reminiscent of those the aggressive and warlike governors of Gois and Mato Grosso had declared agains t the Cai ap in the preceding century. And t he results were all too predictable: Indian anyone wishing to take slaves (Hemming 1987:92 93). In addition in 1811, the offensive war the Princ e Regent had declared on the Botocudo was officially extended

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332 to the Araguaia Tocantins frontier. The native peoples of Gois, at least those living in It was to their great m isfortune that the Caiap on the Paran River began declaration of war on the Botocudo. Many Caiap were cast into bondage because of din (1997:108) has suggested that the opportunities to enslave Indians legally lay behind much of the contact that occurred on the Paran in Caiap on the riverbanks was mor e linked to events occurring in Gois. Although exactly when the Paran Caiap first began hailing canoes remains unknown, it was common knowledge at Porto Feliz on the Tiet River by 1809 1810. 3 This was shortly after Damiana da Cunha set off on her fir st expedition in 1808. The events that unfolded on the Paran must have been related to the ill planned attempt to establish a trade route from Vila Boa to Par via the Araguaia River, which provoked a Caiap flight from the Gois aldeias. Labor for this project was drawn from the aldeias at Maria I, So Jos de Mossmedes, and Carreto (the Chavante aldeia): Indian men were forced to construct canoes and paddled them to the mouth of the Amazon the roundtrip voyage could last more than a year and their ab sence meant gardens were not cleared and their families suffered hunger and deprivation; to say nothing of the grumbling discontent provoked by the rigorous labor of paddling heavy canoes loaded with cargo. This unwise project resulted in a flight from th e aldeia, initiated Damiana da missionaries they were dissatisfied with life in Gois in 1810 (Oliveira Bueno 1856:188).

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333 was used to cast many Caiap taken from the Paran River into bondage euphemistically called to see the contact that evolved in such terms obfuscates the interests of the Indians. The Caiap initially sought riverboats and e ngaged missionaries by their own initiative and did so largely on their own terms. Although the fugitives from Gois had turned their backs on the aldeias at Maria I and Mossmedes, they could have avoided contact, retreating to the distant headwaters of the Araguaia or the sparsely populated sertes of the Tringulo Mineiro; precisely what many Caiap did. Instead, they moved to the Paran and Sucuri Rivers, where Caiap were already living, and where further contact with the Brazilians was possible. T hey set about establishing new encounters, in which they dictated the terms of the encounter, using knowledge gained at the aldeias and their own ingenuity to establish relationships that they found beneficial. Because of their choices, not just the Princ of war, the Caiap made the Paran River a focal point of ethnogenesis; one that, though poorly understood, rivaled the Gois aldeias in importance. Father Manoel Ferraz de Sampaio Botelho Interest in the Paran Caiap began with the arrival of Jos da Costa Leite, a merchant plying the waterways between So Paulo and Mato Grosso, with three Caiap youths in Porto Feliz in September of 1809 (DI 1894, vol. 3:125 126). The children were immediately taken away from the merchant: one was given to a man named Manuel de Almeida (he promptly disappeared with the child); and the other two children were taken to the governor of So Paulo to serve as evidence of the peaceful intention of the Caiap (Giraldin 1997:108). Word of these Caiap you th soon reached the local priest, Manoel Ferraz de Sampaio Botelho. He launched an investigation into the

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334 events surrounding the children and their arrival at Porto Feliz (DI 1894, vol. 3:127 30). Father Sampaio Botelho discovered merchants traveling to Cuiab had been they request many things and also give many things and demonstration s of desiring to jump into canoes to accompany the crews back to settlements: so many Caiap had offered to accompany Jos da Costa Leite to Porto Feliz that he refused them, claiming his canoes lacked sufficient space more likely, he was wary of having the notorious club fighters mixed in with his rowers though he eventually relented and accepted three youths whose parents offered them in trade (DI 1894, vol. 3:129). 4 F ather Sampaio Botelho believed the time was nigh to begin a mission on the Paran. He summarized his findings in a request for support that he sent to the Captain General and G overnor of So Paulo, Antnio Jos da Franca e Horta. Initially, the governor responded favorably and requested a more complete plan, which Father Sampaio Botelho submitted in February of 1810. This plan called for an aggressive campaign to catechize all the natives of the Paran region, not just the Caiap, and envisioned 50 soldi ers, handpicked by the missionary, and a contingent of converted Indians, many of whom were Caiap living in Porto Feliz, to establish a mission above the Urubupung falls on the Paran River (DI 1894, vol. 3:132 133). Three large canoes and two smaller o nes would carry the troops, lngua s, muskets, shot and powder, tools for the construction of the settlement and fields, steel and iron to repair

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335 quantities of tools, fo od, and various small trinkets to give to the Indians and, thereby, attract them to the settlement through largess. This ambitious plan met with a mixed response in So Paulo. Some officials felt the plan offered many benefits to the state, as it establis hed a new settlement and opened new lands to agriculture and commerce, but they questioned whether Father Sampaio Botelho was capable of bringing it to fruition (DI 1894, vol. 3:137 145). Another commentator questioned the utility of a settlement located in lands considered pestiferous, subject to frequent seasonal inundations, and separated from So Paulo by the numerous rapids and waterfalls of the Tiet (DI 1894, vol. 3:145 149). Because of the doubts expressed over his capabilities as a missionary, th e vast scope of the proposed enterprise, and the difficulties offered by the topography, Father Sampaio The loss of governmental financing did not stop Father Sampaio Botelho. Fired by what proved to be a res ilient and enduring inner zeal for his faith, the priest set out to gather resources and commence a mission on his own. 5 By promising investors the settlement he envisioned would lead to new discoveries of mineral wealth, Father Sampaio Botelho was able t o outfit a retinue of 22 men and three canoes (DI 1894, vol. 3:150, 154 155, 159). Paulista greed for precious mineral deposits rumored to exist in sertes of the Paran paved the way for this missionary to set forth in search of the Caiap. Father Sampai the expedition encountered Indians standing on the southern bank of the Tiet River (DI

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336 encounter was sertes north of the Paranapanema River (DI 1894, vol. 3:155). The Kaingang called to across from th e beach on which the Indians stood. This was a smart move. The expedition crews, experienced boatmen familiar with the people of the region, eyed the weapons the Indians carried and were reluctant to approach closer. Father Sampaio Botelho, against ad vice, decided to make a landing and chose to accompany ordered the rest of the crews to wait on the island, probably to their great relief, and, they watched from safety as a catastrophe, not unforeseen, unfolded. The Indians, after luring the eager missionary within bowshot, attacked the lone canoe and its three occupants. Father Sampaio Botelho later wrote of this attack: battle and commanded by an excited chief, who challenged me 1894, vol. 3:155). An arrow struck Francisco Nobre, killing him; Pedro Gomes fired a musket into the Indians, but without effect; and Father Sampaio Botelho huddled beneath the gunwales. The two surviving men managed to escape with their lives and paddled away from the scene of the ambush as quickly as their canoe could carry them (DI 1894, vol. 3:150, 155, 160) After collecting his wits, Father Sampaio Botelho decided, despite the loss of an experienced river pilot, to continue and ordered his canoes down the Tiet River in search of friendly natives. Along the way, the expedition

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337 saw the fires and smoke of m any villages, but Father Sampaio Botelho wisely refrained from beaching to attempt further contact with these Indians. On August 8, the expedition reached the Paran River and almost immediately encountered four Caiap fishing on the riverbanks (DI 1894, v ol. 3:156). The next day, two Portuguese speaking chiefs, Antnio and Jos, and a dozen warriors arrived (DI 1894, vol. 3:150, 156). The Caiap received tobacco, manioc flour, knives, and other small gifts. And, as the Caiap hung around camp, Father Sa mpaio Botelho promptly set about attempting to woo them into returning to Porto Feliz. For three days, the Jos, I attended to the means of their religious instructio n and reduction: the two know 3:156). Consistently rebuffed, the frustrated Sampaio Botelho decided to try a new approach: he browbeat the Caiap for leaving the Go is aldeias and returning to the sertes, accusing them of raiding and murdering (DI 1894, vol. 3:161). This proved to Suddenly, the expedition found itself facing a great number of Caiap warriors, all of whom were armed and arrayed for combat (DI 1894, vol. 3:156). The surprised and frightened missionary begged Antnio and Jos not to attack, re iterated all of the goods he had generously distributed to them, and pleaded for the warriors to spare his life and the lives of his crew. His pleading appeared to work. Most of the Caiap withdrew, packing and retreat to the safety of th e river waters.

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338 resolved in his purpose, however, and, despite suffering a murderous ambush and the near annihilation of his party, the missionary decided to continue descending t he Paran in search of converts. T hree days after leaving the Caiap chiefs Antnio and Jos, the expedition encountered another group of Caiap on the riverbanks. Once again, the Indians affably hailed the canoes, and, yet again, Father Sampaio Botelho hastened to disembark and converse with them. He discovered these Caiap hailed from the Sucuri River, a right bank tributary of the Paran once considered a stronghold of the Caiap and, thus, avoided. The Caiap on the riverbank included a chief named Manoel, his wife, as well as ten warriors, their wives, and their children (DI 1894, vol. 3:156 157). Just as before, Father Sampaio Botelho found himself conversing with a lngua who was a fugitive from the Gois aldeias. Manoel spoke excellent Portugu asking about the name and health of Your Excellency and if our August and Sovereign me of their mise 6 Manoel tempted the missionary, telling him his village was filled with vast numbers of Caiap who wished to enter into closer relations with Paulista settlements. And he promised the missionary that some Caiap accompanying him on the riverbanks would return to Porto Feliz. Goods and promises were soon exchanged. Although no Caiap jumped into the canoes or traded their children to the missionary, the Indians and the expedition amica bly parted company. It was a first success for this hitherto unhappy expedition.

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339 Buoyed by his interactions with Chief Manoel, Father Sampaio Botelho led his band further down the Paran. They saw the rising smoke of distant campfires but encountered no Indians on the riverbanks. Father Sampaio Botelho was hesitant to push inland in search of the Indian villages whose smoke he spied, so he ordered the expedition to ascend the Tibagi River, a left bank tributary of the Paran, hoping to encounter friendly natives roamed these sertes, and this decision faced stiff opposition from crewmembers who, having already witnessed their pilot needlessly die, feared the native inhabitants. Father Sampaio Bo began ascending the Tibagi on August 22 (DI 1894, vol. 3:150). For three days, the high lands and beautiful pl bucolic landscape revealed no inhabitants to the missionary and his men (DI 1894, vol. 3:157). Then, at the end of the fourth day, the expedition came upon an immense aldeia. It was so large that even the zealous and reckless Father Sampaio Botelho whether to push on or retreat t o the Paran (DI 1894, vol. 3:158). Father Sampaio Botelho lost the debate: his companions refused to approach the village, whose size frightened them, and they refused to push farther into territory roamed by hostile Indian s. They mutinied, turned the ca noes around, and began descending the Tibagi. On the Paran River, some of the crewmembers abandoned Father Sampaio and, commandeering one of the river craft, headed back to Porto Feliz.

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340 The missionary followed them, turning back and ascending the Paran He somehow managed to convince his remaining crewmen to reconnect with Manoel. They found no signs of the Caiap chief or his followers at the mouth of the Sucuri, and none of the aldeia (DI 1894, vol. 3:162). By now the expedition members had tired of Father Sampaio Botelho and his reckless attempts to contact Indian s, whether known to be friendly or hostile, and, facing the prospect of a second mutiny, he finally turned his canoe s toward home. lead a mission had proved true: he had foolishly approached hostile natives, seen a river pilot killed in a foreseeable ambush, antagonized the peaceful Caiap, and fomented a mutiny by pushing into sertes dominated by dangerous and hostile people empty handed: he had not discovered the mineral wealth as he had promised (though throug h his correspondence, he strove to paint a picture of a hidden arcadia waiting to contributions to the failed expedition. As he ascended the Paran, Father Sampaio Botelho r eceived another shock: the governor of So Paulo had decided to finance an expedition to the Caiap but gave the command to a missionary from Itu, Joo Ferreira de Oliveira Bueno (DI 1894, vol. 3:162). 7 Father Sampaio Botelho was unaware of this expeditio n and had the great and what must have been dispiriting surprise of coming upon a well equipped and official mission traveling to the Caiap. Carried by the mutineers who had earlier fled from Father Sampaio Botelho, news of the serial disasters and the m

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341 leadership had already reached the second expedition. The members were well aware Father Sampaio Botelho and provided him with a river guide, though with great reluctance and only after extracting a promise from him not to make landfall and contact more Indians. Father Sampaio Botelho promptly forgot this promise when, for the second time, he spied chiefs Antnio and Jos, along with a great number of Caiap, on the riverbanks (DI 1894, vol. 3:151). Experience had made Father Sampaio Botelho more cautious, so he landed his party on a huge rock in the middle of the river and summoned the Caiap to him; but none came that day. The next day, three Caiap two men and a boy rowed a rickety, old canoe out to the rock and greeted the missionary. They agreed to summon both of their chiefs. Soon, a great number of Caiap men, women, and children appeared. Chief Antnio accompanied them. Gifts and goods wer boys and a young girl, whom he planned on taking to Porto Feliz. A Caiap woman, who wished to visit a son living in Porto Feliz, accompanied the missionary as well, taking along her son and daughter (DI 1894, vol. 3:151, 163). In return for these Caiap, Antnio demanded eight machetes. A member of the party, Francisco Alves Tosta, also wished to take another young boy, named Ignacio. But Antnio would not er, who was absent and fishing on the river, was paid. The he demanded a high er price, a hedgebill

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342 Sampaio Botelho beg an the return trip to Porto Feliz no longer empty handed or unsuccessful in his mission. On October 12, the expedition arrived at Porto Feliz. The Caiap woman immediately fled with her children, perhaps to look for her son (DI 1894, vol. 3:151) and evad ed her pursuers for 15 days, during which time her son succumbed to a disease he had acquired on the Tiet; the surviving fugitives were eventually returned. Father Sampaio Botelho held this woman, her daughter, and the other Caiap while the authorities debated their fate. On November 23, the governor of So Paulo declared April 1, 1809. This decree dealt with the fate of captives taken in the war against the Botocudo and thusly, the unfortunate Caiap woman owed 15 years of service to Father Sampaio Botelho; while the children girls under the age of twelve and boys under fourteen were ordered distributed to settlers to be raised and taught trades by them. What had osten sibly begun as a mission to catechize the Caiap had become a slaving expedition, and with the blessing of an enthusiastic, if bumbling, priest. Joo Ferreira de Oliveira Bueno Although the floundering Father Manoel Ferraz de Sampaio Botelho had many setba cks on the Paran River, his fortunes were at their lowest when he discovered the governor of So Paulo had indeed sponsored an official expedition to the Caiap. The leader of this expedition, Father Joo Ferreira de Oliveira Bueno, proved to be a more c autious leader than Father Sampaio Botelho, as well as a more effective and sincere missionary. He also kept a detailed diary of his exploits and encounters, which was later published in the Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrphico do Brasil (Oliveira Bueno 1856:179 193), and from which the following narrative was reconstructed.

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343 On September 3, 1810, Father Oliveira Bueno, his brother, Capito Miguel, and a retinue of men began a 21 day journey down the Tiet to the Paran in three canoes. Where the t wo rivers flowed together, they constructed a base camp on an island in the Tiet River the natives of the south bank and began attempting to contact the Caiap by dispatching canoes up and down the Paran River. On September 27, Father Oliveira Bueno and two canoes descended the Paran to the mouth of the Sucuri River to search for Manoel; they did not encounter the affable chief, though they noticed smoke rising from the eastern b ank of the Paran. The canoes approached the shore and, being more cautious than Father Manoel Ferraz de Sampaio Botelho, they stopped on an island to sound a horn, hoping to attract Indians to the shore. No Indians appeared at least none openly presente d themselves and Father Oliveira Bueno began to worry that the smoke belonged to an unfriendly and hostile people so he slaves hastily returned from the Urubupung Falls after being frightened by a group of Indians. The next day dawned with heavy rains. Father Oliveira Bueno thought his plans to decided to stay in camp. His brother, Capta in Manoel, despite the inclement weather, crossed to the north bank of the Tiet and encountered three Caiap fishing in the Paran. They agreed to accompany him back to the base camp, where Father Oliveira to them knives, tobacco, farinha, beans, salt

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344 Caiap were told to return to their village and summon their chiefs. After celebrating a morning mass the next day, Father Oliveira Bue no heard a great clamor on the opposite riverbank: the Caiap had arrived and, standing in the shallows, they bellowed hearty salutations to the expedition. After cautiously examining the visitors for weapons or evidence of a trap from the safety of his i sland camp, Father Oliveira Bueno dispatched a canoe to pick up eight Caiap, including a woman, her received some food, a few knives, and other small trinkets, but th ey were only an advanced party sent to tell the missionaries that more Caiap were on the way, including some chiefs. Soon enough, the other Caiap arrived, unarmed like the earlier arrivals, and hailed the expedition from the riverbank. Another canoe wa s dispatched to pick up the 12 waiting Caiap. All of the Caiap were naked, except for two men wearing modest loincloths, the chiefs. 8 Although not named by Father Oliveira Bueno, ra Bueno (1856:186 some scissors. One chief requested a suit, which he received, and promptly displayed his dapper new apparel to the other Caiap. Then, following the exchange of gifts, t h e two chiefs sat down to sup with the missionary and impressed him with their gentility: ng with as well as that of the other Caiap.

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345 This reception and the distribution of gifts worked, and Father Oliveira Bueno found the Caiap much more genial than Fat her Sampaio Botelho had on his first visit. In return for two axes, two chisels, a hoe, some large knives, a large pair of scissors, a hedgebill, food, and hooks and line, five Caiap agreed to voyage back to Porto Feliz (Oliveira Bueno 1856:187). The ot the Caiap left, the missionary thought, As promised, the Caiap appeared the next day The visitors numbered more than 20 men and two small children, but no women. More gifts were distributed, and Caiap hing that Father Oliveira Bueno (1856:187 188) lectured the Caiap and sertes, without necessities and shelter from their maladies, exposed to being eaten by wild the chiefs, who from my perspective had the greater authority, responded that considering my utterances and their great love of the Our Lord the Prince Regent, they For a moment, it appeared that Father Oliveira Bueno had succeeded at establishing a new mission and in acquiring a new supply of labor for the settlers, and, then, the chief continued to speak. The Caiap, he claimed, did not know how to

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346 navigate the notorious rapids of the Tiet River and, for the time being, had to remain in the sertes (DI 1894, vol. 3:152). The chief offered a solution to this problem however, and suggested the missionary return with at least ten canoes loaded with food, trade goods, and gifts. Onc e the canoes and gifts arrived, the chiefs would summon all of the villages in the region to accompany the missionary. The chiefs claimed they led their own aldeia, as well as two others above the Urubupung Falls one large and the other small and they to ld of three more aldeias on the Sucuri, which were controlled by a different chief this unnamed chief was Manoel who would also ascend the Tiet. 9 After the startling proposal, the Caiap invited the missionary to visit their village, which sat above the Urubupung Falls, and they prepared to leave. They requested, and received, pots and clothing for the women of their village; farinha, beans, meat, and liveira Bueno that he was It was a clever plan the chief we do not know if it was Antnio or Jos, unfortunately proposed. It showed great familiarity with missionaries, as well as a willingness to use this knowledge against them. Fro m his experience in Gois, the chief knew that a tale of six populous aldeias all of whose inhabitants were open to salvation, naturally would tempt the missionary into returning. But the chief wisely obfuscated his unwillingness to migrate by proposing a logistical nightmare that required

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347 Father Oliveira Bueno to return with ten canoes loaded with gifts and crews capable of navigating the treacherous waters of the Tiet; the near impossibility of this proposal would permit the Caiap to remain in the sert es. Nonetheless, the chief knew the missionaries would very likely return the following year, if not earlier, with gifts and other goods. The next day, the first of October, the Father Oliveira and his party ascended the Paran to the Urubupung Falls (O liveira Bueno 1856:189). Father Oliveira Bueno trifles [including] a vest of rou While these exchanges occurred, runners were dispatched to get the children of These children soon arrived, but they were accompanied by the other chief again, we do not know if this was Antnio or Jos who angrily confronted the other chief, accusing him of undercutting the plan he had proposed the previous day. The enraged chief then turned on the surprised Father Oliveira Bueno, bitterly berating him for carrying off his brother in law, a youth named Joo. Just as suddenly, the angry tirade ended. The chief relaxed and offered to exchange a Portuguese speaking youth named Agost ino for Joo. He then

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348 reiterated that he expected the missionary to return the following year with ten canoes of trading truck. an old and irate woman arrived at the river bank that she soon calmed herself, and asking what she was saying, the interpreter calm the old woman, Father Oliveira Buen o gave her a mirror, a pair of scissors and some tobacco, and, he believed to leave, this woman gave her daughter a lengthy discourse filled with advice, and then helped push the canoes from the banks. Before the canoes had floated away, the two chiefs again stated that the missionary should return the following year, and they requested more rice, beans, and salt. Father Oliveira Bueno did not have these supplies with him, so he invited the Caiap to se nd someone to his camp to pick up the goods. Three Caiap quickly jumped into a rickety canoe and paddled along after the missionary to his camp. They were given the requested goods and returned some sacks and the bottles of alcohol which were now empty that Father Oliveira Bueno had given the chiefs the previous day. The Caiap then departed for their aldeia. The tense interaction between Father Oliveira Bueno and the Caiap indicated the river trade had created tensions within their aldeia. A contest had emerged over how

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349 best to proceed in dealing with the missionaries (Giraldin 1997:113): one chief had proposed an ingenious (and near impossible) plan to relocate the Caiap to Porto Feliz; but the other chief, who was willing to trade Caiap bodies for goods, undercut his personal prestige, and an intermediary, whose power was base d on the ability to interact with missionaries and boatmen and acquire goods. In addition to feuds and power struggles between chiefs and intermediaries, Father Oliveira Bueno witnessed the inequality associated with contact and the ability of a few indiv iduals to control trade goods, as some Caiap were neither able to trade nor effectively interact with non Caiap. The old woman, for instance, arrived in a rage, stamping her feet, and screaming at the bewildered priest, who could only guess at her inten t. Unable to speak Portuguese, she relied on the familiar language of violence to communicate. When the missionary learned the reason this woman was angry from a Portuguese speaking intermediary no less he provided her with a few goods and, in his words, made a chief and an angry mother, Father Oliveira Bueno broke camp and began the arduous ascent up the Tiet. One of the Caiap women was pregnant and gave birt h during the return trip. Father Oliveira Bueno (1856:191) observed in surprise that she along with her mother, placed on a leather groundsheet and covered with a warm

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350 blanket to keep out the night chill. Later in the evening, the mother and her child were he The mother and newborn survived the birth, chill ed air, and mosquitoes and, apparently, were no worse for the experience, since both survived the river voyage. The expedition arrived at Porto Feliz on November 6. All of the Caiap survived and, soon after returning, Father Oliveira Bueno dispatched a letter to the governor o f So Paulo, promising to come to the city with the new arrivals (DI 1894, vol. 3:154 155). The missionary believed the mission was a success, as he had amicably traded Cai ap for the meager price of a few tools, trinkets, and some food. It is not known if the Caiap returning with Father Oliveira Bueno ever made the journey to So Paulo; in fact, little was recorded about what became of them. Judging by what occurred with the eight Caiap returning with Father Sampaio Botelho, the adults were almost certainly subjected to 15 years of labor and the children distributed to local residents for administration and education. Father Oliveira Bueno later learned that Antnio and Jos had inquired into his whereabouts and complained bitterly that they were forgotten when the promised ten canoes of goods had failed to materialize (DI 1894, vol. 3:171). But Father Oliveira Bueno did not forget about the Caiap. Although he never r eturned to the Paran, the missionary wrote many letters describing his adventures and suppor ted efforts to catechize the Caiap for many years afterward.

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351 Missions to the Paran Caiap after 1810 Contact between the Caiap and the Paulistas continued in th e years after 1810. Various expe ditions descended the Tiet to trade with the Caiap, purchased a few individuals, and returned them to settl ements where the Caiap became cap tives and owed their captors years of labor. Local authorities continued to jus tify this practice enslavement of captives taken in combat. No less of a figure than the zealous Father Sampaio Botelho who, despite his bumbling on the Paran, continued to spear head efforts to catechize the Caiap became involved in this trade. He managed to convince Paulista investors that he was capable of returning from the Paran with the Caiap, promising souls for the Church, labor for the state, and the possible discovery of rich mineral deposits. Unfortunately, the Paulistas financing the expeditions were more interested in Caiap labor and the possibilities of mineral wealth than the salvation of souls. They soon clashed with the ebullient missionary over the propagati on of the Faith and the need for labor. The missionary lost, and it was soon clear, even to willfully blind authorities, that an illicit slave trade was operating on the Tiet. Unfortunately, these later expeditions were not as well documented as those of trade goods and small gifts to the Caiap in 1812; the canoe returned with a number of individuals, including a daughter of Chief Manoel named Coxim (DI 1894, vol. 3:191). 10 In 1815, Father Sampaio Botelho returned to the Paran, spending 20 days among the Caiap; he again encountered and interacted with the chiefs Antnio, Jos, and Manoel. During this visit, the missionary learned that two of the aldeias near the Tiet R iver had combined to form a single aldeia, and that there were another three in the

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352 region (DI 1894, vol. 3:191). 11 From this, we can surmise that contact with boatmen was affecting the Caiap villages, leading to a regional reorganization and coalescing o f village, perhaps associated with population decline brought about by the loss of individuals traded for goods or the outbreak of epidemic disease. him to trade and proselytize but were unwilling to grant the missionary free reign in their aldeias. Knowing he risked disaster if he pushed the chiefs too far or castigated them purchased for a n insignificant price. He also carried promises and requests from the Caiap le aders: to enter into the flock of Our Lord Jesus Christ. They wish to have in that land a church with a father, and all the resources for their needs, weapons to defend themselves from their enemies, [and] classes on literature and arts. [DI, vol. 3: 191] One has to wonder if the chiefs actually requested lessons in literature and arts; such a request most likely originat ed with Father Sampaio Botelho. The affirmations of loyalty, vassalage, and submission to the Crown and Church ring true: the Caiap, after all, had made similar such statements to Father Oliveira Bueno, and they knew these claims would find a warm recept ion with the missionaries and government officials More interesting than affirmations of loyalty, Father Sampaio Botelho also returned with a fascinating request from Chief Manoel. In return for his support, the wily chief

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353 his Royal Highness in reducing the other aldeias and pr omising to give people when style deias adjacent to the margins of the 3:168). This request met with support from local officials to whom a leadership scheme based on military ranks was easily intelligible; further, it was believed that the newly appointed chiefs would facilitate trade and provide needed labor (DI 1894, vo l. 3: 166). Conferring these ranks reinforced hierarchy in the Caiap villages, since those intermediaries with patents were, in the eyes of the Brazilians, distinguished from those without rank. The Caiap who possessed these ranks effectively became th e appropriate leaders for the missionaries and boatmen to seek out, and it was through them that gifts and goods flowed into their villages. Indeed, with his position solidified in the eyes of government officials, Manoel became the preferred intermediary for expeditions to seek and, within a decade, was the most important of the Paran chiefs. His fame even reached to distant Cuiab. Unfortunately, we know very little about the events unfolding on the Paran between 1815 and 1826. Father Sampaio Botelho did not return to the Caiap. Because authorities were reluctant to invest in his plans, he had supported his mission

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354 intention of dividing the Indians he conducted [f rom the Paran] among the members to be adopted by them as children or pupils [and] by this means more easily reducing them Saving souls meant providing labor, and Fat Caiap returning with him to be thrust into legal bondage according to the Prince perspective: the missionary provided a gilding of re ligious and moral legitimacy to what were really slaving expeditions. vol. 44:123). The Caiap ascending the Tiet, thus, were few in number, and, even worse from an investor Disappointed and dis gruntled, the investors decided to cut their losses and turned away from the missionary. When Father Sampaio Botelho proposed another expedition to the Paran in 1816, he was unable to secure the necessary capital (DI 1894, vol. 3:178 181). Expeditions to true purpose of the expeditions became increasingly apparent, even to willingly ignorant

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355 authorities, since replacing Father Sampaio Botelho with someone both capable of leading expeditions and providing a legitimate cover for the ongoing enslavement of the Caiap proved difficult. The problem was, in the eyes of one ouvidor (DI 18 94, vol. 3:183), which meant providing labor under the pretext of saving souls. defects, he is the only that I know who wishes to go to the Paran out of enthusiasm, all the others [do so] for the immediate interest of helping themselves to the Indians that Velho Moreira who claimed to have twice traded with the Caiap and requested permissio n to travel to the Paran in 1816: authorities declined the request, finding him too old, too dishonest, and too obviously interested in acquiring labor (DI 1915, vol. 44:117 126). One merchant, a certain Jos Goes e Pacheco, was known to have brought a n umber of Caiap back from the Paran and to have treated them well; but authorities were unfamiliar with him and despite his reputation for treating Caiap captives kindly wary of authorizing him (DI 1894, vol. 3:183). Both men faced opposition from Fat her Sampaio Botelho: he lodged a futile complaint against them in an attempt to save his mission (DI 1894, vol. 3:182). In the end, Jos Goes e Pacheco received a license to trade with the Caiap and, in early 1817, returned with 21 captives, of whom 13 w ere given to ten investors (DI 1894, vol. 3: 184 186). 12 Abandoned by local interests, Father Sampaio Botelho continued to dispatch a continuous stream of letters extolling the apostolic glory of his activities. Although he eventually succeeded in obtainin g the moral support of the Crown in 1819 (DI 1902 vol.

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356 36:87 88), such sponsorship accounted for litt le without financial backing. And, i n the end, Father Sampaio Botelho, despite repeated efforts to return to the Paran (see e.g., DI, vol. 3:177 181, 190 192), never again visited the Caiap. The Paran Caiap in 1826 The slaving expeditions to the Caiap continued after 1816, and, when the Caiap next appear in documents, a full a decade later, boatmen had become incredibly familiar with their villages. In 1826, the Langsdorff expedition, a team of naturalists, scientists, and artists visiting Brazil under the sponsorship of the Russian Czar Alexander I, visited the Paran Caiap and entered one of their aldeias. 13 Hercules Florence (n.d.), a French born artist traveling with the expedition, wrote a short description of the visit that shows the degree to which the boatmen and Caiap had become accustomed to visiting one another. As soon as it arrived at the confluence of the Tiet and Paran Rivers, the L angsdorff expedition discovered signs of the Caiap (Florence n.d.:34). They spied the remains of a campfire on the riverbank and a hammock made of vines dangled from near the top of a lofty tree. Florence believed the hammock served as a shelter against jaguar attacks for those slumbering on the riverbanks, but it would have provided little security from the tree climbing cats. It did provide a keen lookout from which to observe simultaneously the Paran and Tiet Rivers for canoes and rafts. Indeed, t he Caiap aldeia itself was ideally situated for intercepting river traffic. It sat approximately a league above the confluence of the Tiet with the Paran, a location from which the inhabitants could easily interact with boats traveling on both rivers. By1826, initiating contact with the Caiap was more or less formalized. One of the

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357 into the h interlands. Florence (n.d.:35 curious to see the Indians redden the beach, according to the picturesque expression of disappointed party decided to cross the river and investigate. They boarded their canoes and crossed the river to the banks where the Caiap usually greeted canoes. The Caiap it was well known, lived inland a short walk from the Urubupung Falls so the Langsdorff pushed inland, follow ing a rolling savannah (Florence n.d.:36). At the transition between the forest and the savannah, the Caiap had built their village. This location provided access to a variety of game, plants, and other natural resources from both the forest and savannah. And it also meant the Caiap did not have to travel far to plant their gardens; indeed, near the edge of the forest, only a short walk away from the Caiap village, Florence spie d banana and papaya trees. The Caiap had not appeared at the riverbanks, the expedition discovered, because they were not home. The village was completely empty. Somewhat disappointed, Florence (n.d.:36) began exploring the village. It was circular and built filled with heavy logs, which, because the ends of these were hollow, Florence (n.d.:36) thought to be drums. In fact, these logs were used during races; the cavities merely provided racers with a grip to secure the heavy load on their shoulders during the race.

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358 Except for the central hut, the Caiap houses were all nearly identical simple affairs much like those Saint Hilaire and Pohl observed though the house identified as secured by simple loops of vines. Curious to see what was inside the hous es, the members of the Langsdorff expedition slipped the vine locks off the doors and slipped inside for a look around. The Caiap homes, the intruders discovered, were filled with a kind of aggressive stinging insect that assailed their feet and scramble d up their pants legs perhaps an appropriate punishment for the intrusion so Florence and the others hastily retreated, regretting their inquisitiveness. Other than the biting insects, the Caiap homes were empty. The expedition, hoping the Caiap would r eturn, waited a half hour in the village. But the Indians never appeared, and someone most likely a river pilot or a boatman told Langsdorff that they had gone to their gardens on the Sucuri River (Florence n.d.:36). Before leaving, Langsdorff ordered a pile of knives, axes, and other small goods left in the village plaza for the Caiap to find. The day was too late to shoot the rapids, so expedition spent the night on the riverbanks. They encountered more Caiap whose expedient form and lack of nearby gardens suggest temporary shelters used for hunting, fishing, and trekking. Giraldin (1997:118 119) believed the failure of the Caiap to appear when summoned by the guid occurred in the years since 1810. He argued the Caiap practice of trading people for goods led to the abandonment of the aldeias on the Paran. While true that large

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359 numbers of Caiap were a scending the Tiet River with missionaries and boatmen, particularly the latter, and this must have resulted in depopulation, very little evidence suggests the aldeia Langsdorff visited was abandoned. To the contrary, the evidence suggests a temporary aba ndonment, perhaps, as Florence was told, a trek to the expedient shelters on the riverbanks. All of this evidence indicated the Caiap were recently in the area. Secon d, the aldeia was not decrepit or slowly being reclaimed by the savannahs and forests. The Caiap homes, unlike those Saint Hilaire and Pohl observed at the abandoned Maria I aldeia, appeared in good repair with doors secured with vines. This suggests th e inhabitants intended to return. Third, Florence was told the Caiap were away on the Sucuri River; he was not told the village was abandoned. The boatmen guiding the Langsdorff expedition obviously knew how to summon the Caiap to the beaches, were fa miliar with beach landing where the Caiap greeted canoes, and knew the trails leading inland to the village. If the village had been abandoned, such knowledgeable guides surely would have known. Fourth, Langsdorff left gifts for the Caiap. He did so b ecause he believed they would return to the village and find them. All the evidence suggests the Caiap had not abandoned the aldeia but village, the Caiap were tending ga rdens on the Sucuri River, as Florence was told, or trekking. Wherever the Caiap went and we will never truly know they secured the doors of their homes and did not expected nosy Europeans to snoop about uninvited. The Caiap of the Sucuri River in 182 7 On December 26, 1826, several months after visiting the Caiap aldeia, the Langsdorff expedition encountered another band of explorers on the Taquari River.

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360 Hailing from Cuiab, this second expedition was searching for a shorter river rumored to exist b etween Cuiab and So Paulo. There was an old rumor, dating to around mid eighteenth century, that a canoe fleeing from the Paiagu Indians had become hopelessly lost in the swamps but eventually found its way home via the Sucuri River. If such a route existed, it eliminated the difficult Pardo River with its many waterfalls and rapids that required time consuming portages (Holanda 1945:150). The problem was the Sucuri: it was home to vast numbers of Caiap who made exploration dangerous, if not imposs ible, and the river was avoided by all but the most brave or foolhardy explorers for much of the century. The tale of the lost canoe was likely apocryphal, but the belief that the Sucuri offered a quicker route to the interior was strong enough that expe ditions were sent to investigate the area in the early nineteenth century (Bueno 1885; Alincourt 2006). By that time, however, the Caiap were no longer viewed as a formidable impediment to exploration; they were, in fact, seen as a valuable source of inf ormation and guides capable of making the long rumored route a reality. Because the Mato Grosso expedition believed they needed assistance from the reliable chief and inte rmediary had grown since 1810. It was common knowledge, even in far away Cuiab, that he spoke Portuguese which he had taught to his wife and family and had served as a pedestre in Gois (Bueno 1885:15). Further, Manoel had told other boatmen that routes to Gois and Mato Grosso existed, though he alluded that only the Caiap knew these routes (Bueno 1885:15 16; DI 1915, vol. 44:118). So the President of Mato Gross, Joo Saturnino da Costa Pereira, who had decided to investigate the possibility of a rout e through the Sucuri, wrote a letter to Manoel:

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361 Capito Manoel, The Lieutenant Pedro Gomes do Prado seeks an easy route from Cuiab to Porto Feliz and a trail to carry the canoes from the rapids of the Piquiri to the headwaters of the Sucuri. And, as I know that you are my friend and I desire to be yours, and because they say you are a good man, I send to show the Lieutenant the route through the Sucuri until the trail to the Piqu iri; I shall be much obliged to you and all of your people that help, and conserving your good friendship with me, I shall never forget to favor you. If you wish to send one of your people with the Lieutenant to visit me, I shall treat him well and throug h him send more goods. Regards to your wife and all of your people, since I wish to be their friend. Cuiab, July 31, 1826. [Bueno 1885:16] This letter, which the president of Mato Grosso knew would appeal to the chief and his followers, contained all of the usual promise of fidelity, friendship and, importantly, trade goods. And, to sweeten the deal, the president of Mato Grosso dispatched a letter to the Crown requesting Manoel be pardoned for deserting his post as a pedestre (Bueno 1885:16). The Crow n granted this pardon and, in the event the Caiap aided the exploration of the Sucuri, Manoel was to be granted On August 1, 1826, the expedition left Cuiab. After descending the Pardo and ascending the Paran, it arrived on the S ucuri in March of 1827. It visited an aldeia began ascending the Sucuri. Ten days later, they encountered paths leading from the banks of the river into the interior. The expedition disembarked, and 20 men accompanied by a Caiap lngua a woman from Camapu made their way inland a half league until they arrived at a village. The sudden appe arance of the outsiders created a panic, as frightened Caiap quickly fled into the campo. The lngua called after them in their language, which stopped some of those fleeing, and a number of

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362 Caiap timidly reappeared from the forest upon hearing one of t he intruders speaking in their language. The Caiap approached the intruders to see what they wanted. They happily learned that the expedition wanted information and guides, not uese, did tioned this man and other Caiap about the river route. They received dismaying answers: the meant the Araguaia. Discouraged, the expeditio n members returned to the river; followed the entire way by a number of curious Caiap. A few goods were distributed to the Caiap, including knives, beads, fishhooks, mirrors, and other small items. The n ext day, the expedition was again approached by a small group of Caiap, who received some gifts. Then, a larger and more cautious group of Indians appeared, They had come to trade, bringing squash, potatoes (probably sweet potatoes), manduvis the last time that the expedition saw the Caiap. After trading with the Indians, the expedition ascend ed the Sucuri for several days but found only waterfalls and rapids. Running low on food, they turned about, headed back to the Paran, and stopped at the aldeia for a second time. It was

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363 20). red Manoel or, for that matter, the rumored route to Cuiab. Conclusion The interaction on the Paran and Sucuri Rivers illustrated the vast changes that had occurred, and were occurring, among the Caiap in the wake of 1780. First, there was language: a lthough the missionaries traveling to the Paran brought lngua s, their skills were largely unnecessary because of the presence of Portuguese speaking Caiap at every encounter. Second, warfare had declined: from the Caiap perspective, manufactured goods and tools remained the economic motivation behind the contact, but trade, not warfare, was the primary means of acquiring goods. Third, hierarchy had emerged: formerly independent Caiap villages had fallen under the sway of powerful intermediaries and c hiefs. Language skills, trade, and the emergence of the inter village chiefs were interrelated: it was language skills and concomitant ability to mediate trade that permitted these intermediaries and chiefs to rise to positions of power. At first glance, the emergence of regional chiefs appears to signal a radical transformation of the Caiap. Each eighteenth century village, after all, had had its own chief, and no chief possessed regional powers over other villages. But the Gois aldeias had re inforced hierarchy in Caiap villages by recognizing certain chiefs as the appropriate leaders through whom goods, tasks, and punishments were distributed. It was natural that hierarchy began to develop among villages in the sertes, since the Caiap brought with them what they learned at the aldeias. However, we should not

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364 discount autochthonous roots for the emergence of chiefs like Manoel. Loose ties of kinship, cooperation, and exchange had always connected Caiap villages; and there were mechanisms that ena bled villages to come together for the purpose of attacking mining settlements. The Caiap possessed the ability to organize at a regional level, however loosely, before the Gois aldeias, but such organization was for the purpose of waging war, not trade The Paran chiefs exploited the loose regional networks between villages when they began consolidating their power over the villages in the region. Unlike earlier Caiap chiefs, however, they trafficked in trade, not war. This reflected the broadening of the Caiap ability to acquire goods. One of the reasons the Caiap had raided was to pillage goods; indeed, the acquisition of goods was often the economic motor that drove attacks on settlements and convoys; and it was one of the principal reasons th e Caiap settled at Maria I. War declined in importance as a means for capturing goods after Maria I though this remains difficult to quantify since the Caiap could expect gifts and learned how to work to purchase goods. This did not end to the Caiap a bility to organize their villages at a regional level. Instead of o rganizing raids to capture plunder chiefs and lngua s organized and controlled trade. And, though war was never truly replaced as a means of acquiring prestige, the ability to mediate co ntact and a ccess to manufactured goods became a way for leaders to acquire prestige and followers. This was best embodied in chief Manoel. He was a very sophisticated intermediary and capable of exploiting Caiap and European traditions to his own ends. with the skills he learned at the Gois aldeias. Principal of these was his mastery of

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365 ns them related to him, through whom trade goods flowed. Manoel also understood European style hierarchy, politics, and religion, and he used this understanding in his inter actions with missionaries and boat crews. The former pedestre sought patents of rank because he knew from experience that government officials, missionaries, and boatmen placed importance on titles. Manoel knew that capturing the symbolic power of rank l egitimated him as a proper intermediary. He wooed missionaries by claiming his return bearing much successful. By 1826, he was the primary Caiap chief on the Paran, at least in the eyes of expeditions traveling to the region, and his hold over trade was powerful en ough that, at least on the Sucuri River, he was able to appoint bosses in villages. Yet, somehow, Chief Manoel disappeared from history. Nor was he alone in slipping into historical oblivion. The Paran Caiap, like their most prominent chief, disappe ared in the years following 1827. Although the reasons for their disappearance were never recorded, we can suppose the Caiap came to suffer grievously from the visiting missionaries and boatmen. By 1857, the aldeia visited by the Langsdorff expedition w as abandoned. In that year, Dr. Kupfer (1870), a German, visited the site T he Caiap were long gone, he observed, the aldeia completely abandoned. The houses were flattened and swept away by the elements they were practically erased in fact and the sa vannah had slowly reclaimed much of the plaza where, some thirty

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366 years before, Langsdorff had left tools and gifts for the missing Indians. Kupfer questioned why the aldeia was abandoned, since, to his discerning eye, the surrounding campo appeared fertil e and the nearby waterfall was full of fish and other resources. He was told the Caiap had left because the Brazilians visited too frequently. It was a plausible enough explanation and one that had more than a bit of truth to it. Indeed, visitors were t he reason the Caiap had abandoned their aldeia. But the unwelcome visitors were neither Brazilian nor intentionally carried to the Paran. The old river route to Cuiab was gradually being abandoned in the early nineteenth century (Morse 1965:165). So it was unlikely that pesky visits from boatmen alone drove the Caiap away, since there were simply not as many canoes plying the old ri ver route to Cuiab. J udging by the willingness of the Paran Caiap to interact with missionaries and boatmen, visits from Brazilians likely became too few and too infrequent in the 1830s. But the canoes t hat did arrive at the riverbanks however, carried a most unwelcome visitor disease. The final canoes traveling to Cuiab along the so called o Feliz sometime around 1838. In that year, an outbreak of Typhoid devastated settlements along the Tiet, killing most of the guides and boatmen capable of making the trip to Cuiab; this effectively ended the convoys of canoes traveling to and from Cuia b (Morse 1965:165). Sadly, the epidemic that killed the river guides and boat crews appears to have reached the Caiap villages. We can only imagine its impact, but it must have been severe. There appears to have been a collapsed in population the numer ous villages of Caiap on the Tiet, Sucuri, and Verde Rivers disappeared and reports of encounters with boatmen on the Paran ceased. The surviving inhabitants of the

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367 aldeias led by Manoel, Antnio, and Jos must have fled. Some of them appeared at San tana do Paranaba, where a government sponsored aldeia had been established in the 1830s. There, in 1857, Kupfer encountered Caiap who claimed they had earlier lived in the Tiet. This was probably a reference to the aldeias visited by Father Sampaio Bo telho and Hercules Florence. Typhoid, it appears, ended the Caiap presence on the Paran River. Disease once again played its pernicious role. It removed the Paran and Sucuri Rivers as an alternative pole of independent ethnogenesis only a few years a fter the Gois aldeias finally collapsed. Interestingly, many of Caiap fleeing the Gois aldeias and the Paran chose to return to a state supported aldeia and continue their interactions with outsiders. In fact, the failure of the Mossmedes aldeia led to a proliferation of Caiap aldeias of which Santana do Paranaba was only one in regions as distant as Camapu and the Tringulo Mineiro. And it was in these aldeias, we shall see in the chapter that follows, that most of the Caiap lived until the ear ly twentieth century. 1 BN II 35,26,45. 2 MB Pct 406, fls. 171 174. 3 Porto Feliz was the port f rom which the flotillas making the fluvial voyage to Cuiab embarked in the eighteenth century. 4 Pohl (1951:172 173) had a similar experience with the Chavante in August of 1819. His experience in all likelihood matches that of Capito Jos da Costa Leit e and is worth recounting here. Pohl encountered the Chavante early one morning on the west bank of the Sono River in Gois. At first, there were only a few individuals, but they gradually grew in number; eventually, Pohl estimated, there were 200 or mor e Chavante on the riverbanks. They of these club fighters. The Austrian was intrigued, however, and managed to convince his party to app roach. Fifty Chavante, leaving their weapons on the banks, plunged into the river and surrounded the canoes. They carried baskets and small gourds filled with palm fruits, maize, and peanuts, which they eagerly presented for trade. One of the Chavante o ffered Pohl a 16 year attractive and wished to accept the trade, but the astonished Pohl indignantly refused to allow this. After exchanging a few items, the party moved on leaving the friendly Chavante behind. 5 written by the Father himself (DI 1894, vol. 3:154 158) and the Capito Mor of Porto Feliz, Francisco Cor rea de Moraes Leite (DI 1894, vol. 3:150 152, 159 164).

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368 6 In 1811, Francisco Correa de Moraes Leite (DI 1894, vol. 3:161), disputed this. He claimed Chief Manoel neither hailed the Portuguese Crown nor spoke Portuguese well. As will be seen, the evidence points toward Manoel being fluent in Portuguese customs and language. 7 Father Sampaio Botelho was obviously very disappointed with this discovery. His account of the voyage abbreviated this part of the voyage (DI, vol. 3:154 158), conveniently leaving o ut the encounter with the second expedition. 8 Giraldin (1997:111, 131 n. 25) suggested the Caiap wore penis sheaths; however, Oliveira Bueno (1856:186) oths were the only clothing seen with any frequency among the aldeia Caiap at So Jos de Mossmedes. 9 general and governor of Gois from 1804 t o 1809, or Fernando Delegado Freire de Castilho, the capito general and governor of Gois from 1809to 1820. 10 BN C 0363, 007, n 3. 11 BN C 0363, 007, n 3. 12 The documents actually stated that Jos Goes e Pacheco descended 23 Caiap (DI 1894, vol. 3:184 1 87). Two of these Caiap named Antnio and Jos, whom Giraldin (1997:117) understood to be the chiefs Antnio and Jos. Giraldin then suggested that this river trader had descended an entire Caiap village. This would have been the same village that was later found unoccupied by Hercules Florence in 1825. Father Oliveira never mentioned descending the two chiefs and explicitly stated that the two chiefs were faithful to their promises to return with him after one year that, they contact passing boatmen and inquired when the missionary planned to return (DI 1894, vol. 3:171). Capito Pacheco gave the Caiap he descended Christian names, except for Antnio and Jos, as they 3:187). The Caiap Antnio and Jos with Capito Goes e Pacheco were lnguas; they had arrived six years earlier with Father Oliveira Bueno and descended the Tiet River with the Portuguese to facilitate communication. 13 Georg H einrich von Langsdorff (1774 1861) was a Hessian doctor, naturalist, and scientist. His exploratory/scientific expedition traveled across Brazil in the years 1825 1829.

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369 CHAPTER 9 THE CAIAP" ECLIPSE ( 1830 1920) Introduction In 1848, Joaquim Alves Ferreira, the General Director of the Indians in Mato state and to th [however] that they have committed some of the depredations on the road from Gois reflected the profound and continuing influence of the Gois aldeias, which, though judged as failure by contemporaries such as Cunha Mattos, Saint Hilaire, and Pohl, had changed many Caiap from a feared, club wielding enemy to rowers, porters, and herders. In the years since So Jos de Mossmedes was abandoned, the Caiap had continued to draw on an array of tactics to navigate the vicissitudes of the frontier. Many chose to interact with frontier society and, after fleeing Mossmedes, settled on aldeias in Mato Grosso and t he Tringulo Mineiro (which Minas Gerais annexed from Gois in 1816). Loosely incorporated into the frontier economy, these aldeia Caiap sought gifts from the state and worked to obtain goods. They continuously experimented with Brazilian culture, rejec ting some elements and adopting others, and frontier. Such accommodation, however, eventually contributed to the disappearance of the Caiap : the aldeia inhabitants by t he end of the century, had lost much of their indigenous identity and became heavily dependent on neighboring settlements for work, wages, and goods; no longer autonomous, they vanished into the great mass of rural

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370 poor. But not all the Caiap chose accom modation. There was a cussed and final conflict in Gois. Cattle ranchers and farmers pushed into the headwaters of the Araguaia River, where they encountered Caiap villages whose inhabitants defended their last redoubt. There was vicious back and forth fighting, which eventually left no Caiap in a region where the topography continues to recall their once formidable presence in the names of Caiapnia the Serra do Caiap, and the Caiap River. This chapter examines the Caiap attempts to navigate the challenges of the frontier in the nineteenth century. It examines their territory and population and seeks to understand the conflicts, cooperation, and accomm odation that defined the final decades of the Caiap presence east of the Araguaia Finally, it closes with the last glimpse of the aldeia Caiap in Minas Gerais before they disappeared in early twentieth century. Territory and Population The Caiap still occupied the centers of their formerly vast territory through much of the nineteenth century. 1 Caiap villages were encountered along the Paranaba and Grande Rivers. There were Caiap living on the Paran, Verde, and Sucuri Rivers until the middle of the century. And they were encountered on the So Loureno, Piquiri, Coxim, and Taquari River s (Ferreira 2001:22). 2 The Caiap occupied the headwaters of the Araguaia River, especially the Caiap, Bonito, and Claro Rivers (Moraes 1881:17 18). And they were reported near the headwaters of the Xing, lands where some Caiap had fled and sought ref uge, far to the northwest of their traditional territories. 3 Except for the latter region, the Caiap had densely inhabited all of these places in the early and mid eighteenth century. A century later, their numbers had clearly declined. In the 1750s,

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371 headwaters of the Araguaia and Camapu, whereas, there were reportedly a mere seven Caiap villages in the same region in 1843. 4 In 1848, Joaquim Alves Ferreira (2001:14) estimated 200 Caiap lived bet ween the headwaters of the So Loureno and the Paran and Paranaba Rivers. 5 In 1873, government officials in Cuiab estimated the number of Caiap in Mato Grosso at 400. 6 Decline was evident in the Tri ngulo Mineiro as well. In the 1820s, a reported 1 000 Caiap were living along the Grande River (Silva 1896:341). Two aldeias in the region, Francisco de Salles and Monte Alta, supported 300 to 400 Caiap in the middle of the century. 7 Another aldeia, gua Vermelho, reportedly had 600 Caiap living in i t. 8 A mere 50 or so Caiap lived there at the dawn of the twentieth century. These estimates took into account only Caiap who lived in state supported aldeias or near settlements. There were many other Caiap who lived in the sertes, especially at the headwaters of the Araguaia, but the extent of the calamitous population decline was evident and undeniable. An end of the century estimate by Desgenettes (1906:223), which attempted to take into account the villages hidden in the sertes, put the total Caiap population in Mato Grosso and Gois at between 7,000 and 8,000. This was almost certainly an exaggeration, one based on speculation and contradicting the obvious evidence of population decline found in the more reliable observations of government o fficials and missionaries. There were smaller Caiap villages, and fewer of them, and their presence in their old territories had shrunk considerably and irreversibly such that, when the nineteenth century closed, the days when terrified settlers and ch roniclers had

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372 Conflict Although greatly reduced in numbers, some Caiap continued to fight settlers. But the great offensives that had once besieged garrisons and defeated musket toting troops in battle, much li century Caiap raids lacked much of the extreme aggression of the previous century: they became more defensive, even surreptitious, in nature. The heaviest and best documented fighting was in western Gois, where fifty year conflict simmered and occasionally boiled over at the headwaters of the Araguaia (Hemming 1987:397 398). Raiding also continued to be practiced by Caiap living on the post Mossmedes aldeias: neighboring settlers frequent ly accused the aldeia inhabitants of attacking isolated farms and mule trains to pillage goods. Unlike the previous century or the fighting in western Gois, there was often confusion over whether the Caiap were actually involved in these attacks and off icials, reluctant to accuse the aldeia Caiap laid the blame on other peoples The Last Conflicts in Gois occupied by settlers in the early nineteenth century, until fertile soils and rumors of gold and diamonds attracted farmers, ranchers, and prospectors. Along the Caiap, Bonito, and Claro Rivers, these interlopers discovered a vigorous Caiap population, one that did not wish to see its lands absorbed into the frontier. As more settlers encroached on Caiap lands, conflicts erupted. In 1843, numerous bandeiras moved into the sertes to attack villages and drive off the Caiap. 9 These were not official m ilitary expeditions, like those Pires de Campos and Pinto da Silveira had once led; rather, they were groups of

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373 thugs occasionally steadied by soldiers, and often armed by settlers looking to occupy Caiap land. The government took little notice of such instances of aggression, even when soldiers participated in the attacks, and little was recorded about these early conflicts. The situation changed when the Caiap began fighting back, attracting official notice, condemnation, and calls for missionaries to quell the violence. In 1859, the president of Gois, Francisco Janurio Gama Cerqueira (1859:54 56), remarked: peacefully, began destructive incursions, burning the distributed to them if they were encountered, and if not, to be left in places where they attacked and put to flight. This bandeira returned empty handed after spending 22 days in the sertes. The president later suggested mi ssionaries catechize the Caiap and proposed the creation of new companies of pedestres to help protect them (Gama Cerqueira1859b:65). Li ttle came from this proposal. And m ore conflicts followed. The Caiap returned in early February of 1859. They launc hed a furious assault that swiftly left six farms burned and looted (Gama Cerqueira 1859a:56). As the raiders passed from farm to farm, burning and looting, news of the attack spread before them. At the sixth farm the raiders attacked, settlers had barri caded themselves inside and

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374 The settlers had found on previous occasions that even a single musket blast would disperse raiders but there was no effect this time musket fire and set the farm ablaze, forcing those barricaded inside to retreat from their impromptu fortress. The farmers later returned to find their homes incinerated and their belongings plundered. A second attack followed in June of that year (Gama Cerqueira 1859b:65). Frightened settlers abandoned the Caiap and Bonito Rivers But t hey soon returned, and their numbers continued to grow. More fighting was reported over the next few years (Alencastre 1862:45). The Caiap repeatedly attacked a farm belonging to Antnio Gomes Pinheiro, burning his buildings and rustling his cattle. But this tough (and stubborn) farmer refused to abandon his home and holdings until, i n September of 1861, a Caiap arrow gravely wounded one of the cowboys guarding his herds. After this attack, the Caiap retreated into sertes so deep and formidable that soldiers sent after them refused to follow. In October and November, the raiders returned and burned farms up and down the Bonito River. As the conflict developed, t here were reports of Portuguese speaking Indians hurling threats and terrifying messages were discovered scrawled on walls; the Brazilians realized they were fighting former aldeia Caiap. The fighting slowed for two decades. The Caiap, after seeing the settlers repeatedly return after their attacks and having suffered counterattacks by bandeiras, had probably retreated deeper into the sertes. But settlers continued to arrive and occupy more land; a collision between them and the Caiap was inevitable. Heavy

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375 fighting finally erupted again in 1881 and 1882 (Magalhes 1882:2 3). In December of 1881, the Caiap attacked the small settlement of Corrego Fundo on the Araguaia River, wounding a certain Estevo Pereira Damasceno with an arrow. The next day, t he same Caiap attacked, looted, and burned a farmhouse; no one was injured in this attack. In early 1882, a mule train opening an overland track from the settlement of Rio Bonito to the garrison at Macedina encountered a small Caiap aldeia. The inhabit ants abandoned their village to the approaching Brazilians, but their warriors later followed the trails to Macedina and slaughtered some cows before fleeing with meat and a cowhide. Later that year, around 50 Caiap appeared at the garrison and boldly ap proached the gates. They approached openly in broad daylight, and may have come to interact or trade with the Brazilians inside, but jumpy troops opened fire on them. There was a brief battle and a soldier was slightly injured in the fray. The Caiap w ho chase; the route the Caiap took was too remote. The fighting continued off and on for the rest of the decade. In January of 1889, a farm was attacked and one of t 1889:20 21). On that very same day, Caiap raiders attacked a farm near their former aldeia at So Jos de Mossmedes. Worried settlers thought the fighting at the Bonito and Claro Rivers was spi lling over into the capital, so the president, Felicssimo do Esprito Santo, requested two Dominicans missionaries be sent to the Araguaia, and he hired a Caiap lngua named Joaquim to assist them. Calls for missionaries might have assuaged fears at Vil a Boa, but settlers on the frontier chose a more violent course and began attacking Caiap villages.

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376 Much of this lat er conflict went unrecorded. A few years earlier, one out going president of Gois, Aristdes de Souza Spinola (1881:17), informed his suc cessor that: against the Indians [at the headwaters of the Araguaia River], which are not given dent claimed he had opposed these attacks, believing such unauthorized bandeiras increased hostilities had ordered one illegal bandeira preparing to attack the Caiap to disperse, but it had already left by the time his orders arrived; he did not know whether it had attacked the Caiap. The fighting at the headwaters of the Araguaia was the final bitter confrontation between the Caiap and the frontier that began encro aching on their lands almost four centuries before. The fighting had clearly changed, reflecting intimate contact with settlers. There were Portuguese speaking attackers who yelled threats and, to instill terror, left written messages alongside the weapo ns they abandoned at the scene of an attack. Reports mentioned cattle rustling raiders; they were quite unlike the Caiap who And, though an occasional raiding party bur ned and looted several farms, the offensive character of Caiap war was muted. There were no battles like those that had occurred on the Velhas, no great slaughters like those that had brought the Caiap such infamy a century before. Raiders burned and p lundered taking, as before, tools and food but very few settlers or their slaves were killed in the fighting. The change in warfare was, in part, a product of population decline: there were fewer Caiap in fewer villages; their

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377 numbers were no longer suff icient to mobilize great offensives; and the loss of even a few men during a raid must have been keenly felt. Abandoning the massacres of the previous century must also have been a conscious decision, one based on experiences in war and at the aldeias. T he Caiap had learned that murdering settlers and slaves attracted wrath filled bandeiras to their sertes, and their warriors avoided this as much as possible. So the Caiap permitted families, like those who had bravely barricaded themselves into their farmhouse, to escape with their lives something that had rarely happened in the previous century and brought fewer bandeiras to their sertes. Some of the raids also appear to have been defensive actions fought to delay settlement and chase off intruders. There was the curious case of the tough rancher Antnio Gomes Pinheiro. It was only after repeatedly burning his barns and rustling his cattle that the Caiap attacked and injured one of his cowboys. This suggests the earli er attacks sought to drive the rancher away, not kill him, his family, and his workers. When hardy settlers, like Gomes Pinheiro, refused to decamp, the Caiap attacks grew more aggressive and, ultimately, someone was injured or killed. Murder terrified settlers into fleeing but they always came back and, when the settlers returned, so did the Caiap. There were official calls for restraint and missionary aid, while the inevitable bandeiras of settlers headed to the sertes with unsurprising results: the Caiap were gone from the hea dwaters of the Araguaia by the first decades of the twentieth century. The Aldeia Caiap and Raiding In addition to the heavy fighting at the headwaters of the Araguaia, there was intermittent and small scale raiding in other parts of Caiap territory, pri ncipally Mato Grosso generally associated with aldeia Indians Almost as soon as the first post Mossmedes aldeias were established southeast of Cuiab, the inhabitants were

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378 suspected of attacking settlements. For example, soon after Caiap were establi shed at Piquiri, an aldeia taking its name from a nearby river, they were accused of attacking farms on the So Loureno (Viertler 1990:57). Similar such accusations occurred regularly until the 1870s. 10 Officials often cast doubt on the claims that the a ldeia Caiap were raiding. After all, these were ostensibly pacified Indians and, it was thought, attacking them or punishing them would only drive them off, perhaps contributing to new hostilities. It may also have been the case that the Caiap intentio nally changed the distinctive style of their weapons, if not their raiding patterns, to cre ate doubt, implicate other people s, and avoid retribution. The raids the aldeia Caiap launched were, in part, produced by official neglect. Acquiring goods was an important factor in attracting the Caiap to the aldeias, but goods were distributed infrequently and often in small quantities to the aldeia inhabitants. For example, a few tools and clothing were distributed to the Piquiri aldeia in 1846 (RIHGB 1847:551 ), and it appears nothing else was sent to the aldeia until the government dispatched a copper pot there in 1853. 11 Sometimes, when goods from the state dwindled, the Caiap appealed directly to the government, as when six Caiap from the Piquiri aldeia ap peared in Cuiab requesting tools, clothing, and repairs to their muskets in 1854 and 1861. 12 But such appearances and requests were rare. It was more common for the Caiap to leave the aldeia and plunder the goods they desired. The Caiap attacking farm 13

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379 Even with such discoveries of clear evidence of raiding, government o fficials were surprisingly loath to believe the aldeia Caiap were engaging in hostilities and preferred to blame raids on their natives principally the Coroado s (Ferreira 2001:14, 23). 14 Little was known about the Coroado s : they were suspected of speakin g a Bororo language, lived southeast of Cuiab, and were considered very hostile and formidable. 15 Their attacks were very similar to Caiap attacks, and there was often cons iderable doubt as to whether the Caiap or the Coroado s were responsible for raids A series of violent raids attributed to the Coroado s in the years between 1849 and 1852. 16 But settlers suspected the Caiap at Piquiri were also involved. 17 Their suspicions led to an investigation in 1853 (Barros 1987/88/89:200). 18 Similarly, local re sidents suspected the Caiap at Santana do Paranaba were involved in some of the attacks blamed on the Coroado s in 1855 and again in 1872. 19 The confusion over whether the aldeia Caiap were involved in attacks was ubiquitous enough to suggest raiders inte ntionally obscured their identity. A century before, rarely was there any question concerning the identity of Caiap raiders because of the extreme violence and discoveries of their distinctive weapons. In contrast, it was unusual for authorities to reco ver weapons that were readily identifiable as Caiap. It happened, as when bows and arrows found after an 1855 attack were recognized as being of Caiap manufacture, but this was rare. More commonly, the Caiap were betrayed by the sudden and inexplicabl e appearance of manufactured goods at their aldeias. In 1840, for example, a bandeira sent to investigate a spate of Coroado s property had been recently attacked, and the

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380 discovery meant the Piquiri Caiap, not the Coroado s were responsible for the attacks responsible for a recent attack were confirmed when tools suddenly appeared at the aldeia. 20 The confusion over the identity of raiders and the infrequency with which Caiap weapons were recovered suggests aldeia inhabitants had altered their raiding patterns and weapon manufacture in an eff ort to confuse authorities and obfuscate their identity. 21 Even when it was established that the aldeia Caiap were raiding, authorities ordered little or no punitive actions against them. In 1840, after numerous complaints reached Cuiab, the government o rdered troops to the Piquiri aldeia to protect settlers; but these troops did not attack the Caiap. No military action was taken after the weapons recovered were identified as belonging to the Piquiri Caiap in 1855. In 1864, officials reiterated that t hese same Caiap were involved in attacks. 22 But the Caiap at Piquiri suffered no reprisals. In fact, Caiap attacks often resulted in goods being sent to their aldeias. In 1872, for instance, officials suggested the best way to end raids was through in creased patrols and dispatching more supplies to Santana do Paranaba. 23 The Caiap cannot have failed to notice shipments of goods arrived at their aldeias in the wake of raids. In the preceding century, an officer in Gois had warned officials that the and one must wonder if the occasional Caiap raid was an unsubtle reminder for the government to send them gifts. 24 Accommodation and Cooperation: Aldeias Although conflicts c ontinued until the end of the nineteenth century, outright resistance to the frontier was increasingly less common. Many indeed, most Caiap

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381 sought accommodation and cooperation. As the Mossmedes aldeia declined and was abandoned, new aldeias sprang up in Mato Grosso and the Tringulo Mineiro that were populated with many fugitives from Gois. In Mato Grosso, former aldeia Caiap appeared in lands west of the Araguaia, a region that had remained largely unoccupied by settlers, but the spread of farms an d ranches soon forced them into competition for land and resources (Giraldin 1997:100 101). With many of them already accustomed to living in proximity to farms and ranches in Gois, these Caiap chose to avoid outright hostilities and settled nearer the Brazilians. When government officials in Cuiab heard the Caiap had appeared, they dispatched food, goods, and tools to keep the Indians living and working peacefully with their neighbors. 25 Far to the east, in the Tringulo Mineiro, the so called serte aldeias also sprung up. Much like what occurred in Mato Grosso, settlers began arriving in force during the first decades of the century, and, when farms and ranches encroached on their territory, many of the Ca iap responded by settling on aldeias. Compared to the lavish expenditure spent on the Pombaline aldeias in Gois, the Caiap aldeias in Mato Grosso and the Tringulo Mineiro were rustic affairs: there were neither many soldiers nor many rural poor living at these aldeias; nor did these aldeias have facilities like those found at Maria I, much less Mossmedes. The post Mossmedes aldeias were little more than Caiap villages loosely incorporated into the frontier; they were often officially recognized, and occasionally possessed grants of land, but rarely received shipments of goods or visits from administrators. In Mato Grosso, the administration of the aldeias was often left to nearby residents if possible, a soldier who performed their duties from afar, if at all. Capable, interested, or

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382 uncorrupt directors were rare and the job so undesirable that some nominees declined the position; much as had occurred with Manoel da Cunha, there were Caiap nominated to serve as directors. 26 A similar situation prev ailed in the Tringulo Mineiro. Settlers often attracted Caiap to settle on their land with gifts. A few missionaries were involved with the aldeias there, but they were often absent and had little control over the day to day life of the Caiap. Even ne glected by government officials, the state supported aldeias in Mato Grosso and the Tringulo Mineiro were an attractive option for many Caiap. In fact, some of these aldeias persisted as long as the more lavish Maria I and Mossmedes. One reason for th is attraction and longevity was that aldeias provided the Caiap with access to land. The expansion of farms and ranches, particularly the latter, had absorbed huge tracks of land, restricting the territory available for hunting and gathering. According rambling, hunting life or had to since their earlier, very large hunting ground was Aldeias also provided the Caiap with supplies of tools, clothing, and other goods. Although the goods the state provided were often small in quantity, low in quality, and delivered intermittently, the supply did reduce the need to raid and pillage goods. Fewer raids meant more securi ty against bandeira attacks. And, just as had occurred in Gois, when the aldeia Caiap raided, settlers were loath to attack them. Officials, even when presented with evidence that aldeia Caiap had committed an attack, were reluctant to send punitive e xpeditions against them.

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383 Although rustic, the aldeias in Mato Grosso and the Tringulo Mineiro, like those in Gois, were envisioned as the loci of indigenous transformation: these were suppose d to be bounded spaces where the Caiap became valuable citizen s. Indeed, Caiap experimentation with Brazilian culture contin ued and their already modified mission culture was increasingly intermingled. They became more dependent on their neighbors, often laboring off the aldeias for wages to purchase needed things and this had the insidious effect of further incorporating the Caiap into the rural population. One official, for example, noted that it was difficult to determine how many Caiap lived at the Taquari aldeia because so many of the inhabitants worked on nearby farms and ranches. 27 It was not just their absence from the aldeias that made identifying the Caiap difficult, but also their cultural similarity to the Brazilians. Most laborers were young, and the Brazilians made efforts to educate Caiap child ren; such children were separated from their relatives for long periods of time and immersed in another culture ; they learned a new language and had their native traditions and language denigrated Many Caiap came to identify less with their indigenous a ncestry than that of the Brazilians; some chose to live among the Brazilians. Those Caiap who did return to their aldeias we re increasingly detribalized. The y outh no longer spoke their native tongue well or participated in village affairs, and importan house, fell into disuse (see below). By the end of the century, many of the aldeia Caiap were virtually indistinguishable from the rural poor. They had become caboclos a term used to describe detribalized Indians who were of ten of mixed descent. And when their aldeia lands were annexed by nearby farms and ranches, the Caiap, already having lost so

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384 much of their distinct native identity, were silently absorbed into the rural population. It was detribalization, not war, whic h finally extinguished the Caiap as an autonomous people throughout much of their old territories. Santana do Paranaba Of the later Caiap aldeias, the best documented was Santana do Paranaba. Two detailed reports have survived about this aldeia. The most important of these was written by Joaquim Lemos da Silva. 28 He worked at the aldeia in 1837, probably as a soldier administrator, and later wrote an exceptionally detailed and sympathetic account of his experiences there. 29 The second description of the aldeia comes from a German voyager, Dr. Kupfer (1870), who visited the aldeia in 1857. 30 He published a brief account of the visit and described many subtleties of aldeia life. These two works, while not as long as the descriptions left by Pohl and Sa int Hilaire, provide us with invaluable descriptions of the Caiap aldeia; both descriptions flesh out the scarce details recorded in official documents. Santana do Paranaba was situated north of the confluence of the Paranaba and Grande Rivers, approxim ately 12 miles (19 kilometers) from the Brazilian town of the same name. It sat in the sort of locale the Caiap usual chose to live: near where riparian forests opened into scrub savannah. The inhabitants had access to game and other resources from both the forests and grasslands; and the forests were where they practiced their slash and burn horticulture. It was also only a short walk to the banks of the Grande River, so the Caiap did not have to travel far to bathe or find drinking water, and a nearb y waterfall ensured fish and aquatic resources were readily available. during spawning season, congregated and through just fishing alone [this] offered easy

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385 In 1835, these resources supported a population of at least 150 (RIHGB 1847:550), many of them fugitives from Mossmedes and the Paran and Sucuri Rivers. 31 Santana do Paranaba was a simple place with no ostentatious facilities or troops. From 1835 to 1838, there was no director, and, when one was appointed in 1838, the position was occupied only until 1843 (RIHGB 1847:551). 32 The aldeia was constructed in the form of a Caiap village. The houses were arranged in a circle around a central plaza where C aiap men, women, and children conversed, discussed important village affairs, and practiced their rituals. According to Lemos da Silva: It was worthy to see in the patio some of the boys, completely nude, practicing firing arrows, their bows and arrows i n proportion to their size, appearing to be the sons of Mars and Venus. At this patio, I also saw a festival that consisted of a dance formed by two rows of women and a man in the middle. This man, bobbing his head forward, accompanied singing. The rows of women came forward to meet him by making little leaps until the first and the last had returned to their original positions [with] the man chanting from time to time a wordless hymn, whose sound was not disagreeable to the listener. 33 In the center of t he plaza, there was a single building with a roof and open sides, which the Caiap called the piru rendezvous wrote Lemo s da Silva, recalling the Caiap chiefs and their followers meeting there: It was a rare night that the various family chiefs did not meet with the presiding tribal chief; I witnessed many times this chief having to deliberate house making signs in loud voices and [he] did not wait long [before] finding himself surrounded by his subjects. 34 character, skin already a little shriveled, [who] always walked carrying a whip on the

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386 scrape away sweat. 35 The other men and women did not carry these sweat scrapers. Both sexes went about their daily affairs in loincloth s than those worn by the women while the children scampered about completely naked. bury an adult, they place a well made club in the grave burying an infant, if it had nursed, they deposited a pot with milk in the grave and if it did not nurse, a pot with water, questioning 36 They called the Christian god Puanc feared the devil, and had an understanding of the immortality of the soul. 37 So they had some understanding of Christianity and practiced syncretic folk religion similar to that found at Mossmedes. Native beliefs had mixed and mingled with what the missionaries and settlers had taught them. The inhabitants considered murder and adultery sins punishable by whippings (corporal punishment was somethin g the Caiap had learned at the aldeia). Little had changed at the aldeia when Kupfer (1870) visited in 1857. The aldeia loam huts with palm leaf roofs, similar to those t hat the poorest class of Brazilians walled structure measuring 20 by 30 feet, sat in the unted and fished and taken care of the

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387 The plaza was still the social center when Kupfer visited When he and his retinue rode into the aldeia, they discovered the Caiap performing a dance in the plaza. A man and six women three on each side of him house. This dance was similar to that earlier observed by Lemos da S ilva. According ten feet forward and then again backward without moving their arms and the rest of the dismounted from their horses, and the Caiap women quickly retreated to their houses. The Caiap man, whom Kupfer had witnessed dancing, approached and greeted the visitors. He was tall, broad shouldered, and around fifty years of age. He had a grass ba nd laced through his hair and his body was painted black with genipap; his face was painted red with urucum. It turned out that he was the village chief. Soon after the chief greeted the visitors, the other Caiap surrounded Kupfer and his companions. Th e visitors distributed gifts of tobacco and white glass beads to the appeared healthy and fit: Kupfer spied no sick individuals among the gathering crowd; however, he later noticed that there were few elderly women and no elderly men, perhaps indicating high mortality among the aged. Most Caiap were around five feet tall and solidly built with muscular arms and legs. The men had broad, powerful chests and thick black hair, which they cut straight across their forehead to bones, and th

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388 men were tattooed; some of the older ones had pierced their lower lip, a practice that had fallen into disuse among the young; and several men were painted like the chief. Aside from th e genipap dyes and urucum paints, the Caiap used little body decoration. Neither the women nor the men made extensive use of the large, colorful, and impressive parrot feathers Ku pfer had seen other Indians use The men wore only their loincloths; women wore simple dresses and, unlike the men, colorfully adorned themselves with jewelry and long sashes made of cotton string and beads; these they draped around their necks, arms, and legs. Caiap women especially coveted Brazilian made red cloth and their husbands purchased this cloth with wages earned while working for the Brazilians. Women could become bellicose when enraged. A group of Caiap men return from a three month stint laboring away from the aldeia while Kupfer wa s there, and one of the returnees was almost attacked by his wife. Kupfer heard loud voices and saw a crowd gathering around one of the houses, where a woman blocked the door and was waving a war club at her husband. This man, Kupfer learned, had returne d without gifts for his wife distribution of tobacco and a few glass beads; he felt he h ad saved the cowering man especially the younger ones and, in contrast to the curmudgeonly Pohl, he found them not unattractive.

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3 89 When he Kupfer first arrived, a Caiap man wearing trousers approached and greeted the visitors affably in Portuguese. This Portuguese speaking Caiap was the appointed spokesman and leader. He was a lngua not a chief, and held his position because of his ability to speak Portuguese and his knowledge of Brazilians. The captain told Kupfer that he had lived in Gois as a youth, when he calls or sends them, but they often act as though they do not hear him. They appear to give more [respect] to the old cacique, [though] I did not see any punishments on account of He was shorter to speak with the visitors at length; most of the other Caiap sp oke little Portuguese or were reticent, or unwilling, to engage the visitors in lengthy conversation. The captain offered the visitors shelter and arranged for firewood and food to be provided to them and the party was in luck, a hunter had killed a large tapir and meat was plentiful for the moment. Kupfer spent a total of four days at the aldeia and was able to make many keen observations. He noted that Caiap women married early, typically after their first menses, and the ceremony was a simple affair: parents some small gifts and the couple was considered married. These marriages, sadly, appeared to produce few children, as Kupfer saw only a few families with three or

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390 four children. There were no unmarried women in the village, but many unmarried men. The imbalance, Kupfer thought, was because the Caiap were polygamous. The practice left too few women available for every man to marry. Work was gendered. Caiap men hunted, fished, and worked in the fields in th e they gossiped and discussed village affairs. Caiap women worked continuously at domestic chores, often while carrying children, and they impressed Kupfer with the stoic pe rformance of their non woven belts that go across their forehead and down their back where the load is how oft en women brought firewood into their homes to feed the smoky fires that rocks in a fire and then put the meat between the rocks and then lay twigs on top and throw earth on and manioc cooked in earth ovens; sugar cane roasted on open coals was a particularly tasty tr 38 The Caiap, interestingly, cooked fish on a grill made of wooden staves, a practice they had learned from the Brazilians. Wild honey and forest fruits were much coveted delights. As at the Gois aldeias, the Caiap had few p anything but their poor loam huts, without house or kitchen devices, and the still poor supporting the head. Men and women owned small pipe s made of clay, which they

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391 used for smoking tobacco; a practice both sexes greatly enjoyed. Kupfer saw flutes ipped with hard bamboo or sharpened hardwood; Kupfer also spied a few old and rusty muskets around the village. The men owned hunting dogs but no other domestic animals or livestock; except a small riding horse the captain owned. They had not adopted pot tery the captain proudly displayed an iron pot and a spoon to his guests; its use set him apart from the others at the aldeia and preferred to use husks of fruits for simple bowls. Manufactured goods at the aldeia included fishhooks and knives nearly ever y Caiap man owned these invaluable items which the Caiap purchased with money earned by weaving mats and hats to sell in the nearby Brazilian town or working as rowers. Kupfer did not see any healers or shamans during his visit. When ill, he was told, t dully, let a strong fire burn by their feet, cover themselves with the few covers they own ill but would es marked some of the graves, further evidence of the syncretic Christianity practiced by the aldeia Caiap. In the late 1850s, Santana do Paranaba was much as it had been 20 years center, cooked in earth ovens, practiced similar traditional dances, and painted themselves with urucum and genipap. There were the inevitable changes, of course. Some changes were

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392 seemingly simple: the Caiap roasted fish like the Brazilians. Other cha nges were more important: to acquire beads and cloth, as well as other manufactured goods, the Caiap sold crafts in Brazilian settlements and worked for wages. They were incorporated, however loosely, into frontier society and increasingly dependent on t he Brazilians. there was an attempt to assert more control over the aldeia. 39 A new director was nominated, Sebastio Jos do Queiroz, but he was corrupt and did little t o assert control at the aldeia. 40 In 1861, there were complaints that a local landowner, Jos Joaquim de Moraes, had occupied aldeia lands and was mistreating the Caiap. The cause of 41 It was feared that the Caiap would abandon the aldeia for lack of sufficient lands and pasture. 42 The Caiap did not abandon the aldeia in 1861, and the lands stolen from them were not returne d (Giraldin 1997:102). In May of 1865, the Caiap left the aldeia. 43 This was probably a trek. The corrupt director doubtlessly did not know this, much less care. Unsurprisingly, he took example, slipping away to Minas Gerais and leaving the abandoned aldeia behind. 44 Such was the official neglect of the aldeia that Sebastio Jos do Queiroz lingered on as the official and absent; indeed, fugitive director until he was finally removed in 1 871. 45 By then, the Caiap had returned to the aldeia the date of their returned was not recorded and nearby residents again accused them of raiding. These accusations were confirmed by the sudden appearance of tools at the aldeia. 46 In response, the gove rnment proposed formalizing the supply of goods to the aldeia, which, it was

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393 hoped, would make raids unnecessary. 47 A new director, Manoel Pereira Dias, replaced the absentee Sebastio Jos do Queiroz. Ordered to promote agriculture at the aldeia, the new director, much like his predecessor, appears to have taken little interest in the task. Ignored by officials, attended by absent, corrupt, and negligent directors, the aldeia tottered along for many years. By 1881, local Brazilians knew the Caiap at San tana do Paranaba as good workers and excellent rowers the garrison at Itapura on the Paran River (south of the confluence with Tiet). 48 Capito Joaquim Ribeiro da Silva Peixoto, the commanding officer of the garrison, felt this transfer was beneficial: the from the pernicious influence of their parents, would become valuable citizens and a antana do Paranaba moved to Itapura their children evidently lost their native identity, precisely what Capito Peixoto envisioned and no more was heard of them. The Piquiri Aldeia Much less is known about the Piquiri aldeia than Santana do Paranaba. Th is aldeia was officially created in 1835, after a group of Caiap from Gois settled on the west bank of the Piquiri River north of Camapu. 49 In r esponse to their presence, the p resident of Mato Grosso ordered a small garrison established to administer th e reportedly 300 Caiap (RIHGB 1847:551). The Piquiri River was remote, and the administration of the aldeia haphazard. The first director was not nominated until 1846,

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394 amidst reports that the Caiap had not planted gardens and hunting parties constantly left the aldeia in search of game (locals accused these hunting parties of raiding) (RIHGB 1847:551). A new director was nominated in 1851, but he declined the position. 50 In 1858, there was a weak and unsuccessful attempt to recruit missionaries for the aldeia. 51 A new director was appointed in 1859. 52 He died in 1862. 53 The next director, Manoel Ferreira Velho, was nominated because he was the only person living close to the aldeia. 54 But he took little interest in the aldeia and two years past without officials in Cuiab hearing from him. 55 Complaints that the Caiap were raiding dogged the Piquiri aldeia from its inception. 56 In 1855, two bows and some arrows discovered after an attack were identified as belonging to the Caiap. 57 This confirmed what settlers had long been saying, but no action was taken to stop the raids. In 1864, around the same time that officials complained about the lackluster director Manoel Ferreira Velho, word arrived in Cuiab that a local landowner had shot one of the Caiap 58 The president recommended the Caiap not be allowed to leave the aldeia to hunt and he ordered the director to have the Caiap plant fields and work as servants and laborers for nearby settlers. 59 This, it was felt, would keep the Caiap from raiding as well as promote their transformation into good citizens. Unsurprisingly, the disinterested director appears to have done little or nothing. Piquiri struggled for many years after the shooting, largely ignored by officials, until it finally faded away sometime after 1882 (Giraldin 1997:101). The Taquari/Coxim Aldeia Even less is known about the Caiap aldeia at Taquari. In 1862, there were reports of small Caiap villages on the banks of the Piquiri and Taquari Rivers. 60 Someone proposed resettling the se Caiap at the confluence of the Taquari and Coxim

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395 Rivers, so troops were sent and the commander charged with attracting the Caiap to an aldeia by peaceful means. 61 To assist this effort, the aldeia directors at Santana do Paranaba and Piquiri were ord ered to send lngua s to aid in contacting the Caiap. 62 The effort met with some success: the president of Mato Grosso was sending supplies and ordering a chapel constructed by 1864. 63 This aldeia was short lived. War broke out between the Brazil and Para guay, and, in 1865, Paraguayan troops invaded Mato Grosso. The Caiap wisely abandoned the aldeia when the Paraguayan troops approached. Some of the fleeing Caiap returned to the sertes; others settled near farms on the Coxim River and away from the fro nt. 64 A large group settled on a ranch owned by Antnio Theodoro de Carvalho. 65 Initially, this was seen as a temporary arrangement until the Caiap could be returned to the aldeia. 66 The Caiap quickly became a welcome presence at the ranch, since they p rovided a much needed (and cheap) supply of labor. 67 In 1867, the need to provide tools, clothes, and small gifts to the Caiap was stressed in Cuiab as l ocals did not want to see the Caiap disappear into the sertes and possibly to begin raiding. 68 In April of 1869, Antnio Theodoro de Carvalho again requested tools and cloth for the Caiap, and the government responded by sending 9 axes, 18 hedgebills, and 27 shirts and pants. 69 The distribution of 27 tools and an equal number of outfits demonstrating how many men lived at the aldeia, which was not large appears to have worked, and the Caiap did not return to the sertes. By 1869, the Caiap had planted fields and were employed on nearby farms and ranches. 70 Many of the Caiap lived and worked in close proximity with the Brazilians,

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396 and the two groups intermingled, married, and established kin relationships. In 1873, a rancher named Antnio Rodrigues Macedo adopted a seven year old boy named Jos as his godson and agreed to support and to educate him. 71 Other Caiap used their familiarity with the Brazilians to borrow money and purchase goods on credit. Since a monetary based economy was something they Caiap understood but poorly, there were complaints that they frequently failed to repay their debts. 72 The government responded with an attempt to regulate Caiap salaries designed to prevent Brazilians from exploiting the Caiap ignorance of money and credit. 73 Whatever the result of these reforms, the Caiap continued to work for their neighbors. Even tually, because so many Caiap worked as servants and laborers, it became difficult to calculate their numbers at the aldeia. 74 In 1915, there were reportedly 80 Caiap living at the aldeia, which was increasingly threatened by encroaching farms and ranches (Giraldin 1997:105). Assimilation and concomitant loss of land appears to have brought about the end of the Coxim aldeia. Culturally, the Caiap were almost indistinguishable from their Brazilians neighbors, and, once dispossessed of their aldeia lands, they simply faded into the rural population. Aldeias in the Tringulo Mineiro A similar sad fate befell the Caiap in the Tringulo Mineiro. In the early nineteenth century, much of the territory between the Grande and Paranaba Rivers was largely unexpl ored T he eighteenth century Portuguese, even rough wildcat miners, were reluctant to explore this region because of the large and numerous Caiap villages they encountered there. Even after Pires de Campos had established the Bororo aldeias on the Velha s River, the Caiap were powerful enough to scare away

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397 prospectors and settlers, as when their attacks drove off a large bandeira prospecting on the Velhas River in 1748 (Carvalho Fr anco 1989:11, 312). The Caiap presence remained an obstacle to settlemen t expansion, whether from eastern Gois or western Minas Gerais, into the early nineteenth century (Langfur 1998:1). But in the first decades of the nineteenth century, exploration and settlement of the Tringulo Mineiro increased. War, disease, and fligh t had left the main bodies of the Paranaba and Grande Rivers denuded of Indian villages one expedition recorded more than 100 leagues (c. 350 miles or 563 kilometers) of the Paranaba was uninhabited though many villages still remained along the various t ributaries. 75 In 1807, prospectors searching for deposits near the border with Minas Gerais discovered Caiap villages and gardens and, fearing they were about to be attacked, beat a hasty retreat (Silva 1896:339); they managed to extract themselves from C aiap territory without being attacked. In 1810, another bandeira stumbled upon Caiap shelters and burned clearings in the forest s: evidence of the recent clearing and preparation, if not planting, of gardens. This bandeira, like its predecessor, was no t attacked as typically occurred to those entering the region demonstrating that the Caiap were not as hostile as they traditionally had been. Around this time, it must be remembered, a large number of Caiap had fled from the Gois aldeias and some o f the fugitives must have appeared in the Tringulo Mineiro, where their influence was felt in the lack of hostilities. Within a few years, face to face contact was established between settlers and the Caiap. The commander of the 1810 bandeira, Major Ant nio Eustquio, convinced a group of Caiap to settle on the Grande River (Silva 1896:340). Word of this peaceful interaction spread through the sertes. By 1820, there were reportedly 1000 Caiap

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398 appearing along the Grande, shifting their residence betw een the riverbanks and inland villages, and trading with settlers and riverboats (Silva 1896:341). As always, these interaction s revolved around distributions of trade goods: Major Eustquio visited the Caiap yearly and distributed clothes, tools, and ot her goods; another settler, Joo Baptista de Siqueira, also visited the Caiap and provided them with food (Silva 1896:342). Much like their contemporaries on the Paran and Sucuri Rivers, the Caiap in the Tringulo Mineiro appear to have actively sough t this interaction. There was almost certainly a similar trade in manufactured goods for Caiap children, whom Word of peaceful Caiap attracted missionaries. In 1827, Fa ther Leandro Rebelo Peixoto e Castro arrived and established a small aldeia near the modern city of Campina Verde (Giraldin 1997:106). This aldeia faltered and failed. 76 Other missionaries followed and found more success, and, by 1830, there were three mi ssions in the Tringulo Mineiro. 77 There was one on the Paranaba River, called Macahuba ( Tupi for and two larger ones on the Grande River, gua the aldeia w for its founder). These were the most important and longest lasting Caiap aldeias in the region. Macahuba existed for a little more than a decade. In 1844, its lands were sold to Father Francisco de Salles Souza the missionary who later copied Lemos da a fter the Caiap had abandoned the aldeia In 1869, another aldeia was established to the west of the Brazilian settlement at Uberaba. 78 Known as

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399 abandoned. 79 Almost nothing was recorded about these two aldeias. While gifts of food, clothing, and trade goods had attracted the Caiap to these aldeias, they also became important refuges from settler encroachment that the inhabitants were willing to defend. One of the ranchers who had initially provided the Caiap with gifts, Joo Batista Siqueira, discovered this when he attempted to occupy land belonging to the aldeia at So Francisco de Salles. 80 After Batista Siqueira and a motley crew of slaves and capangas angry Caiap crowd appeared late one nig ht and confronted them. The Indians informed the intruders that they were unwelcome and, more ominously, that they would become enemies if they crossed a nearby stream, the boundary of their aldeia lands. Surrounded at night, facing angry Caiap, whose r eputation for violence still carried heft, the rancher and his thugs were frightened and retreated; they did not return to usurp the aldeia lands. Batista Siqueira may not have known it at the time, but he and his cronies were beneficiaries of the legacy of the Gois aldeias. When the Caiap discovered a rancher moving onto their lands, which they knew harbingered a threat to their aldeia, they hurri ed to its defense. Because some of their number spoke Portuguese and were capable of conveying their anger the Caiap ably defended their aldeia and warded off a threat without resorting to violence and, thereby, avoided violent retribution from the settlers and their bandeiras. Unfortunately, very little else was recorded about the aldeias in the Tringulo M ineiro in the nineteenth century. From a brief letter the missionary Francisco de Salles Souza wrote, it appears that a mission culture similar to that at Mossmedes or Santana

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400 do Paranaba existed. 81 he [and] sustain themselves principally from fish and game, which they cook in holes in the the songs of nocturnal birds; such practices existed alongside knowledge of the Christian God and the Devil. 82 The aldeia Caiap were polygamous. Chiefs possessed the right to take more than one wife; a non he jaguars 83 This observation inadvertently provided a key detail about Caiap life in the context of peaceful interactions with Brazilians. In the early eighteenth century, Antnio Pires de Campos (1862:437) had descri bed how Caiap men accrued status through killing enemies. The bravest and most bellicose men those who led rai ds, killed enemies, and captured plunder had become chiefs. With the advent of peaceful interaction, raiding and the killing of enemies had dec lined; nonetheless, the fighting and killing of enemies remained important for acquiring prestige. 84 Killing a jaguar was an act worthy of a brave warrior and an extra wife. Importantly, quite unlike the killing of settlers and their slaves, killing jagua rs did not propel bandeiras into the sertes. Peace with the frontier, though tenuous and fractured by raids and outbreaks of violence, had not ended the famous Caiap bellicosity; instead, the object of their aggression changed, switching from dangerous human enemies to dangerous beasts. gua Vermelho: A Final Glimpse of the Caiap Following the successful Caiap defense of their lands, the aldeia at So Francisco de Salles persisted until 1 871. It was abandoned after the inha bitants grew to feel it had beco

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401 available agricultural lands, and so they relocated to gua Vermelho. 85 This was the last and longest lasting Caiap aldeia in the Tringulo Mineiro. Its population swelled to arou nd 600 Caiap in the early 1870s, but it had declined and a mere 50 Caiap in 1911. 86 By this time, despite the earlier Caiap efforts to defend their aldeia, farms and ranches had encr oached on much of their lands The aldeia Caiap and their settler nei ghbor s lived and worked closely with one another. T he los s of land and close settler Caiap interaction was accompanied by detribalization, which was widespread and apparent in the last detailed description of the aldeia. 87 In 1911, a Brazilian surveyor na med Alexandre de Sousa Barbosa passed through the Tringulo Mineiro and met three siblings working on a farm called Bom Indians; but local Brazilians called them Caiap. Fascinat ed by the fame of the Caiap the inquisitive Sousa Barbosa interviewed the three siblings and their mother, collected a list of 700 Caiap words, and later wrote a brief history. He sent this document and the marvelous wordlist to the Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro, where both languished in obscurity for almost eighty years until Giraldin discovered them in the 1990s. Joo, Jos, and Justina, Sousa Barbosa learned, lived at gua Vermelho. There were around 50 Caiap who lived at this aldeia ; they hunted, fished, and occasionally labored on nearby farms or made hats to sell to the Brazilians. The gua Vermelho larger than the others in the center of the aldeia, that they called a piru, where great

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402 Caiap political life, it was where bo ys were educated and lived before they married; it was where men and chiefs met; and it was where important ceremonies happened ; its absence indicated a profound loss of tradition and identity at the aldeia There were other indications of detribalization. The siblings constantly informed Sousa Barbosa that they spoke their native language poorly and suggested he interview their mother, C ndida, claiming she knew more than they. Perhaps the siblings were aware of the limits of their knowledge of their ind igenous ancestry, but Sousa Barbosa, even after interviewing their mother, felt they spoke their native tongue well enough. So it may have been that the siblings preferred an elder explain their language and traditions to an outsider. But it also might h ave been the case that the Panar language was declining among the younger Caiap. As recently as 1907, youths from the aldeia were sent to school to learn Portuguese and reading and writing; many of them, as a result, could read and write, if only a litt le. Such education denigrated native languages and traditions, and, if the siblings had attended a Brazilian school, they might have been ashamed of their language and heritage. If so, they were probably not alone and shared this with other Caiap youths Cndida proved somewhat reluctant to speak with the surveyor, but, eventually, the siblings convinced their mother to appear at his camp. When Cndida arrived, Sousa Barbosa thought dyin g a cough, perhaps from tuberculosis wracked her body. The sympathetic surveyor believed this old and ailing woman was terribly sad; he was dismayed when she proved re luctant to speak about her people

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403 the old woman agreed to discuss her language, and, though forced to take bre aks because of her coughing Sousa Barbosa collected his magnificent word list. Sadly, Sousa Barbosa later learned, Cndida died a few months after this episode Her death meant one less Caiap living at gua Vermelho; one less elder who spoke the old extinction of the Caiap after her death, and as he sent his word list and history to Rio de Janeiro where, much like the Caiap at gua Vermelho, they were ignored and eventually forgotten. Conclusion By the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century, the Caiap had ceased to exist as an autonomous people throug hout their traditional territories east of the Araguaia River It was a quiet end. The vicious war fought to expel them from their last redoubt at the headwaters of the Araguaia had ended in the last decades of the nineteenth century. The sharp report of volleys and fusillades no longer disturbed the backlands; no smoke from burning villages obscured the sky; no more miserable captives marched away from their homes. On the Paran, Sucuri, and Verde Rivers all places once thickly inhabited no villages were found: the contact, conflict, slaving, and disease had taken their toll. In Mato Grosso and the Tringulo Mineiro, the Caiap began the twentieth century in aldeias linked to the Brazilian frontier. They gradually lost their native iden tity to become laborers, farmhands, and cowboys. They mixed with and became lost among the rural poor in a process that had begun at Maria I more than a century before, and ended at gua Vermelho. Far away to the northwest, the Panar, as the Caiap had always called themselves, survived and prospered in the remoteness of the Peixoto de Azevedo. It

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404 was only a few years after Sousa Barbosa wrote that the Mebengokre, whom the Brazilians had come to call the Kaiap, first attacked the Panar There were am bushes, fierce and unforgiving club fights, and the so became known, earned a violent reputation in the sertes but across the breadth of the vast territory the ir ancestors had once dominated, the arrows no longer sang and the clubs had long since ceased to fly. 1 In dealing with the Caiap of the mid and late nineteenth century, one of the immed iate problems is deciding whether a document actually deals with the Southern Caiap or the Northern Kaiap. The Northern Kaiap were known by different names in the early nineteenth century: they were called the Gradu in Gois (e.g., Verswijver 1992:82) and the Coro in Mato Grosso (see below). Contact between the Portuguese and Northern Kaiap was intermittent and sporadic in the early nineteenth century; by the end of the century, there were some groups of he lower Araguaia, in more or less continuous contact with the Brazilians (Verswijver 1992:88 89). These groups of Northern Kaiap, though distinct from the Southern Caiap, This could occur in the same document and, at times, in the same paragraph, for example, in 1882, the President of Gois, Cornlio Pereira de Magalhes (1882:2 ta Macedina on the upper Araguaia River had killed a cow and wounded a soldier. All of the involved Indians were re (a group of Northern Kaiap) (Verswijver 1992:89); the Indians attacking Macedina were the Southern Caiap (Giraldin 1997:124). Thus, in dealing with historic documents from the ninete enth century, it is necessary to approach critically any reference to the Caiap, as these may refer to either the Southern Caiap or the Northern Kaiap. 2 APMT Livro 191, f. 31v. 3 IHGB Lata 763, pasta 19. There were Caiap in the region near the he adwaters of the Xing region by at least 29, 31, 006. In 1843, Jos Ma ria de the Caiap (i.e. the Southern Caiap), the Coro/Coroado (i.e. the Northern Kaiap), and another group also referred related to the Coro. Turner (1992:313) rejected the term Coro as referring to the Northern Kaiap, suggesting that in most cases it referred to the Southern Caiap or similar groups. However, it appears the term was applied to the Northern sides between the headwaters of the Peixe River and So Joo da Barra [i.e. the Apiak River]; they live in separate houses such that so bec 19. Turner (1992:315) identified an 1875 reference to a hostile people on the So Manoel Paranatinga, whom the proximity of the So Manoel Paranatinga and the Apiak Rivers, and the description of the Coro living in aldeias that appeared to be towns and the practice of opening a tonsure suppo rt the identification of the Coro with the Northern Kaiap. 4 IHGB Lata 763, pasta 19. 5 BN 22,1,35.

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405 6 APMT Livro 191, f. 84. 7 APM SG 06 (1869 1873), f. 5. 8 IHGB Lata 188, doc. 19. 9 IHGB Lata 763, pasta 19. 10 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), fls. 42, 67v, 177v; APMT Livro 191 f. 83v. 11 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 25. 12 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 57v; APMT Livro 191 f. 21. 13 APMT Livro 191, f.101. 14 Brazilians called a number of peoples in different regions of Brazil by this name; peoples as diverse as the Bororo and Northern Kaiap in Mato Grosso; the Kaingang in So Paulo; and the Puri in Minas Gerais. The Caiap at the headwaters of the Araguaia R iver were called the Coroado in the 1830s, see BN II 36,12,14. This term, however, also referred to a group of Northern Kaiap living near the headwaters of the Xing: an 1843 document identified the Coroado as a people living near the Peixe and Apiak Ri vers, whom the Brazilians clearly distinguished from Caiap, see IHGB Lata 763, pasta 19. 15 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), fls.64, 74 74v. 16 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), fls. 42, 67v, 177v. 17 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 43. 18 APMT Livro 153, f. 31; APMT L ivro 101 (1848 1860), f. 43v. 19 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 60v; APMT Livro 191, f. 83v. 20 APMT Livro 191, f.101. 21 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 68. 22 APMT Livro 191, f. 49v. 23 APMT Livro 191, f.101. 24 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 25 Instituto de M emoria do Poder Legislativo, Livro de Decretos e Resolues (Hereafter, IMPL LDR ) 1835 n7. 26 APMT Livro 191, f. 30. 27 APMT Livro 191, f. 99. 28 IHGB Lata 5, pasta 18. A priest who had worked among the Caiap, Father Francisco de Salles Souza, copied this work, which apparently was part of a larger historical treatise. The original appears to have been lost. 29 Lemos da Silva claimed to have difficulty communicating with the Caiap but managed to collect a short vocabulary. This was no mean task. Accord Paranaba], I was only able to note very little; the few men that understand Portuguese became tired from the questions and would only answer lightly, so I was only able to capture the ir attention for about fifteen minutes at a 30 31 APMT Livro 14 (1825 1834), f. 12v; IHGB Lata 763, pasta 19. 32 Subsequent appointees were frequen tly absent, inept, or corrupt in administering the aldeia. 33 IHGB Lata 501, pasta 18. 34 IHGB Lata 501, pasta 18. 35 Cf., AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. Pinto da Silveira had observed Caiap chiefs carried clubs indicative of their status, though manufac carry only serve as emblems in their villages. These have the form of paddles of almost four palms in length and are ent types of clubs signified different status. Younger polished. Older elders, who presumably possessed more status, carried simpler clubs: these were made of a softer wood, shaped like a cylinder, and painted red with Urucum. Lemos da Silva, obviously, was describing the latter type of club. 36 Cf., Schwartzman (1988:248 249). 37 Saint Hilaire (1975:67) recorded the Caiap word for God as punha na 38 According to Arndt et al. (1998:93), the Panar were unfamiliar with sugar in the 1970s. When first introduced to it, they consumed great quantities and quickly became ill. The lack of sugar is further evidence that the Panar ancestors had become isolated before the Gois aldeias were established. 39 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 60v. 40 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), fls.101 102.

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406 41 APMT Livro 191, f. 18v. Garcia Leal had interest in the Caiap lands because he had donated them, see APMT Livro 191, f. 20v. 42 APMT Livro 191, f. 19. 43 APMT Livro 191, f. 60. 44 APMT Livro 191, f. 60. 45 APMT Livro 191, fls.74 74v, 102. 46 APMT Livro 191, f. 101v. 47 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 101v. 48 A rquivo N acional Cod 807, vol. 15 f. 95. 49 IMPL LDR 1835 n 7. A special thanks to Vanda da Silva, of the Arquivo Pblico in Cuiab, for her assistance in finding this particular document 50 APMT Livro 106, fls. 89, 120v. 51 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 86. 52 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), f. 103. 53 APMT Livro 191, f. 23v. 54 APMT Livro 191, fls. 27 28. 55 APMT Livro 191, f. 49v. 56 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), fls. 42, 43, 67v, 177v. 57 APMT Livro 101 (1848 1860), fls. 68 69. 58 APMT Livro 191, f. 46v. 59 APMT Livro 191, f. 47. 60 APMT Livro 191, f. 27v. 61 APMT Livro 200 (186 2 1864), f. 30. 62 APMT Livro 191, fls. 31v 32. 63 APMT Livro 200 (1862 1864), f. 180. 64 C orreio O ficial de G os (Hereafter, COG) n.140 (2 6 1866). 65 APMT Livro 191, f. 61. 66 APMT Livro 191, f. 64. 67 APMT Livro 191, fls. 64 64v. 68 APMT Livro 191, f. 67. 69 AP MT Livro 191, fls. 68 68v. 70 APMT Livro 191, f. 71. 71 APMT Livro 191, 98v. 72 APMT Livro 191, f. 98. 73 APMT Livro 191, f. 95. 74 APMT Livro 191, f. 99. 75 IHGB Lata 188, doc. 39. 76 IHGB Lata 188, doc 38, n. 43. 77 IHGB Lata 188, doc 38. 78 APM SG 06 (1869 1873) f. 5. 79 APM SG 06 (1869 1873), f. 53v. 80 IHGB Lata 188, doc 38, n. 44. 81 IHGB Lata 501, pasta 18. 82 Similarly, according to Heelas (1979:173), the Panar symbolically associated birds and their calls with communication. One way of communicating with anc estors was through a flute made from the leg bones of a bird. 83 IHGB Lata 501, pasta 18. Both Schwartzman (1988:366) and Ewart (2000:302) saw the emergence of Panar polygamy to contact with Brazilian society: because more Panar women survived contact, monogamy forced single Panar women from marrying into rivals, see Schwartzman (1988:366). 84 Ewart (2000:49 69) argued that a Panar ceremony w here men attacked a nest of wasps was a metaphor for their relations with outsiders. Drawing on descriptions recorded by Heelas and Schwartzman, she found that, shortly after the Panar had entered into continuous contact with Brazilians, a time when many Panar men had participated in raids, the ceremony closely resembled an actual raid; by 1997, when the Panar no longer raided, the ceremony resembled behavior associated with receiving gifts from the Brazilians. 85 APM SG 06 (1869 1873), f. 53v.

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407 86 IHGB Lata 188, doc. 39. 87 IHGB Lata 188, doc. 39.

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408 CHAPTER 10 CONCLUSION: CIRCULAR VILLAGES, ENEMIES, A ND WAR Introduction When Alexandre de Sousa Barbosa visited Cndida and her children in the Tri ngulo Mineiro, the frontier which first bega n expanding into their lands more than three centuries before had finally and irrevocably overrun the Caiap or propelled the m d eep into sert es to the northwest of the Araguaia contact began in the early sixteenth century, when the Paulistas foun d the Bilreiros willing to trade captives for manufactured goods, but this trade soon collapsed into slaving and open warfare, which pushed the Bilreiros from the southern periphery of their lands. They found some peace in the sert es north of the Paran which the Paulista slavers avoided for much of the seventeenth century, but a need for slaves and rumors of gold and diamond s soon brought the bandeiras north. W hen gold and diamond s were discovered at Cuiab and Gois, a terrible conflict erupted It r aged across an immense territory, which stretched from the Tringulo Mineiro to Camapu, and burned for the better part of the eighteenth century The Caiap fought a war that confounded the Portuguese : the ir warriors were tough and ruthless, they travell ed great distances to raid, murder, and pillage, and, then, retreated into sertes so distant and so remote that soldiers and even bandeirantes were loath to follow them there But no matter how tough the Caiap were, no matter how ruthless their raiders, and no matter how deep and formidable the sertes, the fighting eventually took its toll. The eighteenth century closed with accommodation and cooperation between many Caiap and the settlers. Some of the Caiap settled at Maria I, and though the aldeia was a violent and unruly place in its early days, this was where many Caiap lived until

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409 the first decades of the nineteenth century. A hybrid which was neither wholly indigenous nor wholly European, developed at the aldeia and, armed with information learned at the aldeias, the Caiap navigated the challenges of frontier Even a fter Maria I was extinguished, Caiap continued to live at the Mossmedes Pombaline allure finally gave way, many of the former residents settled on state supported aldeias in eastern Mato Grosso and western Minas Gerais. There were other Caiap who, though having lived at Maria I or Mossmedes elected to flee and, then, set about establish ing new contact s, but on their own terms. By 1810, their villages had established trading relationships with the boats plying the waters of the Paran and Tiet Rivers. In these villages, there were new kinds of leaders, who controlled trade through their language skills, and novel f orms of hierarchy, based on information gleaned from the Gois aldeias, and new tensions, created by limited access to manufactured goods. This interaction carried on for a generation, until a disastrous epidemic struck in the late 1830s, when the trade o n the Paran and Tiet Rivers collapsed. And t here were always Caiap who rejected the state supported aldeias. Many Caiap elected to remain in the sertes of Camapu, the headwaters of the Araguaia, and the Tringulo Mineiro. T here, t hey lived their li ves much as they always had, raided settlements occasionally, and fought for their lands when settlers began arriving to farm, ranch, and scour the streams and riverbanks for gold A conflict simmered at the headwaters of the Araguaia for the last half of the nineteenth century, and the fighting, by the end of the century, left the region devoid of the Caiap. When t he twentieth

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410 century dawned, the Caiap who had remained in their traditional lands were settled in aldeias north of Camapu and along the Gr ande River in the Tringulo Mineiro; they were surrounded by farms and ranches worked and labored for their former enemies, and the last of the aldeia Caiap gradually disappeared into the rural population. This final chapter attempts to explain som e of the events described in this narrative through an analysis of t he internal social structures ethnographers have documented among the Panar the descenda nts of the Caiap who migrated away from the Araguaia and survived This chapter will argue that s ome of the most important social structures identified among the Panar, namely, their concepts of others and matrilineal clans, existed among the Caiap. It contends that these had important ramifications for the trajectory of the Caiap encounter with t he frontier, especially their infamous and violent form of warfare And there was something different about Caiap warfare, which t errified settlers in Goi s and Mato Grosso in a way seldom seen, then or since. This chapter also attempts to reconcile an important contradiction between Caiap history and Panar ethnogr aphy, namely, the occasional reports of the Caiap abducting captives. If the Caiap possessed clans similar to those of the Panar then, it follows, that they, like the Panar should not have raided for captives. Through an analysis of Panar clans, a hypothetical explanation is developed to explain how the Caiap were in fact, able to incorporate captives into the ir villages This chapter also examines the lack of intra ethnic warfare among the Caiap and the stability of their villages when in contact with outsiders. In c ontrast, many G speakers for example, the Northern Kaiap, often splintered into mutually hostile factions that went to war with

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411 one another, producing more mobile and bellicose societies (Verswijver 1992:138 142). And, finally, this chapter addresses the ro le of vengeance in Caiap war. While much of what is presented here must necessarily remain hypothetical, since identify social structures and tropes from docu ments requi res a leap of faith at times, one hopes that a long term and diachronic analysis of Caiap history can contribute, if but slightly, to the wider understanding of G speaking societies. Panar, Hipe, and ndios The Panar are a G society. G so cieties are dialectical societies (see Maybury Lewis 1979). Dialectical societies express their social organization in terms of dualities, for example, the opposition between the village periphery and center (Heelas 1979), the ieties (Turner 1979a, 1979b), or the opposition between nature and society (Seeger 1981). The Panar are a dialectical society, and the most fundamental opposition they recognize is that between themselves and outsiders (Ewart 20003:262). In the Peixo to de Azevedo, the Panar divided all people into either panar or hipe (Heelas 1979:64 65; Schwartzman 1988:105). All Panar were panar, meaning they villages, and possess ed Panar culture. 1 All non culture. Hipe were considered dangerous and hostile; but the things they possessed were interesting. The P anar recognized no distinction between various types of hipe: all non Paran, regardless of their cultural differences, were hipe (Heelas 1979:65). Panar could never become hipe; hipe could never become panar (Schwartzman 19 88:105). This binary division of the social universe

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412 had important ramifications for Panar history. For example, seeing the world in terms of people and enemies meant the Panar had no peaceful contact or interaction with their neighbors: there were mar riages, no ritual or ceremonies, and no trading contacts with other people s (Heelas 1979:65). And the Panar did not raid for captives, since such captives would never be able to acquire clan membership and a place in the village. The opposition between p anar (people) and hipe (enemies), which was apparently fixed and immutable in the Peixoto de Azevedo, has proved to be flexible and able to account for the changing circumstances of contact with outsiders (Schwartzman 1988:367; Ewart 2000:48 49, 2003:273) The Panar continue to Panar as hipe, but these categories have expanded and are no longer as exclusive as they were in the Peixoto de Azevedo. There are now different kinds of hipe: there are ndios between category: they are not Panar, but they are culturally similar to Panar. The Panar extend the category of ndios to themselves the Panar, compared to the Brazilians, and, conversely, they use the term panar to describe other indigenous groups (Schwartzman 1988:367). This was not done in the Peixoto de Azevedo. Indians are quite unlike non Indians, the hipe. They are the Brazilians and other non Indians who possess markedly different and distinctly non indigenous cultures. The Panar still view hipe as a source of valuable and interesting items, but they do not necessarily consider them hostile or dangerous enemies.

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413 As early as the first decades of the nineteenth century, the Caiap thought about their social universe somewhat similarly to the Panar. 2 Saint Hilaire (1975:66), for example, wrote: The Portuguese gave I do not know why the name Coiaps or Caiaps to these natives. Fr om what they told me, it appears that a group of them, who still live in the forests, without any other tribes nearby had no name to identify themselves, and because of this, they came to use the word Panari to distinguish themselves as a race from the bl acks and whites. From which one may conclude, in my opinion, that that word came to be used after the sufficiently recent discovery of the region, and that beforehand, the Coiaps probably believed themselves alone in the universe [emphasis added] Panar is clearly recogniza ble in Saint and, importantly, the Frenchman recorded what appears to be the essence of a worldview that divided the social universe into people his passage described not only an a utodenomination but also a cultural category. The Caiap called themselves Panari Saint Hilaire learned, ut, b n Since they occupied territories abutting other people s, whom they raided, the Caiap conc excluded their neighbors. These neighbors would have been hipe. The Caiap certainly thought of visitors, like Saint Hilaire, as hipe. Pohl (1951:365), for example, used a fl int and steel to light a fire this was something, he claimed, the Caiap had never before see itp as the Caiap word for um branco 3 Later visitors to other Caiap aldeias also

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414 recorded this term. Kupfer (1870) collected a wordlist at Santana do Paranaba that included hep from Santana do Paranaba, which re corded itpe Magalhes 1957:229). In each case, the word was transcribed differently itp, hep, and itpe Clearly, for the aldeia Caiap, this w ord described n on indigenous people, cultural others. 4 It does not necessarily follow from this that hipe had always the hostile contact and incessant fighting strongly supports the assumption that the hipe visiting the aldeias were for merly considered enemies. The Caiap had routinely tossed the corpses of their victims in fires, for example, and even went so far as to open graves and desecrate corpses, reportedly cooking the bodies as if they were game. This was the sort of treatment the Panar meted out to witches and witches were considered a kind of hipe whom they killed, cremated, and scattered the ashes (Schwartzman 1988:270). So we can be fairly certain that hipe had meant enemies enemies so noxious that they warranted treatmen t usually meted out to witches who, at the same time, were also a source of good s, the plunder Caiap warriors typically pillaged during in the context of peaceful interaction at the aldeias; and the possessed: the aldeia Caiap, who lit fires with friction sticks, marveled at his use of a flint and steel.

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415 So pa nar lived at Mossmedes in the early nineteenth century. They lived among, and were visited by, hipe. But some of their neighbors were considered Hilaire defined pan Hilaire asked an term panar to in clude other indigeno us groups. Formerly hipe, native peoples had indigenous groups, ha d transformed into an ethnic identity that included non Caiap indigenous groups, while excluding the Brazilians, Africans, and Europeans (cf. Schwartzman 1988:367). This was, much as it was with the Panar, because of the vast cultural differences the in digenous and non indigenous groups a difference that must have been more striking when confronted by a distinctly non Brazilian Frenchman or Austrian. the Gois aldeias but, rather, possessed much deeper time depth. For example, the Panar thought in terms of people and enemies. Their ancestors, from what we can tell, had never lived at Maria I or Mossmedes (Schwartzman 1988:286), so they must have brought thus worldview wi th them when they began their northwest migration out of Camapu and the headwaters of the Araguaia River in the early 1770s. This means that, at least by the late eighteenth century, the Caiap thought about the social world in terms of panar and hipe. This explains why the Caiap had neither peaceful contact,

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416 nor ceremonies nor alliances with other people s This situation was quite unlike so me of their contemporaries for example the Acro and Chacriab famously allied with one another to raid minin g settlements in Gois. The Caiap did not have similar alliances because, as Saint They were surrounded by hipe. The Caiap, quite unlike their Panar descendents, however, recognized di fferent kinds of enemies. At least by 1784, the Caiap had discerned differences among the non native hipe. At Maria I, the Caiap had refused to perform labor they deemed not want 5 This meant the Caiap were cognizant on differences in skin color, status, and labor. This observation must have preceded Maria I, and by many years. The Caiap had observed slaves laboring for their owners for decades before 1784: they cannot have missed the differences in culture, skin color, and lack of freedom. After all, the Caiap slaughtered slaves by p reference, suggesting they recognized different kinds of non indigenous hipe, so the milieu of more or less peaceful and continuous contact found at the aldeia was not necessary for the distinction to develop. The Caiap also recognized differences between the indigenous and non indigenous hipe, and long before the Gois aldeias. For example, there were the Caiap abductions of native women and children, but the y almost never abducted women and children from the settlers and their slaves. Since this behav ior had preceded the aldeias by many decades, so too, then, had the Caiap realization that

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417 there were indigenous and non indigenous hipe. The Portuguese and their slaves were hipe in the sense of a radical otherness g and valuable things, could not be assimilated into Cai ap villages. Native people s were panar in the sense of being indigenous Caiap for their women and children to be assimilated into their villages. Indigen ous peoples, dissimilar to the hipe enemies. eighteenth century, something seen in the rare abduction of occasional report of peaceful interaction between Caiap warriors and farmers. The Caiap were experimenting with these acts, trying to fit the settlers and their slaves into their appropriate and logical place in the social unive rse. The Caiap, in this sense, differed from the Panar of the Peixoto de Azevedo, as their world was populated by many and sundry kinds of hipe. Village Morphology: The Periphery then, perhaps, they stressed clans as an important aspect of their identity. Much like the opposition between panar and hipe, clans play an important role in defining Panar identity (Heelas 1979:79 81; Schwartzman 1988:106; Ewart 2003:263). M embership in a clan defines a person as being panar. There are four, exogamous clans; every Panar belongs to one of them. A person inherits their clan membership through their mother and, once born into a clan, a person remains a member for life. Thos e not born into a clan cannot obtain clan membership and, thus, can never become panar and a member of their society

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418 Panar clans play an important role in organizing village space. Each clan has a fixed position on the edge of the village periphery, an d each clan always occupies the same position relative to the other clans. 6 Although the village periphery is constructed around a circular plaza, it is better to conceive of the clans as a line running from east to course across the sky (Ewart 2003:264). Two clans are associated with the ends of the east/west axis: Kwakjatantra associated with Kwastantra associated with the 2003:264). These are the beginning and end respectively of the east west axis and, when bent around the circular plaza, these two clans are located next to one another. The clans in the center of the line, from t he east to the west, are: Krenoantra the Kuosinantra villages have all four clans located in the same space around the village periphery. The village periphery, conceptually, r epresents an ordered space of clans; physically, periphery is formed of matrilineal households of women related through clan membership, their husbands, and their childre n. 7 Because all Panar men and women have clan membership, and because every clan has specific location on the village periphery, every member of the ir society is associated with a specific space on village periphery (Ewart 2003:263, 265). This associatio person may enter. Clans allowed a person or a group of persons to arrive in a new village and find an appropriate space on the village periphery with people of the same

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419 clan mem bership. This facilitated inter village movement of people. Indeed, a lot of movement of people between villages was required for all villages to possess all four clans, since intra village feuding potentially could leave a village without all four clans (Schwartzman 1988:108). Although all Panar possess clan membership, the sexes live their lives differently in relation to their clans (Ewart 2000). The village periphery is a domestic space composed of uxorilocal houses. Born into a particular househ old and clan, Panar women live more or less in the same location on the edge of the village periphery, even if they move to another village. Men, in contrast, live their lives by moving throughout nto a clan, then move into the household. They have children and become elders while living in a household and clan in which they were not born. When a man dies, however, location of clans, households, and women creates a powerful sense of community and continuity at the village periphery (Ewart 2000:204, 200 3:266). Even the dead return to their clans. It is impossible to establish with absolute certainty that the Caiap possessed clans similar to those of their Panar descendants. Certainly, the periphery of a Caiap village was a domestic space associated with women and their families. The periphery was where the Caiap built their homes with their smoldering hearths, and it was where women cooked in earth ovens. The hearths and ovens were fed by the constant labor of women. It was to the periphery that Caiap women retreated when Kupfer arrived at

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420 Santana do Paranaba in 1857. The Caiap dead were buried behind the homes at that aldeia. None of this, of course, firmly establishes the Caiap had clans, but it does strongly suggest an association between women and the village periphery, as well as similar mortuary practices. Other G speakers, such as the Northern Kaiap, have clans, so we can probably safely assume the existence of Caiap clans. However, most G speakers do not emphasize their cl ans as an aspect of their identity. It is, then, a question of whether the Caiap emphasized clan membership like their descendants. There is evidence that strongly suggests they did. The Caiap rejected the pre fabricated houses at Mossmedes. These homes we re built around the rectangular plaza and designed for nuclear families. The houses were neither organized around a circular periphery, nor were they multigenerational households wherein lived related women, their husbands, and their children. The Caiap had rejected the houses, claiming the lofty roofs were too cold in the rainy season (Pohl 1951:360). Instead, they chose to construct traditional homes in a traditional fashion and from traditional materials to the west of the aldeia. Drafty roofs were probably an excuse, one that unlike clans administrators and European visitors could relate to and understand. Alencastre (1865:100) inadvertently provided a critical clue supporting this interpretation. The Caiap here the married couples lived by preference or those who could not under any circumstance live in the fabricated ho mes: the alien construction interfered with living in matrilineal households normally organized on the

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421 circular village periphery according to clans. Further evidence of clans can be inferred from the movement of people, information, and things between Ca iap villages during and after the founding of Maria I. Such movement, it would seem, was facilitated by the existence of clans. Accepting that the Caiap possessed clans, and that these clans were similar to Panar clans, we must expl ain the reports of a bducted wome n and children. Captives lacked clan affiliation and, much as was the case among the Panar, should have been incapable of being assimilated into the fabric of village society. But captives were abducted and seemingly incorporated into Caiap villages (recall the missing Arax Goi, and the much reduced Crix ). An admittedly faint memory of such abductions appears to have survived among the Panar. After a ri tually reenacted raid, Heelas (1979:222) saw a doll returned to the village center. This doll could be considered a symbolic representation of a captive taken on a raid. Since a memory of the abductions survived, it seems possible that whatever means of incorporating them might also have survived. This is possibly found in the clans themselves. There is a sense of temporality to the sky (Ewart 2003:264). The names of t wo of the Panar clans, Kwakjatantra Kwastantra beginning (the roots) and end (the leaves) of a buriti palm tree. These clans, conceptually, are associated with the rising a nd setting of the sun, the beginning and end of a day, and the growth of a buriti palm from beginning (the roots) to end (the

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422 leaves). Because the Panar construct circular villages, the Kwakjatantra and Kwastantra, as the ends of an east west axis, al ways sit next to one another on the of these clans, with their association with t ime and growth, on the village periphery at, after all, is a circle other than a line always meeting, symbolically represents continuity a continuity physically represented in, and reinforced by, the location of women and their households. Temporality, and with it transformation, Ewart has argued, are denied by the sense of continuity found in the clans at the village periphery. The Panar clans, with their denial of temporality, functioned to exclude captive s in the Peixoto de Azevedo. Since they neither possessed nor could acquire clan membership, captives could never be assimilated into village life (Heelas 1979:65). But it may have been the case that Caiap clans were less exclusive and, instead of preve nting assimilation, merely obscured transformations at the village periphery, at least at the conceptual level. Wedged between the root and base clans, there is a clan inter

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423 kre no Krenoantra clan people, that is, captives, who had no clan affiliat ion inserted between the timeless continuity found at the conjunction of the Buriti root and base and rising and setting of the sun? Having arrived as outsiders, that is, as hipe without clan affiliation, these captives would have been foreign outsiders t hat is, Here, it becomes important that the Caiap worldview had changed long before the Gois aldeias. The Caiap recognized the similarities and differences between children from neighboring indigenous group s, unlike the settlers and slaves, were culturally similar enough to the Caiap to be hidden within the clans. Much like the plunder pillaged by warriors an axe accompanied the doll into the village center in the ritual Heelas observed captives were brought into the village center. They were was masked, at least at the conceptual level, by a sense of community found in the other clans. This provides a plausible, if hypothetical, explanation for the abduction of native woman and children. The Caiap clans, with their sense of continuity and denial of time and transformation, conceptually obscured the presence o f new people on the village periphery. This made it possible for the Caiap to abduct women and children, like the unfortunate Arax, and incorporate them into their society, while maintaining an emphasis on cl an affiliation as part of ethnic affinity. W hen the Caiap became isolated

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424 in the distant Peixoto de Azevedo, the practice of abducting captives was abandoned, and the ancient captives all but forgotten their memory preserved in the name of a clan and a ritual. Village Morphology: The Center The pre ceding discussion, drawing on ethnography, set about to establish that the Caiap thought in terms of people, enemies, and Indians, possessed clans, and did indeed take captives. Ethnography can also inform our understanding of the morphology of Caiap vi llages. For the Panar, the association of women, domesticity, and timeless continuity of the clans on the village periphery contrasts with the village center. The village center is a public space where ritual and discourse takes place. It is where chie fs orate, where men meet to discuss village affairs, and where the Panar bring hipe visitors to meet their leaders. The village center is where goods entering the aldeia pass before being redistributed. Unlike the village periphery, the center is a tran sformational space (Ewart 2003:262). It is in the village center that the morphology of Panar villages has dramatically changed. This transformation was associated with the Panar moieties. All Panar belong to one of two moieties: kyatantera tstantera chosen, not inherited, and it may change through time. Panar moieties are important for collective activities, such as rituals and collective hunting an d fishing expeditions. The center of the village is where the Panar moieties meet. In the Peixoto de houses were organized east to west, and each moiety occupied its own hous e: the

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425 kyatantera to the east, and the tstantera to the west, mimicking the east west orientation of the clans of the same name (Schwartzman 1988:108). Xing (where they had been transferred after contact). Instead, their village contained a of the village center. 8 field. Ewart (2003 Panar reorganizing the village center to reflect their interaction with hipe. When the Panar construct most frequ ent interaction was intra ethnic and this was repr the villa ge center. In the 1970s, politics were shifted aw ay from the village away from Panar interactions and toward the non Panar, the Brazilians and other native peoples in the Xing. Outsiders, their things, and their politics became very important to the Panar and the village center was reorganized to reflect this change. The Panar share. The t wo moieties, thus, looked across the plaza toward a symbol of the outsiders and their things, the soccer field. This changed the morphology of the village two moietie s) with the non Panar (the soccer field) (Ewart 2003:270). The center of a occurs beyond t he confines of the village periphery.

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426 It appears to have been the same for the Caiap. The descriptions we have of Caiap villages indicate that they resembled the Panar village in the Xing. The village at Maria I, according to Pohl (1951:367 368), w as circular and constructed around the main storehouse of Maria I. 9 Hercules Florence (n.d.:36) visited a Caiap village on the Paran River that consisted of ten houses constructed around a circular descriptions of Santana do Paranaba that tell us the aldeia was circular with a single house in the village center. 10 And, finally, the Caiap at gua Vermelho had once constructed circular village with a house in the villa ge center. 11 In each of these examples, the Caiap lived in a circular village with a single house in the center. further, that the village center was a public space associated wi th men, politics, ritual, and hipe. The house in the village center was where the orations of chiefs and age affairs. 12 This 13 According to Kupfer (1870), women did not enter this building, but Caiap men went there to relax and discuss their affairs. And Lemos da Silva had earlier admi red the Caiap boys practicing the use of their bows and arrows there. This indicates the structure these Although we do not have direct evidence of Caiap moieties, much less that these s house, there is no reason not to assume their existence. The Panar, after all, possessed moieties, and nothing indicates that they developed

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427 these in the years after migrating to the Peixoto de Azevedo. So it seems reasonable to assume the Caiap poss house in the village center. The village center was also a place of ritual and ceremony, even hipe. It was in the plaza that Lemos da Silva and Kupfer observed the Caiap performing dances. And the village center was where the Caiap performed the rituals Saint Hilaire and Pohl described. The center was where visitors were greeted and their goods distributed. Langsdorff, almost certainly on the advice of river guides familiar with the Caiap, left presents left in the village center (Florence n.d.:36). Kupfer was steered to the village center upon his arrival, and it was there that Caiap men greeted him; it was from the the village center with outsiders and their things was powerfully represented at Maria I: the Caiap, communal storehouse. Since the village center was associated with m en, politics, and outsiders, it was no plaza. In each case where we have a description of a Caiap village, it appears that the inhabitants had altered the village center. belonged to both moieties. It would not be surprising to find, through future archaeological excavations, that the Caiap at Maria I

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428 the internal politics of the village with the external politics of the outsiders (cf. Ewart 2003:274). Village Fissioning and Stability That contact with outsiders resulted in the transformation of the vill age shape of a G speaking people is not of itself novel. The morphology of Northern Kaiap villages, for example, transformed with contact. Originally constructed around circular pla za with decidedly different reasons. Whereas the Panar reorganized their village center to represent an opposition between their two moieties and the hipe, the morphology of Kaiap villages changed because of political factionalism and internal strife. For them, en from the village in sanguineous feuds. The difference between Kaiap and Panar villages, we shall see, has important ramifications for understanding Caiap history. G villages are highly independent of one another. This is especially true of the Nor regulating, self inter action with other villages, whether politically, economically, socially, or ritually. And Northern Kaiap villages are notoriously unstable and prone to fracturing (Turner 1979a, 1979b). Typically, the split occurs because of political factionalism betwee n the two moieties. Kaiap moieties are important for communal activities and rituals necessary for the social reproduction of the village. Structurally, each Kaiap moiety possesses

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429 strong internal solidarity due to bonds of reciprocity between members; but the moieties are weakly linked to one another, and their interaction is weakly regulated by notions of restraint and respect (Turner 1979b:209 210). The two moieties, thus, tend to develop into political factions, and the factionalism leads to rivalr y and conflict between the moieties. Tensions can reach the point that the men of one moiety leave the village with their families. The subsequent single moiety village is structurally functional due to the opposition found between the junior and senior age sets found within a single moiety; this enables a single moiety to perform all the collective and ceremonial functions of a two moiety village (Turner 1979b:212). Villages typically splintered into smaller villages close to when the inhabitants entered into intense contact with Brazilians (Verswijver 1992:138 142). Typically, there were disagreements over the pros (access to goods) and cons (disease) of contact with Brazilians. Access to, and dependence upon, western goods also created internal tensio n. The disagreements and tension often led to a club fight the Kaiap blamed these fights on adultery between political rivals from each of the moieties (Verswijver 1992:139). The loser of such a club fight, along with his allies and fellow moiety member s, fled the village and established a new community. The new village they villages often remained on hostile and began attacking one ano ther: the resulting intra ethni c warfare and vengeance killings were notoriously violent. The factionalism had the effect of reducing the size of Kaiap villages, spreading them through the sertes, and transforming their shape. Nineteenth century villages could be extremely large befo re entering into contact with Brazilians. Posey, for

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430 example, estimated one pre 1870 Kaiap village had a population of between 3700 and 5000 (Verswijver 1992:181). 14 These villages were also somewhat stable. For example, the village Posey visited had be en occupied for a lmost 70 years. As intra ethnic warfare increased, however, Kaiap villages became smaller and, since the inhabitants often moved their villages out of fear of attack, more mobile (Turner 2002:330 331). These smaller, more mobile village occupied by a single moiety in the village center. This pattern of village fissioning and structural transformation was common. Indeed, Turner (1965:30, 1979:1979) found that no Mekragnoti villages possessed both moieties by th e early 1960s. And Bamberger before they entered into sustained contact with Brazilians in the 1950s. In contrast, this pattern of vil lage fissioning and intra ethnic warfare did not occur among the Panar. Even during the difficult years preceding contact, a time that included the sudden appearance of outsiders, the deadly 1968 Kaiap massacre, and the outbreak of epidemic diseases, the Panar did not experience an up surge in village splits and intra ethnic warfare. Panar villages did experienced intense political disputes and increased social tensions, but these did not shatter into mutually antagonistic entities (Schwartzman 1988:300). When the morphology of Panar village changed, it reflected external political changes. This transformation was not due to internal political factionalism, the loss of a moiety to a village schism, and t he onset of endemic intra ethnic warfare. In fact, far from fissioning into mutu ally antagonistic entities, Panar villages appear to have come together and, until disease devastated their population, even

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431 grown somewhat larger. In the late 1960s, the Panar lived in at least seven villages spread throughout the Peixoto de Azevedo (H eelas 1979:8; Schwartzman 1988:296). The survivors of the Mekragnoti attack of 1968 fled to a neighboring village, named Sonsenasn, where they unsuccessfully attempt to organize a counterattack that included men from four villages: Sonkanasan (the attack ed village), Sonsenasn, Inkuipo, and Kyaunakye (Schwartzman 1988:299). It was only a short time later that the Villas Bas brothers initiated the first expedition to contact the so called Kreen Akrore. The Panar abandoned villages in front of the exped ition and fled to the more remote villages away from the advancing hipe. As village populations swelled, food resources were overexploited; this fueled further village abandonment and population consolidation (Schwartzman 1988:299). By 1969, the Panar h ad abandone d four villages, and their Yopuyupaw and Pinkasainko. By 1973, village abandonment and population consolidation accompanied by the outbreak of disease had reduced the Paran to a single village, Yopuyupaw (Schwartzman 1988:300 301). This was also a period of intense debate and considerable social tension for the Panar (Ewart 2003:268). Elders and young men argued over the pros and cons of approaching the hipe. Elders did not wan t to approach the Brazilians, fearing they and their goods were dangerous, while the younger Panar viewed the outsiders as a source of valuable goods; the young men wanted to contact the hipe. This very stressful time was added to by the outbreak of epid emics. The Panar blamed the strange diseases, as well as the sudden and unexpected appearance of the hipe, on

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432 (Schwartzman 1988:270). Tensions ran so high that the killing of witches was a significant cause of violent death in the Peixoto de Azevedo (Schwartzman 1988:268); the violence could have fractured villages or brought about war. Yet, d espite the debates, the epidemics, and the witchcraft killings, Panar villages did not splinter. Intense debate did not erupt into club fights, in part, because of the weakly formed Panar moieties (Ewart 2003:267). The moieties did not provide a vehicl e for dividing men into antagonistic political factions that produced fights. The outbreak of epidemics was a more serious problem, one that created tensions that threatened to split Panar villages. 15 The witchcraft accusations and killings occurred alon were killings between villages as well. The clan based killings could have splintere d villages or produced vengeance raids between villages leveling witchcraft accusations at one another. But no evidence suggests Panar villages went to war with one another The very loci of witchcraft accusations, the clans, were also the reason war did not erupt. A person accused of witchcraft could move to another village and find a place on the periphery with fellow clan members. Because there was a lot of movement of people between villages in the Peixoto de Azevedo, such a fugitive might have relatives among whom shelter was to be found That Panar moieties did not explode into antagonistic political factions facilitated this movement, since a person could move

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433 between villages with less fear of encountering blood feuds and vengeance killings. This movement of people reduced intra village tension by providing a release for divisive factionalism. In fact a similar lack of intra ethnic warfare existe d among the circulate between villages. Another reason Panar villages go to war against one another was that they redirected their internal social tensions onto the hipe (Schwartzman 1988:259, 279). This helped provided a medium for village solidarity, one trumping tensions created by based on collective, inter village male groups that cross cut clan ties asserted an internal solidarity of the whole society that (Schwartzman 1988:365, 379). Interna l social tension was projected away from the village centered sources of instability, the debates between old and young men and the clan based witchcraft accusations, and onto a perceived external threat, the hipe. Rather than fighting amongst themselves, Panar men mobilized for warfare against hipe. The ability to shift internal social tensions outside of society, as well as the lack of hostile feuding between villages, permitted collective activity between villages in a region. The refugees from Sonka nasan, for example, organized what proved to be an unsuccessful counterattack against the Northern Kaiap that involved warriors from four

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434 villages. This was possible because the involved villages considered the Kaiap hipe and, at the same time, were not actively pursuing wars of vengeance against one another. That the Panar fled outsiders and sought shelter in neighboring villages when attacked or approached by outsiders, whom they perceived of as dangerous, does not appear remarkable at the first glanc e. The sheer rapidity that epidemics reduced the Panar population may have prevented villages from splitting apart by not allowing sufficient time for social tensions to produce a village spli t or an outbreak of intra ethnic warfare. However, there is s ome historical evidence to support that this would not have happened. For example, large Caiap villages were commonly encountered in places where intense conflict s raged : Pires de Campos encountered a village in Camapu that was so large he dared not att ack it with his Bororo. Camapu was one locus of conflict between the Caiap and the frontier. Such large villages were stable and required a concerte d military effort to destroy. And n othing indicates Caiap villages, large or small, went to war with o ne another. In fact, as far as can be determined from the consulted documents, ther e is no evidence of intra ethnic warfare. Antagonisms certainly existed between villages there was, for example, competition and antipathy between the various Caiap arriv ing at Maria I and we can read political factionalism in the flights from the Maria I and Mossmedes. But there warfare did not erupt among to approach aldeia fugitives was because they w ere not fighting an intra ethnic war fueled by vengeance killings.

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435 Far from finding evidence of Caiap villages attacking one another, we have evidence of Caiap villages participating in raids. During the furious backlash Pires de Ca 16 One chronicler told men f 1981b:226). 17 Such descriptions of the inhabitants of several Caiap villages rallying to attack a common enemy rings truthful in the light of the Panar organizing a multi vil lage counter attack. There is even evidence of Caiap villages, much like those of the Panar, coalescing when in contact with outsiders. Encounters with boatmen and missionaries on the Paran River did not splinter Caiap villages, despite the obvious i ndications of powerful internal debates and conflicts engendered by political rivalries and access to goods recorded by Father Oliveira Bueno (1856:189). Instead, some of these villages coalesced under the leadership of powerful chiefs and intermediaries (DI 1894, vol. 3:191). The extremely large village Pires de Campos encountered in Camapu was probably the result of Caiap villages fleeing his depredations, finding solidarity and safety in greater numbers, which swelled the size of remote villages (cf. Flowers 1994:261 262). On the whole, it can be said, Caiap villages appear to have been relatively stable in the context of colonial contact. They were certainly stable enough, as well as numerous enough, for entire regions and rivers to be named after them. Anyone traveling to Caiapnia, the Serra do Caiap, and the Caiap River knew what people they would encounter It was the same for the seventeenth century Paulistas: they

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436 (Neme 1969:125). Such stability was facilitated by their clans, which allowed refugees from war or witchcraft accusations to insert themselves into the periphery of a host village. Internal debates and tensions did not fracture Caiap villages, because these were projected onto the outsiders, the hipe. Warriors mobilized to murder settlers and slaves, not each other, and village participated in attacking a perceived common ene my. More raids meant more plunder more tension, and more diseases; this meant more fights over access to and distribution of goods, more debates, and more accusations of witchcraft, and more movement of people and, in a vicious cycle, more attacks on hipe settlements. Pillage and Vengeance in Warfare Unfortunately, Panar warfare has yet to receive systematic ethnohistoric analysis, though the available data allow for some generalizations. As an institution, warfare rapidly declined in importance after the Panar were transferred out of the Peixoto de Azevedo. Previously it was part of the dry season ceremonial cycle (Ewart 2000:76 77) and important to the reproduction and maintenance of society (Schwartzman 1988:206 207). Panar men were produced by warfare: encountering signs of enemies or raiding enemies was a reason to perform collective rites of chest and back scarification of men; leading raids and killing hipe were means of accruing status; and the collective participation of men in raids, as we have seen, negated the social tensions created by witchcraft accusati ons and killings (Schwartzman 1988:258, 279). Warfare, thus, was an important social and ritual institution. It also served a means of obtaining soti 67). To the Panar, soti are interesting by virtue of being produced by hipe, and they are desired

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437 varieties of crops (kinds of potatoes and cara) were said to have been stolen from learned f glass since various songs and a ceremony came from enemies, having been learned by abducted women who later escaped and returned to their villages. This interest in out siders things was (and is) very common to G speakers: the Northern Kaiap interacted with their neighbors, whether through war or trade, to acquire new and interesting things, including ornaments, manufacture techniques, ceremonies, songs, and firearms (V erswijver 1992:149). Since the Panar did not have peaceful interaction with their neighbors, warfare was the means by which new items were introduced into their society (Ewart 2000:66 81). The pillaging of goods was important to Panar warriors, and ther e was a heavy element of exchange in war. Panar warriors left the villages with their clubs and exchanged them for items plundered from victims. For example, the Panar who killed Richard Mason carried off his machete and left their clubs with his body. Warfare was roughly analogous to hunting expeditions, since warring and hunting brought things into the village (Ewart 2000:77). Ewart (2000:81) observed Panar hunters decorating game like hipe: a peccary was given a lip disk like an enemy warrior. Wa rriors returned w ith plunder ; while hunters returned with game decorated like enemies. Panar warfare was also fueled by vengeance, but, unfortunately, we do not know 138) description of the back and forth raidi ng between the Mekragnoti Kaiap and the Panar indicates that these raids were

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438 motivated by vengeance. Except for the last and most devastating attack in 1968, each Mekragnoti raid produced a furious Panar counterattack. During the years before the Kai ap had acquired guns and ammunition, Panar warriors charged into Kaiap villages to fight with clubs. Later, when the Kaiap possessed quantities of firearms, the Panar lurked outside villages and killed isolated and vulnerable victims. (Both tactics are eerily familiar to those the Caiap had employed.) Because the Panar did not distinguish between types of hipe, it seems reasonable to assume that any hipe attacking their villages would have produced a similar attack fueled by vengeance. It is inter esting to note, however, that vengeance was not behind the Panar encounters with Brazilians in the 1960s and 1970s; rather they approached the outsiders out of inquisitiveness and interest in their things (Schwartzman 1988:290). Encounters with Brazilian s occurred before the 1960s, but these were rare since Panar oral traditions maintained the memory of the tumultuous and violent encounters of the past; the y quite understandably, shunned contact (Schwartzman 1988:286). Yet, curiosity propelled some Pan ar to investigate the hipe. A number appeared at the Cachimbo air force base because of the gifts they had discovered in the forest and traditions of conflicts to the east provoked fierce debates within Panar villages, what finally drove the Panar to establish contact wa things. We know more about Kaiap war and the role of vengeance. The Kaiap fought wars were waged against rival Kaiap groups for revenge and glory. Attacking a Kaiap village was viewed as particularly brave and dangerous, and such raids

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439 provided warriors with opportunities to di splay manly bellicosity and accrue status (Verswijver 1992:166). It also provided an opportunity to settle old scores, as the killing 1992:173). A warrior attempting to organize a raid against another Kaiap village frequently pointed to the need to avenge losses suffered in previous conflicts. Raiding Kaiap villages was dangerous. The Kaiap after all, were skilled club fighters, and attackers entered villages to provoke fights with their clubs This resulted in more casualties. The casualties, in turn, required more raiding to avenge the deceased. on Kaiap peoples, including other indigenous groups and the Brazilians. The Kaiap did not think non Kaiap and Brazilians worthy opponents for accruing status: other people and rarely counterattacked (the Panar were the exception); firearms made the 170). Fewer Kaiap warriors took part in attacks on non Kaiap, making these raids more dangerous and more valorous for the warr iors involved. Vengeance played a limited role in motivating external warfare (Verswijver 19992:173). The Kaiap suffered few casualties in these raids, so there was not a lot of vengeance to be had. Instead, warriors atta cked non Kaiap to capture plund er Pillage, especially of firearms and useful tools, was what motivated the Northern Kaiap to attack the Brazilians. The Kaiap did not attack the Brazilians to abduct women and children, though this occ asionally happened. Native people s were attacked to pillage things, such as headdresses, or abducted women and children from whom songs and

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440 ceremonies could be learned. This quest for things was the driving force behind Kaiap contact with their neighbors (Verswijver 1992:149). They shared the Panar practice of adopting goods and rituals from neighboring groups, and such borrowed or pillaged items became nekrets important to cultural reproduction (Verswijver 1992:171). Unlike the Kaiap as we have seen, the Caiap did not fight so wars. Here, the Northern Kaiap example helps us but a little. But they did fight externa l wars against neighboring native people s and settlers. As we have seen, Caiap warriors abduct ed w omen and children from native groups a situation somewhat analogous to the Northern Kaiap. Perhaps, like the Mekragnoti, most Caiap attacks against settlements were motivated by the need to acquire things, rather than a need to avenge the dead. Indee d, the acquisition of good s lay behind much of the Caiap interaction with the frontier. The earliest records indicate the Bilreiro s traded captives to obtain goods. Reports from the eighteenth and nineteenth century also indicate raiding was a means of obtaining goods. In early 1764, for example, Caiap raiders killed a large number of slaves in Gois. Although all of the Caiap managed to escape a bandeira sent to 18 The attack at Mdico fell upon slaves and the raiders pillaged a large quantity of tools and other goods that a posse of aldeia Indians recaptured. 19 A bandeira attacking and destroying l, In 1829, the Caiap attacked a mule train, killing the pack animals to plunder the goods

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441 the animals carried. 20 the farmers [ ] 55). Another (Gama Cerqueira 1859a:56) Clearly, the capture of plunder was important to Caiap raiders. This is not to say that vengeance played little or no role in Caiap attacks. But finding examples of vengeance in documents is a difficult, if not impossible, enterprise. Giraldin (1997:81), for example, did not find any unambiguous exam ples of vengeance killings. Instead, he examined and compared the number of victims killed by bandeiras and Caiap raiders during the course of a series of raids around the Arraial das Antas in the 1750s. According to his analysis, a bandeira had attacke d the Caiap in 1753. This provoked an extremely large counterattack in 1755. In response, a bandeira attacked the Caiap, capturing six Caiap women and 25 children. The Caiap again attacked in 1756, killing 19 slaves. Giraldin concluded that the 19 slaves killed represented a slaves, in his opinion, were murdered to avenge the Caiap abducted by the bandeira. This is slim evidence. The 19 slaves killed were only a l ittle more than half of the 31 Caiap captured; and that number ignores the Caiap killed by the various bandeiras. Further, vengeance killings rarely work in the sense of a one to one correlation between the loss of kin and the killing of an enemy. Amon killed by a single warrior, but rather by the corporate group of warriors, each of whom participated in a raid are reckoned to ha

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442 Caiap, and there is no reason to believe it did not, then the killing of a single enemy potentially would have satiat ed several warriors, even the entire raiding party. There was no need to kill 32 slaves, or even 19, to avenge 32 Caiap dead. A smaller number would have sufficed. We are seeing something other than vengeance in the yearly return of raiders to Arraial das Antas. The fighting around the Arraial das Antas was more extensive than the 1755 1756 attacks (see appendix a). The attacks began when the Caiap killed three women on the roads outside of the settlement in 1750. Several years of quiet followed. Then, in 1755, there was a massive attack that killed 44 people, mostly slaves. The following year, the Caiap returned and killed 19 slaves. In 1757, they reappeared. Two slaves died in the attack, but one of the Caiap warriors was killed. A final Ca iap assault that killed five more slaves happened in 1758. In four subsequent years, there were four back to back attacks. It was not surprising that settlers in places like the Arraial das Antas felt besieged by the Caiap. The capture of plunder best explains the pattern of fighting. The 1750 attack was a typical Caiap raid. It involved a small number of warriors who killed isolated victims and carried off a few plundered goods. It was not followed by an attack for several years, because there was no reason for the warriors to return. The 1755 attack, in contrast, was massive; its success indicates the raiders had caught their victims unaware and unprepared, and they must have secured a huge trove of booty. More than 40 slaves were killed while mi ning and their tools were plundered; and those slaves who survived would have abandoned their possessions to the Caiap. Unlike

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443 the 1750 attack, this huge haul of plunder drew the Caiap back to the Arraial das Antas. Some of these attacks probably haile d from different villages. As word spread between villages, it would have inspired so massacre of the Panar inspired a second Mekragnoti village to send warriors into the Peixoto de Azevdeo. The subsequent att acks were less effective the returning raiders, after all, had lost the element of surprise captured less plunder and even saw a warrior killed. Eventually, the Caiap quit returning. It was the great quantity of plunder captured in 1755, not vengeance, that caused the Caiap to reappear at the Arraial das Antas. Similarly, much of the early fighting in southern Gois and Camapu was motiva ted by a Caiap desire for plunder Earlier attacks were small raids and ambushes that killed a few slaves and capt ured a few goods. It was the frequency, unpredictability, and violence of these attacks that terrified settlers, not the size. Caiap losses on these raids were low, since it was common for their warriors to outwit and outfight soldiers, like Captain Lem os e Faria, dispatched after them. Indeed, before Pires de Campos and the Bororo arrived from Cuiab, the populace of Vila Boa was so tired of defeats that they greeted the killing of a mere two Caiap as a great victory. Instead of vengeance, Caiap war riors set forth to pillage what must have seemed an endless supply of exotic, interesting, and useful goods during the two decade after the discovery of the mines. destroyed a numbe r of Caiap villages. A period of calm followed. Vila Boa was unthreatened for seven years, but it sat somewhat distant from the densely inhabited

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444 regions of Caiap territory. Farther south, the attacks soon resumed. And, when Pires de Campos began att acking villages in the Tringulo Mineiro, a densely occupied region, the Caiap appeared in huge numbers, attacked settlements, confronted and fought soldiers, and besieged troops. The press ganged troops and armed thugs and slaves were entirely incapable of defending against these war parties, which swept into and threatened settlements in western Minas Gerais. It was only when Pires de Campos and the Bororo defeated these Caiap war parties and began savaging their villages that some semblance of securi ty returned. The wide ranging war parties were unlike the Caiap attacks that had preceded them in Gois. They were onslaughts that involved great numbers of warriors murdering, burning, and looting. A need to avenge losses, not the pillage of goods, pro pelled these warriors to attack. War chiefs, who had seen their village savaged by Pires de Campos, roused followers with calls to settle scores and avenge the dead. Their calls were heard throughout the region, and villages rallied. Caiap vengeance, f or those who witnessed it and survived, was terrible to behold. It subjected the settlers to a different kind of war, one where the Caiap confronted their enemies in open battle. They appeared on the Velhas, besieging troops, firing flaming arrows, and attempting to provoke club fights. It was this sort of fighting that had destroyed the Arax village and nearly annihilated the Goi and Cri x. Usually reserved for natives enemies, such tactics were brought to bear against musket toting settlers and sol diers, and with great effect A lot of hard fighting was necessary to reestablish security in southern Gois. Nothing similar occurred in Camapu, even though there was a lot of fighting there. Pires de Campos never established aldeias of Bororo to patro l the hinterlands of

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445 Camapu, unlike southern Gois where he founded three aldeias and repeatedly dispatched bandeiras in search of the Caiap. These bandeiras entered Camapu, even fought Caiap there, but they did not destroy villages and enslave the in habitants to the extent that occurred in southern Gois. Their presence, lacking aldeias that functioned as garrisons, was much more ephemeral; in fact, on at least one occasion, Pires de Campos and the Bororo were forced to retreat from Camapu. The reg ion remained, well until the next century, largely unoccupied. A small cluster of settlements sprung up near the portage at the headwaters of the Pardo River, where the passing flotillas encountered a number of farmers who risked Caiap attack to grow cro ps, but these were places where voyagers replenished their supplies. They were never defended by garrisons of Bororo and, thus, never had to face massive Caiap onslaughts fueled by vengeance. Conclusion Caiap warfare and many of the other events detaile d in the historical narrative were the product of a fateful collision between an aggressive colonial state and a dialectical society that divided the social universe into people and enemies, placed great emphasis on clans, and was fascinated by outsiders a nd their things. It has been argued that the panar and hipe social categories existed, that these categories transformed with contact, and that these categories influenced the violent confrontation. The miners, adventurers, and slaves heading to the min es at Gois and Cuiab were hipe, a form of otherness whom the Caiap thought of as, and treated like, witches. For much of the eighteenth century, they slaughtered the hipe without mercy. The fighting was intense and enduring, in part, because, contrary to other G societies, Caiap villages did not splinter when in contact and conflict with outsiders. Their villages

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446 remained stable, sometimes participated in joint raids, and did not fight one another. This was because, much like their Panar descendan ts, the Caiap emphasized the organization of clans around their village periphery clans that were capable of incorporating women and children abducted from neighboring people s possessed weakly formed moieties, and projected internal social tensions onto h ipe, against whom they mobilized for war. Such mobilization made the Caiap formidable opponents. Destroying a Caiap village did not produce pleas for succor and calls for submission. Vengeance and a need to avenge losses produced great Caiap onslaught s that almost severed Vila Boa from the coast in the mid 1740s. The Caiap turned native tactics against their musket toting enemies: they aggressively confronted settlements and bluntly attacking troops, turning their traditional raiding tactics into a p owerful tool of resistance. Such calls for vengeance were not behind many of the Caiap attacks, at least in the sense of being what motivated warriors to take up the war club; instead, many warriors left their villages to pillage valuable goods and other things they desired. They almost certainly, like the Northern Kaiap, did not think their non indigenous enemies brave after all, the worst savaging they met was at the hands of allied Bororo, not soldiers though they feared and respected their deadly fi rearms. This explanation of Caiap warfare, while in many ways hypothetical, draws from the available historical and ethnographic data and, one hopes, moves the historical exegesis beyond the traditional perspectives of violence for the sake of violence (Taunay 1950) and the so freque ntly used to explain their history. It looks to native structures and logic to inform

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447 our understanding of seemingly inexplicable, even barbaric, acts, and it co ntribu tes to our wide knowledge of G speaking societies by providing greater time depth to their historical experiences. Directions for Future Research Finally, i n closing, we suggest a few directions for future research. Much archival research remains, of course. There are many important and interesting documents about the Caiap still to be found in archives Research for our study was not conducted in S o Paulo, where numerous documents relating to the Caiap most certainly exist O f particular inte rest are a number of documents relating to the fighting in and about northern S o Paulo in the 1760s and 1770s including an official investigation into the fighting The superintendant of the Goi s mines Agostinho Pacheco Teles conducted an official in vestigation into the fighting around Vila Boa in the late 1730s or early 1740s, and it is possible that this document has survived in S o Paulo. The Projeto Resgate Barao do Rio Branco a vast collection of digitized colonial documents stored in Lisbon h as made it easier to access colonial documents sent to Portugal but many of the digitized documents are difficult to read ; many, in fact, are simply unreadable U nfortunately, numbered among these illegible reproductions are several critical to understan ding the campaigns of Ant nio Pires de Campos as well as the pacification of the Caiap. R esearch in Portuguese archives therefore, is necessary, especially at the University of Coimbra, where exist a number of letters relating to Pires de Ca mpos igns and accounts written by Pinto da Silveira, the greatest eightee nth century chronicler of Gois Documents concerning Damiana da Cunha exist in the Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico de Gois in Goinia. There is a collection of Caiap artifacts, which Pohl collected while visiting the Moss medes

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448 aldeia, in the Museum fr Vlkerkunde (Museum for Ethnology) in Vienna, Austria. And the Langsdorf f expedition collected a Caiap Portuguese German wordlist which was stored in a naval archive in Saint Petersb urg, Russia. 21 It would be interesting to visit the collection and acquire the wordlist. There are several colonial maps in existence that would greatly inform our study. One map re garding the native peoples of the Araguaia basin and the campaigns of Pires de Campos exists in the Itamaraty Archive in Rio de Janeiro. There is also a map of the territories of the Caiap, Curumar and Chavante that is currently archived in Portugal Plans of both Caiap aldeias in Gois, Mossmedes and Maria I, are stored in archives in Brazil and Portugal. A wide r and more comparative reading of Indigenous history and ethnography will greatly inform the historical study of the Caiap. The number of archival based histories of the Brazilian Indians is rapidly expanding offering more opportunities for comparative analysis Time constraints, inherent to the writing of a dissertation, prevented a wider reading of ethnography. Future study includes closely examining the ethnography of the Northern G, particularly the Kaiap and Apina y whose history we have touched upon, if briefly, as well as the more distantly related Central G such as the Xavante and Xerente. Ethnography, it would seem, would be particularly fruitful for examining the period in which G speakers enter into contact with the frontier. Even a superficial reading of ethnography hints at important insights into the role of lngua s It would also be informative to examine the copi ous ethnography of the Bororo, whose ancestors were the great eighteenth century enemies of the Caiap, and without whose

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449 assistance, quite possibly, the terrible open conflict that raged east of the Araguaia might have continued well beyond the 1780s. Th e Bororo, like the Panar, place a great deal of importance on clans organized around a circular village periphery. 1 For a discussion of what it means to live according to Panar ways see Ewart (2000). 2 See Whitehead (1995, 1997) for a discussion of indigenous tropes captured in texts produced by European voyagers and chron iclers. 3 It is interesting to note that Saint Hilaire did not record the Caiap using hipe. Saint Hilaire (1975:67) translated cacatta mcac Kupfer (1870) included katet as meaning the color white. Similarly, Souza Barbosa recorded the word for the color white was as Kattt These were similar enough to Saint both the color white and people of European d escent. In this case, it appears Saint Hilaire asked his informant for the Caiapo word for branco. He meant a person of European dscent, but his informant interpreted this as meaning the color white and replied cacatta 4 des ip 5 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. 6 A similar phenomenon is recorded among other G speaking peoples. Lea (1992:131) discussed Northern Kaiap as Panar clans, Kaiap houses are generally constructed in the same location along the village periphery, even when the village relocates. Similarly, this organization is observed when the Kaiap construct their hunting camps. A similar phenomenon of clans organized on the village periphery is found among the Bororo. 7 According to Schwartzman (1988:108), not every Panar village possessed all four clans in the Peixoto de Azevedo, since the spatial organization was not rigorously observed in the construction of hunting or trekking camps. 8 This information comes from the Panar village in the Xing Indigenous Park. The Panar have since returned to the Peixoto de Azevedo region, and Ewart (2005:30, n. 6) discovered during a 2003 visit to the Panar that they had 9 Unfortunately, Saint Hilaire (1975:75) did not comment on the shape of Maria I. Neither Poh l nor Saint Hilaire described Mossmedes as a circular village. Both visitors described the decaying baroque church and aldeia buildings, but they ignored the actual Caiap constructed portion of the aldeia. Saint Hilaire (1975:66) mentioned the Caiap ho uses were scattered about amidst trees. Similarly, Alencastre (1865:100), writing forty years later, overall indigenous character of the aldeia, e.g. the earth ovens and the house construction techniques, it seems extremely unlikely that So Jos de Mossmedes was not built in the form of a circle. In favor of a circular They [the Caiap] maintain today some forms of their ancient way of life, for instance, certain dances that in certain times they practice at night by blazing bonfires. To this end, they come together in a place four arms across and shape of the aldeia at So Jos de Mossmedes. 10 IHGB Lata 501, pasta 18; Kupfer 1870. 11 IHGB Lata 188, doc. 39. 12 IHGB Lata 501, pasta 18. 13 IHGB Lata 188, doc. 39. 14 That would have been about the size of Maria I in 1784 1785. 15 Schwartzman (1988:292) estimated that between 1968 and 1977 epidemics killed at least 80% of the Panar population. By the time the Panar were transferred to the Xing Indigenous Park in 1975, they were reduced to 79 individuals in a single village.

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450 16 A HU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 17 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023. 18 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 20, D. 1220. 19 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15 D. 931. 20 BN II 36, 12, 14. 21 A special thanks to Stephen Schwartzman for providing this information.

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451 APPENDIX A ATTACKS DISCUSSED IN THE TEXT The following is a list of Caiap attacks. Far from definitive, it lists those attacks tha t may be attributed to the Caiap with reasonable certainty. There were many other attacks about which little or nothing was recorded, particularly those occurring at remote mining camps or along the long mono route to the gold mines at Cuiab. 1732 17 33 Bart h olomeu Bueno da Silva (Anhangera) and a small party abandon gold and diamonds in the sertes around the Claro and Piles Rivers due to Caiap attacks (RAHE 1980:43). Mid 1730s Caiap raiders follow a bandeira back from the Caiap River and kill a son of Manoel do Rigo Cabral and another man, both of whom were herding cows ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Joo de Veiga Bueno led a bandeira to the Caiap River. An ambush killed 10 or 12 of this party while prospecting ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Raiders appear at the Arraial da Barra, four leagues downstream of Vila Boa, near a home belonging to Barholomeu Bueno da Silva. Slaves believe the sounds of praceiros (?) ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). At the same time as the preceding attack, raiders kill a slave two leagues from Vila Boa ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). leagues s ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Second attack on the road to So Paulo but closer to Vila Boa. Three slaves killed, accompanied by pillage and arson ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). holdings, raiders attack a convoy, kill 15 horses, scattered and destroyed the supp ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Raiders attack a location belonging to Pascoal Gil on the Pedras River, nine leagues from Vila Boa, surrounding the house for five days and killing a slave. a shot of lead to the head of a brute, made the rest ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023).

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452 Raiders attack a nearby site belonging to Antnio Gracia, 10 leagues from Vila n his horse ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1740 The Caiap attack in the area of Ouro Fino, a half league from Vila Boa, killing seven male slaves, and two female slaves. Horses and other livestock are also slaughtered ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 102 3; see also, Brasil 1980:132). Seven leagues from Vila Boa, raiders kill 14 male slaves and a female slave, mutilating their corpses ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Four leagues from Vila Boa, Caiapo kill two slaves belonging to Antnio Pereira Barbal ho and a mulatto ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). At a location five leagues from Vila Boa, the Caiapo kill three more slaves belonging to Antnio Pereira Barbalho, steal tools, and burn everything ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1741 December: The Caiap attack a league outside of Villa Boa, and the governor creates two companies of twenty pedestres to patrol the roads. 1742 from one named Joo Pimenta, they cooked a AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). March 16: A patrol under the command of Antnio de Lemos e Faria attacks a trophy heads (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 493; IHGB CU 1.2.2. f. 248; see also DI, vol. 22:165 169). A large bandeira, consisting of the two companies of troops and some slaves for prospecting, enters the area of the Anicuns River, a tri butary of the Rio dos Bois. They attempt an attack on a Caiap village, which Antnio de Lemos e Faria spoils by shouting while preparing an ambush ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Antnio da Silva Leme attempts to contact the Caiapo using a Goi India n as a translator. The Caiapo appear to lay down their arms but ambush the party, killing all ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). August: Antnio Pires de Campos arrives with the Bororo. They discover the bodies of Antnio da Silva Leme and the others ki lled in the ambush opened and

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453 the remains cremated. The bandeira assaults a Caiapo village on the Anicuns would pass before the Caiapo returned to assault Vila Boa. The So Pa ulo road remains under constant attack ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1743 1744 Caiap raids heavily attack along the So Paulo Road, inflicting a series of devastating defeats on the Portuguese. A farm between the Velhas and Uberaba River was destro yed, with many slaves slaughtered and the inhabitants dispersed (Taunay vol. 11, 1950:246). A farmer named Manuel Ferreira attempted to fight the raiders near Lanhoso, but the Indians burned his farm and diverted his attack. There was a panic and flight to the Rio Grande, where there were troops camped out; this camp swelled with Portuguese refugees and their slaves (Taunay vol. 11, 1950:246). A man named Manuel Raso marched from the Rio Grande to fight the Caiap. He encountered them at the Lanhoso, wh ere he suffers a grievous defeat and losses men, horses, and his baggage train. He escapes at night to the fort on the Rio das Velhas (Taunay vol. 11, 1950:246). A second contingent of troops, under the command of a certain Capito Luciano Nunes Teixeira traffic along the road from So Paulo to Gois was paralyzed; no one dared Raids sweep into Minas Gerais, depopulating farms from by the So Marcos River, and in the vicinity of Paracat. In response, Pires de Campos destroys at least three Caiapo villages ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1746 Antnio Pires de Campos signs a new agreement to attack the Caiap with Bororo relocated from Cuiab to the So Paulo Road at Rio das Pedras. Caiap raiders kill the wife and three daughters of Jos de Almeida ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023) 1746 1747 From the Rio das Pedras aldeia, Antnio Pires de Campos permits captive Caiap to return to their aldeias with offers of peace, including a group of men with a Pires de Campos an d the Bororo begin to attack the Caiap along the road to So Paulo Major attacks occur with the garrison at Rio das Velhas besieged, which

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454 Pires de Campos and the Bororo break. The bandeira trails the raiders to a village but find it abandoned ( AHU_ACL _CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023) Pires de Campos and the Bororo attack Caiap aldeias along the Grande River, capturing and slaughtering many. They learn the Caiap had killed the returning therefore, unable to escape the Portuguese ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023) 1747 1748(?) A farmer living at a place called Espinha peacefully interacts with a group of Caiap, giving them knives and other presents and letting them meet his wife and children. The Caiap promised to return and, some months later, attacked the farmer. The farmer escaped, but the raiders pass in law, Antnio Dantes, burning h im in a barn ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023) 1748 the herds for three or four days until the inh AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1749 1750 The Arax, a small tribe living along the Gr ande River in the Tringulo Mineiro, were destroyed in a violent Caiap raid (Brasil 1980:145). This attack led the governor to search for new indigenous allies on the Araguaia River, where Antnio Pires de Campos was injured by a Curur arrow. 1750 Janu ary 5: The Caiap attacked near the Arraial de Rio Claro, killing a slave and a soldier named Francisco da Cruz and injuring a dragoon (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 492; IHGB CU 1.2.2. f. 383v; AHEGO Livro 1, fol. 45). An attack around the same time killed a woman and her two daughters, somewhere along the road to the Arraial das Antas ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). June 12: The Caiap attacked a convoy moving from Cuiab to Gois near the Arraial de Rio Claro. Antnio de Almeida Falco was hit by arrow and later dies (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 492; IHGB CU 1.2.2. f. 383v).

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455 Pires de Campos attacks Caiap villages at the headwaters of the Caiap River ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1754 Caiap attacked a farm belonging to Capito Geronimo Martins da Cunha, killing five slaves working in a field and stealing their tools ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Two slaves belonging to Rodrigo de Souza were killed while they worked near the Piles River; their tools were stolen (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 10 23). Two days after the preceding attack, the Caiapo attacked along the Fartura River, killing seven slaves belonging to Joo Alvarez da Cunha and his brother in law, Salvador Fernandes (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). December 9: Outside of the Rio da s Velhas aldeia, the Caiapo killed a female Indians (probably Bororo) and injured a pedestre with an arrow wound. The Caiapo also killed a horse and surrounded several others (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023; AHEGO Livro 9 f. 43v). Around the same time, a farmer named Francisco Gonalvez, who was aiding in the construction of the road to Vila Boa, returned home to find two slaves killed, his home burned, and his furniture and chests smased and scattered about (AHEGO Livro 9 f. 43v). 1755 July 17: The C aiap attack field on the Ribeiro da Ona, near the Arraial das Antas (modern Anpolis) killing Manuel da Costa Portela and 43 slaves (AHU_CL_CU_008, Cx. 18, D. 1072). This, and reports of Caiap sighting near the Uruhu River and the killing of three (inc luding two slaves) near the Piles River, provoke a bandeira (AHEGO Livro 9 f. 38v). The bandeira, led by Joo de Godi da Silva, ca ptured six women and 25 children (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 829). These captives were part of a large trek, and those esc aping the bandeira killed a slave belonging to Lus de Pina ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). A large Caiap raiding party attacked a group of men commanded by Francisco deaths o GO 1979:53; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Two Slaves and a pedestre disembarking from a canoe were killed along the Piles River ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023).

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456 1756 June 7: A Caiap attack at the Arraial das Antas killed nineteen slaves owned by Baltazar de Godi e Gusmo (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907; AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023 ). 1757 A few months before June, a man and his wife were killed in a Caiap attack (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 856). A raid left two slaves outside of the Arraial das Antas dead, but one of the raiders was killed in the assault ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). Little more than two leagues from Corumb, the Caiapo k ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1758 Caiap killed four slaves outside of Corumb and carried off the equipment used to work the fields ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 10 23). April 23: The Caiapo kill three slaves belonging to Lieutenant Lus Leandro and a leagues before a bandeira caught them, but they managed to evade the conflict, leaving the ir weapons and spoils behind ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023 ). April 24: Raiders attack outside of the Arraial das Antas, killing five slaves. The Bororo fail to track the raiders ( AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023 ). The Caiap attacked farms and killed AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1759 A second raid near the Arraial of de Santa Luzia cost two more lives ( AHU_AC L_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 1023). 1764 A group of at least 100 Caiap attacked slaves working in an agricultural field, killing a large number and two Portuguese. A bandeira sent after the raiders surprised the Caiap on 16 February, killing some and gathering up a great quantity of booty and weapons left behind by the fleeing Caiap (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 20, D. 1220). 1767 The Caiap attack fields near the Arraial of de Santa Luzia in Gois. A bandeira was formed of sixteen Bororo from Rio das Pedras led by a pedestre named Victor

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457 Antnio. This bandeira surprised a Caiap raiding group killing more than 14 and assault a village, destroying it and capturing 18 boys. The Rio das Pedras Bororo attack another on the road to So Paulo taking fourteen prisoners (A HU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 23, D. 1440). 1771 March 21: Around 200 Caiap attack a group of 400 slaves working outside of Cuiab at a place known as Arraial do Mdico, killing at least 41 slaves and three Portuguese (AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15, D. 931; AHU_ACL_CU_010 Cx. 19, D. 1198). 1771 July 23: A Caiap attack outside of Cuiab killed four slaves (AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198). July 24: A second Caiap attack outside of Cuiab killed eight slaves belonging to Salvador Rodrigues de Algueira (AHU_ACL_CU_010, C x. 19, D. 1198). 1772 September 5: The Caiap attack three leagues from Mogi Guau and kill six people and burn two houses (BN I 30, 12, 17 n 39). October or November: Jos Gomes de Gouvea attacks the Caiap somewhere between the Pardo and Grande Rivers (Giraldin 1997:84). 1773 March 15: Three killed and a barn burned in a Caiap attack outside Cuiab at a place called the Ribeiron do Bandeira (AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198). July 13: Three killed outside of Cuiab (AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198) 1774 Outside Villa Boa, the Caiap attack a group of slaves owned by Francisco de Lemos, killing nine (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 27, D. 1776). 1778 April 25: Caiap raiders killed Alferes do Regimento Cavalria Auxiliar, Joao de Souza Taveira, 1.5 leagues fr om Villa Boa; killed ten slaves and burned the houses, slaves quarters, barns and storehouses (AHUG_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 1996). 1783 While on route to take possession of the government, the governor of Gois, Tristo da Cunha Menezes, witnessed the resu lts of a Caiap assault on the So Paulo Road. Raiders attacked a mule train, killing the wife of the owner and his

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458 cousin. Eight or ten pack animals were killed and the goods they carried looted. These Caiap later arrived at Mari I (AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx 35, D. 2131). 1798 March 6: A Caiap attack in Mato Grosso kills a slave and her two children (Siqueira 1872:39). March 18: A Caiap raid killed seven slaves in Mato Grosso (Siqueira 1872:39). 1829 December: The Caiap attack a mule train, killing six mules to raid for tools. A second attack results in the death of a convoy boss, resulting in bandeiras; a Guan Indian dies from a Caiap arrow in the subsequent fighting (BN II 36, 12, 4). 1858 September: The Caiap attack at Torres on the Bonito River at the headwaters of the Araguaia River. On September 9, Caiap raiders attacked a farm on the slave. A nearby farmer found his house burned along with all it contain ed. Troops sent after the Caiap raiders failed to find them (Gama Cerqueira 1859:54 55). 1859 January 9 10: A Caiap raid burned six houses on the Bonito River with the raiders carrying off everything that was not destroyed in the fires (Gama Cerqueira 1859:56). June 2: Caiap raiders attacked and plundered a farm belonging to Manoel da Silva, near the Bonito River (Relatrio 1859a). 1861 September 9: Over the course of the year Caiap raiders attack several times the farm of Capito Antnio Gomes Pinh eiro. On the 9 September, the raiders kill one Caiap Grande River (Relatrio 1862). 1861 October/November: Caiap raiders attack and burn farms belonging to Jos Igncio Simes, Antnio Fernandes, and Gabriel Antnio de Mores, and a barn belonging to Estevo Jos Penna de Vasconcelos (Relatrio 1862). 1865 December 20: A group of Caiap raiders attacked with clubs a number of soldiers at Jotob, killing Joaquim Fernendes Pinto. A second attack at Taquaral da Violas results in two killed Indians (IHGB DL 364.14).

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459 1881 November 22: A caravan moving toward the settlement at Macedina encounters an empty Caiap aldeia. Later, the Caiap attacked the caravan (AHEGO Caixa 4, 1882). December 11: Caiap attacked Corrego Fundo near the Porto of the Rio Grande, gravely wound Estevo Pereira Damasceno (AHEGO Caixa 4, 1882). December 12: Caiap attack the Ponte Alta fazenda of Francisco Carvalhes, burning a house (AHEGO Caixa 4, 1882). 1881 February 4: Around 50 Caiap attacked the settlement at Macedina, where they injured slightly a soldier named Manoel Cecilio Cardoso; they then retreated into Mato Grosso (Magalhes 1882:3). 1889 January 6: The Caiap attacked a farm belonging to An tnio Netto de Cerqueira Leo, near the former aldeia of So Jos de Mossmedes. On the same day, Caiap raiders killed a child of a farmer on the outskirts of the garrison at Macedina (Relatrio 1889).

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460 LIST OF REFERENCES Archival Sources Arquivo Historic o Estadual de Gois, Goinia. Livro 16: Livro de Registro de Portarias do Governo (1758 1765). Livro 45: Cpias de Ofcios do Capito General da Capitnia (1804 1809). Livro 83: Secretria de Governo Correspondncia da Presidncia com Autoridades Militares (1820 1824). Livro 85: Correspondncia da Presidncia com Autoridade Eclesisticas (1820 1840). Livro 104: Registro de Ofcios ao Comandantes das Diretores das Aldeias (1822 1825). Livro 119: Registro de Correspondncia do Governo Civil da Provncia de Gois, Tomo I (1823 1826). Livro 126: Registro de Ordens do Governador das Armas ao Comando Militar (1824 1825). Livro 144: Secretria de Governo Correspondncia do Governo da Provncia (1826). Livro 148: Correspondncia da Junta da Fazenda as Autorida des e Camaras Municipais (1826 1828). Livro 151: Correspondncia Dirigidas ao Governador as Armas (1827 1828). Livro 155: Secretria de Governo Livro de Registro da Oficios e Ordens Expedidas. Livro 156: Secretria de Governo Correspondncia do Governo Pro vincial ao Governador das Armas (1828 1830). Livro 159: Secretria de Governo Livro de Registro dos Ofcios do Governo Provincial a Diversos (1828 1836). Livro 161: Secretria de Governo Correspondncia do Governo Provincial aos Capites Mores Comandantes de Distritos e Diretores de Aldeias (1829 1834). Arquivo Histrico Estadual de Gois, Goinia: Documentos Avulsos. Caixa 3, Pacote 1.

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461 Caixa 4, 1882: Relatrio Apresentado Assemblia Legislativa Provincial de Gois pelo Governador Cornlio Pereira Magalh es. Caixa 204, 1871: Ministrio dos Negcios da Agricultura, Comrcio e Obras Pblicas, Caiap. Correio Oficial de Gois. Matutina Meyapontense: A Coleo do Primeiro Jornal de Gois e de Todo o Centro Oeste Brasileiro. Agncia Goinia de Cultura: Pedro Lu dovico Teixeira Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso, Cuiab. Anais do Senado da Cmara de Cuiab. Cmara de Cuiab (1760 1790). Cmara de Vila Bela (1770 1779). Governo: Luis Pinto de Sousa Coutinho (1771). Governo: Luis Albuquerque de Mello Pereira (1773). Go verno: Luis de Albuquerque de Mello Pereira e Caceres (1782). Livro 14: Registro de Ofcios Expedidos dos Ministrios da Fazenda, Marinha, Justia, Estrangeiras (1825 1834). Livro 101: Diretoria Geral dos ndios (1848 1860). Livro 153: Correspondncia entr e esta Presidncia e a Cmara Municipal. Livro 191: Registro da Correspondncia da Official dos Diretor dos ndios. Livro 200: Correspondncia Oficial entre a Presidncia e as Cmaras Municipais, Procos, Bispos, Juiz de Paz, Director Geral das ndios, Adm inistrador da Correio e Pessoas Particulares (1862 1864). Livro 219: Registro de Aviso Reservados Recebidos dos Ministrios dos Negocios da Guerra, da Marinha, da Imprio, da Justia, da Fazenda e Estrangeiros (1855 1865). Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro Cdice 807, Vol. 15, fls 89 98. Memria sobre a Colonia Militar de Itapura, pelo Ajudante Capito Joaquim Ribeiro da Silva Peixoto. So Paulo, 10 09 1881.

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462 Arqui vo Pblico Mineiro, Belo Horizo nte. Microfilme, rolo 546, #969 Carta de Igncio Correia Pamplon a a Dom Rodrigo Jos Me nezes. Fundo Delegacia Fiscal: Arquivo Casa dos Contos. 5 5 1781. Fundo Secretria Geral SG 06. Registro de Correspondncias da Diretoria Geral dos ndios de Minas Gerais (1869 1873). Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro: Seo de Man uscritos. I 30,9,42 n 12. Carta [de Manuel Rodrigues de Arajo Belm] a Lus Antnio de Souza Botelho Mouro, Governador da Capitania de So Paulo, Tratando das Providncias Tomadas para a Captura de um Delinquente e da Dificuldade Encontrada no Alistamen to de Soldados para a Expedio de Jos Gomes de Gouveia. Mogi Gua, 01 06 1767. I 30,22,22 n 5. Carta dos Oficiais da Cmara de Mogi Mirim ao Governador Lus Antnio de Souza Botelho Mouro, Remetendo Lista dos Mais Capazes para Servir na Nova Companhia de Mulatos, Bastardos e Carijs. So Jos de Mogi Mirim, 28 06 1772. I 30,12,12 n 39. Carta [de Jos Gomes de Gouveia] a Lus Antnio de Souza Botelho Mouro, Governador da Capitania de So Paulo, Tratando da Ameaa dos ndios Caiaps no Distrito de Mogi Gua. Jaguari, 18 09 1772. I 30,12,17 n 40. Carta [de Jos Gomes de Gouveia] a Lus Antnio de Souza Botelho Mouro, Governador da Capitania de So Paulo, Dando Parte das Medidas Tomadas para a Execuo de Ordem de Formar Compania de Pardos a Fim de Com bater os Ataques dos ndios Caiaps. Mogi Mirim, 16 10 1772. Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro. Lata 129, pasta 9. Breve Notcia do Gentio Brbaro que H na Derrota da Viagem das Minas do Cuiab por Antnio Pires de Campos, 1729. Lata 188, doc. 39. Descrio Feita por Alexandre de Souza Barbosa sobre os ndios Caiaps e Panars. Vocabulrios e mapa da Regio Ocupada pelos Caiaps. Lata 397, pasta 2. Reduo dos ndios da Capitania de Gois (Arquivo do Dr. Ernesto Ferreira Frana Fi lho). Lata 501, pasta 18. Carta Dirigida ao Tenente Coronel Antnio Borges Sampaio sobre os Primeiros Habitantes do Serto de Mato Grosso. Acompanha Notas do Capito Joaquim Lemos da Silva sobre os ndios Caiaps.

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463 Lata 763, pasta 18. Ofcio de Frei Jos Ma ria Mecerata ao Coronel Zeferino Pimental Moreira Freire, Presidente da Provncia de Mato Grosso, Enviado o seu Trabalho: Relao das Diversas Naes de ndios que Presentemente Habitam a Diocese de Mato Grosso. Pelo bispo de Cuiab Jos Antnio dos Reis. 24 8 1843. Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo do Conselho Ultramarino. 1.2.2. Expem o Governador de So Paulo Respeito da Invaso e Hostilidades Cometidas pelo Gentio Caiap nas Circumvizinhanas da Vila de Goyaz. So P aulo, 29 1 1743. 1.2.2. Sobre a Conta que Deu o Ouvidor Geral das Minas do Cuiab Jos de Burgos Vila Lobos, Respeito de Ser Conveniente Dar se Guerra Varios [gentios]. 9 7 1732. 1.2.2. D Conta o Governador de So Paulo, Respeito da Invaso e Hostil idades Cometidas nas Circmvizinhanas de Vila Ba de Goiaz. 29 1 1743. 1.2.2. Responde o Governador de So Paulo, sobre os Insultos e Hostilidades que no Goiaz Cometiam os [gentios] daqueles Circumvizinhanas e o que Escrevem Respeito o Intendente de Goi az, Intendente e Prevedor de Fazenda do Cuiab e Ofcios da Camara de Vila Real de So Paulo. 1.2.2. Sobre a Conta que Deu o Governador do Goiz, Marcos de Noronha, Respeito das Hostilidades do [Caiap ] e o Encontro que Teve o Coronel Antnio Pires de Ca mpos com uma Companhia de Soldados que Levava, Matando lhes 16 pessas e Regresando lhes 32. 6 10 1751. 1.2.2. D Conta o Governador de [Goiaz], Marcos de Noronha, Respeito de Duas Aldeias de Gentio Bravo, que Hostilizavam Vrios Arraiaes daquela Capitan ia. 8 5 1753. 1.2.2. D Conta o Governador de [Goiz] Marcos de Noronha, do Ajuste Condicional que Fez com Manoel de Campos Bicudo, para Conservar o Caminho daqueles Minas Desinfestar do Gentio. 15 5 1753. 1.2.2. D Conta o Governador do Goiaz, Marcos de N oronha, de que Tem Obrado para Reduzir e Aldear Vrios [gentio] e do Procedimento de Joo Leme para com os Mesmos. 22 5 1753. 1.2.2. D Conta o Governador do Goyaz, Marcos de Noronha, das Hostilidades em Alguns Arraiaes daquela Capitania e Prope os Meios que lhe Parecem mais Comodos para se Evitar os Insultos do Mesmo Gentio. 23 5 1753.

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464 1.2.4. Ofcio de Luis Pinto de Louza Coutinho Martinho de Mello e Castro, Informando sobre o Estado de Capitania e sobre os Tapuias e Cayaps dos vizinhanas do forte de Bragana. Vila Boa, 6 12 1771. 1.2.4. Ofcio de Luis Albuquerque de Melo Pereira e Cceres a Martinho de Mello e Castro, Participando Ter Mandado Expedir Algumas Bandeiras em Perseguio do Gentio Cayap. Vila Bela, 18 12 1772. 1.2.6. Sobre a Conta que deu o Governador da Capitania do Goiz o Conde de So Miguel, Respeito da Presa feito de 6 mulheres e 25 crianas, pelo Capito Mr Joo de Godoy da Silva. Lisboa, 26 2 1757. Gentio Caia p contra o Guarda Mor daquelles Minas, do Descobrimento que Mandou Fazer nos Sertes de Norte, dos Gentios que se Conduziram por Meio desta Expedio, da Necessidade que Ha se Formar Nova Aldeia e Pede a Aprovao das Despezas Este Respeito Contraidas. Lisboa, 23 9 1758. 1.2.6. Sobre a Conta que Deu o Conde dos Arcos, da Falta de Missionarios para a Reduo dos Gentios da Capitania de [Goiz]. Lisboa, 8 1 1755. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Joo Manoel de Mello, acerca da Representao dos Povos do Distrito de Nativ idade, em que Pedem Providencias para Obstar s Continuas Invases dos Acro e Xacriabs. Lisboa, 23 12 1760. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Joo de Mello Francisco Xavier de Mendona Furtado, sobre Hostilidades dos Caiap e Xavante. Lisboa, 7 6 1764. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Joo Manoel de Mello Francisco Xavier de Mendona Furtado, acerca da Invaso do [Caiapo] no Distrito de Arraial de Santa Luzia. Lisboa, 25 6 1767. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Jos de Almeida de Vasconcellos Martinho de Mello e Castro Acerca de Civilizao dos [I ndios]. Lisboa, 2 5 1773. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Jos de Almeida de Vasconcellos Martinho de Mello e Castro 6 1774. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Jos de Almeida e Vaconcellos ao Marqus de Pombal, Remetendo Copi a da Carta Instrutiva que Dirigiu ao Intendente, Nomeando o Diretor Geral dos [Indios]. 21 7 1775. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Luiz da Cunha Menezes Martinho de Mello e Castro, acerca das Providencias Tomadas para a Civilizao dos Silvestres. 1780. 1.2.7. Ofcio d e Luiz da Cunha Menezes Martinho de Mello e Castro, sobre Civilizao dos [Indios]. Lisboa, 20 7 1781.

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465 1.2.7. Ofcio de Luiz da Cunha Menezes Martinho de Mello e Castro, Respeito da Extrao da ouro e da Reduo e Civilizao das Naes de Silvestres 9 8 1781. 1.2.7. Ofcio de Tristo de Cunha Menezes Martinho de Mello e Castro, acerca da Civilizao dos [Indios] e o Establecimento d e A ldeias. Lisboa, 16 1 1784. 1.2.8. Ofcio de Tristo de Cunha Menezes Martinho de Mello e Ca stro, acerca de Nao [Caiapo] i r Reduzir ao Governo da Igreja e V assalagem Cora Portugusa. Lisboa, 20 6 1781. 1.2.8. Ofcio de Joo Manoel de Menezes Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho acerca do Estado em que se Acho So Jos de Mossmedes e Maria Primeira. Lisboa, 9 7 1800. In stituto Histrico e Geogrfico de Mato Grosso, Cuiab. Pasta 97 N o 2128. Carta de Joo Batista Duarte ao Capito General Discorrendo sobre a Organizao de uma Bandeira para Combater os ndios Caiap, de Acordo com os Princpios de Guerra Justa. Cuiab, 7 4 1771. Pasta 97 N o 2130. Requerimento Solicitando autorizao da Directoria Geral de ndios para Organizao de uma Bandeira contra os ndios Bororo. Cuiab, 5 7 1773. Pasta 101 N o 2306. Carta de Manoel Francisco da Silva para a Presidente de Provncia de Mato Grosso Discorrendo sobre a Organizao de Bandeira para Apresamento de ndio, assim como sobre as Difficuldades do serto. Cuiab, 19 7 1778. Instituto de Memoria do Poder Legislativo, Cuiab. Livro de Decretos e Resolues, Ano 1835. Museu das Bande iras, Gois Velho. Pacote 338: Bens da Fazenda Real. Pacote 405: Ordens Regias (1750 1783). Pacote 413: Vila Boa Provedoria de Real Fazenda, Periodo (1749 1752). Pacote 418: Sesses da Junta (1810 1820). Pacote 419: Sesses da Junta (1820 1825). Pacote 422 : Deliberaes da Junta (1815 1828).

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466 Projecto Resgate Baro do Rio Branco: Documentos Manuscritos Avulsos Referente Capitania de Gois Existentes no Arquivo Histrico Ultramarino, Lisbon. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 3, D. 254. Carta do [Governador e Capito Gen eral de So Paulo], Dom Lus de Mascarenhas, ao Rei [Dom Joo V], sobre os Autos de Devassa Tirados pelo Ouvidor Geral das Minas de Gois, [Manuel Antunes da Fonseca], acerca dos Danos Causados pelos ndios nos Distritos de Natividade, Remdios, Terras Nov as e Paran, e Ressaltando que para Livrarem os Moradores das Minas de Gois das Vexaes dos ndios se Deve assisti los com o Sertanista Antnio Pires de Campos com os seus borors. Santos, 23 8 1744. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 358. Carta do Intendente e Provedor da Fazenda Real de Gois, Manuel Caetano Homem de Macedo, ao Rei [Dom Joo V], sobre a Instalao do Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos com os ndios Borors, na Estrada para So Paulo. Vila Boa, 30 4 1748. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 362. Certido do Escrivo da Fazenda Real, Francisco ngelo Xavier de Aguirre, Referente Chegada de Antnio Pires de Campos Vila Boa de Gois, com os seus ndios Borors. Vila Boa, 4 5 1748. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 417. Carta do Governador e Capito General de Gois, Dom Marcos de Noronha, ao Rei [Dom Joo V], sobre a Dificuldade de se Fazer Guerra contra os ndios Caiaps, os quais Infestam os Caminhos de So Paulo a Gois, Devido Falta de Armas e Munies e acerca da Falta de Aldeamentos para Conterem as Investida s dos Ditos Caiaps e dos ndios Acro Ass e Acro Mirim. Vila Boa, 10 12 1749. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 5, D. 427. Carta do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Dom Marcos de Noronha, ao Rei [Dom Joo V], sobre a Chegada de Dois Padres Missionrios que Ju ntos com Antnio Pires de Campos Faro a Reduo e Aldeamento dos ndios Araxs, que Vivem na Passagem do Rio Grande, Ficando estes ltimos Seguros das Hostilidades dos ndios Caiaps e acerca da Cngrua que se Dever Pagar aos Ditos Missionrios. Vila Boa 29 12 1749. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 456. Consulta do Conselho Ultramarino, ao Rei Dom Jos, sobre a Carta do Governador e Capito General de Gois, [Conde dos Arcos], Dom Marcos de Noronha, acerca do Requerimento do Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos, Def ensor do Caminho que Vai de So Paulo a Gois, contra os ndios Caiaps, Solicitando Ajuda de Custo para Remediar a sua Vexao e Despesas que Tm Feito com os ndios Borors. Lisboa, 14 11 1750.

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467 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 492. Consulta do Conselho Ultramar ino, ao Rei Dom Jos, sobre a Preocupao que o Intendente e Administrador do Contrato dos Diamantes do Rio Claro Tem com as Novas Investidas dos ndios Caiaps nos Arredores do Arraial e o Encontro que o Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos e uma Companhia de Aventureiros Teve com estes ndios Matando lhes Dezesseis e Prendendo Trinta e Duas Pessoas. Lisboa, 7 11 1751. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 6, D. 493. Requerimento de Antnio de Lemos, ao Rei [Dom Jos], Solicitando a Confirmao da Carta Patente no Posto de Capi to de uma Companhia de Soldados Aventureiros para Resistir s Invases dos ndios Caiaps. [12 10 1751]. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 7, D. 502. Carta do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Dom Marcos de Noronha, ao Rei [Dom Jos], sobre a Utilidade de se Def erir a Pretenso de Manuel de Campos Bicudo, Irmo do Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos, quanto a Continuar no Mesmo Servio de seu Irmo, com o qual se Fez o Ajuste para Defender o Caminho que Vem de So Paulo dos Ataques dos ndios e acerca das Mesmas Mer cs Prometidas a seu Irmo. Vila Boa, 25 1 1752. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 7, D. 503. Oficio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Dom Marcos de Noronha ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Diogo de Mendona Corte Real, sobre a Utilidade de se Deferir a Pretenso de Manuel de Campos Bicudo, Irmo do Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos, quanto a Continuar no Mesmo Servio de seu Irmo, com o qual se Fez o Ajuste para Defender o Caminho que Vem de So Paulo dos Ataques dos ndios Vila Boa, 25 1 1752. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 7, D. 547. Resumo de uma Consulta sobre as Novas Investidas que Fizeram os ndios Caiaps e o Encontro que com Ele Teve o Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos. 6 10 1752. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 8, D. 569. Proviso (Cpia) do Rei Dom Jos, ao G overnador e Capito General de Gois, Conde dos Arcos, [Dom Marcos de Noronha], Determinando que se Leve em Conta na Provedoria da Fazenda Real a Despesa feita por Antnio Pires de Campos, com o Estabelecimento de uma Aldeia de ndios Araxs no Rio Claro. Lisboa, 28 5 1753.

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468 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 8, D. 576. Proviso (Cpia) do Rei Dom Jos ao Governador e Capito General de Gois, Conde dos Arcos, [Dom Marcos de Noronha], Ordenando se Ajuste com Antnio Gomes Leite a Reduo Pacfica do ndios Acros, Debaixo dos Mesmos Prmios e Circunstncias que se Observaram com o Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos e com as Clusulas que por Morte deste se Ajustou Condicionalmente com o seu Irmo Manuel de Campos Bicudo. Lisboa, 31 5 1753. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 9, D. 616. Ofcio (Resumo) do Governador e Capito General de Gois, [Dom Marcos de Noronha], ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Diogo de Mendona Corte Real, sobre o Ajuste Condicional que Fez com Manuel de Campos Bicudo para Conservar Livre dos Ataques Ind genas o Caminho das Minas de Gois. 1753. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 12, D. 721. Certido do Escrivo das Diligncias do Sindicante, Desembargador Manuel da Fonseca Brando, Jos Pereira da Cunha, Referente a um Requerimento do Coronel Antnio Pires de Campos Sol Caiap. Vila Boa, 21 3 1755. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 12, D. 731. Carta do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Dom Marcos de Noronha, ao Rei [Dom Jos], em Resposta Proviso sobre a Reduo do nd io Acro, Ajustada com Antnio Gomes Leite. Vila Boa, 11 4 1755. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 13, D. 775. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Conde de So Miguel, [Dom lvaro Jos Xavier Botelho de Tvora], ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultra mar], Diogo de Mendona Corte Real, sobre o Estabelecimento das Aldeias de ndios Tapiraps e Cururs, Inimigos dos Caiaps; os Acros da Aldeia do Duro e as Hostilidades que Tm Feito os Xacriabs. Vila Boa, 12 12 1755. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 13, D. 780. Pro viso (Cpia) do Rei Dom Jos, ao [Governador e Capito General de Gois], conde de So Miguel, [Dom lvaro Jos Xavier Botelho de Tvora], Determinando que se Estude a Melhor Maneira de se Conseguir a Reduo Pacfica dos ndios Acros e Caiaps, e em no Conseguindo, se Existe Justa Causa para lhes Fazer Guerra. Lisboa, 11 3 1756. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 829. Consulta do Conselho Ultramarino, ao Rei Dom Jos, sobre a Carta do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Conde de So Miguel, [Dom lvaro Jos Xavier Botelho de Tvora], acerca de como Procedeu com Seis ndias e Vinte Cinco Crianas Aprisionadas pelo Capito Mor da Conquista do Gentio Caiap, Joo de Godi Pinto da Silveira. Lisboa, 5 2 1757.

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469 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 14, D. 856. Carta dos Oficiais d a Cmara de Vila Boa, ao Rei [Dom Jos], Expondo as Atrocidades Cometidas pelos ndios Caiaps e Insistindo na Guerra Ofensiva como nico Meio de Represso. Vila Boa, 11 6 1757. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 907. Consulta do Conselho Ultramarino, ao Rei [Dom Jos], sobre a Carta do [governador e capito general de Gois], Conde de So Miguel, [Dom lvaro Jos Xavier Botelho de Tvora], acerca dos Insultos dos ndios Caiaps ao Guarda Mor de Gois, Baltazar de Godi Bueno e Gusmo; o seu Procedimento a este Res peito; a Expedio que Organizou aos Sertes do Norte da Capitania; os ndios Conduzidos por esta Expedio e a Necessidade de se Formar uma Nova Aldeia. Lisboa, 23 9 1758. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 15, D. 933. Ofcio do Intendente e Provedor da Fazenda Real de Gois, [Lus Antnio Rozado da Cunha], ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Tom Joaquim da Costa Corte Real, sobre os ndios Aldeados nas Aldeias de Santa Ana do Rio das Velhas e Natividade e acerca dos ndios Caiaps. Gois, 24 7 1759. AHU_AC L_CU_008, Cx. 17, D. 983. Carta do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Joo Manuel de Melo, ao Rei [Dom Jos], sobre os ndios da Capitania de Gois [Acros, Xacriabs e Caiaps]; a Causa da Sublevao da Aldeia do Duro. Vila Boa, 29 5 1760. AHU_ACL_C U_008, Cx. 18, D. 1072. Requeremento de Rita Rodrigues Neves e os "rfos seus Filhos, Viva que Ficou de Manuel da Costa Portela, ao Rei [Dom Jos], Solicitando Moratria por Tempo de Cinco Anos, Constrangendo os Credores a Esperar, ainda que se Encontrem Alguns com Penhora ou Bens Adjudicados nas Partilhas, em Virtude de seu Marido Ter Falecido em 1755 na sua Lavra do Ribeiro da Ona, Juntamente com Quarenta e Trs Escravos, Devido um Ataque dos ndios Gois [23 1 1762]. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 19, D. 1191. Ofcio do Sindicante, Desembargador Manuel da Fonseca Brando, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar, Francisco Xavier de Mendona Furtado], sobre as Despesas com a Criao de Duas Companhias de Soldados Pedestres para Defenderem a Estrada de So Paulo e Vizinhanas de Vila Boa dos Assaltos dos ndios Caiaps, as quais depois Foram Reduzidas a uma s Companhia da qual Foram Capites, Antnio Lemos de Faria, Antnio Pires de Campos, e Manuel de Campos Bicudo. Vila Boa, 26 11 1763.

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470 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx 20, D. 1220. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Joo Manuel de Melo, ao Secretrio de Estado [da Marinha e Ultramar], Francisco Xavier de Mendona Furtado, sobre os Novos Ataques dos ndios Caiaps e Xavantes que se Mantinham em Boa Vizin hana; a Suspeita destes Ataques Serem Fomentados pelos Jesutas Espanhis; acerca da Junta que Convocou Ter Decidido Fazer Guerra Ofensiva aos ndios e a Bandeira que os Moradores de Pilar e Crixs Esto Organizando para Combat los. Vila Boa, 7 6 1764. A HU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 22, D. 1370. Ofcio do [Ouvidor Geral de Gois], Desembargador Antnio Jos de Arajo e Sousa, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar, Francisco Xavier de Mendona Furtado], sobre a Concluso da Obra da Cadeia de Vila Boa de Goi s; a Formao de uma Bandeira contra as Hostilidades dos ndios Caiaps. Vila Boa, 12 7 1766. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 23, D. 1440. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Joo Manuel de Melo, ao Secretrio de Estado [da Marinha e Ultramar], Francisc o Xavier de Mendona Furtado, sobre as Invases dos ndios Caiaps no Distrito do Arraial de Santa Luzia e Rio das Velhas e acerca do Sucesso de Duas Bandeiras Organizadas contra Eles, das quais Tomaram parte os Borors do Rio das Pedras. Vila Boa, 22 6 17 67. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 27, D. 1776. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois, Baro de Mossmedes], Jos de Almeida Vasconcelos [de Soveral e Carvalho], ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre os Repetidos Ataques e Mortes Executados pelos ndios Caiaps e Xavante, e acerca das Bandeiras Formadas para Descobrimento de Novas Minas em Gois. Vila Boa, 20 6 1774. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 28, D. 1838. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois, Baro de Mossm edes], Jos de Almeida Vasconcelos [de Soveral e Carvalho], ao [Secretrio de Estado dos Negcios Estrangeiros], Marqus de Pombal, [Sebastio Jos de Carvalho e Melo], sobre a Criao de Aldeias Indgenas; o Sucesso na Civilizao dos Carajs e Javas; os Provimentos de Boca e Guerra que Enviou para as Ditas Aldeias sem Recorrer aos Recursos da Fazenda Real, Utilizando os no Aumento das Praas de Pedestres e no Estabelecimento da Aldeia dos ndios Acros que Servir de Barreira aos Ataques dos ndios Caiap s. Vila Boa, 15 6 1776.

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471 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 28, D. 1855. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois, Baro de Mossmedes], Jos de Almeida Vasconcelos [de Soveral e Carvalho], ao [Secretrio de Estado dos Negcios Estrangeiros], Marqus de Pombal, [ Sebastio Jos de Carvalho e Melo], sobre suas Prticas Administrativas acerca da Aldeia de So Jos de Mossmedes e Solicitando as Determinaes e o Provimento da Fazenda Real para a Civilizao dos Carajs, Javas e outras Naes Indgenas. Vila Boa, 20 9 1776. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 30, D. 1920. Carta do Juiz Ordinrio e Presidente da Cmara de [Vila Boa] Jos Cardoso da Fonseca, Rainha [Dona Maria I], sobre as Duas Companhias de Sol dados Pedestres Criadas pelo Ex Governador e Capito General de So Paulo Dom Lus de Mascarenhas, em Benefcio da Populao, e Solicitando Ordem para os Governadores e Capites Generais Destacarem e Mandarem os Soldados e Oficiais Competentes para a Ronda, Guarda e Defesa dos Moradores, Detendo as Investidas dos ndios Caiap s. Vila Boa, 4 6 1778. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 1996. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Lus da Cunha Menezes, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre o Aldeamento da Nova Beira, Habitada pelos ndios Carajs, Carijs e Javas; as Medidas Tomadas para Conter as Hostilidades dos ndios Caiaps e Xavantes e Manter a Amizade dos ndios Aldeados no Presdio Estabelecido sob o Comando do Alferes Jos Machado de Azevedo; as Descobertas de Salinas que Pr ometem Grande Abundncia e Propondo a Formao uma Bandeira Composta de ndios Comandada pelo Capito de Pedestres Jos Lus Pereira, para Tentar a Pacificao dos ndios Caiaps. Vila Boa, 1780. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2019. Ofcio do [Governador e Ca pito General de Gois], Lus da Cunha Menezes, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre o Envio de uma Bandeira para Persuadir pela Amizade os ndios Caiaps, Seguindo Todas as Instrues Vindas do Reino, Baseando se na Experincia Inglesa e Francesa da Sujeio dos ndios ; o Encontro com o Cacique dos Caiaps; Solicitando Proviso da Fazenda Real para esta Importante Diligncia e Propondo a Construo de uma Aldeia para Abrigar a todos os ndios da dita Nao, Deno minando a Dona Maria I. Vila Boa, 20 7 1781. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 32, D. 2025. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Lus da Cunha Menezes, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre as Medidas Administra tivas para Animar a Extrao de Ouro em Gois e Promover a Civilizao dos ndios Impulsionando as Obras da Aldeia de So Jos de Mossmedes, e acerca do Aldeamento dos ndios Caiaps na Aldeia Denominada Dona Maria I. Vila Boa, 9 9 1781.

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472 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 33, D. 2076. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Lus da Cunha Meneses, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre a Civilizao dos ndios Caiaps; o Sucesso do Aldeamento da dita Nao; a Criao da Aldeia Maria I, e Enviando Plantas e Estampas da dita Aldeia. Vila Boa, 18 12 1782. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2079. Carta do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Lus da Cunha Meneses, Rainha [Dona Maria I], sobre a Formao de uma Bandeira de Ci nquenta Soldados Armados com Armas de Fogo para Civilizar os ndios Caiaps. Vila Boa, 10 1 1783. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 34, D. 2104. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Lus da Cunha Meneses, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Ma rtinho de Melo e Castro, Remetendo Carta do Sargento Regente da Aldeia Maria I, Jos Lus Pereira, e Relao dos ndios Caiaps da dita Aldeia. Vila Boa, 3 6 1783. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2131. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Tristo da Cunha Meneses, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre os Procedimentos do seu Antecessor [Lus da Cunha Meneses], acerca da Formao de uma Bandeira para Ir ao Encontro das Terras dos ndios Caiaps; o Estabele cimento da Aldeia Maria I, a Necessidade do Aumento da Companhia de Pedestres da Guarnio da Capitania de Gois, a Fim de Sujeitar os ndios nas suas Plantaes e na Construo da dita Aldeia. Vila Boa, 16 1 1784. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2136. Ofcio d e Jos Rodrigues Freire, ao [secretrio de estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre a Falta de Mantimentos em Vila Boa e a Chegada de Grande Quantidade de ndios Caiaps para Serem Aldeados. Vila Boa, 12 2 1784. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 3 5, D. 2156. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Tristo da Cunha Meneses, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre as Hostilidades Cometidas pela Nao Xavante na Repartio do Norte de Gois; a Forma o de uma Bandeira com Soldados da Companhia de Pedestres para Enfrentar os ndios Caiaps; a Despesa para seu Municiamento; Algumas Consideraes acerca das Instrues para a Civilizao e Reduo dos ndios e, em Razo do Estado Miservel da Capitania. Vila Boa, 17 7 1784.

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473 AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 35, D. 2168. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Tristo da Cunha Meneses, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre a Captura de Alguns ndios Xavantes pela Ba ndeira Composta de Quarenta Soldados da Companhia de Pedestres, Armados e Municiados, e de Quarenta ndios da Nao Caiap da Aldeia Maria I. Vila Boa, 10 12 1784. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 36, D. 2189. Ofcio do [Tenente de Cavalos da Guarnio de Gois] Jos R odrigues Freire, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Martinho de Melo e Castro, sobre a Formao de uma Bandeira para Seguir Rumo aos Alojamentos dos ndios Xavantes e Xerentes, Composta de Quarenta ndios Caiaps e Dezoito Acros. Vila Boa, 2 0 9 1785. AHU_ACL_CU_008, Cx. 41, D. 2510. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General de Gois], Dom Joo Manuel de Menezes, ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar], Dom Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, sobre o Estado de Runa em que se Encontram as Duas Al deias de So Jos de Mossmedes e Maria I; a Indisciplina dos ndios que nelas Habitam, e Propondo Agumas medidas. Vila Boa, 9 7 1800. Projecto Resgate Baro do Rio Branco: Documentos Manuscritos Avulsos Referente Capitania de Mato Grosso Existentes no A rquivo Histrico Ultramarino, Lisbon. AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 15, D. 931. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General da Capitania de Mato Grosso] Lus Pinto de Sousa Coutinho ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar] Martinho de Melo e Castro acerca da Not cia pelo Juiz de Fora de Vila de Cuiab, Joo Baptista Duarte, da Invaso daquele Distrito por ndios Paiagu e Caiap. Vila Bela, 26 5 1771. AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 16, D. 961. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General da Capitania de Mato Grosso] Lus Pinto de Sousa Coutinho ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar] Martinho de Melo e Castro em que Faz uma Avaliao do Estado da Capitania ao Concluir Trs anos de Governo, Fala dos ndios e Diz que todas as Naes So Domveis, Menos os Muray, no Rio Madei ra, os Caiap, no Caminho de Gois, e os Tapuy, nas Vizinhanas do Forte de Bragana. Vila Bela, 6 12 1771. AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 16. D. 985. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General da Capitania de Mato Grosso] Lus Pinto de Sousa Coutinho ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar] Martinho de Melo e Castro sobre a Comunicao do Rio Guapor com o Jaur e os Recentes Insultos do Gentio Caiap, que Podem Comprometer as Povoaes alm do Coxip. Vila Bela, 3 8 1772.

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47 4 AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 16, D. 997. Ofcio d o [Governador e Capito General da Capitania de Mato Grosso] Lus de Albuquerque Pereira e Cceres ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar] Martinho de Melo e Castro sobre as Bandeiras que Esto Sendo Organizadas contra o Gentio Caiap e a Necessida de da Ajuda das Capitanias de Gois e de So Paulo. Vila Bela, 18 12 1772. AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 19, D. 1198. Carta dos Oficiais da Cmara da Vila de Cuiab Rainha [Dona Maria I] em que Pedem a Extino, nos seus Prprios Alojamentos, dos ndios Bororo e C aiap. Cuiaba, 26 5 1778. AHU_ACL_CU_010, Cx. 21, D. 1257. Ofcio do [Governador e Capito General da Capitania de Mato Grosso] Lus de Albuquerque de Melo Pereira e Cceres ao [Secretrio de Estado da Marinha e Ultramar] Martinho de Melo e Castro em que I nforma sobre a Tomada de Posse das Novas Minas de Ouro na Serra Guarajs; um Ataque dos ndios Caiap Vila de Cuiab e a Bandeira que 80 homens, a Terceira que Saiu dali para Ir Conquistar e Catequizar os Selvagens. Vila Bela, 28 12 1779. Published Sourc es Apolinrio, Juciene Ricarte 2006 Os Akro e Outros Povos Indgenas nas Fronteiras do Serto. Goinia: Editora Kelps. Alencastro, Jos Martins Pereira de 1862 Relatrio. Electronic document, http://www.crl.edu/areastudies/LAMP/index.htm, accessed May 5 2006. 1864a Annaes da Provncia de Goyaz. Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro 27(2):5 217. 1864b Annaes da Provncia de Goyaz. Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro 27(3):229 349. 1865 Annaes da Provncia de Goyaz. Rev ista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro 28(2):5 167. Almeida, Francisco Jos de Lacerda e 1944 Dirios de Viagem. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional. Almeida, Maria Regina Celestino de 2003 Metamorfoses Indgenas: Identidade e Cultura nas Aldei as Colonais do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional. Anonymous, ed. 1918 Subsidios para a Historia da Capitania de Gois (1756 1806). Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro 84:41 294.

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475 1925 Uma Heroina Goiana: Damiana da Cunha. R io de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional. 1980 Cartas dos Governadores in [sic] Registro do Caminho Novo de Parati. Revista do Arquivo Histrico Estadual 2:33 55. 1982a Cartas dos governadores in [sic] Registro do Caminho Novo de Parati. Revista do Arquivo Histri co Estadual 4:8 35. 1982b Cartas. Revista do Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso 1:43 58. 1895 Documentos Interessantes para a Histria e Customes de So Paulo. So Paulo: Arquivo do Estado. Arajo, Francisco Lopes de 1983 Instruo que H de Seguir e Observer Inviolavelmente o Cabo da Bandeira Antnio Soares de Godi. Revista do Arquivo Pblico de Mato Grosso 1(2):82 83. Arnt, Ricardo with Lcio Flvio Pinto and Raimundo Pinto 1998 Panara: A Volta dos ndios Gigantes. So Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. Artia ga, Zoroastro N.d. Dos ndios do Brasil Central. Uberaba: Estabelecimento Grfica Triangulo. Assis, Antero Cicero de 1875 Relatrio Apresentado Assemblia Legislativa Provincial de Goyaz pelo Antero Cicero de Assis, Presidente da Provncia. Electronic do cument, http://www.crl.edu/areastudies/LAMP/index.htm, accessed May 5, 2006. 1877 Relatrio Apresentado Assemblia Legislativa Provincial de Goyaz, pelo Antero Cicero de Assis, Presidente da Provncia. Electronic document, http://www.crl.edu/areastudies/ LAMP/index.htm, accessed May 5, 2006. Atades, Jzus Marco de 1998 Sob o Signo da Violncia Colonizadores e Kayap do Sul no Brazil Central. Goinia: Editora UCS. 2006 A Chegada do Colonizador e os Kayap do Sul. In ndios de Gois: Uma Perspectiva Hist rico cultural. Jzus Marco de Atades, ed. Pp. 51 88. Goinia: Editora da UCG. Atades, Jzus Marco de, ed. 2001 Documenta Ind gena do Brasil Central. Goinia: Editora da UCG. 2006 ndios de Gois: Uma Perspectiva Hist rico cultural. Goinia: Editora da UC G.

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476 Azevedo, Antnio Peixoto de 1885 Memria: Rio Paranatinga. Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia do Rio de Janeiro 1(1):25 50. Bamberger, Joan 1979 Exit and Voice in Central Brazil: The Politics of Flight in Kayapo Society. In Dialectical Societies: The Ge and Bororo of Central Brazil David Maybury Lewis, ed. Pp. 130 146. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Barbosa, Francisco Oliveira 1863 Noticias da Capitania de So Paulo, da America Meridional: Escriptas no Anno de 1792. Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico Brasileiro 5:22 35. Barickman, Bert Jude 1995 Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. The Americas 51:325 368. Barros, Edir Pina de 1987/88/89 Poltica Indigenista, Poltica Indgena e suas Relaes com a Poltica Expansionista no II Imprio em Mato Grosso. Revista de Antropologia 30/31/32:183 223. Baruzzi, Roberto with L. F. Marcopito, M. L. C. Serra, F. A. A. Souza and C. Stabile 1977 The Kren Akorore: A Recently C ontacted Indigenous Tribe. Health and Disease in Tribal Societies 49:179 211. Baruzzi, Roberto Geraldo with Vera Lucia de Barros and Douglas Rodrigues and Ana Lucia Medeiros de Souza and Heloisa Pagliaro 2001 Sade e Doena em ndios Panara (Kreen Akrre) aps Vinte e Cinco Tuberculose (Brazil Central). Caderno de Sade Pblico 17(2):407 412. Block, David 1994 Mission Culture on the Upper Amazon: Native Tradition, Jesuit Enterprise, and Secular Policy in Moxos, 1660 1880. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Boxer, Charles. R 1975 The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695 1750: The Growing Pains of a Colonial Society. Berkeley: University of California Press. Brasil, Antnio, ed. 1979 Documentos Histric os de Gois. Revista do Instituto Histrico e Geogrfico de Gois. 8:46 66.

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490 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH David Louis Mead attended the University of Florida for his Bachelor of Arts, Master of Arts, and Doctor of Philosphy. In all that time, he never attended a Gator football game. He is married, has one son, and lives with three cats.