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The Structure of Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024981/00001

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Title: The Structure of Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives Expanding the Labovian and Longacrean Models to Accommodate Wolof Oral Tradition
Physical Description: 1 online resource (201 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Seck, Mamarame
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2009

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: discourse, narrative, sufism, wolof
Linguistics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Linguistics thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This dissertation investigates Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure and its relationship with the context of production of the narratives. The findings of this study indicate that the structure of these narratives is characterized by (1) the salience of the complicating action, (2) the presence a pre-story stage, which announces the general topic, and (3) the presence of a closing evaluation stage, which is different from the internal evaluations within the complicating action. My data come from recorded audio-video materials featuring Sufi gatherings, which are attended by adepts of Sufi orders in Senegal, and during which Sufi narratives are used as basic form of communication. A complete Sufi oral story is composed of a pre-story, abstract, complicating action, which may include a dialogue, monologue, praise, or genealogy, and a closing evaluation. The speaker usually announces the general topic of the selected story before beginning the narration. In addition, he gives special preeminence to the complicating action or peak by means of various linguistic mechanisms both at discourse and syntax levels. Finally, the story ends with a closing evaluation, featuring the speaker s assessment of the significance of the story that has been told. Although aspects of the Labovian and Longacrean models were helpful in analyzing the forms of Wolof Sufi oral narratives, additional concepts were necessary to more fully explain some particular structures and their cultural functions in the narratives. The contribution of this study is the identification of a pre-story and a final evaluation, which have a significant function in Wolof Sufi oral narratives. By expanding the study of narrative and narrative structure to Sufi narratives, this study also contributes cross-cultural and cross-linguistic approaches to study oral narratives.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Mamarame Seck.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2009.
Local: Adviser: McLaughlin, Fiona.

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Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2009
System ID: UFE0024981:00001

Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UFE0024981/00001

Material Information

Title: The Structure of Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives Expanding the Labovian and Longacrean Models to Accommodate Wolof Oral Tradition
Physical Description: 1 online resource (201 p.)
Language: english
Creator: Seck, Mamarame
Publisher: University of Florida
Place of Publication: Gainesville, Fla.
Publication Date: 2009

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords: discourse, narrative, sufism, wolof
Linguistics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
Genre: Linguistics thesis, Ph.D.
bibliography   ( marcgt )
theses   ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent)   ( marcgt )
born-digital   ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation

Notes

Abstract: This dissertation investigates Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure and its relationship with the context of production of the narratives. The findings of this study indicate that the structure of these narratives is characterized by (1) the salience of the complicating action, (2) the presence a pre-story stage, which announces the general topic, and (3) the presence of a closing evaluation stage, which is different from the internal evaluations within the complicating action. My data come from recorded audio-video materials featuring Sufi gatherings, which are attended by adepts of Sufi orders in Senegal, and during which Sufi narratives are used as basic form of communication. A complete Sufi oral story is composed of a pre-story, abstract, complicating action, which may include a dialogue, monologue, praise, or genealogy, and a closing evaluation. The speaker usually announces the general topic of the selected story before beginning the narration. In addition, he gives special preeminence to the complicating action or peak by means of various linguistic mechanisms both at discourse and syntax levels. Finally, the story ends with a closing evaluation, featuring the speaker s assessment of the significance of the story that has been told. Although aspects of the Labovian and Longacrean models were helpful in analyzing the forms of Wolof Sufi oral narratives, additional concepts were necessary to more fully explain some particular structures and their cultural functions in the narratives. The contribution of this study is the identification of a pre-story and a final evaluation, which have a significant function in Wolof Sufi oral narratives. By expanding the study of narrative and narrative structure to Sufi narratives, this study also contributes cross-cultural and cross-linguistic approaches to study oral narratives.
General Note: In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note: Includes vita.
Bibliography: Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description: Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description: This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Statement of Responsibility: by Mamarame Seck.
Thesis: Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2009.
Local: Adviser: McLaughlin, Fiona.

Record Information

Source Institution: UFRGP
Rights Management: Applicable rights reserved.
Classification: lcc - LD1780 2009
System ID: UFE0024981:00001


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1 THE STRUCTURE OF WOLO F SUFI ORAL NARRATIVES: EXPANDING THE LABOVIAN AND LONGACREAN MODELS TO ACCOMMODATE WOLOF ORAL TRADITION By MAMARAME SECK A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2009

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2 2009

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3 To my wife Maguette

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would lik e to thank my deceased Aunt Mbolou Mbaye for providing me with the opportunity to gain this tremendous education and the necessary tool s to succeed in life. I would like to thank my mother Ndiaw Mbaye for being supportive and patient. I w ould like to thank the chair of my committee, Dr. Fiona McLaughlin, whos e expertise in African linguistics and Wolof has been very helpful. I would like to thank Dr. Blondeau, Locastro, and Sow, for accepting to be part of my committee and providing me with their insightful comm ents. I would like to thank my father-in-law Mansour Mbaye for being very suppor tive. I would like to thank my wife Maguette for accompanying me during this long journey. I would like to thank Ndeye Rouba, Mansour and Amina for their love. I would like to thank my brother Massamba Fall Seck for his insightful ideas and support. I would like to thank Kalidou Ndiaye for his c onstant support. I would like to thank my friends Harriet and Jim for their support. Finally I would like to thank all my family, extended family and friends for alwa ys being supportive and encouraging.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................................... 4LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................8LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................................9LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................ 10ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... .............11 CHAP TER 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 13Introduction .................................................................................................................. ...........13Methodology ................................................................................................................... ........27Data Collection ................................................................................................................27Selected Narratives ..........................................................................................................28Organization of the Dissertation ......................................................................................342 NARRATIVE ..................................................................................................................... ....37Labov and Waletzkys (1967) Narrative Framework ............................................................. 37Temporal Sequence .........................................................................................................38Types of Clauses ..............................................................................................................39Temporal Juncture ........................................................................................................... 40Narrative Heads ...............................................................................................................41Primacy Sequence ...........................................................................................................41Overall Structure of Narratives ....................................................................................... 42Further Developments of Labovs Framework ............................................................... 45Abstract .................................................................................................................... 45Narrative syntax .......................................................................................................46Evaluative elements .................................................................................................. 47Reportability and credibility .....................................................................................48The assignment of praise and blame ........................................................................ 49Narrative pre-construction ........................................................................................49Longacres Narrative Structure ...............................................................................................50Points in Common between the Labov-Longacr e Model and Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives .... 55Points of Difference between the LabovLongacre Model and Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives ............................................................................................................................59

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6 3 GRAMMAR OF WOLOF SUFI NARRATIVE .................................................................... 66A Brief Overview of Wolof .................................................................................................... 66Wolof Sufi Narratives: A Complex Genre ............................................................................. 68Embedded Text Types .....................................................................................................68Monologue ............................................................................................................... 68Dialogue ................................................................................................................... 70Praise ........................................................................................................................ 72Genealogy ................................................................................................................. 73The Macro-Structure .......................................................................................................74Background and Foreground: Definitions ................................................................74Temporal Sequencing ...............................................................................................83The Micro-Structure ........................................................................................................84Canonical clauses .....................................................................................................84Narrative clauses ...................................................................................................... 84Below clausal level ...................................................................................................85Wolof auxiliaries in narratives ................................................................................. 894 THE SOCIAL SETTING OF WO LOF SUFI NARRATIVES .............................................. 94Corpus of Texts .......................................................................................................................94Ethnography of Speaking in Wolof Society ........................................................................... 96Gwl as Verbal Artist ....................................................................................................96Origin and Social Status of the Gwl .......................................................................... 100Patterns of Gwl -speech Style in Sufi Narratives ........................................................ 102A West African Sufi Culture ................................................................................................ 106Themes and Contents of the Narratives ................................................................................ 108Themes of Sufi Narratives ............................................................................................. 109Prediction making .................................................................................................. 109Relationship between shaykh and disciple .............................................................110Content of Sufi Narratives .............................................................................................113Biographies of the shaykhs .................................................................................... 113Anecdotes ............................................................................................................... 116Variation in Sufi narratives .................................................................................... 120Wolof Sufi Narratives a nd West-African Epics ................................................................... 120Role of the Narratives ...........................................................................................................121Sufi Narratives and Identity Shaping ............................................................................ 122Communicative and Interactional Role of Sufi Narratives ........................................... 1235 WOLOF SUFI NARRATIVES ............................................................................................ 125Cultural Context of the Narrative Performance ....................................................................125Background Stages ...............................................................................................................128Pre-story ..................................................................................................................... ...128Abstract ...................................................................................................................... ....133

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7 Orientation .....................................................................................................................135Evaluation .................................................................................................................... ..136Climactic evaluations ............................................................................................. 137Final evaluation ......................................................................................................140Foreground Stage: The Complicating Action .......................................................................141Embedded Text Types ...................................................................................................142Monologue ............................................................................................................. 142Dialogue ................................................................................................................. 144Narrative Clauses ...........................................................................................................147Sample Narrative Analysis ...................................................................................................148Context of the Narrative Performance ...........................................................................151The Macro-structure of the Narrative ............................................................................152Background stages ..................................................................................................152Foreground or complicating action ........................................................................ 1586 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... .160Role of the Context ...............................................................................................................160Six-stage Narrative Structure ................................................................................................161Pre-story ..................................................................................................................... ...161Final Evaluation .............................................................................................................164Evaluating Narrative Structure .............................................................................................166Points in Common with Labov and Longacre ............................................................... 166Points of Difference with Labov and Longacre ............................................................166General Conclusion ..............................................................................................................167Future Research ....................................................................................................................169APPENDIX A THE NARRATIVES ............................................................................................................171Narrative 1 Throwing Dates ...............................................................................................171Narrative 2 The Prediction .................................................................................................173Narrative 3 In the Governors Office ................................................................................. 177Narrative 4 The lion chasing of warthog ...........................................................................178Narrative 5 Staying with the Shaykh .................................................................................179Narrative 6 An Example of Faithfulness ............................................................................182Narrative 7 The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter ......................................................... 183Narrative 8 Praying on the Water ...................................................................................... 184Narrative 9 Investing in Amadu Bamba ............................................................................ 189Narrative 10 When the Shadows Will Be Same ................................................................ 190Narrative 11 Warning about Arrogance ............................................................................. 191B GLOSSARY ...................................................................................................................... ...193LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................195BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................201

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8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 1-1 The Sufi narratives .............................................................................................................332-1 Narrative discourse with surf ace peaks (from Longacre 1996:36) .................................... 52

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9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure .................................................................................... 192-1 Labovs normal form of narra tive (Labov and Waletzky 1967) ........................................ 462-2 Longacres Scheme of Discourse Types (from Cortazzi 1993:102-103) .......................... 502-3 Longacres Model of Narrative St ructure (from Cortazzi 1993:104) ................................ 532-4 A combined model of Longacre and Labov ...................................................................... 562-5 Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure .................................................................................... 626-1 Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure .................................................................................. 1626-2 Using Labov and Longacre to account for Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure ..............1666-3 Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure .................................................................................. 167

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10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS subj. Subjet obj. Object v. Verb n. Noun proper.n Proper name imperf. Imperfective perf. Perfective rel. Relative adv. Adverb vfoc. Verb focus sfoc. Subject focus ofoc. Object focus

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11 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE STRUCTURE OF WOLO F SUFI ORAL NARRATIVES: EXPANDING THE LABOVIAN AND LONGACREAN MODELS TO ACCOMMODATE WOLOF ORAL TRADITION By Mamarame Seck August 2009 Chair: Fiona Mc Laughlin Major: Linguistics This dissertation investigates Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure and its relationship with the context of production of the narratives. The findings of th is study indicate that the structure of these narratives is characterized by (1) the salience of the complicating action, (2) the presence a pre-story stage, which announces the ge neral topic, and (3) the presence of a closing evaluation stage, which is different from the inte rnal evaluations within the complicating action. My data come from recorded audio-video ma terials featuring Sufi gatherings, which are attended by adepts of Sufi orders in Senegal, and during which Sufi narratives are used as basic form of communication. A complete Sufi oral story is composed of a pre-story, abstract, complicating action, which may include a dialogue, monologue, praise, or genealogy, and a closing evaluation. The speaker usually announces the general t opic of the selected story before beginning the narration. In addition, he gives special preeminen ce to the complicating action or peak by means of various linguistic mechanisms both at discourse and syntax levels. Finally, the story ends with a closing evaluation, featuring the speakers assessment of the sign ificance of the story that has been told.

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12 Although aspects of the Labovian and Longacrean models were helpful in analyzing the forms of Wolof Sufi oral narratives, additional co ncepts were necessary to more fully explain some particular structures and their cultural functions in the narratives. The contribution of this study is the identific ation of a pre-story and a final evaluation, which have a significant functi on in Wolof Sufi oral narratives. By expanding the study of narrative and narrative stru cture to Sufi narratives, this study also contributes cross-cultural and cross-linguistic approaches to study oral narratives.

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13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Introduction Is narrative structure universal, or do narra tive structures d iffer cross-linguistically and cross-culturally? Labovs narrative theory and Longacres plot st ructure both posit six narrative units. Labov (1967, 1972) refers to the six stages of a narrative as ab stract, orientation, complication, evaluation, resolution and coda, while Longacre talks about aperture, stage, peak, denouement, conclusion, and finis. Given the widespread tendenc y to apply these two theories to other texts, includ ing literary narratives (Prat 1977), othe r disciplines such as anthropology (Bruner 1984, Bauman 1986), and ot her languages such as Cata lan (Gonzlez 2004), it becomes a challenge for students of narrative structure, especially those worki ng with narratives coming from non-Western cultures, to confront these models. The narratives examined in this study are Wolof Sufi narrative s. They are narratives about Sufi shaykhs, both living and dead, who serve as exemplars to the faithful, and they are recounted at various Sufi ceremonies throughout the Muslim calendar year in Senegal. As this dissertation will show, while these narratives genera lly conform to the basic structure outlined by both Labov and Longacre, there ar e nonetheless some crucial diffe rences that, I will argue, are the consequence of the function and context of the Sufi narratives. Both Labov and Longacres models apply to Wo lof oral narratives, if one considers the impact of the audience on the structure of su ch narratives as well as the West-African Sufi cultural setting1 in which they are anchored. Indee d, some of the Labovian and Longacrean stages are made use of in different ways due to several factors, which include the context of the 1 See Robinson, Muslim societies in African history (2004:18-20) for Sufism and Sufi orders; Babou, Fighting the greater jihad (2007:5-9). Glover (2007:46) defines Sufism, tariqa in Arabic, as a set of practices or exercises by which a Muslim could achieve a personal understanding or a unity with God.

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14 narrative performance, the speakers goals, the audi ences expectations and West-African Sufi oral culture. As Tannen (1979) a nd Polanyi (1978) demonstrate, cultural expectations shape the way people construct stories. More over, in Wolof Sufi oral narrat ives, the evaluation stage serves as a conclusion. There is no resolu tion and coda, but a different stag e, a pre-story stage, in which the speaker states the topic of the forthcoming story. In this Sufi communicative setting it is common to verbalize everything so that the lis tener knows the purpose of the story, although the latter is stated in the abstract. This structure of Wolof Sufi oral narratives differs from that of other Wolof stories whose structure is similar to the Labovian and Long acrean models. The two stories below show the difference between Wolof Sufi narrative genres a nd other genres: the non -Sufi narrative genres include the six stages of the Labovian mode l (abstract/aperture, orientation/stage, complication/peak resolution/denouement, evalua tion/conclusion, and coda/finis) while the Sufi narrative genres consist of a pr e-story, abstract, orientation, co mplication, and evaluation. Both the non-Sufi and the Sufi narratives below were told in a Sufi setti ng respectivel y, by El-Hajj Ibou Sakho, a disciple of the Tijaniyya Sufi order2 in Senegal, and Moustapha Abdoul Khadre, a grandson of Amadu Bamba, founder of the Muridi yya Sufi order. El-Hjj Ibou Sakho was giving a lecture in the Great mosque of Dakar, on the life of the Prophet Muhammad while Moustapha Mbacke Ibn Abdoul Khadre was talking about the hi story of the city of Touba, in Touba during the Great Mggal of Touba3. Both lecturers were surrounded by adepts of their respective Sufi orders, the Tijaniyya and Muridiyya orders: 2 There are four major Sufi orders in Senegal: The Tijaniyya (18th century), the Muridiyya (19th century), the Qadiriyya (11th century), and the Layenes (19th ). The disciples of these orders are called respectively the tijans, murids, qadirs, and layenes. For more information on Sufi orders in Senegal, see Mbacke, 2005, Sufism and religious brotherhoods in Senegal 3 The major event of the Muridiyya order

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15 (1) Abstract 1. Caay-caay ga rey na waaye lay wi dafa rafet Orientation 2. Gisoo buur bi ma waa ji doon nettali, 3. dafa def inwitasijo bu ry, 4. dafa wex, ku wex nak na, 5. njaboot gi ypp ko ragal, 6. waa ji ow di versi, di serw i di serwi ba tollook buur bi, Complication 7. manto bu weex bi mu sol, tuuti ci neex mi tax ca, 8. mu dal ci kowam tiim ko ni ko : danga dof ? 9. daldi woo aari sandarma ni nan ko rendi 10. u gnne waaji pur reyi ko pp ni tekk, 11. bam ko wore ni ci dee la jm Resolution 12. mu ni wlbit fap li desoon ci eex mi sotti ko buur bi 13. jallaabi baak manto baak karawaat yaag lpp a tooy nak faf. 14. Waaw yow danga dof xanaa? 15. mu ne dedet dama la bgg rekk te ba ku la xas, 16. soo ma reye ngir toq bu bon, toq-toq sii rekk, 17. epp ni danga soxor waaye bu ma la sottee eex mi ypp, 18. ku ko dgg ni moo yey, 19. baal la xay rekk, banal la noon rekk, ay reewu noon rekk, 20. baal la ko rekk, moo tax ma def jf jii, Coda 21. mu ni ko yaa ry too te rafetu lay, ba yyi leen ko mu dem (laughs from the audience). Translation Abstract 1. The action was bad but the justification was beautiful Orientation 2. Dont you see the king that the guy was telling a story about? 3. he invited people to a big party 4. he was severe, he was very severe 5. his family feared him 6. A guy came to serve and serve until he got to him Complication 7. the white robe that he wore (the king) is dirtied by the food 8. he shouted him: Are you crazy? 9. he called the guards and ordered them to kill the waiter 10. they took him out to slaughter him, everybody was quiet 11. when it was clear to him that he would die

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16 Resolution 12 he turned around and got the rest of the sauce and threw it over the king 13. The caftan and the robe and the tie all became wet 14. Are you crazy? 15. he said to him : no, I just like you and do not want you to be criticized 16. if you kill me for this little drop 17. all the people would think you were me an but if I throw the whole sauce on you 18. whoever hears that would agree with you 19. I just do not want you to be criticized, I dont wa nt you to have enemies, enemies that would laugh at you 20. I just dont want that to happen, thats why I did such a thing Coda 21. He said to him: what a great offense but what a great justification? Let him go. In contrast, the Sufi narrative below, T he Lion Chasing the Wa rthog, includes a prestory, abstract, orientation, complication and eval uation. It does not include a resolution and coda. (2) Pre-story 1. Fii jumaa ji ne, gayndee ngi fi woon Abstract 2. Waaye mel na ni nak bam ko fakkee 3. Fakkub yrmande la ko def Orientation 4. Ndax fii kr S Saaliw gi ne 5. S Saaliw dgg naa ci lmmiam mu ni 6. S bi toog na fii di bind 7. ci garab gii mu taalife4 mat la bul fawseeni 8. lu mel nig dimb la woon 9. mu toog fii Complication 10. ag ngara gaynde di ko daq 11. ba fekk S bi ci gott bi ba w 12. waaye ngara gi daldi yewwu 13. daldi fap tank yi aj daadi koy taxaw teg ko ci kaw S bi 14. aari tanki kanam yi 15. Gaynde gi di ko xool 16. Ba ygg mu ne wait 4 It is the name given today to the hospital of the city of Touba, the headquarters of the Muridiyya order

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17 17. Mbaam ll laa wax mbaam ll Evaluation 18. Legi nak ci ngay daadi xame ni kon 19. Moom bi mu fakkee dkk bi rekk 20. Ci la ko def muy dkkub yrmande 21. Nga xam ne rabi rabi njaay ll yiy fdde sax 22. Bu uy fdd ba agsi fii taxaw 23. Loolu nga ciy daldi dgge Translation Pre-story 1. Here where the mosque is, there was a lion Abstract 2. But it seems like when he (Am adu Bamba) cleared up the place 3. he did for compassion Orientation 4. Because here where the home of S Saaliw is 5. I heard S Saaliw say that 6. the shaykh sat here to write 7. Under this tree, where he wrote his poem mat la bul fawseeni (Arabic) 8. It was something like a pear tree 9. He sat here Complication 10. A lion was pursuing a donkey 11. Until he found the shaykh, in the bush, he arrived 12. But the donkey was smart 13. He then raised his feet, stepped on the shaykh 14. His forward feet 15. The lion looked at him 16. And after a moment, returned back Laughs 17. I am talking about a wart-hog, a wart-hog Evaluation 18. Now, you know, 19. As soon as he created the city, 20. He made it a city of compassion 21. So that, you know, even predators 22. When they come here, they stop 23. That is what you le arn from this story The difference between the two stories above li es on the fact that the first one does not include a Sufi element even if it was told at a Su fi event. In contrast, th e second story contains a Sufi element as it features a Sufi shaykh, Amadu Bamba. The structure of the second is shaped

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18 by a combination of factors, which include the Su fi cultural context of the narrative performance, the audiences expectations, and the speakers in tention to highlight the shaykh or Sufi master and his extraordinary and miraculous deeds. The Sufi narrative, as I define it here, serves the purpose of highli ghting the role of one shaykh as a spiritual leader and exemplar. Therefore, this dissertation aims to answer the four questions below: 1. What are the structure of Wolo f Sufi oral narratives and the formal characteristics of the units of that structure? 2. What is the function of each unit? 3. To what extent do the context of the narrativ e performance, audience, and speakers goals determine the choice of a given narrative and its structure? 4. What linguistic strategies are used within th e peak or complicating action of Wolof Sufi oral narratives for highlighting the Sufi shaykh and his miraculous deeds? Wolof Sufi narratives consist of five stages: a pre-story, the first stage before the actual storytelling. This is the step wh ere Sufi narrators announce the th eme or subject the story being told. This pre-story is different from Labov s cognitive notion of narrative pre-construction (Labov 2007), which refers to the cognitive process of pre-constructing a story before telling it. The pre-story in Wolof Sufi oral narratives is verbalized. The second stage is the abstract, which introduces the point of the narrativ e. The third stage is the orientation, which sets the time, place, and context of the story. The f ourth stage is the complicating action, which is composed of miraculous deeds and crucial dialogues featur ing the Sufi shaykh or master and the other protagonists. In this stage, the speaker uses various linguistics tools including embedded dialogues and/or monologues, genealogies and prai se-evaluations of th e shaykhs actions and philosophical stance. The final stage is the speakers closing ev aluation, which is basically his

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19 personal assessment of the whole story. This final evaluation is tied to the abstract, giving the whole story an orthorhombic crystal shape shel tered by the pre-story stage as in Figure 1-1. pre-story abstract orientation complicating action evaluation Figure 1-1. Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure To understand the rationale for having such a structure, one must look at the functions devoted to each narrative unit. The pre-story stage is here to provide a general thematic background to the listeners. It results from the fact that, in th is oral culture, the more you say, the better you make yourself understood. Everything is verbalized for pedagogical purposes. In order to prepare the audience for the hearing of the upcoming story, the speak er announces the general topic of his story. This announcement sometimes goes beyond the sentence to become a whole pre-section of the story. In order to show the importance of the pre-story in Sufi stories I selected the narrative An Example of Faithfulness, comp osed of a very long pre-story in which the narrator praises the faithfulness of his Sufi master before recounti ng episodes of the life of that shaykh involving the concept of faithfulness. That pre-story section is different from the Labovian concept of narrative pre-constructi on, which is a cognitive process in which the speaker pre-constructs his or her story (Labov 2007). The abstract fulfills the function of stating th e point of the story. It answers the question: Why tell such a story in this particular setting? The abstract gives the audience a reason for listening to the story being told. Generally, it is not longer than a single statement.

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20 The orientation fulfills the f unction of setting the historical background: the site of the story, and the characters that are involved. Locations and time expressions are among the linguistic expressions in use in the orientation to help the listeners situate the event. The complicating action is the most important se ction of the story, the one that features the shaykh, his actions and philosophical teachings. It is characterized by se ries of actions, often extraordinary, presence of di alogues or/and monologues, embedded praises and genealogies, and so forth. It the stage everybody wants to hear, because it highlights the shaykh. Finally, the evaluation serves as moralistic c onclusion provided by the speaker. This is not only an assessment of the actions being told, but also an opportunity for the speaker to draw a conclusion from the whole story and transmit a message to his audience. The context of the narrative performance dete rmines both the struct ure and the functions of the units discussed above. The wo rd context here refers to a se t of factors that determine the forms and functions of the stories. A working de finition of the term context can be Gees (1999) definition of the notion: the material set ting, the people present (a nd what they know or believe), the language that comes be fore or after a given utterance, the social relationships of the people involved, and their ethnic, gendered, and sexual identities, as well as cultural, historical, and institutional factors (Gee 1999 :57). In other words, the people who compose the audience as well as the physical and cultural Sufi settings determine the structure of Wolof Sufi oral narratives. For instance, the way a story is told at a Sufi gathering taking place in Touba, the headquarters of the Muridiyya order, will likely be different from the way the same story is told at another Sufi gathering taking place in Philad elphia, in the United Sates. Attendees of the Touba gathering will likely be composed of a majo rity of Murids or followers of the Muridiyya, while those of the Philadelphia meeting will like ly be mixed. The Senegalese community in the

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21 United-States is composed of people from diff erent Sufi orders; and gatherings usually are mixed. As a result, Sufi speakers tailor their speech according to the audiences background and needs at the time of the performance. The audience-designed nature of Sufi narratives undoubtedly leads to some variations in the accounts of the same story. In addition to the context, there is the fact th at Sufi gatherings are always dominated by the figure of the shaykh, and the speakers intention is to extol the actions and teachings of that shaykh. The choice of a reportable event (Labov 2002:10), meaning an event worth telling and listening to, is determined by the extent to wh ich it helps the speaker magnify a shaykh. While Labov defines reportable events as t he least common events, in Sufi narratives, they seem to be the most known events about a part icular shaykh, which the audience is here to hear about again. The question the speaker needs to answer is: wh at event involving that shaykh is worth recalling in this particular moment? The way of telling Sufi stories is highly codifi ed. It is the griot or West-African verbal specialist, who set the norm for public speaking, although he is no longer the only one who speaks in public or tells storie s. The choice of a repor table event is also influenced by the context. For instance, Ahmet Iyane Thiam, the speaker of the second narrative called The Prediction, has chos en to tell about the predictio n his shaykh, El-Hajj Umar Tall5, has made about the advent of Amadu Bamba6. The context of the storytelling is the Great Mggal 7of Touba. The speakers presence at that ev ent in addition to the prediction his shaykh is said to have made about Amadou Bamba, led the speaker to recall such a highly reportable event. 5 One of the spreaders of the Tijaniyya order in West-Africa and the past leader of the Tall branch of the Tijaniyya in Senegal 6 The founder of the Muridiyya Sufi order, one of the four major Sufi orders of Senegal 7 Celebration of the day of departure into exile of Amadu Bamba (1853-1927) in Gabon in 1895 by the French colonial authorities

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22 The fact that the shaykh is the focus of Sufi stories also explains the preeminence given to the complicating action stage. Indeed, this is the stage where speakers emphasize the actions and teaching of a given shaykh. The stages preceding and following that complicating action respectively prepare or wrap it up. Various linguistic tools are us ed for highlighting the shaykhs actions and teachings within that complicating action, which include embedded text types such as dialogues, monologues, praises, and geneal ogies, narrative clauses (as opposed to nonnarrative clauses found in other se ctions), simple subject-verbobject clause structure without any focus marker, and topicaliz ation, in the form of ri ght and left dislocation. The speakers personal feeling vis--vis th e story being told se rves as conclusion. Labov and Waletzky (1967:13) define narrativ e as one method of recapulating past experience by matching a verbal sequence of clau ses to the sequence of events that actually occurred. In a more recent article titled Narrative Pre-cons truction (2007), Labov reiterates his definition and the six steps of a narrative structure as follows: A particular way of reporting pa st events, in which the order of a sequence of independent clauses is interpreted as the order of the ev ents referred to. They then describe the full elaboration of adult narratives of personal experi ence, beginning with an abstract, orientation, and evaluation section embedded in the compli cating action, a resolution and a coda (Labov 2007:1). Labovs conception of narrative structure is centered on the temporal sequencing of the events and the six-step narrative structure (abs tract, orientation, complicating action, evaluation, resolution and coda). Although, Labovs analyti cal framework was based on oral versions of personal experience in English (Labov & Waletzky 1967: 1), it can be applied with modification to Wolof Sufi narratives, and the Labovian catego ries such as abstract, orientation, complicating

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23 action and evaluation can be used to analyze Sufi stories. The context of the performance Wolof Sufi stories explains the pres ence of a pre-story and the f unction given to the evaluation. The West-African Sufi context of the narrativ es, characterized by th e dominant figure of the shaykh whose known actions and teachings are recalled by Sufi speakers, has certainly given shape to the five-step structure, instead of six as in the Labovian model. The actions accomplished by the shaykh and teaching that can be learned from these actions are the most important aspects of the storytel ling. As a result, afte r highlighting these ac tions (complication), the speaker wraps up his account with his personal assessment (evaluation) Each performer of Sufi narratives takes care of at least one seri es of actions performed by a shaykh during his lifetime, which ties in with other episodes told by other speakers. In that sense, Wolof Sufi narratives can be considered epis odes of a master narra tive, woven by different storytellers. This conception of Sufi narratives corresponds to Barb er (2007)s notion of verbal texts, which she defines as follows: Verbal texts are representatives of supra-individual creativity par excellence A text is dialogic and relational. It presents itself to an in terlocutor; and not usually to a single addressee, but to an implied audience. By being constituted to be out there, it signals its nature as something which exceeds the specific aims of any i ndividual speaker or write r. It is composed in relation to other texts, sharing formal templa tes with them and drawing in myriad ways upon their textual resources, to the point where it could be described as a tissue of quotations (Barthes 1977:146). A text is wholly intentional, but is never confined to the singular intention of a solo originator (Barber 2007:10). In contrast, while Barber seems to downplay a ny individual take on verbal texts, in Sufi narrative texts the speaker tailors his account according to the cont ext. The general template of

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24 the story remains the same but the way each individual tells a story varies depending on his goals and audiences expectations. Although the recipe is the same, some ingredients can change based on the milieu. The idea that the complicating action is the most salient part among the narrative units itself is not new. Longacre (1976, 1985, 1990, and 1996) refers to the complication as peak or zone of turbulence of the story, and to the pr eand post-complication stage, respectively as preand post-peak I use Longacres terminology to refer to the pre-complication sections (prestory, abstract, and orientation), complica tion section (complicating action) and postcomplication section (evaluation) in my analysis of Wolof Sufi oral narratives. Likewise, Labov (1972) stipulated that the complicat ion is the part of the story th at the hearer looks forward to hearing. It answers the questio n: and what happened? However, the internal structure of that complication, meaning the way of making it salient, is language and culture specific. A tense shift is among the most popul ar linguistic features of the complication across-languages Eng lish shifts to preterit tense, past progressive and historical present, French uses prsent historique (historical present) and pass simple (preterit), Fore (Papua New Guinea) uses present tense (Longacre 1996). In addition, there is a series of actions referred to as action peak along with crucial dialogues referred as didactic peak by Longacre (1990 and 1996). In the case of Sufi narratives, in addition to the crucial dialogues, one also finds in the complicating action monologues, through which one le arns more about the Sufi characters. In addition, the complicating action is marked by a shif t to a subject-verb-object clause structure. This clause structure differs from that of th e other stages. Indeed, in that stage there are sequenced clauses, characterized by subject-ver b-object order, uninfl ected verbs, meaning

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25 without any auxiliary (Diouf 2001, Robert 1993, 1999, and 2000). In contrast, in canonical clauses (see chapter 3), found in pre(pre-story, abstract, or ientation) and post-complication (evaluation) sections, the verb is always inflected by an auxilia ry. Beside speci fic structural aspects of the clause, there are also embedded text types such as praises, dialogues, and monologues within the complicating action. Praise consists of recalling the genealogy of the shaykh in order to justify and legitimate his capacity for performing miraculous actions. There is a popular Wolof proverb used when praising someone to show the presupposed correlation between that person and his/her parents: lu juddoo cim tgg, su naawul jaaxal ay bokkam meaning a bird is expect ed to fly as other birds do. In Wolof society, the personality of an indivi dual is often seen as a reproduction of that of his or her parents. If it is a girl, she is expected to behave like her mother: doom ja ndey ja like mother like daughter. If it is a boy, he is also expected to repr oduce the model of his father in terms of qualities that are believ ed to be those of a typical man. In the context of Sufism for instance, a son of shaykh is expected to have the same charisma (Villaln 1995) as his father. Moreover, one will always be praised based on the ex tent to which he or she is able to reproduce the models of his or her parents, both biologically and spiritually. The embedded evaluation differs from the pos t-complication evaluati on, which serves as a way to end the story. The example (3) below is an embedded praise-evaluation, in which the speaker praises his shaykh, referring back to his maternal filiation, kodd Aadama Aycha8 the youngest son of Aadama Aycha and religious notoriety Amiirul Moominun9 Commander of the faithful. In the example, the speaker conclude s his account with a final evaluation which draws 8 The speaker is a multilingual speaker of Arabic, Pular, and Wolof. He praised his shaykh in his native language, Pular 9 Arabic formula meaning commander in chief

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26 upon what the shaykh uttered in the embedded crucia l dialogue, that he will ultimately be the leader of all the peopl e living in his area: (3) 1. kodd Aadama Aycha 2. Amiirul Moominun Translation 1. The youngest son of Aadama Aysa 2. Commander of the faithful (4) 1. Ku am ku tol noonu nak nga xam ne wor na ne 2. bs bu ker gi doone genn wax ji doon jenn 3. boo ci amee war nga p ci moom 4. war nga p ci ay 10wasaayaam manaam ay 11recommandaa siyoom 5. war nga p ci ay ndigalam, 6. war nga p ci njaboot gi mi fi byyi 7. ndax ku am koo xam ni bs bu ker gi doonee genn 8. wax jpp ci moom lay ne (laughs) 9. am nan lu ry am nan lu ry lu kenn amul. Translation 1. Whoever has someone who reaches that level, that, you know for sure, 2. the day the shadows will be the same, 3. if you have someone of that le vel, you must hold on to him, 4. you must hold on to his wasaayaam, meaning his recommendations, 5. you must hold on to his recommendations, 6. you must hold on to the family he left with us 7. Because whoever has someone which, the day when the shadow will be the same, 8. all the talk will be about him. 9. We have something big; we have something big that no one has. 10 Arabic origin expression meaning recommendation 11 Wolofization of French word recommandation or recommendation

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27 Methodology Data Collection My data com e from audiovideo cassettes featuring Gmmu and Mggal12 events, the two most important Sufi events in Senegal, and Sufi lectures taking place in Senegal and overseas. I gathered my resources from Senegal and the United -States. Indeed, Senegalese market places, in Senegal, the United-States (in big cities like New York, Atlanta, and Raleigh), and Europe (Paris, Italy and Spain), are full of audio-video cassett es and DVDs featuring Sufi events taking place in Senegal and abroad. The narratives I worked with are from Sufi events held in Senegal, Touba and Tivaouane, respectively the headquarters of the Muridiyy a and Tijaniyya order, also from overseas, the United-States and Europe. The rationale for collecting data from different places was to see the extent to which the c ontext shapes the struct ure of narratives. Though I am not examining the narratives from a visual perspective in this study, I chose to work with audio-video documents because th e video is more vivid; it provides storytelling with context and shows non-verbal interactio ns between the speaker s and their public. In addition to Sufi audio-vide o materials, I also collected data from the interviews I conducted in New York City, the headquarters of the Murid community living in the UnitedStates, in particular with Imam Bachir Lo, the imam or leader of the mosque built by the Murid community living in Harlem and Mouhamadou Thioune13, one of the foremost Murid lecturers and radio broadcasters in the United-States. Th e latter is invited every year to come to Philadelphia to give lectures during the Mggal celebration and also spea ks in many of my audio 12 The Gmmu is the Wolof term for Arabic expression Ma wlid al-Nabi, the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad, founder of Islam. The day is fixed at the 12th day of the month of Rabi al-Awwal, the third month in the Muslim calendar. Muhammad was born about A. D. 570 and died in A. D. 632. 13 I thank Mouhamadou Thioune for the two interviews we have had in New York City. The first interview took place in his hospital room.

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28 resources. My interviews provided me with opport unities to ask questions and hear more stories about the shaykhs, mostly the founder of the Muridiyya, Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), and his life itinerary, from his disciples. In the course of these interviews, I heard different versions of the same events (for instan ce with Imam Bachir Lo14). As a result, I was able to find variations in the accounts of the same event, sometimes from the same speaker (Mouhamadou Thioune), sometimes with a different one (Imam Bachir Lo ), which confirms my conviction that narrative is an individual construction or representation of a sequence of events that occurred in some place, time, and under certain circ umstances in the past. The cont ext of the storytelling has an impact in the structure. Even t hough there are always a basic temp late and sequence of events (a then b) present in all accounts of the same story, the way a given narrator frames his account is rather personal and context-based. Some speakers add praises and genealogies for instance the griots or griot-like speakers while others focus on the main storyline. Selected Narratives Twelve narratives were selected for this study. E leven of thes e were selected based on the extent to which they were representative of what makes a Sufi narrative, th at is, a contextualized story that highlights the miraculous actions and philosophical teachings of a particular Sufi shaykh. The first rationale for selecting the non-s tory was to show the difference between a Sufi story and non-Sufi story. Non-Sufi stories have a complete structure, meaning they fit into the Labovian six-stage structure, whil e Sufi stories do not contain a resolution and coda but include a pre-story followed by abstract, orientation, co mplication, and evaluation. The second rationale for having a non-Sufi story in my corpus, otherwise composed of Sufi stories, was to show that not all narratives told in Sufi gatherings necessarily contain a Su fi element. Some of the stories 14 I thank Imam Bachir Lo for the interview we have had in Harlem, at kr Sri Toub a, the headquarters of the murid community living in New York City

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29 do not address the life of a shaykh but rather serve other purposes. The us e of non-Sufi stories by Sufi speakers, and even by Sufi shaykhs themselv es, adds more value and worthiness to those stories. The most common functions of these nonSufi stories are to entertain the audience and also help the speaker to suppor t an argument just made. The first narrative, Throwing Dates, was to ld by Abdoul Aziz Sy-Junior, grandson of ElHjj Malick Sy, one of the foremost propagators of the Tijaniyya order in Senegal. The speaker was interviewed by a Senegalese journalist, Ahmet Bachir Kunta, also a member of the Kunta family15. The interview was about the interviewees father, Ababacar Sy, oldest son of El-Hjj Malick Sy. I selected this narrative because of the long pre-story stage the narrator uses to announce the topic of his stories, miracles. The interview took place in Tivaouane, the headquarters of the Sy branch of the T ijaniyya order in Senegal, during the 2007 Gmmu dedicated to Ababacar Sy. The speaker talks about miracles and their pervasiveness in the history of religions as an in troduction to his testim onials about his father. The second narrative, The Pred iction, was told by Ahmet Iy ane Thiam, who represented the Tall16 family at the 2000 Great Mggal of Touba. This story features one of the favorite topics of Sufi storytellers, prediction making. The speaker he re talks about the long-term relationship between the Tall and the Mbacke, which, according to him, dates back to the prediction El-Hjj Umar Tall17 made about the advent of Amadu Bamba. 15 The Kunta family is the leading family of the Qadiriyya order, the oldest Sufi order in Senegal. The father of the interviewee, Ababacar Sy, was married to a woman from the Kunta family. The house where she stays in Tivaouane was named Ndiassane, after the city of Ndiassane wher e she came from and where the Kuntas still live today. 16 The Tall family from the Fouta region, Northern Senega l, the Sy from Tivaouane, The Seck from Thienaba, and the Niasse from Kaolack are the four major branches of the Tijaniyya order in Senegal. 17 El-Hjj Omar Tall ( 1797-1864) is one of the propagators of the Tijaniyya in West Africa.

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30 The third narrative, In the Governors Office was told in Philadelphia, in the UnitedStates, by Mouhamadou Thioune, a native of Tivaouane In the interview I had with this speaker, he claimed to have grown up and studied in the school of the Sy family in Tivaouane though he is a follower of the Muridiyya order. He na rrates the encounter between shaykh Amadu Bamba and French Governor General18 in Dakar, the former capital of Senegal and the French West Africa (1895-1904). This story is from a griot an d contains embedded praises of Amadu Bamba, who, according to the speaker, was so moved that he commanded his brother to reward the praise-singer. The fourth narrative, The Lion Chasing the Warthog, is from Moustapha Mbacke Ibn Abdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba. The performance took place in Touba during the Great Mggal of 2000. The story is about the foun dation of the city of Touba. It involves a shaykh, Amadu Bamba, and a lion. It is common in Sufi stories to see animals tamed by Sufi masters. In this pa rticular story, a lion chasing a warthog stopped and abandoned the chase when the warthog found refuge in Amadu Bamb a. The same speaker told two more stories about Amadu Bamba (the ninth na rrative, Investing in Amadu Bamba and the tenth, When the shadows will be the same), in which he intended to convince his audience that they have the best shaykh, worth investing in and worth following. The fifth narrative, Staying with the Sha ykh, is about the relationship between the speaker, Abdou Karim, and his shaykh, Sri Abab acar Sy. The speaker highlights the mystical dimension of his shaykh, who granted him knowle dge without his having to study. The venue of this performance is Tivaouane, during the 2007 Gmmu dedicated to Ababacar Sy. 18 The interim Governor General was Martial Merlin (1860-1935), see Babou (2007)

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31 The sixth narrative called An Example of Fa ithfulness is composed of a long pre-story from another disciple of Ababacar Sy, whose na me was not mentioned in the DVD. I collected that pre-story because of its length and the way it conveys the topic of a seri es of short stories the narrator will tell about Ababacar Sy a nd his attachment to faithfulness. The seventh narrative, The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter, is from El-Hjj Ibou Sakho, a famous Tijan lecturer, known for his mast ery of the Quran and th e writings of El-Hjj Malick Sy on the Prophet Muhammad. This narra tive is not dated but the venue is the Great Mosque of Dakar in New Years Eve. The speaker used to give an annual lecture in that location, in which he told stories about the Prophet Muhammad punctuated by Sufi poems and songs by El-Hjj Malick Sy. Prior to this story, he talked about a wo man who attempted kill the Prophet Muhammad by poisoning his meal. According to th e speaker, the meal warn ed the Prophet that it was poisoned. To justify her action, the woman argued that she wanted to challenge the Prophet to see if he was a true Prophet. He forgave her. The speakers evaluation of that story is the abstract of the following story on the same topic, that is, the action was bad but its justification was intelligent. The eighth narrative, Praying on the Water, was told by Abdou Samade Mbacke, a grandson of Amadu Bamba. The venue of his performance was the Great Mggal of Touba in 2002. The speaker was recounting episodes of the lif e itinerary of Amadu Bamba. The episode I selected is the one dealing with the prayer on the waters, which includes a long embedded monologue, in which Amadu Bamba justifies his action. Generally, what people emphasize when talking about the prayer on the waters is Amadu Bambas capacity of performing such action and the rationales for such action. Th is story highlights those rationa les via the monologue of Amadu Bamba.

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32 The eleventh narrative, Warning about Arr ogance, is from Abdoul Aziz Sy Dabakh, second General khalife19 of El-Hjj Malick Sy. The speaker tells a story about Abdullah AlAndalusi, a shaykh whose disciple, Siblun, is presented as being ar rogant. The story is a pretext for the narrator to warn the a udience about the negative outcomes of arrogance. He was giving a lecture at the zawiya El-Hjj Malic k Sy, the headquarters of the ti jans living in downtown Dakar, about social and political issues confronting Senegal in 1992. The addressees of his speech were not limited to the attendees of the talk only, but to all the Senegalese community, including the officials. Table 1-1 presents the selected narratives, th e title of the narrativ e, the speaker, and the date and circumstances of the narrative performance: To analyze these data above, two possible inte rrelated approaches can be used. The first approach is a form-function analysis (Gee 1999: 54, Levinson 2000), that is, a study of the correlations between form (struc ture) and function (meaning). Such an approach applied to Wolof Sufi narratives would lead me to analyze the structure of these narratives, both at the clause and beyond the clause level, and its function or meaning in the context of production. For instance, the pre-story stage, found in Sufi narra tives, serves to provide the audience with a general theme or topic, which the upcoming story will treat. The second approach is what G ee (1999:4) refers to as langu age-context analysis, meaning a study of the interaction between language and context. The intera ction between the two is often 19 This is the French spelling of English word caliph. The Wolof spelling is xalifa which is a version of the Wolof word kilifa meaning leader

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33 Table 1-1. The Sufi narratives Narrative narrator Shaykh the narrative is about Date/circumstances of the narrative performance Throwing Dates Abdoul Aziz Sy Junior, grandson of ElHjj Malick Sy, son of Ababacar Sy Aliw Tamaasiin, adept of Shaykh Ahmad al-Tijani (1739 1815). Gmmu 2007 in Tivaouane dedicated to Ababacar Sy The Prediction Ahmet Iyane Thiam, a disciple of the Tijaniyya affiliated to the Tall family branch of the Tijaniyya order in Senegal El-Hjj Umar Tall ( 1797-1864), spreader of the Tijaniyya order in West-Africa Great Mggal of Touba 2000 at the guests reception In the Governors Office Mouhamadou Thioune, a griot murid follower, living in New York City Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), founder of the Muridiyya order. Mggal of Philadelphia 2006 The Lion Chasing the Warthog Moustapha Mbacke Ibn Abdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), founder of the Muridiyya order. Great Mggal of Touba 2000 Staying with the Shaykh Abdou Karim, disciple and companion of Ababacar Sy Ababacar Sy (1885-1957) oldest son of El-Hjj Malick Sy (18551922), Gmmu 2007 in Tivaouane dedicated to Ababacar Sy An Example of Faithfulness A disciple of Ababacar Sy (nane unknown) Ababacar Sy (1885-1957), oldest son of El-Hjj Malick Sy Gmmu 2007 in Tivaouane dedicated to Ababacar Sy The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter El-Hajj Ibou Sakho, disciple Tijan, affiliated to the Sy branch of the Tijaniyya order in Senegal A mean king (name not provided) New Year Eve Gmmu at the Great Mosque of Dakar (year unknown) Praying on the Water Abdou Samade Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), founder of the Muridiyya order. Great Mggal of Touba 2000 Investing in Amadu Bamba Moustapha Mbacke Ibn Abdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), founder of the Muridiyya order. Great Mggal of Touba 2000 When the Shadows Will Be Same Moustapha Mbacke Ibn Abdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), founder of the Muridiyya order. Great Mggal of Touba 2000 Warning about Arrogance Abdoul Aziz Sy Dabakh (1904-1997), son of El-Hjj Malick Sy Siblun, disciple of Abdullah AlAndalusi Lecture given at the zawiya El-Hjj Malick Sy in 1992

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34 considered reflexive by some scholars, meaning, an utterance influences what we take the context to be and context influe nces what we take the utterance to mean (Gee 1999: 57).Such an approach applied to my data would lead me to look at the relationships between the wording and structuring of Wolof Sufi oral narratives and their context of pr oduction, that is, the Wolof Sufi Islamic context. For instance, the widespread use of Arabic formulas in Sufi narratives shows the influence of that language on the religious practices in Senegal20. However, given the complexity of Wolof Sufi oral narratives and th e interaction between their contexts of production, structure, and func tion, it becomes necessary to combine both formfunction and language-context analyses to best an alyze these narratives. In other words, my analysis will consist of showing how the structure of Wolof Sufi or al narratives, the functions of that narrative, and the language in use, reflect the contex t of the narrativ e performance. Particular attention will be paid to the complicat ing stage and how its stru cture interacts with the context. Indeed, the complicating action is the stage where various linguistic devices are used to highlight the figure of the shaykh, which is the goal of the storyteller and the reason for the audience to attend his talk. Organization of the Dissertation This study will start with a discuss ion of narra tive in general, in which I shall present Labovs view of narrative structure along with Longacres plot structure. I will apply the Labovian concepts of abstract, or ientation, complication, and evalua tion to Wolof Sufi narratives as well as his notions of narrative, free, and restricted clauses. In contrast, I will show the differences be tween Wolof Sufi narrative structure and the structure of narratives of persona l experience, object of Labovs research. More specifically, I 20 For the status and influence of Arabic in Senegal, see Fiona McLaughlin (2008), Arabic in Senegal in Versteegh, Kees, ed. Encyclopedia of Arabic Language an d Linguistics. Leiden: Brill. Vol. 4: 179-185

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35 will show how the pre-story stage in Wolof Sufi oral narratives differs from the Labovian notion of narrative pre-construction. Fi nally, I will also show the differe nce between the status of the embedded evaluations, found in the complicating ac tion, and the final eval uation of Wolof Sufi oral narratives. The third chapter deals with the grammar of Wo lof Sufi oral narratives. In that chapter, I show the complexity of these narratives, which include embedded sub-genres such as monologues, dialogues, praises, and genealogies. In addition, I will look at the narratives both at the macro and micro levels. At the macro leve l, I shall distinguish the background sections, composed by the pre-story, abstract, orientat ion, and evaluation, and foreground stage, which consists of a complicating action. The backgroun d sections are characterized by presence of nonnarrative clauses (free an d restricted clauses) as opposed to narrative clauses found in the foreground section. At the clause level, I shall look at the di fference between narrative and canonical clauses (free and restricted clauses) in Wolof Sufi narratives. Beyond the clause level, I will look at notions such as tense, aspect, m ood, topicalization, and focus and their functions in the narratives being studied. The fourth chapter deals with the cultural background of the Wolof Sufi narratives, the influence of West-African Sufi culture on the stru cture of the narratives. Aspects of that culture include the role and function of the Sufi shaykh, whose actions and teachings are the foci of the narratives and determine both their content and themes. The norms of public speaking set by the griot21 or verbal specialist will be also examined in that chapter. Finally, the possible correlations between West-African epic figures and Sufi leaders throughout the narratives will be discussed in this chapter 21 For the status and function of the griot see Irvine (1974), Tang (2007) Panzacchi (1994), Tama ri (1991), Diop (1981), and Leymarie (1999).

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36 The fifth chapter will deal with the analysis of Sufi narratives. This chapter will show the functions of the background stages (pre-story, abstract, orientati on, and evaluation) as well as the foreground stage (complicating action), determined by the context of th e storytelling. In the analysis I will show how the Wolof grammatical re sources discussed in chapter three are used in the Wolof Sufi narratives to he lp them fulfill their function. The last chapter will show how the research que stions formulated in chapter one have been answered throughout this disserta tion. I will also discuss the signi ficance of these questions in the study of narrative and narrative structure. This chapter wi ll finally show the limits of my study and make recommendations for further research. In the next chapter I shall discuss the two narrative frameworks mentioned above, that is, the Labovian and Longacrean narrative theories, a nd, the extent to which they apply to Wolof Sufi oral narratives.

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37 CHAPTER 2 NARRATIVE Labov and Waletzkys (1967) narrative fram ework as well as Longacres plot structure are well established for the analysis of narrative at the clause level as well as the discourse level. As Labov (2006) stipulates, his framew ork has proven useful for many students of narrative in following the path of narrative construction. This chapter examines Labov and Longacres frameworks, their combination, and the extent to which they apply to Wolof Sufi oral narratives. Labov and Waletzkys (1967) Narrative Framework Labov and Waletzkys (1967) narrative fram ewor k has been used as basic framework by many analysts of narrative structure both at clause and discourse levels. The framework was developed by these two authors after analyzing oral versions of personal experiences from a large number of unsophisticated speakers in orde r to relate the formal properties of narratives to their functions. It resulted fr om their analysis that forms in terplay with functions in oral narrative of personal experience. The data for thei r study was limited to narratives in the English language. Labov and Waletzky (1967:74) claim their view of narrative analysis to be a formal analysis of recurrent patterns characteristic of narrative from the clause level to the complete simple narrative as well as a functional analysis of verbal technique for recapitulating experiencein particular, a t echnique of constructing narrative units that match the temporal sequence of that experience. To this function of recapitulating experience, they add that of personal interest determined by the stimulus in th e social context in which the narrative occurs. In sum, they distinguish two ma jor functions: (a) referential (ref erence to a sequence of events) and (b) evaluative (the narrators personal assessment of the recounted events).

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38 With regard to their methodology of data collection, Labov and Wa letzky tape-recorded narratives taken from two different social cont exts: a face-to-face interview in which the narrator is speaking only to the interviewer, a non-member of the narrators community, and a situation in which the na rrator interacts with me mbers of his primary group and the interviewer, an outsider of that group. The following outcomes resulted from Labov and Waletzkys study: Temporal Sequence Labov and Waletzky (1 967:81) define narrative as one method of recapitulating past experience by matching a verbal sequence of clau ses to the sequence of events that actually occurred. They provided the examples below to illustrate that definition: 1. Well, this person had a little too much to drink 2. and he attacked me 3. and the friend came in 4. and she stopped it To show the importance of temporal sequence in narrative, they reve rse the order of the events: (1) 4. A friend of mine stopped the attack 3. She had just come in 2. This person was attacking me 1. He had a little too much to drink According to the definition above, (1) is not a narrative because it does not comply with requirements of narrative, in the strict sense, since the order of cl auses, and thus of events, is altered. It appears from the examples above that only independent clauses are relevant to temporal sequence. Subordinate clauses as well as embe dded clauses may be seen anywhere in the

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39 narrative sequence without altering the temporal order of the semantic interpretation as in the following example taken from the same article: 1. Then she left a note one day 2. she was going to commit suicide 3. because he was always raising hell about me In (2), clause 2 refers to the persons inten tion for the future while clause 3 refers to the event prior to clause 1. These examples demonstrate that temporal sequ ence is the key element of the analysis of narrative structure at the clause level. Types of Clauses The authors distingu ish four types of clauses according to whether or not they maintain the strict temporal sequence. a. Narrative clauses: they maintain the stri ct temporal sequence of events, which characterizes a narrative. Later on, Labov (1982) provides the fo llowing definition of narrative clause: They are independent clauses with verbs in the indicative mood and (in English) one of three tenses: the preterit, the historical present, or the past prog ressive () narrative clauses can be identified by the criterion that they are appropriate answers to the critical question, And then what happened? The sequence of narrative clauses for the complicated actions (1982:225) b. Free clauses: Labov and Waletzky (1967) claim that they can range freely through the narrative sequence (). They have no fixed relation to the temporal sequence. c. Coordinate clauses: They can be reversed without altering the temporal sequence or semantic interpretation. Below is an example of coordinate clauses from Labov & Waletzky (1967): (3) 1. [and the rock] came down 2. and smacked him in the head 3. and say (slap!) Clauses 2 and 3 can be reversed without altering the semantic interpretation.

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40 (3) 1. [and the rock] came down 2. and say (slap!) 3. and smacked him in the head d. Restricted clauses: They are neither free nor temporally ordered in the strict sense. They cannot move freely over the narrative, but have a wider range of movement than narrative clauses. In (4), clause 1 is a free clause, alt hough there refers to the pier, while clause 2 is a restricted clause, which is coordinated to clause 3. (4) 1. Scoutmaster was up there 2. He was watching me 3. But he didnt pay me no attention Temporal Juncture As one can see, both free and restricted claus es can intervene between two narrative clauses. In order to be able to define temporal relations betwee n two clauses separated by either free or restricted clauses, Labov and Waletzky (1 967) develop the concept of temporal juncture, which they define as follows: Two clauses which are temporally ordered wi th respect to each other are said to be separated by temporal juncture. Th is juncture has no relation to any free or restricted clauses that may fall in between the tempora lly ordered clauses. (1967: 25) They provide (5) to illustrate temporal juncture: (5) 1 I caught cramps 2 and I started yelling 3,4 the fellows didnt believ e; they thought I was 5,6 all of them kept going; they leave me 7 I started going down 8 there was another guy 9 he just jumped over 10 And grabbed me

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41 In (5), there is temporal juncture between 1 and 2, 2 and 3, 4 and 5, 6 and 7, 7 and 8, 8 and 9, and 9 and 10. Notice that 3 and 4, and 5 and 6, are coordinate clauses. A new definition of narrative is th us formulated by the authors: Any sequence of clauses that contains at l east one temporal junc ture is a narrative. The example below is illustrative: (6) 1. I know a boy name Harry 2. Another boy threw a bottle at him right in the head 3. And he had to get seven stitches. Thus (4) is a narrative because there is temporal juncture between u and v. Narrative Heads Labov and Waletzky (1967) furthermore define NARRATIVE HEAD as the finite verb of a narrative clause, which carries the tense marker of that clause. Heads of coordinate clauses are coordinate heads: (7) 1. Andgone a while 2. and come back 3. and he didnt have the duck 4. And that was unusual 5. I said: you got back there 6. and get that duck 7. And he went back there; In (7), gone, come, did-, was, said, and went are narrative heads. Primacy Sequence Labov and Waletzky (1967) postulate the prim acy of an underlying a-then-b narrative form from which other equivalent narra tives are derived. In order to isolate primary sequence, they suggest moving free clauses to the beginning of the narrative, rest ricted clauses to a point as early as possible in the narrative and coales cing coordinate clause s into single units.

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42 Overall Structure of Narratives According to Labov and W aletzky (1967), a full y-formed narrative is composed of: 1. ORIENTATION 2. COMPLCATION 3. EVALUATION 4. RESOLUTION 5. CODA 1. Orientation: Labov and Waletzky (1967) define it formally as the group of free clauses that precede the first narrative clause. It serves to orient the listener in respect to person, place, time and behavioral situation. Sometimes the orientation secti on is displaced later to serve another function such as evaluation. Mo st interestingly, the au thors postulate that the orientation section is lacking in childrens narratives and adults whose narratives do not preserve the sequencing of events. 2. Complication: it consists of a unit formed mo stly by narrative clauses that comprise the series of events that happen in the narrat ive. This unit is termed the complication or complicating action. It is the most important on e since it is the one the listener is looking forward to hearing from the very beginning of the account. 3. Evaluation: According to Labov and Waletzky ( 1967), a narrative that contains only an orientation, complicating action, and result is not a complete narrative because it lacks significance: it has no point. T hus they claim that it is th e evaluation that conveys the point, which they define as: That part of the narrative that reveals the attitude of the narrator towards the narrative by emphasizing the relative importance of some narrative units as compared to others. The evaluation section, which is embedded w ithin the narrative, is defined by three different ways (Labov and Waletzky 1967): It is semantically defined by means of: a) direct statement: I said to myself: this is it b) lexical intensifiers: He wa s beaten up real, real bad It is formally defined by the suspension of the action: a) through coordinate clauses and restricted clauses b) by means of repetition: And he didnt come back, and he didnt come back

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43 It is culturally defined by means of: a) the narrators symbolic action b) third persons judgment: the entire narrator is reported to a person not present at the narrative Furthermore, Labov and Waletzky (1967) distin guish internal and external evaluation: Internal evaluation: It is a direct statement of the narrat or expressing hi s thoughts at the time of the event to the listener. External evaluation: it is a statement the na rrator tells himself or a highly internalized feeling or symbolic action. The authors then provided an example of a scale of degrees of embedding of evaluation: Internal 1. And when we got down there, her brother turned to me and whispered. I think shes dead, John. 2. And when we got down there, I said to myself, My God, shes dead! 3. And when we got down ther e, I thought, Shes dead 4. And when we got down there, I thought she was dead 5. Later, the doctor told us she was close to death 6. I think she must have been close to death External 7. You know, in cases like this, its clear that she was likely as not dead. 4. Resolution: According to Labov and Wa letzky (1967), many narratives end with a resolution, which they define as that portion of the narrative sequence that follows the evaluation. If the evaluation is the last element, then the resolution se ction coincides with the evaluation. 5. Coda: It is a functional device for returning the verbal perspective to the present moment. The coda can of different forms:

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44 Use of deixis: They define it as a linguistic category that points to a referent instead of naming it explicitly, which, in this case, has th e standing at the presen t moment of time and pointing to the end of the narrative, identif ying it as a remote poi nt in the past. The authors provide the examples below: (8) 1. I packed up 2. and got there 3. That was two. The use of that in (8) contrasts with th e use of proximate this for example. Another device is an incident in which one of the actors can be followed up to the present moment in actions that may not be tota lly relevant to the narrative sequence. Example: (9) 1. And you know that man who picked me out of the water? 2. hes a detective in Union City 3. and I see him every now and again A third device is the effect of the narrative on the narrator, which may be extended to the present moment as in (10): (10) 1. I was given the rest of the day off, 2. and ever since then I haven t seen the guy, cause I quit 3. I quit, you know. 4. No more problems. Finally, Labov and Waletzky ( 1967) concluded that, althoug h their study was conducted with non-skilled storytellers, it could be extended to more complex types of narration developed by skilled storytellers and preserved by oral tradition They also acknowledge the fact that their conclusions are restri cted to the speech community they have examined but also

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45 predicted that this view of narrative structure would achieve greater significance when material from radically different cultures are studied in the same way. Further Developments of Labovs Framework Abstract Labov (1972, 1982) introduced a sixth stage, the ABSTRACT as the starting point of a complete narrative, before the orientation. He defines abstract as a brief summary statement of the narrative as viewed by the narrator (Labov 1982:226). The function of th is first part of the narrative is to encapsulate the point of the story (L abov 1972b:363). The example below illustrates the phenomenon: (11) (Were you ever in a situation where you thought you were in serious danger?) 1. I thinker # situations of danger really. 2. probably the most common one in my case would be being robbed. 3. thankfully not in Spain but in England Ive been robbed th ree or four times. The narrator, responding to his interlocutors question, prov ides a brief summary of the situation of danger he had been involved before recounting the story. As a result, Labov (1972) suggests the possibility of seei ng the narrative as series of answers to underlying questions: a) Abstract: what was this about? b) Orientation: who, wh en, what, where? c) Complicating action: then what happened? d) Evaluation: so what? e) Result: what finally happened? Labov (1982) postulates that narratives of young children or narratives of somebody elses experience, the so-called narrativ es of vicarious experiences, not related to the personal experience of the narrator, do not have a point (abstract). Figure 2-1 shows Labovs normal form of narrative:

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46 evaluation complicating action resolution orientation coda Figure 2-1. Labovs normal form of narrative (Labov and Waletzky 1967) Narrative syntax Labov (1972:372) assu mes that surface structur es of clausal framework of narratives display syntactic patterns that he classified into eight grammatical categories as follows: Group a. The sentence adverbial: 1. Conjunction, including temporals: so, and but, then Group b. The subject noun phrase 2. Simple subjects such as: pronoun, prope r names (this girl, my father). Group c. the verb phrase 3. An underlying auxiliary: simple past tense marker incorporated in the verb; no member of the auxiliary appears in the su rface structure except some past progressive wasing in the orientation section, and occasional quasimoda ls start, begin, keep, used to, want. 4. Preterit verbs, with adverb ial particles up, over, down. 5. Complements of varying complexity ; direct and indirect objects 6. Manner or instructional adverbials. 7. Locative adverbials (narrative syntax is particularly rich in this area). 8. Temporal adverbials and clauses which present a temporal slot filled by then, when or ever since, then, before the subj ect (comitative clause).

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47 Evaluative elements Labov (1967) defines evaluation sem antically, formally, and culturally as I mentioned earlier. Labov (1972) ranks the evaluative elements from the most highly internalized type to the most external. He classifies the evaluative elements under four headings: INTENSIFIERS COMPARATORS CORRELATIVES EXPLICATIVES Intensifiers: they in clude gestures that accompany a deictic, expressive phonology (the lengthening of vowels being the most common mode), quantifiers (the most used of intensifiers) such as all every really and so on, repetition, and ritual utterances. The comparators include the use of ne gative, future and modal auxiliaries. The correlatives are more complex syntactic m echanisms. They bring together two events that actually occurred so th at they are conjoined in a si ngle independent clause (Labov 1972:382). Correlatives imply the use of: progressives (indicate events which occur si multaneously), mostly in the orientation section, which suspends the action. appended particles: -ing particles used to describe simultaneous actions. double appositive and double attributives used to heighten or deep en the effect of a particular descrip tion (1972b: 338). The explicatives consist of exp licative clauses that are append ed to the main narrative or evaluative clause of a section. They range from simple (when there is one clause) to complex

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48 (when a clause is embedded in a clause which is in turn embedded in the main clause) and compound (when the two clauses are embedded at the same point in the matrix clause. Reportability and credibility Other te rms introduced later to the model are REPORTABILITY and CREDIBILITY. After claiming narratives of personal experience to be constituted of most reportable events, Labov (1997) defines a most reportable event as the event that is less common than any other in the narrative and has the greatest eff ect upon the needs and desires of the participants in the narrative [is evaluated most strongly]. As for credibility, Labov (1997) define s it as the extent to which listeners believe that the events described ac tually occurred in the form described by the narrator. According to Labov (1982:228), an event must be not only reportable (worth listening to) but also credible to the audience, otherwise there will be no interest in it. The listeners reaction to the narrative is the best way to compute reportability. The author classifies the listeners responses into two types (1982:227): Type A: responses which consist of expres sions of ordinary understanding, such as I see, Uh-Huh, Naturally Type B: responses which consist of expr essions of ordinary surprise, such as Really? Is that so? You dont mean it! No kidding! etc A narrator aims at hearing a Type B response. If both reportability a nd credibility are met, every narrative clause or ev ent will truly represent the objective event (which nobody can contradict) as opposed to subjective event (which can be contradicted by a witness present at the time). Labov defines objective event as representing the cognitive framework that is provisionally accepted as a true representation of the events reported in the narrative (1982:231). In such case, each event answers th e question: And then what happened? which makes the sequencing of the narrative move forward.

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49 The assignment of praise and blame Labov (1997) introduces new features to the analysis of oral narratives of personal experience, the assignm ent of PRAISE and BLAME, and assumes that the narrator and the audience inevitably assign praise and blame to th e actors for the actions involved. He identified some ways of assigning praise and blame which include the use of linguistic devices of mood, factivity and causality, evaluative lexicon, the insertion of pseudo-event, and the wholesale omission of events. Narrative pre-construction One of Labovs recent w orks, which is a co ntinuation of Labov (1997), is concerned with the idea of NARRATIVE PRE-CONSTRUCTION (Labov 2007 ). The idea behind this concept is that every narrator must accomplish a narrative pre-co nstruction before beginning the narrative itself (Labov 2007). This pre-construction consists of ma king a selection between the stories a narrator has stored in his memory. Consequently, the narrat or has already selected the events he wants to focus on as well as the endpoint for his story. Th e first step in narrativ e construction, according to Labov, is to select the reportabl e (or tellable) events. Then the narrators construct a series of events preceding the most reportab le events, each linked causally to the one that follows (Labov 2007). The recursion of events will generate the complicating action. The third step will then consist of finding a section which Labov refers to as unreportable event, that is, an event that does not require an explanation and that informs the listener about time, place, participants, and behavioral setting at the beginn ing of the narrative (Labov 2007). This notion of narrative pre-c onstruction is different from the pre-story in Wolof Sufi narratives, which, more than a mental process of constructing a story, is an actual stage of that story. It is stated and not just mentally processed.

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50 Longacres Narrative Structure Longacre (1976) distinguishes four discourse ty pes: Procedural tha t involves procedures or how-to-do-it, Expository that involves explanations or essays, and Hortatory that involves persuasive texts or s erm ons and Narrative. In Figure2-2, Narrative is differentiated from the other major types of discourse genr e by having: chronological linkage, because time sequence is crucial; agent orienta tion, rather than orientation to patient, subject-matter or addressee, e.g. they are predominantly oriented to who carries out actions; accomplished or real past time, rather than the projection of time towa rds the future of prophecy or instruction. In addition, Narrative is uttered in the first or third person. Finally, most narratives involve some sort of struggle or plot and have tension if not, they are said to be episodic (Cortazzi 1993:102103): projected + projected +succession -succession Figure 2-2. Longacres Scheme of Disc ourse Types (from Cortazzi 1993:102-103) Longacre (1976, 1985, 1990, and 1996) considers ther e to be two levels of narrative structure: an underlying level and a surface leve l. The underlying structure, which he calls notional or plot structure, consists of seven stages as: (1) EXPOSITION laying it out, (2) INCITING MOMENT getting something going (3) DEVELOPMENT keeping the heat on, (4) CLIMAX knotting it up proper, (5) DENOUEMENT loosening it, (6) FINAL SUSPENSE NARRATIVE first/third person agent oriented accomplished time chronological PROCEDURAL non-specific person patient oriented Projected time chronological EXPOSITORY no necessary reference subject-matter oriented time not focal logical HORTATORY second person addressee oriented mode, not time logical

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51 keep it untangling, and (7) CONCLUSION wrap it up. The underlying le vel can be compared to the Labovian notion of narrative pre-construction given that they both are mental processes. Longacrean underlying stages correspond to episodes or paragraphs at the surface level. Indeed, the notional Exposition corresponds to an Expositor y paragraph or Stage at the surface level, which includes information about time, setti ng and characters. The Inciting moment and Developing conflict correspond to p rebreak episodes which prepare the listener for the peak. Longacre refers to these two stag es as pre-peak. Deep structur e Climax and Denouement surface as PEAK episode and PEAK. The Final suspense in the deep structure surfaces as postpeakepisode (corresponding to the Labovian resolution) whereas the deep structure Conclusion surfaces as the closure (corresponding to the Labovian evaluation). The surface episodes of APERTURE (corresponding to th e Labovain abstract) and FINIS (corresponding to the Labovian coda) in Longacres model do not have corresponde nts at the deep structure level as shown in Table 2-1:

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52 Table 2-1. Narrative discourse with surface peaks (from Longacre 1996:36) title Aperture Stage (Prebreak episodes) Peak episode peak Postpeak episode closure Finis Surface structure Formulaic Phrase sentence Expository paragraph/ discourse Narrative paragraph/ discourse Paragraph/ discourse (usually narrative or dialogue) articulated by means of: 1.Time horizons in succession 2.Back reference in paragraph/ discourse to preceding 3.Conjonctions 4.Juxtaposition, i.e., clear structural transition Paragraph discourse marked by: Rhetoric underlining Concentration of participants Heightened vividness Shift of tense Shift to more specific person Narr-pseudodialogue-drama Change of pace Variation in length of units Less conjunction & transition Change of vantage point orientation see peak Of varied structure: especially expository paragraph, but can be expository discourse, narrative discourse, hortatory discourse (= moral?) Formulaic phrase/sentence Notional structure (plot) Surface features only 1.Exposition lay it out 2.Inciting moment get something going 3.Developing conflict keep the heat on 4.Climax knot it up proper 5.Denouement A. Climax may encode as peak and denouement OR B. Climax may encode as prepeak 6.Final suspense keep untangling 7.Conclusionwrap it up Surface feature

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53 As a result, Longacre (1976) defines narrative st ructure as being composed of six stages: aperture, stage, peak episodethat involves the inciting moment, developing conflict, and climax, and possibly denouement -, conclusion, and finis as shown in Figure 2-3: APERTURE STAGE PEAK DENOUEMENT CONCLUSION FINIS Figure 2-3. Longacres Model of Narrati ve Structure (from Cortazzi 1993:104) In his framework Longacre (1976, 1985, 1990, 1996), pays special attention to the complication corresponding to th e complication in the Labovian six-stage framework. Longacre (1976, 1985, 1990, and 1996) refers to the complication as PEAK and zone of turbulence, which he defines as follows: EPISODE inciting moment developing conflict climax

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54 I use the term peak to refer to any episodelike unit set apart by special surface structure features and corresponding to the climax or de nouement in the notional structure. Where the surface structure distinguishes two such surf ace units which encode both of these notional structure units, I posit peak (climax) versus peak (denouement). Climax and denouement may, however, be marked in no special way in the su rface structure, but may on the contrary simply encode further surface structure episodes. When both are unmarked the surface of the narrative is episodic even though there are climax and denouement in the notional (plot) structure (Longacre 1996:37) Longacre worked with American written narratives as well as oral narratives from NonWestern cultures and languages such as Gada ng (Philippines), Fore and Kosena (Papua New Guinea). He also looked at religious texts such as bi blical Hebrew narratives. According to Longacre (1996) the peak is signaled by linguistic and non-linguistic features: The first feature is called h eightened vividness, which ma y be obtained in a story by various means including a shift to a narrative tense (English, French ), a more specific person, for instance from third person to second person, from pseudo-dialogue to dialogue to drama and sometimes to use of rhetorical questions. For in stance, at the peak (c omplication stage) of Gadang folktales, there is a propor tion of one verb to three nonverbs. The second feature is a change of pace mark ed by a variation in the length of units (clauses, sentences, paragraphs, embedded discourses ). For instance, in Wojokeso folktale, the peak is marked by a long paragraph which contains s rhetorical question: Now why did he do that? And the answer He did it because (Longacre 1996:42).

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55 The third feature is called the shift of vantage point/orientati on. By vantage point Longacre means by whom do we stand, through whose eyes we view the story? Whereas orientation refers to what is encoded as surf ace structure subject. He noticed that in many narratives, generally, the agent is encoded as subject and the patient as obje ct but there can be a shift of roles. A story which starts with a cer tain character A as subject (agent) and another character B as object (patient) can end up with B as subject (agent) and A as object (patient). In other words, there is often a shift of role from patient to agent and vice versa. The fourth feature is the loss of linguistic particle s found earlier in the discourse and/or introduction of new particles. Taking Gadang as an example, he indicates that the word kanu (disclaimer of responsibility, so th ey say) regularly occurs in the storyline clauses of narratives, but drops out at peak. This phenomenon is sim ilar to what is found Wolof narratives. Indeed, Wolof narrative clauses are charac terized by the disappearance of ve rbal inflections, which were in non-narratives clauses. The peak is divided into two subparts: ACTION PEAK and DIDACTIC PEAK. The action peak is composed of series of actions whereas in th e didactic peak, actions cease and participants speak out in a monologue/dialogue which develops the theme of the story (Longacre 1996). The stages preceding and following the peak or complication stage are respectively referred to as pre and post-peak by Longacre (1976, 1985, 1990, and 1996) corresponding to the abstract and orientation (pre-peak), and the resolution and coda (post-peak) in the Labovian account. Points in Common between the Labov-Longacre Model and Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives At the m acro level, both Labov and Longacr e have proposed a model composed of six stages but use different terms for these stages: Labov s abstract, orientatio n, climax, resolution, evaluation, and coda correspond respectively to L ongacres aperture, stage, episode or peak,

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56 denouement, conclusion, and finis. In addition to the six stages, Longacres underlying level of narrative structure can be compared to Labovs na rrative pre-construction since none of them is found at the surface level, and both are concerned with the pre-constructio n of the narrative in the narrators mind. As a result, a combination of both models is possible. Figure 2-4 shows a combination of both Labov and Longacres narrative structure: APERTURE/ABSTRACT STAGE/ORIENTATION PEAK DENOUEMENT/RESOLUTION CONCLUSION/EVALUATION FINIS/CODA Figure 2-4. A combined m odel of Longacre and Labov To some extent, the combination of the La bov and Longacres models can be applied to Wolof Sufi oral narratives. Ind eed, Wolof Sufi oral narratives also contain an abstract, orientation, complication, and evaluation. The functi ons assigned to these units are also similar to those in the Labov and Longacres models, that is, the abstract provides the audience with the EPISODE/COMPLICATION inciting moment developing conflict climax

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57 point of the story, the orientat ion sets the background, introduces the protagonists and specifies the time of the event, the complication highlights the actions accomplished by the different protagonists, and the evaluati on assesses these actions. At the clause level, the Labovian concepts of narrative clause, free clause, and restricted clause also apply to the Wolof Su fi narrative grammar. In fact, in Wolof, there is a clear divide between those three. Narrative clauses are ch aracterized by their te mporal sequencing or temporal juncture, to use the Labovian notion. In (12) below 1, 2, 3, and 4 are temporally ordered, that is, separate d by temporal juncture: (12) 1. Mu woo ma ba ma w 2. Mu jl kaas def ci soow ba mu fees 3. Teg ko taburye 4. Summi mbaxanaam Translation 1. He called me, I come 2. He took a cup; fill it up with sour cream 3. Put it on a stool 4. Took his hat off Wolof canonical clauses, which are not temporally sequenced, correspond to the Labovian free and restricted clauses. In (13) below, clau se 1 is a free or canonical clause while clauses 2 and 3 are restricted clauses, meaning they are neither free nor temporally ordered. (13) 1. S bi toog na fii di bind 2. ci garab gii mu taalife 1mat la bul fawseeni 3. lu mel nig dimb la woon 4. mu toog fii 5. ag ngara gaynde di ko daq 1 It is the Arabic title of a poem written by Amadu Bamba and the name given today to the hospital of Touba

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58 Translation 1. the shaykh sat here to write 2. Under this tree, where he wrote his poem mat la bul fawseeni (Arabic) 3. It was something like a pear tree 4. He sat here 5. A lion was pursuing a warthog In addition, the narrative heads, which La bov and Waletzky (1967) have talked about, correspond, in Wolof narratives, to the uninflect ed verbs found in narrative clauses (as opposed to the inflected verbs found in canonical clauses) In the example below the narrativ e heads are in bold characters: (14) 1. Mu ubbi bunt tj ubbiwaat bunt tj, 3s.subj v.open n.door v.close v.open.again n.dooe v.close 2. nu bokk toog 1pl v.share v.sit 3. Mu jox ma materyel bi 3s.subj. v.give 3s.obj. n.material det. 4. Won ma benn siwo ne ma : v.show 3s.obj. nom. n.bucket v.tell 3s.obj. Translation 1. He opened a door, opened another door 2. we both sat down 3. He gave me the material 4. He showed me a bucket and told me: The last point in common between the Labov and Longacres mode ls and Wolof Sufi narratives is the preeminence of the complicating action. Indeed, in narrativ es, including oral and written narratives, religious and non-religious narrati ves, the actions of the protagonists are the most important to the hearers. The linguistic devices used to hi ghlight those actions may differ from one language to another, as well as their functions. For instance, in English and French,

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59 these devices include a tense shift while in Wolof, narrative clauses substitute for non-narrative clauses. Wolof narrative clauses are characte rized by their minimal structure (subject-verbobject) and lack of verbal inflections. In Wolof, the linguistic mechanis ms of highlighting the actions and teachings of the shaykhs include embedded dialogues, monologues, praises and genealogies. Points of Difference between the Labov-Longacre Model and Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives The points of difference between the Labovian and Longacrean m odels and Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure are fourfold: First, Labovs narratives are reported pers onal experiences and Longacre worked mainly on literary texts, which are complete stories, alth ough he looked at oral literature from cultures such as Papua New Guinea. In contrast, Wolof Sufi narratives are known and shared stories about the life it ineraries of Sufi shaykhs and other saints such as the Prophets. The second point of difference is concerned w ith reportable events and the credibility of these events. A reportable event in Labovs narrativ es of personal experience is, a least common event (Labov, 1997). In contrast, in Wolof Sufi narratives, the most reportable event is the best event a given speaker can tell in a given contex t, to a given audience. For instance, during the Great Mggal of Touba or Gmmu of Tivaouane, the two major Sufi gatherings in Senegal, a most reportable event would be the one that highlights the deeds and teachings of respectively Amadu Bamba (1853-1927) and El-Hjj Malick Sy (1855-1922). For instance, the majority of the stories told in the 2007 Gmmu in Tivaouane were on the lif e and teaching of Ababacar Sy, because the event was dedicated to him. As a resu lt, both the fifth and sixt h narratives of table 11, in chapter one, taken from the DVD of the 2007 Gmmu feature Ababacar Sy (1885-1957).

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60 The credibility of Sufi stories depends on th e extent to which they are known to other people, including the attendees of the narrative performance, and also the citation of names of witnesses of the events being told. Indeed, in or der to make their stories credible, Sufi speakers cite their sources, which include na mes of people who told them these stories or testified to them. For example, in (15) below, taken from the s econd narrative The Predicti on (see table of the narratives in chapter one), the narrator cites the name of former genera l khalife of the Murids, Sri Saliou Mbacke, who would have testified to the objectivity of his story to use the Labovian term -, the first time he told it in front of him: (15) 1. Ba ma koy wax ci kanamu Sri Tuubaa Sri Saalixu Mbakke 2. Ma foogoon ni man maa ko gn a xam nettali wi 3. Mu tegal ma ci ne : at mooma sax de ku juddu ci Mbakke 4. Seex Umar lan la tudde 5. Man ma xam ne sama nettali wi dgg la ndax ku mel ni Sri Saalixu Mbakke 6. Man may wax ne laa yanfixu anil xawwaa in xuwwa ilaa faqqun mu xarra 7. Ku mel ni Sri Saaliwu Mbakke 8. Dotul waxe bakkanam 9. Lu mu wax rekk Yllaa moo ko decide ca Azal Translation 1. When I said that before S ri Tuubaa Sri Saalixu Mbakke 2. I thought that I knew the story better than he did 3. He added : In fact that year, whoever was born was in Mbakke 4. was named after Seex Umar 5. Me, I knew that my story was true be cause someone like Sri Saalixu Mbakke 6. Me I say that 2laa yanfixu anil xawwaa in xuwwa ilaa faqqun mu xarra (he does not speak for himself) 7. Someone like Sri Saaliwu Mbakke 8. Does not speak anymore for his own pleasure 9. Whatever he says, God has decided it in Hazal 2 From sourate 53 verses 3 of the Quran: La yantiqu anil hawa in huwa illa wayun yuha meaning: he does not speak for his own pleasure, it is indeed a revelation from God

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61 Third, there is a pre-story stag e in Wolof Sufi oral narrativ es, which corresponds to neither Labovs cognitive concept of narrative pre-c onstruction nor Longacres underlying level of narrative structure. Rather, it is an actual stage that states the topi c of the story. In the Sufi oral culture in which these narratives are anchored, it seems common to verbalize the topic or theme of the story before its telling. Indeed, there are cases where the speaker elaborates at length on the topic of the narrative for the sake of preparing the hear ers for the forthcoming story. Fourth, there are two types of evaluations in Wolof Sufi oral narratives. The embedded evaluations within the complicating action consist of praises of actions and genealogies of the shaykh. In contrast, post-complication evaluations serve as ending points to the story and display the form of moralizing lessons for the audience In the Labovian and Longacrean stories, the resolution/denouement and coda/finis close the a ccount. Sometimes, the evaluation consists of a blame of a protagonist who misb ehaved, as in the narrative T he Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter and the eleventh one, Warning about Arr ogance, respectively about a mean king and an arrogant shaykh (see table of Sufi narratives in chapter 1). Otherwise, in Wolof Sufi oral narratives there are mostly praises because th e focus is on the actions performed by a shaykh, whose actions are rather extolled. Thus, a typical Wolof Sufi oral narrative has: (1) a pre-story stage in which the speaker indirectly announces his story in th e form of a general thematic statement or praises this stage is not necessarily present in all st ories; (2) an abstract in which he gives the point of his story; (3) a character, time, and place orientation in which he provides information about the protagonists, time and places; (4) a climax or peak composed of actions ( action peak ) and embedded monologues, dialogues, prai ses and genealogies ( didactic peak); (5) and finally the narrators closing assessment/evaluation composed of pers onal judgments in honor of the shaykh as in

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62 Figure 2-5. The figure shows the points in common as well as the points of difference between the Labovian and Longacrean models and Wolof Sufi oral narratives: pre-story = ~ narrative pre-construction abstract/aperture orientation/stage complicating action/peak episode evaluation/conclusion Figure 2-5. Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure Below is a model of the Sufi oral narrative, Throwing Dates in wh ich the narrator, Sri Abdoul Aziz Sy Junior, grandson of El-Hajj Malick Sy (1855-1922), tells a story about a miracle performed by Aliw Tamaasiin, a disciple of Shaykh Ahmad al-Tijani (1739 1815), the founder of the Tijaniyya Sufi order. The latter is said to have thrown a bunch of dates, from the city where he lived, to his shaykh, Ahmad al-Tijan i, who lived in Fez, Morocco. The first characteristic of this text is the length of the pre-story, whic h introduces the general theme, miracles in the history of the prophets. With this pre-story, the narrator intends to prepare his public for the story he will be telling, the mi racle performed by Aliw Tamaasiin. The second particularity resides in the combination between the abstract and orient ation on the one hand, and the complicating action and the final evalua tion on the other hand. There is an embedded evaluation within the clim ax, whose function is to justify th e capacity of Aliw Tamaasiin to perform such a miracle. The r eason is he is a blessed man li ko Yalla defal what God did for him. Finally, there is code-switching from Wolof to Arabic and back to Wolof. Arabic is used when the speaker refers to some passages of th e Quran, which he immediately translates into Wolof. There is also a French expression, com bien de kilomtres! a language of prestige,

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63 especially when spoken by someone who has b een trained in Arabic. The use of foreign languages, here French and Arabic, reinforces the shaykhs authority and gives him credit for being multilingual and knowledgeable in the language of the Quran (Arabic). (16) Pre-story 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. te/ tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam/ baatin 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo/ lanu xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na am nan ci prw 9. gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone 11. ma nga commencer ca yonent yalla Isaa 12. 3 waobrio alakmaha waalabrasa waohyee almawta biithni Allahi waonabbiokum bima takuloona wama taddakhiroona fee buyootikum inna fee thalika laayatan lakum in kuntum mumineena 13. kooku ci ay miraclam la bokk 14. yalla mayoon ko loolu 15. wral gaana yi 16. fekk ku dee mu ni ko jgal mu jg 17. wax ak moom soxlaam 18. bayyiwaat ko mu tdd 19. loolu ypp ci ay miraclam la bokk 20. yonent bi itam sax am na ay miracles/ 21. waaye moom dafa nekk superieuru yonent yi 22. mootax nanguwunu waxal ko benn miracle bu pp alxuraan 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim (Arabic language) 24. ba ca jgee 25. nitu yalla dauy am ay miracles yu uy wone di ko def 26. nekk fii wax ag ku sori 27. gis na u ci def ba bayyi 3Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon, this is from sura Aal-e.imran verse 49. The translation of the whole verse is And will make him [' s (Jesus)] a Messenger to the Children of Israel (saying): "I have come to you with a sign from your Lord, that I design for you out of clay, a figure like that of a bird, and breathe into it, and it becomes a bird by Allh's Leave; and I heal him who was born blind, and the leper, and I bring the dead to life by Allh's Leave. And I inform you of what you eat, and what you store in your houses. Surely, therein is a sign for you, if you believe.

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64 Abstract and orientation 28. Seex Axmat Tijaan toog na bs 39. ci buntu kram 30. negam yore kurusam 31. Aliw Tamaasiin a nga ca Tamaasiin ak fa mu nekk ak Faas ni mu soree 32. combien de kilometres Complicating action + evaluation 33. mu dugg ci tool bi re kk gis benn tiggu tandarma 34. yeene ko ko 35. mu ni kii daal sama seri bi rekk laa ko yeene 36. daadi ko jl 37. pas-pas boobu ak yeene bi mu am 38. ak li ko yalla defal 39. mu sanni ko rekk 40. tigg bi dal ci kaw 41. kanamu Seex 42. Seex ree ni kii de xa m naa Aliw Tamasiina la 43. bim ko gisee ni ko gis naa tigg bi wante nag maangi lay aan bu ko defati Translation Pre-story 1. We are in a time when peoples minds are very open 2. and the white people, do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticis m, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist 8. it does exist; we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it 11. It started from the prophet of God, Jesus 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon (Arabic language) 13. that is among his miracles 14. God gave him that capability 15. to heal the leper 16. to find a dead person and tell hi m to wake, and then he wakes up 17. talk with him about his needs 18. let him sleep (lay down) again 19. All that is among his miracles 20. Even the prophet also had miracles 21. but, him, he is superi or to other prophets 22. that is why we do not accept to talk about any that he di d, which is superior to the

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65 Quran. 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim 24. after him 25. people of God have miracles that they show and perform 26. be here and speak with someone far away 27. we have seen people who did it already Abstract and orientation 28. Seex Axmat Tijaan one day sat here 29. At his doorstep 30. His room, holding his prayer breads 31. Aliw Tamaasiin was in Tamaasiin, which was far away from Fez (where Seex Axmat Tijan was) 32. how many kilometers! (in French) Complicating action + evaluation 33. he entered the field and saw a bunch of dates 34. he wanted for him (Seex Axmet Tijaan) 35. he said, this, I want it for my shaykh only 36. then took it 37. that determination and the intention he had 38. and what God blessed him with 39. he just threw it 40. the bunch arrived 41. before Seex 42. Seex laughed and said, this, I know is from Aliw Tamaasiina 43. When he saw him, he said to him, I sa w the bunch but I beg you to not do it again. The next chapter will discuss the grammatical resources in use in Wolof Sufi narratives and their functions.

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66 CHAPTER 3 GRAMMAR OF WOLOF SUFI NARRATIVE This chapter exam ines the Wolof grammatical re sources in use in Sufi oral narratives. Not all the resources of Wolof grammar will be discu ssed here, but only those that shed light on the understanding of Sufi oral narratives. At the macrolevel, those resources include text types, such as monologue, dialogue, prai se, and genealogy as well as background and foreground. At the micro-level, meaning the clause level and below, this chapter looks at te nse, aspect, and focus and their role in the informati on structure of Sufi oral narrati ves. Before addressing grammar issues, this chapter will launch with a brief overview of Wolof. A Brief Overview of Wolof The word Wolof refers both to the language and the community that speaks it. W olof belongs to the Atlantic group of the Niger-Congo family, one of the four language families in Africa, and specifically, the north ern subgroup of the Atlantic la nguages. It is most closely related to Fula, Seereer-Siin, and the Cangin languages. The genera l linguistic characteristics of Atlantic languages include morphologically conditioned consonant mutation, a noun class system (McLaughlin 1997), auxiliaries (refer red as inflections by Robert 1991, 2007) divided into two categories: focusing and non-focusing auxiliaries1, and verbal extensions (Williamson & Blench 2000). This chapter focuses on the lingui stic categories of Wolof that are used in generating Sufi oral narratives. Those cat egories include back grounding and foregrounding, canonical and narrative clau ses (McLaughlin1991), tense, aspect and information structure via focus. 1 The terms focus and non-focus refer to whether a constituent of the clause is given special preeminence over the others. A more elaborated discussion of th ese notions are found later in this chapter

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67 Wolof is spoken primarily in Senegal and the Gambia, on the northwestern coast of Africa. It is also spoken on a smaller scale in the ne ighboring countries of Maur itania, Mali and Guinea. Although Wolof is the native language of onl y 44 per cent of the Senegalese population (McLaughlin 2008), corresponding to the national percentage of the Wolof ethnic group, it is spoken by about 90 per cent as a first or sec ond language (McLaughlin 2008). Overall, the estimates about the total number of Wolof speakers vary from one source to another, for instance Ndiaye (2004) talks about 80 per cent. A wolofization process is taking place due to the status of lin gua franca (McLaughlin 2008:150) which Wolof has in the Senegalese linguistic landscap e (McLaughlin1995, Ngom 2004, Swigart 1990:4). Three main factors account for this wolofization: socioeconomic integration, urbanization, and inte r-ethnic marriages. As the preferre d language of trade, Wolof is most likely to be spoken in the markets. Th e rapid growth in the urban population the population of Dakar was 813,317 inhabitants in 1976 and 1, 500, 000 in 1990 (McLaughlin 2009, paper presented at ACAL 2009) not only has enhanced its importance as a lingua franca, but has further helped its spread in the main towns and cities: Dakar, Saint-Louis, This, Kaolack, Diourbel, Louga, Ziguinchor, Tamb acounda, Touba, and Tivaouane. Interethnic marriages have also contributed to wolofizat ion. Indeed, the continuous migration of rural populations to the cities in search of work has increased the frequency of marriages between speakers of different languages. Because of its dominant position as th e language of the city, Wolof is likely to be adopted as the language of the linguistically mixed couples. The children of such couples will speak Wolof as their main language. The wolofization phenomenon has led some Non-Wolof speaking communities in Senega l and overseas to organize themselves into associations in order to promote and empower th eir own mother tongues. In the United-States for

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68 instance, the Pulaar Speaking Association promot es the Pulaar language among speakers of that language. Wolof Sufi Narratives: A Complex Genre Wolof Sufi oral narrativ es are a complex genre, which include embedded text types such as monologue, dialogue, praise, and genealogy. Embedded Text Types Monologue A m onologue in Wolof Sufi oral na rratives consists of an interi or discourse of a character, in which he communicates his or her thoughts at the time of the event. The purpose of having a monologue in Wolof Sufi narratives is to ju stify an upcoming action and also to show a characters philosophical teachings. For inst ance, in the long monol ogue below, from the narrative Praying on the Water, the shaykh, Amadu Bamba, acknowle dges the risk of going to the waters, but justifies his intention by the nece ssity to pray on time as recommended by God to all Muslims. The string of clauses from line 1 through 11 consists of the speakers evaluation after the ship crews refusal to allow the sha ykh to pray aboard. This evaluation is meant to prepare the audience for the monologue of the sh aykh, in which he justifies his upcoming action, the descent in the water: (1) The speakers evaluation 1. Te nag moxtaaru tisbaar ak mum takkussan 2. Daoo lnkloo 3. Fa muxtaarum tisbaar yem 4. Ca cat la fa la moxtaarum takkusaan tmbalee 5. Te moom dafa bokk ci i nga xam ne sauoo julli waxtu 6. ca njlbenu waxtu waxtu wa 7. xam ngeen aqsaabi ypp 8. loolu dafa bokk ci seeni kii waxtu wu ne 9. ca njlben ga lau koy julli 10. ak luu tabdi tabdi

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69 11. ak fu u man a ne rawatina Sri bi monologue 12. mu wax nag ne bgg sa bakkan warta tax 13. ma faat waxtu ylla wii 14. ndox mi jaamu ylla ni man la 15. suuf si mu lalu nga xam ne moo ko lal 16. jaamu ylla la ne man 17. defu ma ko ngir ndam 18. defu ma ko ngir xarbaax 19. dama koy def ngir ba a faat waxtu ylla wi 20. leegi dinaa sanni der bi 21. mu dem ci ndox mi 22. lu yagg yagg dina dem ca ci suuf sa 23. ma man ca taxaw julli 24. wala ndox mi taxaw ngir ndigalu Ylla 25. ndax ab jaam la 26. ma man a taxaw ci ndox mi julli 27. wala sama baat bi, sama bakka n bi ma akk ko ci ndigalu ylla 28. waaye lpp a ma gnal bgg sama bakkan 29. tax ma ba a julli waxtu wi going to the water 30. bi loolu amee mu sanni der bi 31. mu war a dem ci ndox mi Translation The speakers evaluation 1. and the ideal time to perform the afternoon pr ayer and that of the evening prayer 2. overlap with each other. 3. Where the afternoon prayer finishes 4. is where the evening prayer starts. 5. And him (Amadu Bamba) he is among t hose who have not the right to pray 6. past the beginning of the tim eline of that prayer. 7. You know, all the aqsaabi, 8. it is among their things t hat for each prayer, 9. they do it at the beginning, 10. no matter how busy they are 11. and where they can be, especially the master (Amadu Bamba). The monologue of Amadu Bamba 12. Then he said that to like my life 13. should not allow me to skip this prayer of God. 14. The water is a slave of God like me. 15. The sand that lies on it, that you know, covers it 16. Is a slave of God like me. 17. I am not doing it for pride, 18. I am not doing it for miracle,

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70 19. I am doing it to avoid skipping Gods prayer (time). 20. Now I am going to throw down the prayer skin, 21. it will go in the water. 22. It will surely reach the shore 23. So that I can stand up and pray. 24. Or the water will stop at Gods will 25. because it is a slave, 26. So that I can step on the water and pray. 27. Or my neck, my life, I will lose it in following Gods recommendation. 28. But, all this will be better for me than hanging on to my nose life 29. Causing my refusal to pray on time. Going to the water 30. Once that happened, he threw his prayer rug 31. he had to go the water Dialogue Wolof Sufi oral narratives often contai n dialogues between the shaykh and other protagonists. The rationale for ha ving dialogues in thes e narratives is to hi ghlight the teachings and thoughts of a shaykh. Indeed, th e audience needs to hear the shaykhs voi ce in addition to his actions. The interlocutors of the shaykh were ge nerally his disciples or the colonialists. For instance many narratives about Amadu Bamba contain dialogues between him and the colonial authorities because of their difficult relationshi p (Babou 2007). In the passage below, from the narrative In the Gove rnors Office, the governor Ponty, w ho was in office in Dakar from 1908 to 1915, asked Amadu Bamba about himself and his order, the Muridiyya. In his response, the shaykh answers insisted on the conformity between his movement and the precepts of Islam. The audience of the narrative is a mixed group of Senegalese Muslims in Philadelphia, and the speakers intention was to presen t the Muridiyya in such a way th at the non-Murids would accept it. Other aspects of the Muridiyy a such as the unconditional alle giance to a shaykh, for this life and the hereafter, are not mentioned in this contextual defi nition. Notice that, in this dialogue, Amadu Bambas interlocutor is re ferred to indifferently as Tubaab bi the white. In contrast,

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71 Amadu Bamba is referred by one of his most common denominations, Sri Tuubaa or the shaykh of Touba: (2) Complicating action 1. Bi mu wee fanaan ba xy dem wuyu ji gouverneur jkk a ow sanni der bi daadi julli aari rakka yu ygg, matoon na 45min, di slmal ne: Dialogue 2. ana yeen nii nit ku ma woo ci yeen?. 3. Tubaab bi ne ko: li ma lay doye du lenn, li may doye du dara ludul rekk takkal la medaayu legion dhonneur 4. Sri Tuubaa ne ko yittewoowu ko. Mu ne ko: 5. agit di la laaj an ooy say njaboot, an oo di sa y njaboot, ba nu xammee leen ci nit i, ba am nu nu jflanteek oom ci xeetu teraanga 6. S Tuubaa ne ko: kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, wa asxadu ana mu Xamada Rassuulula, iqamu salaat, itaamu xa kaat, sayru ramadaan, xajul bayti, ci sama njaboot nga bokk The speakers evaluation 7. kon nag kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, ci njabootu S Tuubaa nga bokk Translation Complicating action 1. Then when he came, he spent the night, left in the morning to go to respond to the governor. He first came, threw the prayer rug, then performed two long rakkas2, which amounted to 45 minutes, then he finished and said: Dialogue 2. who among all of you has called me 3. The white said to him: the reason I w anted you to come here is nothing. The reason I wanted you come here is noth ing other than to give you the legion dhonneur medal 4. Sri Tuubaa told him that he did not need it. 5. and also to ask who your people are, w ho your people are, so that we recognize them among others, so that we treat them with lots of hospitality. 6. S Tuubaa said to him: whoever says there is only one God and Mohamed is his prophet prays, helps the poor, fasts dur ing the month of Ramadan, accomplishes the pilgrimage to Me cca, it is to my family that you belong The speakers final evaluation 7. Therefore whoever says Assadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, it is to S Tuubas family that you belong 2 steps of the physical performance of a prayer

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72 Praise One of the characteristic s of W olof Sufi oral narratives is the presence of embedded praiseevaluations within the compli cating action, which are different from the final or closing evaluation. In general, praises follow the shaykh s actions. This practice might be taken from the heritage of the griot, a West-African figure, w hose functions include that of praise-singer (see chapter 4). In the example below, the speaker, who happened to be a griot, reports the praises of Amadu Bamba after he finished performing two long rakkas in Governor Pontys office, by a witness called Goorgi Mapaate Mbaay: (3) Complicating action 1. Sanni der bi daldi julli aari rakka yu ygg 2. Matoon na 45 min Mapaate Mbaays praises 3. Goorgi Mapaate Mbaay daadi koy daadi koy woy foofa, tagg ko, ne ko. "Balla Aysa Buri S Mbakke Maaram fii nga taxaw fattaliku sa boroom, ku fi msa taxaw ftte nga sa boroom ndax sa moro om, yow rekk yaa finjkk a taxaw fattaliku sa boroom' Complication action (continued) 4. Mu daldi ni gees, Maam Seex Anta, ne ko: 'Seex' mu ne ko 'Mbakke' mu ne ko'may ko' Translation Complicating action 1. he threw down the leather rug, and then prayed (performed) two long rakkas 2. It amounted to 45 minutes Mapaate Mbaays praises 3. Mapaate Mbaay then sung him, sung him there, praised him, told him: Balla Aysa Buri S Mbakke Maar am, here you step and recall your load, whoever stepped here before, for got about his owner (God) because of someone, you are the first one to step here and recall your owner (God). Complicating action (continued) 4. He turned around, and told Maam Seex Anta: "Seex", he said: "Mbakke", he told him "reward him".

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73 Genealogy The last text type found in W olo f Sufi oral narratives is gene alogy. This is a text in which a speaker traces the family tree of a shaykh, to jus tify his capacity of performing miraculous and extraordinary deeds. This practice, also characteristic of a griots speech style, is rooted in the common belief in this Sufi context that a sha ykh inherits the baraka and charisma of his ancestors3. In addition, in Wolof society, a child is e xpected to reproduce the same good deeds as his parents. In the example below, the speaker recites a short genealogy of El-Hajj Umar Tall, just by recalling the name of his mother, Aadama Aycha, and his position among her sons, kodd4 or oldest child. Notice that the genealogy is followed by a sequence of praises, in which the speaker extols the sp irituality of the shaykh, referred to as amiirul moominun5 commander of the faithful and his maxim: yaqoolul Fuuti yu wazaakal afharu al qadariiyu ibn Seyiidu Umaru6: (4) Complicating action 1. w taxaw ci kanamu Seexu Omarul Fuutiyu Genealogy 2. kodd Aadama Aycha Praise 3. Amiirul Moominun 4. Nga xam ni moo daan wax : 5. yaqoolul Fuutiyu wazaakal afha ru al qadariiyu ibn Seyiidu Umaru 3 For more information on charisma and Sufi brotherhoods see Cruise OBrien (1988), Charisma and brotherhood in Senegal 4 The Pulaar word fo r the Wolof word taaw oldest son. The speaker, fluent in both Wolof and Pular, praises in Pular El-Hjj Umar Tall (1797-1864), a shaykh with a Pular background. 5 Arabic formula meaning Commander of the faithful 6 Arabic formula that translates as he is saying, the person from the region of Fuuta, the poor servant of his lord, the son of Seyiidu Umaru

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74 Translation Complication 1. Came, stood up before Seexu Omarul Fuutiyu Genealogy 2. The youngest son of Aadama Aysa Praise 3. Commander of the faithful 4. You know that he used to say 5. he is saying, the person from the region of Fuuta, the poor servant of his lord, the son of Seyiidu Umaru The Macro-Structure At the m acro level, the information in Wolof Su fi narratives can be characterized as either background or foreground7. Background and Foreground: Definitions The background in W olof Sufi oral narratives consists of sections which do not advance the story. In the background the narrator either provides the audience the supportive information they need to understand the stor y or gives his personal assessme nt of that story. The background sections include the pre-story, abstract, orient ation, and evaluation. In Wolof, the background is grammatically complex, that is, composed of canonical clauses, which are characterized by the presence of verbal inflections. Some of these verbal inflections fulfill the function of focus. In contrast, the foreground is simpler, and is composed of narrative clauses. Such clauses do not contain any verbal inflecti on and are characterized by a subj ect-verb-object structure. The foreground deals with the main event line. Since th e purpose of telling Sufi stories is to relate sequences of events, it is not su rprising that the foreground represen ts the most important section 7 For information on background and foreground see Longacre (1968, 1976), Grimes (1975), and Hopper (1979). Hopper defines foreground in narrative discourse as including the parts of the narrative belonging to the skeletal structure of the discourse and background as the language of supportive material which does not itself relate the main events (Hopper, 1979)

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75 of the narratives. It is made up of a complicating action, which, theref ore, becomes the main section of Wolof Sufi oral narratives. Background stages (Non-narrative sequences). Pre-story. The pre-story is the section of the background in which the narrator provides the audience with the general theme of the narrative. It is generally made up of a declarative sentence as in (5) below from Warning about Arrogance: (5) Xeebaate yal nanu ci yalla musal! May God preserve us from being arrogant! There are cases where the prestory consists of a long intr oductory sequence in which the narrator elaborates at length on the theme of his story as in (6) from Throwing Dates: (6) Pre-story 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. Te tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam baatin 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo lanu xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na am nan ci prw 9. gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone 11. ma nga commencer ca yonent yalla Isaa 12. 8 waobrio alakmaha waalabrasa waohyee almawta biithni Allahi waonabbiokum bima takuloona wama taddakhiroona fee buyootikum inna fee thalika laayatan lakum in kuntum mumineena 13. kooku ci ay miraclam la bokk 14. yalla mayoon ko loolu 15. wral gaana yi 16. fekk ku dee mu ni ko jgal mu jg 17. wax ak moom soxlaam 18. bayyiwaat ko mu tdd 8see footnote 3, in chapter 2

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76 19. loolu ypp ci ay miraclam la bokk 20. yonent bi itam sax am na ay miracles / 21. waaye moom dafa nekk superieuru yonent yi 22. mootax nanguwunu waxal ko benn miracle bu pp alxuraan 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim ( Arabic language) 24. ba ca jgee 25. nitu yalla dauy am ay miracles yu uy wone di ko def 26. nekk fii wax ag ku sori 27. gis na u ci def ba bayyi Translation Pre-story 1. We are in a time when peoples minds are very open 2. and the white people, do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticis m, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist 8. it does exist; we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it 11. It started from the prophet of God, Jesus 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon (Arabic language) 13. that is among his miracles 14. God gave him that capability 15. to heal the leper 16. to find a dead person and tell hi m to wake, and then he wakes up 17. talk with him about his needs 18. let him sleep (lie down) again 19. All that is among his miracles 20. Even the prophet also had miracles 21. but, him, he is superi or to other prophets 22. that is why we do not accept to talk about any that he di d, which is superior to the Quran. 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim 24. after him 25. people of God have miracles that they show and perform 26. be here and speak with someone far away 27. we have seen people who did it already

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77 Abstract The abstract is the section in which the narrator states the point of the story, what or whom it is about. Generally the story is about a shaykh as (7), from When the shadows will be the same: (7) Abstract S Tuubaa ci boppam, ma musal leen ci benn xisa Sri Tuubaa, let me tell you a story about him. Sometimes, the story is a speakers version of events involving a Sufi shaykh. For instance the abstract in (8) contains the speakers in tention to explain the reason Amadu Bamba had decided to pray on the water. (8) Abstract foofa fekk na li ko sabab there what causes it (the prayer on the waters) Orientation The orientation is the section in wh ich the narrator provi des his audience with the information they need about the setting, time, and char acters involved in the story. In (9), from The Lion Chasing the Warthog, the na rrator provides the audi ence with the location of the event, fii kr S Saaliw gi ne here where the home of S Saaliw9 is, the approximate date of that event ci garab gii mu taalife10 mat la bul fawseeni under this tree, where he wrote his poem mat la bul fawseeni (Arabic). In the orientation, the speaker also cites S Saaliw as the source of his story, S Saaliw dgg naa ci lmmiam mu ni [literally, S Saaliw I heard from his own tongue he said ] or I heard S Saaliw say. (9) 9 Serigne Saliou Mbacke (the French spelling of S Saa liw Mbakke) was the general caliph of the Murids at the time when this story was told. 10 Title of one of Amadu Bambas poems, for mat la bul fawseeni written before his trip into exile see footnote 4 in chapter 1

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78 Orientation 1. Ndax fii kr S Saaliw gi ne 2. S Saaliw dgg naa ci lmmiam mu ni 3. S bi toog na fii di bind 4. ci garab gii mu taalife mat la bul fawseeni 5. lu mel nig dimb la woon 6. mu toog fii Translation Orientation 1. Because here where the home of S Saaliw is 2. I heard S Saaliw say that 3. the shaykh sat here to write 4. Under this tree, where he wrote his poem Mat la bul fawseeni (Arabic) 5. It was something like a pear tree 6. He sat here There are cases where an orientation is em bedded within the comp licating action, as in (10) and (11) below. In (10) the narrator gives background info rmation to his listeners with regard to a house Amadu Bambas younger brother, Maam Seex Anta Mbakke, owned in Dakar at the time of the narrated even ts, which Amadu Bamba did not o ccupy during his stay in Dakar. (10) 1. Bi mu wee 2. fekk bi mu jgee ci gej gi Maam Seex Anta jndoon na fa kr 3. waaye S Tuubaa dafaa wacc waaye fanaanu fa. Translation 1. When he arrived, 2. in fact, when he returned from the ocean, Maam Seex Anta bought a house there. 3. But S Tuuba just arrived there but did not spend the night. In (11), from the narrative Staying with th e Shaykh, the narrator gives the audience important information with rega rd to his withdrawal from th e Quranic school because of the new responsibilities his shaykh, Ababacar Sy (188 5-1957), has given him. This information is

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79 necessary for the audience to understand what come s next in the story, that is, his fathers complaint. (11) Keroog laa gj a jng Al xuraan ci jataay boobu I havent been studying the Quran since that day. Evaluation. The evaluation is the section in which the narrator gives his personal assessment of an action performed by a shaykh. It can also be a characters assessment of an action performed by another character. The ev aluation generally include s embedded praises and genealogies of the shaykh as well as a speakers final assessment of a story. In (12) below, from the narrative Warning about Arrogance, the final evaluation consists of closing remarks for the story. The narrator warns himself and the audience against the consequences of being arrogant, after relating the story of an arrogant shaykh whose knowledge was withdrawn by God. (12) 1. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 2. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 3. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 4. LppiYalla yal na rey ci nun niYalla reye ci nun! 5. Nit ak kam moom noo yem 6. Bu dee fas wi 7. Yeen a bokk ku leen bind 8. Kenn ku ne ci yeen am nga bisub juddu 9. Na la wor ne sa besub de ngi sa kanam yaag fas wi Translation 1. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 2. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 3. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 4. May all about God be big to us like God! 5. A person and his belonging 6. If it is a horse 7. You belong to the same creator 8. Each of you has a day of birth 9. Be sure that your day of deat h is forthcoming you and the horse.

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80 Foreground stage: the complicating action (narrative sequences). The complicating action is the stage where the Sufi narrator relates the main events or actions. It is a complex stage which contains embedded text types such as dialogue, monologue, praise, and genealogy, along with narrative clauses containing the main actions. The complicating action highlights the actions performed by a shaykh, which are cons tantly evaluated by the narrator or other protagonists of the story. The verbs in the co mplicating action are active verbs, as opposed to stative verbs, which characterize the backgr ound sections. The example (13), taken from the narrative Praying on the Water, is a complex co mplicating action, which contains an embedded dialogue, monologue, and evaluation, and a series of actions. In (13), verbs of action in the foreground sections, that is, the s ection of the complicating action th at advances the story, are in bold characters. (13) Complicating action Main actions 1. tubaab yi natt waxtu yi 2. julli tisbaar jot Embedded dialogue 3. u ne ko 4. boo jullee ci gaal gi 5. da u too 6. te boo julliwul wor nanu ne 7. danga too sa boroom Main actions 8. Tisbaar jot muy naxanteek oom 9. Ngir u may ko mu julli 10. Trois heures jot mu jppaat bgg a tekk der bi 11. u gntu 12. Mu dem ba quatre heures jot ci misaal 13. Mu waajaat bgg a julli 14. u gntu The narrators embedded evaluation 15. Te nag moxtaaru tisbaar ak mum takkussan 16. Daoo lnkloo

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81 17. Fa muxtaarum tisbaar yem 18. Ca cat la fa la moxtaarum takkusaan tmbalee 19. Te moom dafa bokk ci i nga xam ne sauoo julli waxtu 20. ca njlbenu waxtu waxtu wa 21. xam ngeen aqsaabi ypp 22. loolu dafa bokk ci seeni kii waxtu wu ne 23. ca njlben ga lau koy julli 24. ak luu tabdi tabdi 25. ak fu u man a ne rawatina Sri bi Amadu Bambas embedded monologue 26. mu wax nag ne bgg sa bakkan warta tax 27. ma faat waxtu ylla wii 28. ndox mi jaamu ylla ni man la 29. suuf si mu lalu nga xam ne moo ko lal 30. jaamu ylla la ne man 31. defu ma ko ngir ndam 32. defu ma ko ngir xarbaax 33. dama koy def ngir ba a faat waxtu ylla wi 34. leegi dinaa sanni der bi 35. mu dem ci ndox mi 36. lu ygg ygg dina dem ca ci suuf sa 37. ma man ca taxaw julli 38. wala ndox mi taxaw ngir ndigalu Ylla 39. ndax ab jaam la 40. ma man a taxaw ci ndox mi julli 41. wala sama baat bi, sama bakka n bi ma akk ko ci ndigalu ylla 42. waaye lpp a ma gnal bgg sama bakkan 43. tax ma ba a julli waxtu wi Main actions 44. bi loolu amee mu sanni der bi 45. mu war a dem ci ndox mi 46. boobu S bi ci quarante ans la tollu 47. ci zaayir am na kttan lool 48. dafa dafa dafa dajele kaamil bi ak der bi 49. jiital der bi 50. boq kaamil bi 51. meeb mbubb mi 52. daadi cppeelu ak doole Translation Complicating action Main actions 1. the white counted the hours 2. it was time for the afternoon prayer Embedded dialogue

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82 3. they told him: 4. if you pray on this ship 5. you will offend us 6. and if you do not pray, we are certain that 7. you will offend your lord Main actions 8. It was time for the afternoon prayer and he negotiated with them 9. For them to let him pray 10. It was three oclock, he did his ablutions again and wanted to set down his prayer skin 11. They refused 12. He went until say four oclock 13. did his ablutions again to get ready for the prayer 14. They refused The narrators embedded evaluation 15. and the ideal time to perform the afternoon pray er and that of the evening prayer 16. overlap with each other. 17. Where the afternoon prayer finishes 18. is where the evening prayer starts. 19. And him (Amadu Bamba) he is among t hose who have not the right to pray 20. past the beginning of the tim eline of that prayer. 21. You know, all the aqsaabi, 22. it is among their things that for each prayer, 23. they do it at the beginning, 24. no matter how busy they are 25. and where they can be, especia lly the master (Amadu Bamba). Amadu Bambas embedded monologue 26. Then he said that to like my my life 27. should not allow me to skip this prayer of God. 28. The water is a slave of God like me. 29. The sand that lies on it, that you know, covers it 30. Is a slave of God like me. 31. I am not doing it for pride, 32. I am not doing it for miracle, 33. I am doing it to avoid skipping Gods prayer (time). 34. Now I am going to throw down the prayer skin, 35. it will go in the water. 36. It will surely reach the shore 37. So that I can stand up and pray. 38. Or the water will stop at Gods will 39. because it is a slave, 40. So that I can step on the water and pray. 41. Or my neck, my life, I will lose it in following Gods recommendation. 42. But, all this will be better for me than hanging on my life 43. Causing my refusal to pray on time.

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83 Main actions 44. Once that happened, he threw his prayer rug 45. he had to go the water 46. at that time, the s haykh was forty years old 47. in zaayir (overtly ) he was very strong 48. He he he wrapped up the Quran and the prayer skin, 49. threw the prayer skin on the water first, 50. held the holy book under his shoulder, 51. pulled up his robe a little bit, 52. and then dismounted with strength. Temporal Sequencing The narrative clauses, which form the co mplicating action, maintain the temporal sequencing of the events or action. In contrast, the embe dded dialogues, monologues, or evaluations, do not advance the story. In (14), from Praying on the Water, clauses 1 through 5 containing actions accomplished by the shaykh (w rapping up of the Quran and prayer skin, throwing of that prayer skin, and so on) are te mporally sequenced. They move the time forward (Dry 1981, 1983). In contrast, clauses 6 and 7 are descriptive clauses; they do not advance the story, they support it (Hopper 1979). In 6 and 7, the narrator describes the mood of the ship crew when they saw the shaykh going to the water. They thought he would drown: (14) Narrative clauses (temporal sequencing) 1. dafa dafa dafa dajele kaamil bi ak der bi 2. jiital der bi 3. boq kaamil bi 4. meeb mbubb mi 5. daadi cppeelu ak doole Non-narrative clauses (background information) 6. tubaab yaa koy xool oom 7. seen xol sedd lool defe ni leeg mu gnn ddina Translation Narrative clauses (temporal sequencing) 1. He he he wrapped up the holy Quran book and the prayer skin, 2. threw the prayer skin on the water first, 3. held the holy book under his shoulder,

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84 4. pulled up a little bit his robe, 5. and then dismounted with strength. Non-narrative clauses ( background information) 6. The white people, them, looked at him, 7. with happiness, hoping that he would soon leave this world (die). The Micro-Structure In W olof Sufi oral narratives, the backgr ound is composed of a pre-story, abstract, orientation and evaluation. These sections are made up of non-narrative clauses or canonical clauses. In contrast, the foreground, that is, th e complicating action, is made up of narrative clauses. Canonical clauses A canonical clause in Wolof cont ains a VP that consists of an auxiliary encoding number and person, which som etimes fulfills the syntactic f unction of focus, and a main verb that also encodes tense. Canonical clauses are free clause s (Labov & Waletzky 1967) that appear in the background sections, that is, the pre-story, abstra ct, orientation, and evaluation. They can be a matrix clause of a subordinate clause. For in stance in (15), taken from the pre-story of the narrative Throwing Dates, the verb ubbiku to be ope n is verb-focused by the verb-focus auxiliary dafa The speaker here launches his story about the miracle of Aliw Tamaasiin, by introducing the general theme, miracles in religions. (15) xel dafa ubbiku lool mind 3sfoc open-refl very mind is very open Narrative clauses Narrative clauses are clauses that are tem porally sequenced. They m ake up the foreground of Wolof Sufi oral na rratives, that is, the complicati ng action stage, where actions are sequentially ordered. In the exam ple below (16) from the same na rrative as in (15), Throwing

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85 Dates, the action of seeing the da tes is preceded by that of ente ring the field. The clauses do not contain any auxiliary or focu s auxiliary, but simply a subject, verb, and complement: (16) 1. mu dugg ci tool bi rekk 3s.subj v.enter in n.f ield the only 2. gis benn tiggu tandarma v.see a n.bunch-of dates 1. he enter/entered the field 2. see/saw a bunch of dates Below clausal level Tense and aspect. Tens e markers. Tenses in Wolof are present, preterit (or simple past), present perfect, future, and condi tional (Ndiaye, 2004). All these tenses, except present tense, which is unmarked, are marked by a suffix, which sometimes attaches to the verb, and sometimes is unattached. The tense in Wolof narrative clauses is genera lly interpreted as bei ng either historical present or preterit (Diouf &Ya guello1991, Perrino 2005). In this way, like in English and French, Wolof may be said to have a hist orical present, which is a pres ent tense used to express past actions. In Wolof Sufi oral narratives, the complic ating action is made up of uninflected verbs in historical present or preterit. For instance in (17), from the na rrative Staying with the Shaykh, the actions performed by the shaykh are expresse d either in historical present or preterit, depending on the way we look at them: (17) 1. Mu ubbi bunt tj, ubbiwaat bunt tj, ubbi pantere, 2. nu bokk toog 3. Mu jox ma materyel bi moo waaje waxtu julli ypp Translation 1. He opened/opens a door, opens anot her door opens a storage room, 2. we both sat/sit down

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86 3. He gave/gives me the material he uses for getting ready for the prayer In contrast, in Wolof canonical clauses, which characterize th e background sections of the narratives, other tenses such as past, pa st progressive and future are used. In Wolof, the past tense marker, also referred to as remote past marker (Ngom 2003), is the suffix oon (after a consonant) or -woon (after a vowel). It is followed by perfective na or preceded by verb focus marker dafa The difference between this tense and preterit, described above, is that the remote past refers to a time considered fa rther in the past, as opposed to preterit. That is the reason remote past is used to describe a situation prior to the complicating action. In cases where the actions were performed habitually in th e past, suffixes aan or waan (after vowel) are suffixed to the verb. In (18a ), from Warning about Arrogance, the speaker refers to the number of disc iples Aliw Tamaasiin (the arr ogant shaykh) had prior to the withdrawal of his knowledge by God. In (18b), fro m The lion chasing the warthog, the narrator informs his audience about the existe nce of a lion in Touba before it became the modern city it is today. In (18c), the speaker explains why he could not attend a meeting: (18a) Mbolloom ma bari woon na lool lool n.people-poss.3s det.distal.the v.be -a-lot.present.perf. perf. adv.very adv.very Literally, his disciples were a lot/(He had) a lot of disciples (18b) Fii jumaa ji ne, gaynde engi fi woon Adv.here n.mosque det.the v.be n.lion aux.3sg adv.here present.perf Here where the mosque is, there was a lion (18c) Dama dem ooon Tuubaa v.foc. v.go.present.perf. Proper.n.Tuubaa I went to Tuubaa

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87 The future tense is marked by an auxiliary that is composed of the imperfective marker di plus the perfective verbal marker, which agrees in person and number with the subject as in (19), from the monologue of shaykh Amadu Ba mba in the narrative going to the waters: (19) 1. leegi dinaa sanni der bi adv. Fut.1s. v.throw n.prayer rug det.the 2. mu dem ci ndox mi 2s.subj v.go prep.to n.water det.the 3. Now I am going to/will throw down the prayer skin, 4. it will go in the water. Aspect The verbal system of Wolof is more asp ectually oriented than temporally oriented. There are two major aspectual divisions in Wolo f: imperfective and perfective. Imperfective means that the action is on-going as in a sort of progressive (the equivale nt of English present progressive), or not started yet (t he equivalent of future). In c ontrast, perfective means that has already been accomplished (the equivalent of past ). The imperfective marker is the morpheme di -, which is also the Wolof copula (see (20a), clause 2) or its allomorph y (McLaughlin 2004). The morpheme di is attached to perfective to form the future in Wolof (see the preceding section). The morpheme y is always attached to a word ending with a vowel. Stative verbs and adjectives are inherently imperfective and do not require the imperfective marker, unless the meaning is a habitual state. In additio n to di and y, there is the auxiliary na, which is a marker of perfective par excellence (Diouf 2001:128, Robert 1991:207). In Wolof Sufi oral narrative s, the foreground section, that is, the complicating action, is characterized by the absence of inflection marker s; verbs are in their bare form, without any tense or aspectual marker alt hough the actions expressed by thos e verbs are already completed. In contrast, the background section, which incl udes the pre-story, abst ract, orientation and evaluation as well as embedded dialogues, monologues, praises, and genealogies, imperfective

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88 markers di or y, and perfective na may be used. The perfective na can be found in the areas where the narrator initiates or closes his story or make comments. In (20b), from the narrative Throwing Dates, the narrator la unches his story about Aliw Ta maasiin using the perfective: (20a) 1. agit di la laaj a n ooy say njaboot, 2. an oo di say njaboot, 3. ba nu xammee leen ci nit i, 4. ba am nu nu jflanteek oom ci xeetu teraanga Translation 1. and also to ask who your people are, 2. who your people are, 3. so that we recognize them among others, 4. so that we treat them with lots of hospitality. (20b) 1. Seex Axmat Tijaan toog na bs 2. ci buntu kram negam 3. Seex Axmat Tijaan one day sat/was sitting 4. At his doorstep, his room, Combination forms. When tense markers -oon and aan are prefixed by aspectual marker di (the i deletes) to form separate morphemes doon and daan, they respectively express imperfective past, the equivalent of English was doing X, and habitual imperfective past, the equivalent of used to do X. Example (21) is from the narrative The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter. The speaker here sets the background of his story featuring a king: (21) Gisoo buur bi ma waa ji doon nettali, v.see.neg.2s n.king det.the 1sObj n.guy det.the imperf.past v.tell (about) Dont you see the king that the guy was telling a story about?

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89 Wolof auxiliaries in narratives Nonfocusing auxiliar ies in Wolof. In total, there are ten auxiliaries in the Wolof verbal system: perfect, aorist, presenta tive, verb focus, subject fo cus, negation, negation focus, obligative, and imperative. Thes e auxiliaries are found in Wolof canonical clauses, which make up the background sections of Sufi narratives. As one sees, only four of the auxiliaries are focusing auxiliaries (verb focus, subject focus, object focus, and negation focus), the rest are non-focusing auxiliaries. In this section, I shall briefly present two of the non-focusing auxiliaries, prefect and presenta tive, which are used in Wolof Sufi oral narratives and whose study will shed light on the understanding of the narratives.11 Perfective NA. Perfect is expressed by a VP inflected with an auxiliary, which agrees in number and person with the subject. The action or state expresse d by the verb was completed in the past. Perfective is used in the orientation stage of the narratives to start the story, as in (22a), from The Lion Chasing the Warthog, in which th e narrator cites the so urce of his story. In (22b), the speaker provides his audience with supportive background information about the length of Amadu Bambas prayer in the governors office (from th e narrative In th e Governors Office). The purpose of giving this information is to show the courage of the shaykh, although he was facing a real threat. He will later be exiled to Gabon. (22a) Sri Saaliw dgg naa ci lmmiam Proper.n. S Saaliw v.hear perf. prep.from n.mouth.poss S Saaliw, I heard from his own mouth (22b) matoon na 45min it amounted to 45 minutes 11 For a discussion of negation, negation focus, obligative, and imperative see Robert (1991, 2001, and 2007).

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90 Presentative ANGI. The proximal angi and its distal counterpart anga are bound morphemes, which Diouf (2001) a nd Robert (1999) refer to as presentatives, used with a verb to express ongoing actions or states. In that case, the event occurs at the same time as the utterance. A presentative can be used to define a situation (Robert 1991:217) or locate people, objects or things. For instance in (23) below, from Throwing Dates, the narrator uses the presentative to situate Aliw Tamaasiin away from his shaykh who was in a different city. The information about the distance between the two protagonists is give n to persuade the audience that Aliw Tamaasiin has performed a real miracle: (23) Aliw Tamaasiin anga ca Tamaasiin ak fa mu nekk ak Faas ni mu soree Aliw Tamaasiin was in Tamaasiin, which was far away from Faas (where Seex Axmat Tijan was) Focus auxiliaries in Wolof. The grammaticalization of focu s is characteristic of NigerCongo languages in general, that is, focus is acc omplished via a focus marker in some languages (like Pulaar) or in the verbal construction itself, as in Wolof12. In Wolof, the focus marker also carries information about person an d number. There are three focus markers: subject focus, verb focus, and object focus. The form of each marker depends on the syntactic status of the focused constituent (subject, verb, or complement/object ). The focused constituent of a clause has a double function, in the syntactic structure (as subject, predicate or complement) and the information structure (as new information as opposed to the given information)13. Subject, verb, and object focus are characteristic of the backgro und in Wolof Sufi oral narratives, in which they help provide new information about a situati on, setting or character to the audience. 12 See Heine & Nurse (2000) for more information. 13 For more on the study of the focus in Wolof, see Ro bert (2000), and also the paper she presented at the International workshop on Atlantic languages at the University of Hamburg, in February, 2007

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91 Subject focus. In subject focus constructions the subject is in first position (leftdislocated), followed by a synthe tic focus auxiliary, which carries information about person and number. The purpose of focusing th e subject is to designate it among various possible subjects. The existence of a subject is presupposed, but what is asserted is the qualitative designation of that subject (Robert 2007). For instance, in (24a ), the subject, Mapaate Mbaay, is the right one (among other possible subjects). Th e fact there was a ch ef/cook in the governors household is assumed to be known to the audience. But, what the audience may not know is the identity of that chef, which the speaker gives them, usi ng subject-focus. The subj ect Mapaate Mbaay is followed by the subject-focus marker, moo and then the presupposed predicate doonoon cuisinier ba was the cook. The focus auxiliary moo agrees in person and number with that subject. (24a) [Goor gu uy wax Mapaate Mbaay] moo doonoon cuisinier ba [rel. clause ] Subj. sfoc.3s v.be.past n.chef det. s.distal.the Literally, a man called Mapaate Mbaay, he was the cook In (24b), the speaker selected faithfulness, the quality he believes was the best to characterize his shaykh, Ababacar Sy, among other possible qualities, and subject-focused that quality. This example is from the narrative An Example of Faithfulness. The subject, that is, the relative clause ku dul sopp eeku ba mukk someone who never changes, is followed by the focus marker, mooy (notice the imperfective marker y atta ched to the auxiliary), which also plays the role of copula of the presupposed predicate mooy Sri Baabakar Si is Sri Baabakar Si. It is as if the speaker had to answer the question kan mooy Sri Baabakar Si? Who is Sri Baabakar Si?Indeed the 2007 Gmmu of Tivaouane, from which this narrative has been recorded, was dedicated to Ababacar Sy.

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92 (24b) Ku dul soppeeku ba abada mooy Sri Baabakar Si rel.3s neg.3s. v.change adv.until n. abada sfoc.3s. proper.n. Sri Baabakar Si Someone who never changes was Sri Baabakar Si Object focus. In object focus constructions, the object is in first position (left-dislocated), followed by the focus marker, which agrees in person and number with the subject, not the object. The purpose of focusing the object is to designate it am ong various possible objects. The existence of an object is presupposed or given. What is unknown is the identity of that object. In (25a) below, the existence of water is know n/given but its definition as slave of God, by shaykh Amadu Bamba, is new. The function of th e object focusing here is to tell the audience the reason Amadu Bamba went in the waters. Th e reason is the speaker believed Amadu Bamba went to the water to worship God, and therefore, did not have to fear another worshiper of the same God, the water. He is repo rting directly here Amadu Bamb as justification of his action. The subject ndox mi the water is topicalized in the front of the clause, followed by the object jaamu Yalla a slave/worshipper of God, and then by the focus marker la. (25a) ndox mi jaamu ylla ni man la The water is a slave/worsh iper of God like me. In (25b), the object-focus auxiliary la agrees in person and numb er, not with the object (Maam Seex Anta ak ay taalibeem Maam Seex Anta and his students/disciples), which is plural, but with the subject ( Sri Tuuba the shaykh/master of Tuubaa ), which is in singular: (25b) Maam Seex Anta ak ay taalibeem la ndal dem proper n. Obj. prep.with det.ind.p. n.students ofoc.3s v. go-with v.go It was with Maam Seex Anta and some of his students that he went with

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93 Notice the change from subject-focus auxiliary moo (in 24a and 24b) to object-focus marker la in (25a and 25b). Verb focus. In Wolof verb focus constructions the focus marker precedes the verb and agrees in person and number with the subject, wh ich can be topicalized. Verb focus is generally used to start a story, define a si tuation or give an e xplanation. Sometimes it is used for precision or rectification as well. In the example below (26), from the narrative In the Governors Office, it seems that the speaker wants to re ctify the assumption that Amadu Bamba has spent the night at the house his younger brother Maam Seex Anta (Mame Cheikh Anta Mbacke (1861? 1941) had in Dakar at the time of the events. Ac cording to the speaker, the shaykh got off there but did not stay the night. The verb-focus auxiliary dafa is shortened to daf but, in the meantime, the locative expression fa there is lengthened to faa by taking an additional a, which looks like a compensati on of the shortening of dafa (26) S Tuubaa daf faa wacc waaye fanaanu fa proper n.subj. v.foc3s. loc.dist. v. get off but v. spend the night. neg loc.dist. S Tuubaa just got off there but did not spend the night The next chapter talks about the cultural context in whic h the Wolof Sufi oral narratives are anchored, and the extent to which it has an impact on the structure of the narratives.

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94 CHAPTER 4 THE SOCIAL SETTING OF WOLOF SUFI NARRATIVES Corpus of Texts Oral discou rse in West-African societies in many ways consists of a corpus of texts, interconnected and dialogic (Bakhtin 1981, Barber 2007). This conception of text developed by Barber (2007) draws upon the Latin etymology of the word, a tissue of words, from Latin texere meaning literally to weave, join together, plait or br aid (Greetham 1999:26, Barber 2007). Verbal texts, as Barber refe rs to the corpus of oral discour se, are locally-produced texts, composed and transmitted according to people s own conventions, in their own language, encapsulating their own concerns, which do seem to speak as if from within (Barber 2007:3). In other words, texts, whether written or spoken, are rooted in their context of production and reception. From early on, in their edited volume, Explorations in the Ethnography of Speaking Bauman & Sherzer (1974:6) tackled the same issue and used the term speech community, which they define in terms of the shared or mutually complementary knowledge and ability (competence) of its member for the production and interpretation of socially appropriate speech. Along the same lines, these authors speak of the set of community norms, operating principles, strategies, and values, which guide the producti on and interpretation of speech, the community ground rules of speaking. Wolof Sufi oral narratives can be considered both globally and locally framed. Indeed, the norms of speaking in Sufi Islamic commun ities the norms of speaking draw upon a long tradition, departing from the hadiths or sayings of the Prophet Muhammad. The latter is considered a model for all Muslims, and his life and teachings are recounted in Muslim societies as an example for other Muslims. The sa me practice is found among members of other Abrahamic religions, namley Christians and Jews. Indeed, the Bible is full of stories about

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95 Jesus. Jesus walking on the wa ter and Moses rod ar e certainly among the most popular stories of miracles. The stories are interconnected, w oven and shared among adherents of each religion. The performance of these narratives is, in effect, a remembrance of the qualities of past religious figures, and an appeal for people to repr oduce and perpetuate t hose qualities. Sufi West-African communities have adapte d locally the tr adition mentioned above, and they recount the lives and miracu lous deeds of their shaykhs at Sufi ceremonies. Local norms for public speaking set by the griot complexify this tradition. Mo reover, Sufi oral narratives are constitutive of Sufi oral di scourse, and are the major means of communication among followers of Sufi orders. The stories people tell each ot her are already known to almost every Sufi adherent. People tell them just to remind themse lves of the good deeds of their leaders and to reinforce their faith in them. The episodic nature of such stories has given them a structure that differs from regular stories such as narrativ es of personal experien ce described by Labov & Waletzky (1967). In the West-African Sufi tr adition, narratives are boundless because every speaker takes on an episode of a master text and links it to prev ious or incoming ones recounted by other speakers. In the narrative The Predictio n, the speaker ends his story by telling his audience that he just wanted to share this epis ode with them, which they can add to what they already know: (1) 1. Loolu dama leen koy seede 2. Ngeen dolli ko ca la ngen xam 1. This, I am sharing it with you 2. So that you can add it to what you already know Also, every speaker adds his personal skills to the way he tells the story, which make his account somehow different from other versions of the same story. In addition, the context of the narrative performance has an impact on the framing of the story. Some parts of the story may be

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96 given preeminence over others whil e some other parts may be left out. The next section discusses an important figure in the et hnography of speaking in West-Afr ican societies including the Wolof society, namely the griot, who has set th e local norms for public speaking in the context of Wolof Sufi oral narratives. The speech functions of the gr iot will also be discussed. Ethnography of Speaking in Wolof Society In W est-African societies, the figure of the griot, gwl in Wolof, is fundamental in the weaving and spreading of texts. Indeed, the gwl is the one who set th e fundamentals of public speaking as he or she is known for his or her verbal skills, inherited from his or her ancestors. In Sundiata : an Epic of Old Mali (1960), an epic book by Guinean historian and writer Djibril Tamsir Niane, the gwl Djeli Mamadou Kouyate, stipulates at the beginning of the novel that he took the epic from his grandparents, who to ok it from his great-grand-parents. However, although the gwl has set the norms for public speaking, Sufi oral narratives are not told by the gwls only, they are told by everyone. The rational e for having a section on the griot is because of his or her multiple speech functions in the Wolof society, which includes that of storyteller, surrogate, historian, praise-singer and genealogist. However, some of his functions such as that of storyteller and surrogate speaker are sometimes fulfilled by non-griots. Gwl as Verbal Artist Irvine (1974) refers to the gwl as a verbal specialist, whose speech s erves several communicative functions in Wolof societ y. These functions include that of jottalikat transmitter, taggaatekat praise-singer, nettalikatu cosaan or historian and bkkkat praisedrummer. These multiples functions and the skill s attached to them serve as paradigms for Wolof verbal performance so that others who are not gwl such as some of the narrators of the narratives I collected, use the same techniques. Moreover, when a nongwl speaks greatly in

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97 public, people tend to tell him or her: danga ngwle meaning you speak like someone from a gwl lineage The first function, the jottalikat or surrogate speaker, consists of repeating aloud the words uttered softly by a notable. This function is a widespread function in many West-African societies and is not always fulfilled by a gwl just like the other functions enumerated above. Indeed, in West-African societie s, speaking is seen as revealing of ones personality. Wolof people often say: ku wax fee speaking means revealing onesel f to the public. Therefore, speaking in public is taken very carefully by gove rnment officials, local chiefs, and marabouts, who usually have recourse to the service of a ve rbal specialist as a surrogate for their public speeches (Yankah 1995, McLaughlin & Villaln 2008) The surrogate speakers referred to by different terms throughout the Africa n continent, play the same role s in their respec tive societies. The Akan people call him okyeame the Ijo in Nigeria refer to him as ogulasowie the Fon in Benin name him the meu who speaks from the king to the people and the migan who speaks from the people to the king (Yankah 1995, 1998). In the Mande region, he is referred to as jeli the equivalent of the gwl among the Wolof. But, it is importa nt to understand that, although the gwl can or often fulfills the f unction of surrogate speaker, jottalikat in Wolof, a nongwl can also fulfill that function. When the surrogate happens to be a gwl his speech is characterized by features of gwl speech, presented in the char t below, from Irvine (1990). Waxu ger (noble-speech style) Waxu gwl ( gwl -speech style) Pitch: low high Volume: soft loud Voice: breathy clear Contour: pitch nucleus last pitch nucleus first Dynamic range: narrow wide Wolof style contrasts in prosody (Irvine 1990)

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98 Gwl-speech style has become the norm in public speech. In the study done by McLaughlin & Villaln (2009), the jottalikat is not a gwl, but a close cousin of the marabout (Sufi master), with whom he studied Quran as a child. The gwl seated next to the surrogate, assists with holding the microphone but did not mediate the marabouts words, as he did on other occasions. The second function, that of the praise-singer, generally consists of reciting the genealogy of a person, usually a noble born or ger and enumerating the good d eeds his ancestors and he have performed. The following example is taken from Irvines (1979) data on praise-songs performed in Kr Matar, a village in Senegal where she conducted her dissertation fieldw ork. A praise-singer retraces the genealogy of a ger or noble born: (2) Pat Ndaw Maabadyi, buur la woon. Moo di ko Magueye am tya Penda Magueye ak Koodu Kumba Magueye. Am tya Kura Magueye Mbenda Magueye, Mbenda Magueye, nyu yobbu ko dkk bu nyu naan Kuur. Mu am tya Mawo Mbenda. Mawo Mbenda, bu tya nyu musa hare, dyam. Koodu Kumba Magueye ma gg, nyu yobbu ko dkk nyu wah Gateen. Mu am fa koodu kumba, ak Galo koodu kumba, As tu koodu kumba, ak Makhudya koodu kumba. Translation (by the author) Pate Ndaw Maabaydi (praise-name for the Ndaw family), he was a king. It was he that Magueye had there, Penda Magueye and Koodu Kumba Magueye. She had there kura maguey. Mbenda maguey, Mbenda maguey, they took her to a town that they call Kur. She had there Maawo Mbenda. Maawo Mbenda, when they wage war, (he would) pierce (i.e., he used a spear well in battle). Koodu Kumba Magueye grew up; they took her to a town that they call Gateen. She had there Koodu Kumba, and Galo Koodu Kumba, Astu Koodu Kumba and Makhudya koodu Kumba. The third function is that of historian. Indeed, traditionally, the gwl is the depository of the ancestors legacy, the memory of his commun ity or the noble-caste family to which he is attached. He is the one in charge of telling pe ople what their ancestors have done in the past. A

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99 gwl does not usually recall bad deeds and failure s, unless they deliberately want to hurt someone. He usually recalls successes and positive actions. He has acquired this skill from his ancestors through oral tradition. Events may change from one storyteller to another because each speaker has his or her own personal skills, which differentiate him or her from the others. This explains the numerous variations observed in Sufi stories. Differ ent versions of the same story may be heard from different speakers. Sometimes it is very hard to find out who first told a story and whether his or her account is original and authentic. The speakers tendency to provide names of witnesses and places serves to give authenticity to their account. The final function is that of praise-drummer. In fact, the us e of drums when singing praises has been the norm in Wolof culture. Differe nt names are given to praise-drumming: bkk jiin ka All the three are synonymous and refer to the singing of praises to honor a king or noble born in public. The person who is being praised is moved by the performance and rewards the praise-singer. Praise-drumming is practiced by the subgroup of the Murids (disciples of the Muridiyya) called Baay Faal Fall is the family name of the founder of that group, shaykh Ibra Faal, a companion of Amadu Bamba, known for hi s hard-working nature a nd attachment to the founder of the Muridiyya. The Baay Faal (For the Baay Faal see Villaln 1995, Coulon 1999, Thiam 2005) use drums when singing the praises of Ibra Faal and Amadu Bamba. The Qadirs (disciples of the Qadiriyya) also use dr ums when they celebrate events such as Gmmu The speech functions listed above, while best known as functions of the gwl have become the norms for public speaking, adopted by all speakers, including marabouts, in their address to Sufi followers. However, the func tions are distributed in accordance with the relationships between the speaker and the shaykh. For instance, the functio n of surrogate speaker can be given to a shaykhs close collaborator (McLaughlin & Villaln, 2008), usually one of his

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100 adepts, trained to fulfill that function, or a gwl depending on the context. The next point I shall examine in details the gwl lineage among the social groups in Wolof society. Origin and Social Status of the Gwl The origin o f the French term griot, gwl in Wolof, is controvers ial. The first appearance of the term would be in French as guiriot employed by Alexis de St L, a Capucin missionary monk who traveled along the Senegambian coas t of West Africa in 1634-35 and published his Relation du Voyage du Cap-Verd in 1637 (Hale 1997:251). French scholar Henri Tabouret proposed a Portuguese origin of the term, criado, which means [one] who has been nourished, raised, educated, who lives in th e house of the master. Tabo urets theory reflects on the traditional relationship of the griot with hi s patron. Another etymology mentioned by Hale (1997) is from Charry (1992:66-67) who has proposed that griot comes from the Arabic term qawal or singer, via the Wolof gwl Students of West African societies use the French expression griot though some of them employ local words to refer more to the multiple functions of the griot in Af rican societies. Tang (2007) opens her book titled Masters of the sabar: Wolof griot percussionists of Senegal with this statement about the gwl : Griots are best known as artisans of the spoken word. Serving as oral historians, genealogists, storytellers, and pr aise-singers, griots have played a significant role in cultures throughout West Africa for over seven centuries. This functional definition of gr iot shows the place that he oc cupies in the hierarchical structure and divisions of West-African societies in general, including Wolof society in Senegal. The hierarchical divisions betw een social groups among the Wolof people led some scholars to use the controversial term of caste (Lang, 2007:48).

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101 Panzacchi (1994) identified three social gr oups. At the top of the hierarchy are the ger or noble/freeborn. Below the ger are the neeo a casted group composed of the gwl (griots), the rbb (weavers), the wuude (leatherworkers), and the tgg (blacksmiths). At the lowest level are the jaam (slaves or descendents of slaves) Tal Tamari (1991)s classification is similar to Panzacchis account, except for the fact she subdivides the freemen and slave categories into subgroups. The subgr oups of freemen ( jambur gor ) are the garmi and the gellwaar (royals), the doomi buur (notables), and the baadoolo (commoners). Whereas the Jaam comprise the jaami garmi (slaves of the garmi ) and the jaami buur (slaves of the king). Senegalese anthropologist, Di op (1981), does not consider jaam a part of the caste system. Instead, he distinguishes two separate organizations: caste and polit ical orders. The caste system he proposed comprises the ger and the eeo As for the jaam, they are considered part of the political order (Lang 2007:49). According to Diop, a ger cannot do the job of a eeo that is, he cannot be a leatherworker, black smith, praise-singer or weaver. The eeo comprise three subgroups: the jf-lekk literally those who make a living with their hands ( tgg or blacksmiths, wuude or leatherworkers, and rbb or weavers), sab-lekk literally those who live from their singing, or crowing ( gwl or griot) and oole (a marginal group). In Diops political order, there is no dichotomy ger / eeo but rather a gor ( jambur )/ jaam (slave) opposition. The gor or jambur category com prises two subgroups, the garmi (nobles and descendents of nobles) and the baadoolo (peasants, commoners) while the jaam (slaves) comprise the jaamibuur (royal slaves) and the jaami-baadoolo (slaves of commoners).

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102 Some scholars like Wright (1989) redefine the term caste, which they refer to simply as social groups. According to Wright, Wolof social groups are ger and eeo and are interdependent and definable based on th e products of their labor. She wrote: The caste system is the most striking char acteristic of Wolof social organization: all people are born into one of tw o broad castes, the first being ger (roughly translated as noble, freedom, or gentry and including farmers as we ll as descendents of royalty); the second eeo which includes blacksmiths and jewelers ( tgg), bards or griots ( gwl ), and leatherworkers ( ude ). Each group is endogamous and dependent upon the other group for the product of their labor. (Wright 1989:43) Nowadays, a change is taking place with rega rd to caste divisions in many West-African countries, including Senegal, as some ger exert professions such as mu sician or hair braider, so far considered gwl professions. Babou (2008) explores the change noticed in the foundations of social hierarchies and gende r roles among Senegalese female hair braiders and ordinary women in Senegal. His work showed that the lucrative businesses of hair-braiding salons in American cities such as Atlanta, New York, a nd Philadelphia, and the amount of money people make from this profession, have changed their ideas about the notions of prestige, blood, and caste. The distance from the home country may be a factor of that cha nge of mentalities in addition to the economic reasons. Beside his social status in the hierarchy, the griot is best known for his speaking skills. Indeed, his speech serves various functions in so ciety according to the setting. The next section will address some of these functions and th eir impact on everyday Sufi communication. Patterns of Gwl -speech Style in Sufi Narratives The gwl s peech functions of historian and praise -singer are prevalent in Sufi stories. Indeed, in the past, and even nowadays, the gwl is the one who is supposed to recall the history

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103 of the past kingdoms in public settings because he or she is the one who masters the art of speaking and the framing of a story in accordance with the circumstances and audience. The gwl has been a central personage in pre-, colonial and post-col onial eras in West-African societies, including among the Wolof (Leymarie 1999). In the past, the gwl spoke on behalf of the king, served as surrogate of his message on various occasions, and told him about his ancestors good deeds. By recallin g these deeds to the king, the gwl expects him to perform the same good actions. Nowadays, the gwl still play a major role in all occasions, including naming and wedding ceremonies, as well as in th e religious and politic al spheres (Leymarie 1999). The influence of the gwl -speech style in Sufi oral narra tives appears in the complication stage of these narratives, in wh ich the history of past Sufi sh aykhs, with a focus on miraculous actions, is recounted. Sufi narrator s praise their shaykh, object of their narratives, and recite their genealogy in the form of embedded evaluations. In some cases, the whole narrative starts with praises (I refer to those as pre-story praises). Though not all Sufi narrators are gwl the norms of verbal performance set by the gwl are predominant in Sufi narratives, regardless of the narrator. Moreover, comparison can be made betw een present-day shaykhs and early Senegalese kings based on the position held by the gwl in the two households. Indeed, in many Sufi leaders families, a gwl is in charge of broa dcasting incoming Sufi ceremonies. They also play a major role in organizing and entertaining the audience by singing Sufi songs or playing the role of master of ceremony. The complicating action be low, from the narrative In the Governors Office, includes a sequence of praise that the speaker said was from a witness, Mapaate Mbaay, to extol Amadu Bambas courage, after he perf ormed a long-lasting pray er (forty-five minutes) in the governors office:

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104 (3) Complicating action 1. Goorgi Mapaate Mbaay daadi koy da adi koy woy foofa, tagg ko, ne ko: Embedded praise 2. Balla Aysa Buri S Mbakke Maar am fii nga taxaw fattaliku sa boroom, 3. ku fi msa taxaw ftte nga sa boroom ndax sa moroom, 4. yow rekk yaa fi njkk a taxaw fattaliku sa boroom' Complicating action (continued) 5. Mu daldi ni gees, Maam Seex Anta, ne ko: 'Seex' mu ne ko 'Mbakke' 6. mu ne ko'may ko' Translation Complicating action 1. Mapaate Mbaay then sung him, sung him there, praised him, told him: Embedded praise 2. Balla Aysa Buri S Mbakke Maaram1, here you step and recall your lord 3. whoever stepped here before, forgot about his lord because of someone 4. you are the first one to step here and recall your lord Complicating action (continued) 5. He turned to Maam Seex Anta told him: "Seex", he said "Mbakke" 6. He told him "reward him" The functions of Sufi speakers al so include that of public tran slator and lecturer. In fact, Wolof translation of Arabic formulas, used by so me Sufi shaykhs when addressing the followers, into Wolof is crucial for non-Arabic speakers to understand the embedded Arabic words. Many Senegalese have a very basic knowledge of Arabic; they only use the Arabic language when performing the five daily prayers, because it is not allowed for Muslims to recite Quranic verses when praying in a language ot her than Arabic. As the langu age of the Quran, Arabic is considered sacred and it is highly valued by followers of Sufi orde rs that a Sufi shaykh uses it. This reinforces the authority of that Sufi shaykh. Therefore, th e job of the Wolof translator consists of making this mystic language access ible to non-Arabic speakers, using the language they know and master best, Wo lof. Although the shaykh could us e Wolof, he speaks Arabic 1 Maaram (Marame in French spelling) is th e name of the grandfather of Amadu Bamba

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105 sometimes for the purpose of citing the sources of his arguments or supporting these arguments referring to the Quran or the wri tings of the founders of the Sufi orders. The use of Arabic also legitimates the marabouts knowledge of the Arabic language and Islam. Finally, Arabic is what helps the shaykh to keep a certain distance between him and his illiterate followers2. As for the function of confrencier (a French term) or lecturer it consists of addressing a public about the history of the Sufi orders and lives of the Sufi l eaders. Indeed, when a daayira or Sufi association orga nizes an event, such as Mggal or Gmmu its members hire a lecturer to tell them about the fo unders life, his family or the histor y of the order. The lecturer is a knowledgeable person, sometimes a member of the Sufi orders founders family or alumnus of his daara or school. The lecturer addresses a public, whic h is attentive to his speech and eager to react by giving him extra money when they are m oved. The speech of that lecturer is full of stories about the life and deeds of the shaykh, whic h the speaker intends to give as exemplars to the audience. The stories are transmitted through or al tradition from grandparents to parents and then children to grandchildren. Some of the speakers cite historical sources but mix them with anecdotes. Features of these stor ies include the presence of di alogues, series of miraculous actions or kemtaan performed by the shaykh, and the sp eakers praiseevaluations. The narratives In the Governors Office and War ning about Arrogance are respectively from lectures given in Philadelphia in 2007 a nd Dakar in 1992. The narrative Warning about Arrogance took place in a context of political and social crisis, and the former General Khalife of the Tijaniyya in Senegal, Abdoul Aziz Sy Dabakh (1904-1997), addressed the Senegalese community to try to overcome the situation. 2 For the function of surrogate speaker in Sufi settings, see McLaughlin and Villaln, 2009.

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106 Others contexts of Sufi narrati on include interv iews during the Mggal and Gmmu (e.g. narratives Throwing Dates and Sta ying with the Shaykh, from the 2007 Gmmu and Praying on the Water and The Lion Chasing the Warthog, from the 2000 Mggal ) and testimonials (e.g. The Prediction from the 2000 Mggal ), and so forth. A West African Sufi Culture Students of Islam in Africa commonly mention the eleventh century as the beginning of the presence of Islam in West Africa. In Senega l, the gateway was the state of Tekruur in the Senegal River Valley, which, subsequently, became involved with the Almoravid reform movement that extended northward into Morocco and Spain (V illaln 1995, Robinson 2004, Babou 2007). According to Babou (2007), Waar Jaabi, the first ruler of Tekruur, who became Muslim at that period, supported th e Almoravid movement. However, the real spread of Islam in Senegal and the surrounding region only happened in the nineteenth centur y with the advent of the Sufi orders. There are four of them : the Qadiriyya the oldest order (11th century), originated in Baghdad in Iraq, and is named after its founder, Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani. The Tijaniyya the largest order in present-day Senegal originated in Algeria and is named after its founder, Ahmad al-Tijani, an 18th century mystic. The Muri diyya and the Layenes both originated in Senegal. The founders of the last two orders are re spectively Amadu Bamba Mbacke (1853-1927) and Limamou Laye (1843-1909) whereas AlHa jj Malick Sy (1855-1922), El-Hjj Umar Tal (17971864) and Ibrahima Niass (1900-1975) are often cited among the most popular propagators of the Tijaniyya in Senegal and the surrounding region. Later on, Sufi orders appropriated Islam and ad apted it to the local values and beliefs, leading some scholars, especially from th e European perspective, to use the term Islam noir or Black Islam. Robinson (2004) rejects this term, which, he believe s, is pejorative, and rather speaks of Africanization of Islam, meaning, the way Afri can groups have created Muslim

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107 space or made Islam their own. In Senegal it is through the Sufi brotherhoods and supreme direction of Muslim leaders ca lled shaykhs, or marabouts in lo cal parlance, that Islam is practiced by many Senegalese, l eading Coulon (1981) to state: In Senegal, one is often a Taalibe, disciple of a marabout before being a citi zen of the State. According to Robinson (2004), the term marabout sri in Wolof comes from the Arabic name given to the Almoravid, al-murabitun a soldier-monk (Dilley 2004). The term ma rabout is today used in the French language to refer to Sufi shaykhs, Quranic teachers, and anyone else who provides talismans or protection through mystical knowledge. Sufism is seen by some scholars as a sear ch for wisdom, piety, and closeness to God through rituals and litanies (Robinson 2004). Others see it as the annihilation of the individuals ego, will, and self centeredness by God, and the subs equent spiritual revival with the Light of His essence (Glen 2004). However, the main aspect of Sufism is a belief in mystical forms of knowledge that can only be obtained through the studying with a master or guide. The core Sufi relationship is the indivi dual bond between a student and a shaykh who expects complete submission to hi s or her guidance. In the proc ess of study, the shaykh reveals efficacious litanies to students, and enthusiastic disciples seek to acquire all such religious secrets as well as the shaykhs permission to transm it them to others. There is also a widespread belief in the power of particular shaykhs, leading to the practi ce of making pilgrimages to the tombs of shaykhs, where pilgrims asked the dead to intercede for them before God. In addition, disciples of Sufi orders often work for the shaykh expecting baraka or blessings in return. In Senegal Sufism is practiced individuall y, through formulaic prayer rituals known as wird and dhikr in which one recollects and meditates upon the names of God (Glover 2007). It is also practiced collectively, through the chanting of Sufi poems gatherings and celebrations

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108 known as jng in Wolof. The two most popular Sufi events are the Gmmu ( Mawlid al Nabi in Arabic meaning celebration of the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad), which is the major event of the Tijaniyya, and the Great Mggal of Touba or remembrance of the day of departure of Amadu Bamba into exile, which is the major event of the Muridiyya. In addition there are other events such as ziara or visits to the living marabouts, in the holy cities of Touba, the headquarters of the Muridiyya, Tivaouane, the headquarters of the Sy branch of theTijaniyya, Medina Baye and Leona in Kaolack, the headquarters of the Niasse branch of the Tijaniyya, Njaasaan, the headquarters of the Qadiriyya, and Yoff, the headquarters of the Layenes. Other places where companions of the founding fathers of the Sufi orders were buried are also visited. The purpose of the visits is to seek baraka or spiritual blessings (Glover 2007) from the shaykhs, dead or alive, and from the holy places. In addition, the daayiras or local Sufi associations hold local events to practice a nd worship in communion. Sufi discourse is characterized by the pervas iveness of stories about the Sufi leaders miracles and life itineraries ( jaar-jaari sri bi in Wolof meaning the spiritual itinerary of the shaykh). A designated speaker is hired to talk an d tell these stories and other testimonies about the shaykhs, punctuated by the chanting of mora lizing poems written by these shaykhs in honor of the Prophet Muhammad. The speaker may or may not be a gwl although gwl speakers are especially good at recalling past events, which th ey combine with praises and genealogies. In my analysis of Sufi oral narratives, praises and genealogies are among the mechanisms in use in the form of climactic embedded evaluations to help highlight and legitimate miraculous deeds and philosophical teachings of the Sufi shaykhs. Themes and Contents of the Narratives As seen above, Sufi narratives are organized around them es and contents. The themes that derived from this study include prediction making and the relationship between shaykh and

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109 disciple whereas the contents are mainly anecd otes, and biographies, some variations are found in the accounts of these anecdotes and biographies. Themes of Sufi Narratives Prediction making Making predictions seem s to be a thematic feat ure of Sufi narratives. In the passage from The Prediction narrative below, Seexu Umar Tall (El-Hajj Umar Tall) makes a prediction of the advent of Amadu Bamba Mback after being given water to drink by Maam Jaara Buso, the mother of Amadu Bamba. The same Seexu Umar Ta ll is said to have made the same prediction with regard to El-Hajj Malick Sy, after receiving a gift sent to him by the mother of El-Hajj Malick. There are many other predictions that are said to have been made by Sufi shaykhs. The capacity for making predictions seems to be an im portant test for a shaykh to be granted holiness and sanctity. Amadu Bamba is said to have made prediction about the holy city of Touba and the Great Mggal or celebration of his departur e into exile, held in that city. It seems also that a real shaykh must know the unknown and predict the futu re in order to be considered shaykh. However, the prediction is always believed to be the reward for a holy mans good actions and closeness to God. Amadu Bambas mother, Maam Jaara Buso, viewed as a female saint, is believed to have been rewarded for her good ac tions, including towards Seexu Umar Tall, to whom she gave water when he arrived in Mback, very thirsty, with a chil d who later became the founder of one of most representative Sufi orde rs in Senegal. Similarly, Faa Wade Wele, the mother of El-Hajj Malick Sy, is said to ha ve been rewarded for her good actions, including towards the same Seexu Umar, to whom she sent a piece of fabric as her participation in his jihad As a result, she gave birth to one of the most popular adepts and propagators of the Tijaniyya in Senegal and West Af rica. All these Sufi leaders are believed to have gained their holiness from the love and admiration they had for the Prophet Muhammad. Indeed, Amadu

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110 Bamba called himself khadimoul Rassoul an Arabic expression meaning the servitor of the prophet. The pervasiveness of predictions in Sufi stories can also lead to some sort of comparison between these texts and epic texts in African societies. Indeed the advent of epic heroes is also predicted, usually by sor cerers and practitioners of witchcraft. (4) 1. Seexu Umar walbatiku da ldi koy joxaat bttu bi 2. Mu ni wlbat di dem soxna soosu moom ndaw soosu 3. wlla moom xale boobu na ma Ylla jggal 4. Seexu Umar daldi walbatiku wax waa toc gi 5. Mag i toogoon ci toc gi 6. Ci ron garab gi 7. Mu ne leen ndaw see 8. Am na ku nekk ci moom 9. Su wee Baayam sax di na ko topp 10. Waxumalaak keneen Translation 1. Seexu Umar turned around and then returned the container to her 2. Then she turned around to leave, that saint Woman, her, that woman 3. Or her that young woman, may God forgive 4. Seexu Umar then turned around and told the people at the bench 5. The old people who were seated at the bench 6. Under the tree 7. He told them: that woman 8. There is someone in her 9. When he comes, even his father will follow him 10. A fortiori someone else Relationship between shaykh and disciple The second them e found in Sufi narratives d eals with the relationship between a shaykh and his disciple, a shaykh and God (Archangel Gabriel sent to Amadu Bamba by God in the narrative Praying on the Water), or a shaykh and the Prophet Muhammad (in some declarations attributed to Amadu Bamba, he said that he encountered the Prophet Muhammad, who elevated him to a grade that no shaykh had ever reached befo re). In almost every Su fi narrative that core relationship is depicted in one way to or another by the speak er. The relation between shaykh

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111 and disciple is characterized by the latters complete submi ssion, worshiping, and eagerness to execute all instruction given by the former. In re turn the submissive disciple, worshipper, or helper expects to receive baraka (Wolof barke), meaning grace, sanctit y, and knowledge from his patron. In the context of Sufism in Senegal, that relationship varies accord ing to Sufi families. Copans (1980) defines the nature of the relatio nship between marabout and disciple focusing on three points: (1) the marabout is the mediator be tween God and the disciple (2) the allegiance to a marabout is up to the disciple but the latter ha s to accept the conditions linked to the allegiance, set by the marabout, and (3) the al legiance is an absolute one, at least for the Murid. Although the disciple has the choice to pick his or her ma rabout, he or she is expected to behave like a true disciple, meaning being obedient and submi ssive. Copans says: the good disciple is then the one of complete submission and obedience [le bon Tallibe (disciple in Wolof) cest donc celui de la soumission et de lobissance]. Villaln (1995) has done extensive analysis of the relationship between marabout and disciple focusing on the city of Fatick, where he conducted his researc h. Villalns work drew from those of pioneers such as Behrman (1969, 1970) and Coulon (1980). Behrman notes variations in the way disciples interact with their marabouts, de pending on the Sufi order. She points out that the degree of ma raboutic control over disciples is greater among the Murids than within the Tijaniyya order (Vil laln 1995). As for Coulon, he c oncentrates on the relationship between the marabouts and the politi cal elites, and especially the exchange of service between the two, leading him to call that relationship a relationship of personal dependence (Villaln, 1995). Coulon uses the Weberian term charisma to account for the discip les belief that the shaykh can intercede on his behalf before G od and his total devotion towards that shaykh. However, Coulon distinguishes two types of charisma: pure charisma and hereditary

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112 charisma. The first refers to the founding fathers of the Sufi orders while the second is more rational (Villaln, 1995). Ela borating on Coulons idea, Vill aln says: the marabouts are expected to provide certain material benefits to their followers in addition to the spiritual ones. Villaln acknowledges the in fluence of the marabouts over their followers but stipulates that the extent of the influence varies significantly form one context to another, and from one individual to another. For instance nowadays, in the context of presid ential elections, the ndigal or endorsement of a candidate by a Sufi leader does not seems to be as strong as it used to be in the past. The relationship between shaykh and disciple is a prevalen t theme in the narratives I worked with. For instance, in this passage below, from Staying with shaykh, the speaker relates the actions of his shaykh, whom he just joine d, and the instructions he received and is accountable for during his stay with that shaykh, Ababacar Sy. The instructions include fetching water for the shaykh and keeping track of his pray ing materials. This is the typical life of a disciple who stays with his Sufi master. The te xt shows that the relationship between the two people goes beyond teaching and learning the Quran and involves complete submission to the instructions of that shaykh: (5) 1. Mu ubbi bunt tj, ubbiwaat bunt tj, ubbi pantere, 2. nu bokk toog 3. Mu jox ma materyel bi moo waaje waxtu julli ypp 4. Won ma benn siwo ne ma : 5. Roqaya Si mu Alaaji M aalik, ca kr gorgi Madun Saar, 6. boo demee nga laajte doomam ju nuy wax Ndey Sofi Saar, 7. am naa fa ndaa loo xamne kenn du ca dem 8. na nu ko tijji nga wax leen maa la yebal 9. nga duy ci siwa bi bu guddee doom 10. nga w sottil ma ko ci ndaa li ci laay naan. 11. Su ndaa la amulee ndox nga dem simo Bawal

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113 12. Moo fi nekk teen bu neex 13. Nga seet ku la gunge nga dem rooti ca paan 14. Sottil ma ko ci ndaa lii 15. Keroog laa gj a jng Alxuraan ci jataay boobu. Translation 1. He opened a door, opened another do or opened a storage room, 2. we both sat down 3. He gave me the material he uses for getting read y for the prayer 4. He showed me a bucket and told me: 5. Roqaya Si of El-Hjj Malick, at Gorgi Madun Saars 6. When you go there, you ask he r daughter, called Ndey Sofi Saar, 7. I have there a water jar that no one uses 8. Tell them to open it for y ou, that I sent you there 9. To get a bucket of water from it, and at night, my child, 10. you come and pour it into this ja r, thats my drinking water 11. If that jar does not have water, go to Cement Baol 12. It is the well in this neighborhood that has good water 13. You find someone to accompany you to go there and get a basin of water 14. And pour it into this jar for me 15. I havent been studying Quran since that day. The next section discusses the content of Sufi narratives. Content of Sufi Narratives Biographies of the shaykhs Sufi narratives are generally biographical as they are centered on the life of the Prophet Muhamm ad, drawn from the hadiths or sayings about the Prophet, and that of Sufi leaders such as Shaykh Amadu Bamba for the Muridiyya, El Hajj Malick Sy for the Tijaniyya, Limamou Laye for the Layene, and Boucounta Ndiassane for th e Qadiriyya, as well as their descendents. In narrating the lives of these different people, spea kers select episodes of their lives that would display evidence of endurance and the multiple cha llenges they have faced, which seem to be a mandatory path for them to become saints. Sufi mystics believe that no re ward can be received without going through some tough situations. This explains the harshness of Sufi education or tarbiya, from Arabic (Babou 2007), that every Sufi student is expected to go through. The

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114 thousands, if not millions of disciples who work ha rd in for the shaykhs fields, and execute their instructions while being away from their own fa milies, consider their devotional submission part of their tarbiya and, in return, expect to be blessed by their respective sha ykh in this world and the hereafter, with an entry to paradise. In th e Muridiyya order, worki ng for the shaykh, referred to as qidma, from Arabic, is among the cardinal virtues of the taalibe or disciple. The points developed in Sufi biographies include the sha ykhs difficult childhood, studies, and teachings. For instance, according to biographe rs of El Hajj Malick Sy, he grew up poor, and went to different places to seek knowledge from different Sufi masters, and taught Quranic lessons and philosophy for survival. After facing all kinds of obstacles due to his poverty, he was given a large piece land at in a village called Ndia rnd where he settled in and ran successful agricultural activities. It is in Ndiarnd that he trained most of his significant disciples or muqadams and sent them to various areas in Senegal. The muqadams stayed in their new places and spread the essentials of the Tijaniyya Sufi or der. This explains the various Tijan lineages we have today in Senegal, which in clude the Niasse family in Kaolack, the Toure in Fass Toure, the Cisse in Pire, the Sakho in Rufisque, and others. Each of these families has picked a date to celebrate its Gmmu or the night of the Prophet Muhammad. However the major Gmmu event is celebrated in Tivaouane, the headquarters of the Sy lineage of the Tijan Sufi order. Like El-Hajj Malick Sy, Amadu Bambas biog raphy is recounted by the Murids, disciples of the Muridiyya. Among the most popular episodes are his exile in Central Africa, precisely in Gabon, from 1895 to 1902; his encounter with the colonial governor in Saint-Louis and his imprisonment with an angry bull. Amadu Bamb a would have suffered from his opposition to the colonial power who suspected him of intending to wage jihad and therefore sent him into exile in Gabon for seven years. When he returned, he deci ded to celebrate the anni versary of his day of

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115 departure whenever as a way of thanking God for giving him the opportunity to get closer to him by facing and surviving all kinds of challenge s. Amadu Bambas popularity and the success of the Muridiyya are believed to be a reward for th e challenges he faced during his forced trip. All these assumptions came from the speakers listened to for this study. The Great Mggal of Touba is today attended by around four million peop le according to the 2009 Senegalese news broadcasting agency. In the passage below, from Praying on the Water, the speaker, Sri Abdu Samat Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba, talks about a particular epis ode of Amadu Bambas trip to Gabon, namely his decision to go to the water to perform his prayer af ter being refused his request to pray aboard the ship. Amadu Bamba then threw his prayer skin on the water and jumped in. The narrator dramatizes that moment by insisting on the courag e of his grandfather, and also relating the visit the Archangel Gabrie l paid to the shaykh to help him accomplish his will: (6) 1. dafa dafa dafa dajele kaamil bi ak der bi 2. jiital der bi 3. boq kaamil bi 4. meeb mbubb mi 5. daadi cppeelu ak doole 6. tubaab yaa koy xool oom 7. seen xol sedd lool defe ni leeg mu gnn ddina 8. Sri bi nee na li muy gatt gatt 9. diggante bu muy wcc ci bato bi 10. di wcc ci suuf ci ndox mi 11. li muy gatt gatt seydinaa jibril gatanu na ko 12. laaj ko ne ko 13. san suuf nga bgg u tegal la fa der bi nga julli 14. mu ne suufas Tuubaa 15. Seydina Jibril oddi na suufas Tuubaa indi ko ba ci ron der bi 16. fekk ko fi s bi tegu ci Translation

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116 1. He he he wrapped up the holy Quran book and the prayer skin, 2. threw the prayer skin on the water first, 3. held the holy book under his shoulder, 4. pulled up his robe a little bit, 5. and then dismounted with strength. 6. The white people, they, looked at him, 7. with happiness, hoping that he would soon leave this world (die). 8. The shaykh said that, although the time was very short, 9. between his dismounting from the ship 10. to the water, 11. despite the short time, Archangel Gabriel came to rescue me, 12. asked him, told him: 13. which sand would you like your prayer skin to be dropped at, for you to pray. 14. He told him: the sand of Touba. 15. Master Gabriel pulled over the sand of Touba, slid it underneath the prayer skin, 16. joined the shaykh, who stood upon it The next section examines another c ontent of Sufi narratives, anecdotes. Anecdotes In addition to the biographies of the shaykhs, Sufi narratives contain anecdotes from the speakers life experience and that of other people s. The purpose of telling anecdotes is to teach and support Sufi moralizing lessons. The former khalife (from Arabic khalif ) of the Tijaniyya, Sri Abdoul Aziz Sy, was known for the anecdotes he was accustomed to including in his speeches to warn people about bad habits or sins from an Islamic point of view. One of these is about looking down upon someone, whic h is the topic of the anecdot e below, from the narrative Warning about Arrogance. The speaker gave hi s speech in 1992 in the Tijaniyya mosque in downtown of Dakar, called zawiya El-Hajj Malick Sy. The zawiya was built by El-Hajj Malick Sy, which explains his name given to the pla ce. Looking down upon someone is considered a sin in Sufi Islam and the speaker intended to el aborate on that topic by making recourse to an anecdote. In the anecdote, a shaykh, who wa s so proud of his knowledge and the numerous followers he had, looked upon down another sh aykh. As a result, G od withdrew all the

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117 knowledge of the arrogant shaykh in accordance with the widespread belief among Muslims, that all one has, including knowledge, is given by God, who can take it back whenever He wishes to: (7) 1. Xeebaate yal nanu ci yalla musal! 2. Am na kenn ku u daan wax Abdulahi al andalusi 3. Ay talibeem isna ashara ar fan la woon [fukki junniy Tallibeek aar] 4. Am na ca ku uy wax Sibluun 5. Wattuwoon na ci addiisu Rasululahi fanweeri junni 6. Nekkoon na it koo xam ni jurom-aari ja ngini alxuraan ypp, wattuwoon na ko 7. Mbolloom ma bari woon na lool lool 8. Waaye yalla nattu ko 9. Jaarale nattu ba nit i mu gis xeeb leen 10. Ne: man daal gg naa ci baax goo xam ne kenn ci sama mbolloo mii rekk wecci na mbooloo mii 11. Sama boroom dal koy nattu 12. Rkki addiis ypp 13. Rkki Alxuraan ca dnn ba 14. Ba mu koy rkki nag, bi loolii duggee ci xolom, mooy xeeb mbolloo moomii 15. Mu daldi yk xolom di yengu mel ne garab 16. ndeke xol baa 17. Am lu ca naawe 18. Mu yk ne lii de dafa am lu naaw 19. Ndeke liimaan ba la moom la Yalla rkki 20. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 21. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 22. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 23. Lppi Yalla yal na rey ci nun ni Yalla reye ci nun! 24. Nit ak kam moom noo yem 25. Bu dee fas wi 26. Yeen a bokk ku leen bind 27. Kenn ku ne ci yeen an nga bisub juddu 28. Na la wor ne sa besub de ngi sa kanam yaag fas wi Translation 1. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 2. There was a man called Abdulaay Al Andulusi 3. His disciples amounted to 12000 4. There was one of them called Sibluun 5. He mastered the 30000 of teachings of the servant of God (Prophet Muhammad) 6. He also was someone who knew all the 7 ways of reading the Quran 7. (He had) a lot of disciples 8. But God challenged him

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118 9. Made him arrogant to other people 10. He said: I really reached a certain l evel in goodness so that one of my people can beequal to this whole group of people 11. Then, God punished him 12. Took away all his knowledge of the prophets teachings 13. Took away all the k nowledge of the Quran 14. When He was taking this away, when arrogance entered his heart, which is underestimating this group of people 15. He then felt that his he art was shaking like a tree 16. In fact it was his heart 17. Something flew from it 18. He felt that something has flown away 19. In fact his faith in God was taken away by God 20. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 21. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 22. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 23. May all about God be big to us like God! 24. A person and his belonging 25. If it is a horse 26. You belong to the same creator 27. Each of you has a day of birth 28. Be sure that your day of deat h is forthcoming, you and the horse. Note that not all anecdotes in Wolof Sufi narra tives include a Sufi element. Some of them, while used in a Sufi setting, are taken from other sources or drawn from the speakers imagination. The anecdote below was told by a talented Tijan speaker, El-Hajj Ibou Sakho, known for his comments and interpretation of th e Quran and the stories about the life of the Prophet Muhammad, which he takes from El-Hajj Ma lick Sys writings. He was also known for his sense of humor. His father, Elimane Sakho, was among the muqadam significant disciples that El-Hajj Malick Sy had trained. The anecdot e does not contain a Sufi element but aims to convey an example of a wise person who mana ged to overcome a situation where he was sentenced to death by a mean king. The speaker was particularly good at entertaining his audience because everybody laughed after hearing it. (8) 1. Caay-caay ga rey na waaye lay wi dafa rafet

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119 2. Gisoo buur bi ma waa ji doon nettali, 3. dafa def inwitasijo bu ry, 4. dafa wex, ku wex nak na, 5. njaboot gi ypp ko ragal, 6. waa ji ow di versi, di serw i di serwi ba tollook buur bi, 7. manto bu weex bi mu sol, tuuti ci neex mi tax ca, 8. mu dal ci kowam tiim ko ni ko : danga dof ? 9. daldi woo aari sandarma ni nan ko rendi 10. u gnne waaji pur reyi ko pp ni tekk, 11. bam ko wore ni ci dee la jm, 12. mu ni wlbit fap li desoon ci eex mi sotti ko buur bi 13. jallaabi baak manto baak karaw aat yaag lpp a tooy nak faf. 14. Waaw yow danga dof xanaa? 15. mu ne dedet dama la bgg rekk te ba ku la xas, 16. soo ma reye ngir toq bu bon, toq-toq sii rekk, 17. epp ni danga soxor waaye bu ma la sottee eex mi ypp, 18. ku ko dgg ni moo yey, 19. baal la xay rekk, banal la noon rekk, ay reewu noon rekk, 20. baal la ko rekk, moo tax ma def jf jii, 21. mu ni ko yaa ry too te rafetu lay, bayyi leen ko mu dem (laughs from people). Translation 1. The action was bad but the justification was beautiful 2. Dont you see the king that the guy was telling a story about? 3. he invited people to a big party 4. he was severe, he was very severe 5. his family feared him 6. A guy came to serve and serve until he got to him 7. the white robe that he wore (t he king) is dirtied by the food 8. he shouted at him: Are you crazy? 9. he called his guards and ordered to kill the waiter 10. they too k him out to kill/slaughter him, everybody was quiet 11. when it was clear to him that he would die 12. he turned around and got the rest of the sauce and threw it over the king 13. The kaftan and the robe and the tie all became wet 14. Are you crazy? 15. he said to him : no, I just like you and do not want you to be criticized 16. if you kill me for this little drop 17. all the people would think you are mean but if I throw all the sauce on you 18. whoever hears that would agree with you 19. I just do not want you to be criticized, I don t want you to have enemies, enemies who laugh at you 20. I just dont want that to happen, thats why I did such thing 21. He said to him: what a great offense but what a great justification. Let him go.

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120 The last point of the outcome of this study deals with variation in Sufi stories. Variation in Sufi narratives Sufi oral narratives are characterized by the va riations one notices from one version of the same story to another. These variations are sometimes from the same narrators account, sometimes from different narrators of the same story. For instance, one of my speakers gave different names to the same character, namely, the gwl present at the governors office in Saint-Louis when the governors guest, Amadu Bamba, performed the two long rakkas which would have lasted forty-five minut es. According to the narrator, a gwl present in the office praised the shaykhs audacity. However, in one version of his story, the narrator gave the gwl the name Mapaate Mbaay while in another vers ion he refers him as Matabara Mbaay. The profession of that gwl in the governors household has also changed from one version to the other. These contradictory accounts of the same st ory can be explained at least by two factors: 1) Oral narratives are transmitted through oral tr adition, meaning from mouth to ear, and are, therefore, vulnerable to change. 2) The details about the conditions and circumstance s of the event may not be as important as the core actions themselves. However, ultimately, such discrepancies may a ffect the accountability of Sufi narratives, which, after all, constitute an important source of knowledge about the history of Sufi orders and their development. Wolof Sufi Narratives and West-African Epics Sufi stories are som ehow comparable with West -African epics, in particular, the epics of Sufi military figures such as El-Hjj Umar Tal ( 1797-1864), whose actions are praised and sung by epic singers such as Samba Djabare Samb3. Sufi leaders are comparable to epic heroes if we 3 Famous Senegalese griot, who sings and plays the Senegalese traditional guitar called a xalam in Wolof.

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121 follow their life itineraries. Th ere are some common places between Sufi oral narratives and West-African epics: prediction making, difficult childhood, and exile. For ex ample, there are two instances in my data, in which El-Hjj Umar Tall is said to have predic ted the advent of both Amadu Bamba (1853-1927) and El-Hjj Ma lick Sy (1855-1922). In this epic book, Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali (1960), by Guinean historian and writer D jibril Tamsir Niane, the epic hero Sundiata went into exile with hi s mother Sogolon, who feared for his safety in Mali. Later on the hero came back and liberated his people from the dominance of Sumaguru Kante. Similarly, but under different circumstances, Amadu Bamba was exil ed for seven years before he returned to Senegal and established one of the biggest Sufi communities in Senegal, the Muridiyya. Sundiata and his mother went into exile deliberately while Amadu Bamba was deported to Gabon by the colonial authorities, who suspected him of pr eparing a holy war agai nst their power (Babou 2007). In that sense, Wolof Sufi oral narratives can be seen as contemporary versions of WestAfrican epics or a continuation of that practice. In their book entitled, Les Epopees dAfrique Noire [ The Epics of Black Africa ] 1997), Kesteloot & Dieng stipulat e that the epic of El-Hjj Umar Tall has given birth to that of Amadu Bamba, his disciple Ibra Fall, and also the epic of Maaba Diakhou Ba, from the region of Saloum Senegal. The idea developed by Kesteloot & Dieng seems to corroborate Barbers notion of texts being dialogic and interconnected, which I talked about earlier in this chapter. Role of the Narratives Sufi narratives play m any different roles in the Sufi orders, including those of shaping the identity of the followers, setting up communication and interactional relationships between Sufi speaker and disciples.

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122 Sufi Narratives and Identity Shaping This study of W olof Sufi oral narratives indi cates that Sufi iden tities are constructed throughout storytelling. Sufi narra tives play the role of not only emphasizing and overstating actions performed by a shaykh, but also shaping the di sciples personality. Sufi stories are part of what constitutes the patrimonies of the Murid Tijan, Layene or Qadir When a major Sufi event such as the Mggal or Gmmu takes place, the conversation around these events is dominated by stories about the shaykhs. Moreover, some storie s have become the landmarks of Sufi orders and, as a result, followers are always eager to te ll them or listen to them. For instance, Amadu Bambas prayer on the water has become part of the Murid patrimony and legacy. This identity construction through stories has created jealousy and competition among adepts of different Sufi orders. Those who do not tell miracles about th eir shaykhs maybe because these have not performed any miracle, or if they did, did not allow their disciples to talk about it criticize the others who tell miracle stories and exult in them. The tellers and believers of Sufi miracles are sometimes considered sinners, especially when they exult and show excessive pride. The sin they would have committed is referred to as bokkaale in Wolof or shirk, an Arabic term understood as the association of someone or so mething with God (Glover 2007). When a member of a particular order is asked the question: who is your shaykh? He or she sometimes answers by enumerating the miracu lous actions his shaykh is said to have performed along with the genealogy of that shaykh. The recitation of genealogy, which I believe to be an adaptation of the gwl speech style, is an attempt to explain the reason a particular shaykh is capable of performing miraculous deeds. The reason given by genealogists is because the shaykh is the son of a female saint or a great man. Indeed, in Wolof society, a mother is believed to play an important role in the success or failure of his son or daughter. A mother with good qualities, in this society meaning being submissive to her husband and patient no matter

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123 what situation she is confronted with, is expected to have valuable and successful children. Mothers of the founders of Sufi orders in Senega l are generally said to have had good qualities in their lives. Similarly, a son of a shaykh would likely be granted blessing and sanctity thanks to his father. Beyond the group identity constructed througho ut the actions performed by a shared shaykh for all the members of a give n order, there is an individual take on that identity. Indeed, each individual adept of an order claims a persona l relationship with the particular shaykh he or she has picked to be his or her guide (C opans1980:177). The individu al bound to a shaykh creates an identity between the di sciple and that shaykh. The discip le, therefore, identifies with the shaykh and aims to reproduce his life style and personality. Sufi narratives reinforce the disciples knowledge about the shaykh by empha sizing his good deeds an d philosophical ideas. This is the reason why, in Sufi narratives, actions are evaluated and there is always a moralizing evaluation at the end which prov ides the audience with some sort of take-home message. Communicative and Interactional Role of Sufi Narratives Narratives are a powerful comm unication tool th at Sufi speakers favor when interacting with their audience. Their whole speech is most of the time composed of narratives; each of these based on a theme and episode of the life of a shaykh. In narrating Sufi lives, speakers put a special emphasis on miraculous actions a particul ar shaykh is said to have performed. The reason of such pervasiveness of narrativ es in Sufi communication is to help speakers dramatize those miraculous actions in order to better touch the audiences feeling and revitalize its faith in a particular Sufi leader. Followers of that leader expect to hear about th e extraordinary deeds he performed because they believe him to be supe rior to other people and capable of performing supernatural actions. Such a capacity is believed to come from his baraka (Villaln, 1995). This communicative function has indeed shaped the st ructure of Sufi narratives. The preeminence

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124 given to the complication stage in Sufi stories is the result of the speakers aim to emphasize and magnify the actions. A moralizing evaluation foll ows the complicating stage to serve as ending point. In the next chapter I shall analyze the Wolof Sufi oral narratives and illustrate their grammatical features, discussed in chapter three, and the role of the context in shaping those narratives.

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125 CHAPTER 5 WOLOF SUFI NARRATIVES In chapter th ree I discussed the Wolof grammati cal devices in use in Wolof Sufi narratives both at the macro and micro levels. In this ch apter I will analyze the functions of the macrostructure of the narratives, that is, the function of the backgro und stages (pre-story, abstract, orientation, and evaluation) as well as the fore ground stage (complicati ng action). In addition I will look at the function of the micro-structure of the narratives within the background and foreground, that is, the function of the narrativ e and canonical clauses, and below the clause, tense and aspect. All these grammatical functions w ill be analyzed in relation with the context of the narrative performance. Before the analysis of the narratives per se, a brief overview of the cultural context in which they originated will high light the critical aspects of that context that have a real impact on the narrativ e meaning and structure. Some of these aspects have already been discussed in chapter four. Cultural Context of the Narrative Performance The cultu ral context out of which these narratives emerge is a West-African Sufi culture in which the figure of the shaykh plays a dominant ro le. Indeed, among the cultural values featured in Sufi narratives is the notion of kilifa or leadership. The title of kilifa is normally given to an elderly person who is respected and obeyed because of his ag e, wisdom and knowledge. In Wolof society, age is viewed as synonym of wisdom and knowledge. From this point of view, knowledge does not have to come from school instru ction only, but from life experience as well, confirming the quote by the famous African novelis t and philosopher, Amadou Hampt B, that is, In Africa, when an old man di es, a library burns. The notion of kilifa is equally relevant in Senegalese Sufism. Moreover, in Senegal, the khalifa (title given to the supr eme leader of a Sufi order) is up to this point transmitted to the olde st living son or grandson of the founder of that

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126 Sufi order, sometimes with difficulty. In addi tion, it is a common belief that one must have a kilifa ; otherwise the bad spirit will be his kilifa Ku amul kilifa, jinne di sa kilifa If you dont have a leader, the bad spirit will be your leade r. Consequently, beside th e respect one must have for ones parents, one also swears allegiance to a shaykh from whom one seeks baraka and success in this life and the hereafter. Many pe ople swear allegiance to the shaykh they have chosen to be their guide and exemplar. In the Mu ridiyya order for instance before one can claim membership one must swear allegiance to a murid shaykh, who provides one with formulaic prayer rituals or wird the permission to transmit it to ot hers, and who guides one through ones journey. The act of allegiance consists of the pronunciation of this vow of obedience to the marabout: I place my soul and my life in your hands. Whatever you order I will do; whatever you forbid I will refrain from. Villa ln talks about in this in his Islamic and Sate power in Senegal (1995:119) and acknowledges th at the Murids go much further than most Sufi orders, whether in Senegal or elsewhere, in thei r ideological emphasis on submission to ones marabout. He also points out that that submission has been overstated by some scholars like Coulon who looked at it from the di sciples involvement in the agricultural activities held by the marabouts and not from the exchange of services that has characterizes the marabout-disciple relationship (Coulon1981). Overall, the re lationship is more rigid among the Murids than any other Sufi orders in Senegal. For instance, the condition for claiming membership within the Tijaniyya is the daily pr actice of the Tijaniyya wird although one must receive that wird from a Tijan shaykh. Afterwards, no comple te allegiance to that shaykh is required. The disciples who declared allegiance to a shaykh, whether they are Murids or member of anothe r order, expect that shaykh to provide them with baraka or blessi ng. The disciples in return make themselves available for the shaykhs needs, including maki ng financial contributions In order to gain

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127 baraka from a shaykh, a disciple must be faithfu l, listen to that shaykh and follow his example and recommendations. That is the reason nine of the narratives di scussed in this stu dy feature a shaykh or kilifa his charisma and extraordinary personality, wh ich altogether make him worth following and dependable. One of the narratives is concerned wi th an arrogant shaykh, to show that a shaykh must be humble and grateful to his Lord w ho granted him knowledge and popularity. The other one, The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter, whic h does not include a Sufi element, deals with a mean king who was challenged by one of his subjects he was about to kill. The narrative preceding this one, from the same speaker, featured the prophet Muhammad. I picked up the non-Sufi narrative to show that there are cases wher e a Sufi narrator tells st ories that do not have a direct religious implication. Sufi narrators help establish and sustain the di sciples confidence in their shaykhs aptitude to bless them and intercede on th eir behalf before God on the Day of Judgment. In doing so, they highlight and extol the shaykhs extraordinary acti ons as the basis of his holiness. They portray the shaykh as someone blessed by God, which gives him the capacity to perform extraordinary deeds, including that consisting of interceding on the disciples behalf on the Day of Judgment (Copans1980, Villaln 1995 ). It is in this context, dominated by the fi gure of the shaykh, that Wolof Sufi narratives developed and became one of the major communicat ive devices between Sufi adherents and their shaykhs. Therefore, Wolof Sufi narratives fulfil l the function of reinfo rcing the relationship between the shaykh and his disciple s. The recalling of past events is indeed a way of telling people: Look at your shaykh! Look at what he is capable of! Be proud of him!

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128 The following sections of this chapter consist of analyzing the narratives. In this regard, I show how the macro and micro-structure of th e narratives interact with their context of production. A special emphasis will be placed on the foreground, namely the complication stage or peak of the narratives, due to the complexity of that stage a nd the specific preeminence given to it by storytellers as it the stage of the actions accomplished by the shaykh. The background stages in the pre-story, abstra ct, orientation and evaluation s upport the actions, which compose the complicating action. Background Stages The background of the narratives is com posed of the pre-story, abstra ct, orientation and a final evaluation. Pre-story The pre-story is norm ally the first stage of the narrative although it is sometimes skipped by the speaker. In the context of an interview or lecture in which the sp eaker really wants to make sure his story will be understood, he generally starts with a pre-story. This provides the listener with the topic of the story in the form of a statement or, if it is a story about a particular shaykh, with praise of that shaykh. In the prestory (1), from the narrative Warning about Arrogance, the speaker announces th e topic of his story, which is Xeebaate arrogance, by warning his audience about the potential conseque nces of such an attitude. He asks God to preserve him and his audience from arrogance. The use of the in clusive object pronoun us is common in this context where the speaker does no t want to exclude himself from his preaching. He usually includes himself among the addressees of his speech, so that his audience feels comfortable accepting his message. This particular speaker was also known for this practice.

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129 (1a) Xeebaate Yal nanu ci Yalla musal! v.underestimate proper n.God 1s.obj prep.from proper n. God v.preserve May God preserve us from being arrogant The pre-story (1b) from An Example of Faith fulness is a fairly long one in which the speaker introduces his topic, the faithfulness and discretion of his shaykh, Ababacar Sy (18851957), the oldest son and first khalife of El-Ha jj Malick Sy (1855-1922). The speaker denied his shaykh any unfaithfulness and indiscretion, whic h explains the use of negative statements throughout the whole passage (e.g. ku dul soppee ku ba abada someone who never changes). The pre-story also contains praises of th e shaykh and his attachment Islamic law to sharia and tariqa1 (e.g. Nit ku fonk sariyaa ngoogu ak tariiqa someone who respected the Islamic law, and Sufi orders). This pre-story is a prelude to a series of anecdotes, in which Sri Baabakar was warned by his father and aunt against being unfaithful. The pr e-story is composed of nonnarrative clauses, characterized by the presence of auxiliaries which fulfill the function of focus markers. The functions of the auxiliary la (3rd singular) and its equivalent ngoogu (3rd singular), a combined form of the presentative auxiliary mungi (3rd singular) and noonu there, are to put the emphasis (focus) respectively on the objects nit ku maanuwoon a faithful person and nit ku gore an honest person, which the speaker claims to be among the qualities of Sri Ababacar Sy. (1b) 1. ku dul soppeeku ba abada 3s.subj.rel neg v.change until end-of-the-time (idi omatic expr. Meaning never) 2. Ku dul soppeeku ba abada mooy Sri Baabakar Si 3s.subj.rel neg. change adv.until end-of-the-time sfoc.1s.imperf proper.n. 1 Tariqa is the Arabic name for path, meaning Sufi order. In Senegal, people refer to the different Sufi orders as tariqas.

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130 3. Nit ku maanuwoon la n.person 3s.subj.rel. v.be-discreet-past ofov.3s. 4. Li mu rawe epp, doomi soxna yi, mooy maanu Pr.what 3s.subj. adv.all n.ch ild-of n.saint female the sfoc.3s.imperf. v.bediscreet 5. Maa la wax loolu man 1s.subj. 3s.obj. v.tell pr.that me 6. Mboleem doomi soxna yi ci addina, Adv.all child-of. n.saint female the prep.in n.world, 7. li leen Sri Baabakar Si rawe moo y maanu pr.what proper.n v.overri de sfoc.1s.subj.imperf. v.be-discreet 8. Li leen Xalifa rawe moo y maanu pr.what proper.n. v.override sfoc.1s.subj.imperf. v.be-discreet 9. Xam nga maanu? v.know 2s.subj v.be-discreet 10. Lool la rawe doomi soxna yi pr.that ofoc.3s. v.override n.child-of n.saint-female det.the 11. Du Allaaxu Akbar, Asalaamu Aleykum2 neg.foc (Arabic formulas for in itiate a prayer and closing a prayer) 12. Nit ku goree ngoogu n.person pr.rel. v.be-honest ofoc.3s. 13. Nit ku am xam-xama ngoogu n.person pr.rel. v.have n.knowledge ofoc.3s. 14. Nit ku bgg diinee ngoogu n.person pr.rel. v.like n.religion ofoc.3s. 15. Nit ku fonk sariyaa ngoogu ak tariiqa n.person pr.rel. v.respect n.Islamic-l aw ofoc.3s. prep.and n.Sufism Translation 1. Someone who never changes, 2. Someone who never changes was Sri Baabakar Si. 3. He was very discreet. 4. What he had more than all other people, al l children of saint women was discretion. 5. I am who told you that. 6. All children of saint females in the world, 7. discretion was what Sri Baabakar Si had over them 8. What xalifa had over them was discretion 9. Do you know what discretion means? 10. Thats what he had over other kids of saint females 11. Not initiating and closing a prayer. 12. There was an honest person 2 Arabic formulae meaning respectively God is great and Peace be with you

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131 13. There was a knowledgeable person 14. Someone who loved religion (Islam) 15. Someone who respected the Islamic law, and Sufism In the pre-story (1c) taken from The Lion Chasing the Warthog the speaker, Sri Moustapha Mbacke Ibn Abdoul Khadre Mback e, grandson of Amadu Bamba (1853-1927), claims that his grandfather, who founded the city of Touba, wanted it to be a city of pity and compassion ( yrmande in Wolof). The pre-story is an introduction to a story about a lion chasing a warthog. The event would have happened in Touba, before it became the modern city we know today. The presence of a lion in that place is sufficient to s how that it was a bush, inhabited by wild animals. Amadu Bamba and his descendents then built the place and modernized it. The function Amadu Bamba has give n to the city also appears in the pre-story, fakkub yrmande place of compassion, which means that Touba is a city of peace where the Murids can live safe, just like the warthog was safe when it found refuge in Amadu Bamba. The nominal phrase, fakkub yrmande place of compassion is object-focused by the focus marker la in clause 3 of (1c) to emphasize that Touba is that place of compassion. (1c) 1. Fii jumaa ji ne, gayndee ngi fi woon 2. Waaye mel na ni nak bam ko fakkee 3. Fakkub yrmande la ko def Translation 1. Here where the mosque is, there was a lion 2. But it seems like when he (Am adu Bamba) cleared up the place 3. he did for compassion In the pre-story (1d), taken from the narrativ e Throwing Dates, the speaker, Sri Abdul Aziz Sy Junior, grandson of El-Hajj Malick Sy, launches his narrative about miracles by arguing in favor of an esoteric or my stical knowledge as opposed to e xoteric or rational knowledge. He

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132 states that mystical knowledge is beyond rationalism, that is, beyond lu ni fang something that is overt. This statement prepares his audience for th e series of miracles they will be hearing, which are not rational, but rather my stical. This pre-story is char acterized presence of non-narrative clauses, verbal inflection (danu clause 1) and object focus auxiliaries ( lau clauses 3 and 5). The rational knowledge characteristic of west ern cultures is ob ject-focused by lau both in clauses 3 and 5. This helps set a barrier between Sufi believers and non-Sufi believers. The story the speaker will be telling is for Su fi believers, those who believe in mystical knowledge and not non-Sufi believers or rationalists: (1d) 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. Te tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam baatin 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo lau xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na am nan ci prw 9. gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone Translation 1. We are in a time when peoples mind are very open 2. and the white people do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticism, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist 8. it exists, we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it Sometimes, the pre-story is skipped as in th e narrative The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter, which started directly with the abstract Remember that story does not contain a Sufi

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133 element, although it was told in a Sufi setting. Maybe that is the reason it does not contain a prestory. That story was rather meant to entertain th e audience. The story begi ns directly with the statement of its point as follows: Caay-caay ga rey na waaye lay wi dafa rafet The action was bad but the justification was beautiful We draw from his examples that pre-stories are meant to prepare the audience for the upcoming story. Abstract While the pre-story prepares the listeners fo r the understanding of the forthcom ing story, the abstract clearly states the point of that story, that is, the reason the story is worth telling and listening to. The most common abstract in Sufi stories is the one centered on the shaykh. As mentioned in first section of this chapter, the shaykh is the most important figure in this Sufi culture, and almost all stories are somehow relate d to him. In (2a), from the narrative The Prediction, the representative of the Tall family, from El-Hjj Umar Tall ( 1797-1864), justifies his presence at the Great Mggal of Touba, the major event of the Muridiyya, telling people about his shaykh, Seexu Umar (El-Hjj Umar Tall), his visit to Mbacke, the area where the city of Touba is located today, and, especially, the prediction Seexu Um ar had made about the advent of Amadu Bamba. The reference to his prediction will make the audience, essentially composed of adepts of the Muridiyya, aware of the relationship between the Mbacke and the Tall families. The point of telling this story is to make pe ople acknowledge the truth of the prediction, because Amadu Bamba came and founded one of the biggest Sufi orders in Senegal. (2a) 1. Ndax Seexu Umar bs ba muy annoncer wu Seex Amadu Bamba 2. boobu dara xewagul Translation

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134 1. Because Seexu Umar the day he was announcing the advent of Seex Amadu Bamba 2. At that time nothing had happened yet In the abstract (2b), the speaker announces that the point of hi s story is S Tuubaa (Amadu Bamba) himself (ci boppam in Wolof) and not anybody else. The left-dislocation of the object of that abstract, S Tuubaa, and the use of the reflexive pronoun ci boppam show the emphasis put on S Tuubaa. (2b) S Tuubaa ci boppam, ma musal leen ci benn xisa Proper.n. refl.pr.himself 1s .subj. v.taste-ben 2s.obj. prep.about a n.story (Ar.) Sri Tuubaa, let me tell you a story about him In (2c), the abstract is in th e form of a rhetorical question lan moo ma ybbu ci Sri Baabakar or what took me to Sri Baab akar? The point of labeling the abstract that way is to answer that question by telling th e whole story of the relationsh ip between the speaker and his marabout, Ababacar Sy, referred to in the text as Sri Baabakar marabout Baabakar: (2c) 1. Lan moo ma ybbu ci Sri Baabakar? 2. Du benn nit du benn Sri du doomam Translation 1. What took me to Sri Baabakar? 2. It is nobody, it is not a marabout, it is not his child As one can see, from the examples above, abstracts in Sufi narrativ es, are generally shaykh centered because Sufi narratives are meant to magnify a shaykh and his extraordinary actions. The abstract provides the liste ner with the purpose of the story, which is followed by the orientation.

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135 Orientation The orien tation is the stage where the narrato r gives information about time, place, and the people involved in the story. If it is a Sufi story, a shaykh is always involved with others characters. The orientation is important for th e audience to know where and when the event happened, and who were involved. Sometimes the speak er cites his sources in the orientation to show some credibility. In (3a), from the story When the shadows will be the same, Amadu Bamba, referred to here as sri bi the marabout, is involved with his disciple called Tafsiir Muse Paate Daraame from Saalum (Saloum in French spelling), a region located in the central Senegal, north of the Gambia. (3a) 1. Ku uy wax Tafsiir Muse Paate Daraame ab seexub 2. seex bu dkk Saalum la bu bokk ci taalibey sri bi 3. daa xorum uwoon lool man a waxak sri bi nak Translation 1. Someone called Tafsir Muse Paate Daraame, 2. a shaykh from Saalum, who was among his students. 3. He was a very funny person, capable of talking with the marabout though One can also find an orientation within the co mplicating action, as in (3b), from the story The Prediction, where the speaker wanted to in form his audience that Amadu Bamba brother, Maam Seex Anta, owned a house in Dakar, when the former came there to meet with the colonial governor: (3b) Maam Seex Anta jndoon na fa kr Maam Seex Anta bought a house there As stated earlier in this study, sometimes, the story does not have a Sufi element; it is just made up by the storyteller or deri ved from sources other than the Sufi repertoire. The setting in

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136 the The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter story as will be recalled, features a king and one of his subjects, who, accidently, poured some sau ce over the kings coat. The latter, upset, commanded his guards to kill the wa iter. Knowing that he would die anyway, the waiter poured the rest of the sauce over the kings coat. When the king asked him why did such an action, he responded wisely saying it is because he did not wa nt the king to kill for minor action, but a major one. The final evaluation of the story pr eceding The clumsy waiter and the mean king served as abstract to the following one. Indee d, the story preceding T he Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter concerns a woman who attemp ted to poison the prophet Muhammad but was denounced by the poisoned food. She was excused by the Prophet thanks to her wise argument that she wanted to challenge the Prophet and see if he was a real one. After telling this religious story, the speaker wanted to en tertain his audience with anothe r, non-religious story, but on the same topic. Hence, he used the final evaluati on of the story as the po int (abstract) of the following one. The audiences reacti on to second story is telli ng of its function. They laughed heartily to death after hearing the The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter. The fact that this story and the previous are on the same theme ma y also explain why The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter does not include a pre-story, to a nnounce the topic. Below is the abstract of The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter: (3c) Caay-caay ga rey na waaye lay wi dafa rafet (evaluation from previous story) The action was bad but the justification was beautiful Evaluation There are tw o types of evaluation in Sufi narratives, an embedded climactic evaluation, within the climax or complicating action, and a final or post-climactic evaluation, after the complicating action. The division is base d on the function of the evaluation.

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137 Climactic evaluations Clim actic evaluations usually consist of praises and genealog ies found within the complication stage and are meant to highlight and magnify specific actions accomplished by a shaykh. The function of praises and genealogies is twofold: fi rst they are used to extol a shaykhs great actions; second, they justify the performed actions by the shaykhs family lineage. For instance in (4a), from The Prediction, the storyteller praised his shaykh, Seexu Umar Taal to legitimate his capacity of making true predictions. In referring to Seexu Umar as Amiirul Moominun or commander of the faithful in Arabic, a title given to some highly ranked Sufi leaders, the speaker intends to justify his capacit y to perform miraculous actions. In the same praise passage the speaker refers to his sh aykh as kodd Aadama Aycha youngest son of Aadama Aycha. In fact, it is common in this We st-African matrilineal culture to praise someone via his or her mother. It is also a common belief in that society that the success of a child relies on the quality and personality of his or her mother While in western societies the logic seems to be like father like son, in th is matrilineal society it is like mother like child. The speaker, a multilingual communicator, uses Arabic and Pulaar when praising his shaykh who is a Pulaar speaker. The rest of the story is in Wolof. Th e use of Arabic, the language of the Quran, shows the speakers knowledge of that language. No te the use of the subject focus marker moo in (4a) clause 3 to emphasize that Seexu Umar is the aut hor of the Arabic words reported by the speaker. The use of Arabic in citations al so gives authority and sacredness to the message since Arabic is the language of the Quran and the hadiths or sayings of the Prophet Muhammad. (4a) 1. kodd Aadama Aycha 2. Amiirul Moominun (Arabic, Commander of the faithful) 3. Nga xam ni moo daan wax:

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138 4. 3yaqoolul Fuutiyu wazaakal afhar u al qadariiyu ibn Seyiidu Umaru Translation 1. The youngest son of Aadama Aysa 2. Commander of the faithful 3. You know that he used to say: 4. yaqoolul Fuutiyu wazaakal afharu al qadariiyu ibn Seyiidu Umaru The speaker in (4b) is the same speaker as in ( 14a). In (4b) he praises his host at the Great Mggal of Touba, Sri Saaliwu Mbakke, as someone whose testimonial cannot be wrong because of his holiness. The praises followed the recounting the prediction of El-Hjj Umar Tall. According to the speaker, Sri Saaliwu Mbakke, a son of Amadu Bamba, at that time supreme leader of the Muridiyya, gave his testimony to th e prediction, the first time the speaker told it in his presence, and the marabouts testimony was suffi cient to grant the narr ators story truth and reliability. In the praise the speaker also says that Sri Saaliwu Mbakke does not speak for his own pleasure, but only under Gods control. Such a statement co rresponds to what is expected from a Sufi in this culture, that is, to not do anything for ones pleasure, but only for Gods pleasure. (4b) 1. Ku mel ni Sri Saaliwu Mbakke 2. Dotul waxe bakkanam 3. Lu mu wax rekk Yllaa moo ko deside ca Hazal 4. Yll na ko fi Ylla yggal Translation 1. Someone like Sri Saaliwu Mbakke 2. Does not speak anymore for his own pleasure 3. Whatever he says, God has decided it in Hazal4 4. May God leave him here (in this life) 3 Translation: he is saying, the person from the region of Futa, the poor servant of his lord, the son of Seyiidu Umaru 4 This is an Arabic word which refers to the place where Go d is said to have made all the decisions a bout our lives

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139 Finally, in (4c) below, from T he governors office, the narrator, a griot who was telling a story about a meeting between Amadu Bamba and th e colonial governor in Dakar, mentions that another griot, Gor gi Mapaate Mbaay, a witne ss of that meeting, praised Amadu Bamba. It seems as if the narrator appr opriated the praises to magnify Amadu Bamba. It would be interesting to see whether the praises are the narr ators praises or the eyewitnesses ones since this way of praising Amadu Bamba has become very common. Gor gi Mapaate Mbaay found Amadu Bamba very audacious when he performed, unexpectedly, two long rakkas in the governors office. So, he praised him. The narrator reports the praise in th e form of an embedded evaluation. The subject focus marker yaa (2nd singular) helps the speaker or the griot identify the subject, Amadu Bamba, from among other possibl e subjects, as the only who first prayed in the governors office. (4d) Complicating action 1. Gor gi Mapaate Mbaay daadi koy daadi koy woy foofa, tagg ko, ne ko Embedded praise 2. Balla Aysa Buri S Mbakke Maaram fii nga taxaw fattaliku sa boroom, ku fi msa taxaw ftte nga sa boroom ndax sa moroom, yow rekk yaa fi njkk a taxaw fattaliku sa boroom Translation Complicating action 1. the man Mapaate Mbaay then sung him, s ung him there, praised him, told him Embedded praise 2. Balla Aysa Buri S Mbakke Maaram, here you step and recall your master, whoever stepped here before, forgot about his creator/owner because of someone, you are the first one to step here and recall your creator/owner.

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140 Final evaluation The final ev aluation serves as a closing statement for Wolof oral Sufi stor ies. It consists of the speakers personal remarks and conclusion about the story. In e ffect, since Sufi stories give preeminence to the complicating action which cont ains the actions and the teachings of Sufi leaders, speakers evaluate those actions and te achings and provide their audience with a take home message. One of the forms this evaluation can take is a simple statement, which rephrases the abstract of the story as in (5a), from the narrative The gove rnors office. Note the use of object focus construction in this eval uation. The expression, kpp kuy wax: Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa5 whoever says: Assadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa is object-focused by means of the object focus marker nga (2nd singular) and sent to the beginning of the clause. (5a) 1. kon nag kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa 2. ci njabootu S Tuubaa nga bokk Translation 1. Therefore whoever says: Assadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa 2. You belong to S Tuubaas family Note the resemblance between this evaluation in (5a) and to the abstract in (5b), which it rephrases. The expression whoever says: Assadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa in (5a) refers to all Muslims as mentioned in (5b). This is the eviden ce of the close relationship between the abstract and final evaluation in Sufi narratives. The abstract to which this evaluati on is tied, is in (5b) below: (5b) 1. S Tuubaa wu fi ngir Murid yi rekk 5 Arabic formula translated as I bear witness that there is no god but God. This Arabic formula is what one says when embracing Islam.

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141 2. S Tuubaa dafa fi w ngir jullit ypp Translation 1. S Tuubaa did not come here just for the Murids 2. S Tuubaa came here for all Muslims The final evaluation can also be composed of praises in honor of the shaykh as in (5c), from Staying with the Shaykh, in which, the speaker, after he finished telling about his companionship with Sri Baabakar Si, his shayk h, who trained and educated him, praises that shaykh for his personal success: (5c) 1. Waaye fii ma toog ba Mkka 2. Benn fore yabu ma 3. Loolu dama leen koy seede 4. Ngeen dolli ko ca la ngen xam Translation 1. From here to Mecca 2. No savant undermines me 3. This, I am sharing it with you 4. So that you can add it to what you already know Foreground Stage: The Complicating Action This is the stage that everybody looks forward to hearing. It is a com plex section which includes embedded text types such as dialogue, monologue, praise, and genealogy at the macrolevel, and narratives clauses, ch aracterized by a subject-verb-object structure and the absence of focusing auxiliaries, at the micro-level. In na rrative clauses verbs occur in their bare form, without any tense or inflection marker. The func tion of the foreground is to highlight the actions a shaykh is said to have performed in a particul ar context, and also hi s teachings and ways of thinking, through dialogues and monologues. These actions and philosophical thoughts are constantly assessed by the speaker in the form of embedded praise evaluations.

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142 Embedded Text Types Monologue A m onologue consists of an uni nterrupted speech in whic h a speaker communicates his thoughts to himself or an audien ce. The purpose of attributing a monologue to a shaykh in Wolof Sufi narratives is to justify upcoming actions a nd also to highlight th at shaykhs philosophical teachings. The justification of actions is a way for the speaker to tell th e audience that all a shaykh has done, was done for a reason, which always has to do with his relationship with God. A shaykh does not act for his own sake, but for th e sake of serving God and other believers. The example we have already talked about in ch apter 3, in which Amadu Bamba, justifies his decision to go to the water, is telling. The monologue is from the narrative Praying on the Water. All the actions of the story are su spended during this monologue, composed of nonnarrative clauses, in first person. Belo w is an excerpt from this monologue: (6) 1. mu wax nag ne bgg sa bakkan warta tax 2. ma faat waxtu ylla wii 3. ndox mi jaamu ylla ni man la 4. suuf si mu lalu nga xam ne moo ko lal 5. jaamu ylla la ne man 6. defu ma ko ngir ndam 7. defu ma ko ngir xarbaax 8. dama koy def ngir ba a faat waxtu ylla wi 9. leegi dinaa sanni der bi 10. mu dem ci ndox mi 11. lu yagg yagg dina dem ca ci suuf sa 12. ma man ca taxaw julli 13. wala ndox mi taxaw ngir ndigalu Ylla 14. ndax ab jaam la 15. ma man a taxaw ci ndox mi julli 16. wala sama baat bi, sama bakka n bi ma akk ko ci ndigalu ylla 17. waaye lpp a ma gnal bgg sama bakkan 18. tax ma ba a julli waxtu wi

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143 Translation 1. Then he said that to like my nose (my life) 2. should not allow me to skip this prayer of God. 3. The water is a slave of God like me. 4. The sand that lays on it, that you know, covers it 5. Is a slave of God like me. 6. I am not doing for pride, 7. I am not doing for miracle, 8. I am doing it to avoid ski pping Gods prayer (time). 9. Now I am going to throw down the prayer skin, 10. it will go in the water. 11. It will surely reach the shore 12. So that I can stand up and pray. 13. Or the water will stop at Gods will 14. because it is a slave, 15. So that I can step on the water and pray. 16. Or my neck, my life, I will lose it in following Gods recommendation. 17. But, all this will be better for me than hanging on to my nose (life) 18. Causing my refusal to pray on time. There is another monologue in Throwing Dates, when Aliw Tamaasiina entered the date palm field, found a bunch of dates, and wanted it for his shaykh, Seex Axmet Tijaan. Before grabbing the bunch of dates, he expressed his intention to send it to his shaykh in a short monologue. The focusing auxiliary laa (1st singular) serves to obj ect-focus the expression Sama sri bi rekk literally my master only, the only one who deserves that bunch of dates. The narrator justifies the success of Aliw Tamaasiinas action by his fa ith in Seex Axmet Tijaan and the blessing he received from God. (7) mu ni kii daal sama seri bi rekk laa ko yeene he said, this, I want it for my shaykh only Beside the monologues, in which the shaykh co mmunicates his thoughts to himself, there are also dialogues involving the sh aykh and the other protagonists. Dialogues are a tool used by Sufi narrators to highlight some of the attitude s, sayings, and teachings of the shaykh during his

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144 life, and through his exchanges with others. By talking to the other pr otagonists, the shaykh appears to reveal himself, not onl y to his interlocutors, but, indirectly, to anyone who listens to the story. Some of the sayings attributed to a shaykh were passed dow n through oral tradition and are still current. The next se ction addresses the role of dial ogues in the comp licating action. Dialogue It is very common to have dialogues in Sufi narr atives, in which a shaykh speaks directly to other protagonists, instead of having his sp eech indirectly reported by the narrator. Dialogues convey Sufi morals as is the case for monologue s. Both dialogues and monologues interrupt the storytelling and, therefore, the sequence of actions. In (8), from The Prediction, the dialogue between Seexu Umar and the people seated on the bench in Mbakke is meant to let the audience listen to Seexu Umars prediction of the advent of Amadu Bamba as if they were present when the event happened. Recalling the prediction also gives a credit to its author and pride to hi s adepts, those who believe in his holiness. (8) 1. Mu ne leen: ndaw see 2. Am na ku nekk ci moom 3. Su wee Baayam sax di na ko topp 4. Waxumalaak keneen Translation 1. He told them: that woman 2. There is someone in her 3. When he comes, even his father will follow him 4. A fortiori someone else The next dialogue (9) features Amadu Bamba and the colonial governor. The rationale for having this dialogue was to give Amadu Bamba an opportunity to tell what this movement, the Muridiyya Sufi order, meant to him. Amadu Ba mbas answer to the governors question about the Muridiyya was also a pretext for the narrator to remind his audience of the key elements of

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145 that order. The narrator did not talk about the necessary allegiance to a shaykh in this definition. Maybe Amadu Bambas response was contextual sin ce he did not want to differentiate himself from the other Muslims, or, maybe, the speaker wanted his report of that conversation to accommodate the non-Murids present at his lectur e. The grammatical features of the dialogue include non-narrative clauses and presence of a focus construction. The subject focus marker oo (3rd person plural) in clause 6 help s identify the sh aykhs community an oo di sa njaboot who your people are. Similarly, the object clause 8 containing the answer, kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, wa asxadu ana Muxamada Rassuulula, iqamu salaat, itaamu xakaat, sayru ramadaan, xajul bayti6, whoever says there is only one God and Mohamed is his prophet, prays, helps the poor, fasts during the month of Rama dan, accomplishes the pilgrimage to Mecca is object-focused by means of the object focus marker nga (2nd person singular). Subject and object markers are in bold characters in (9): (9) Dialogue 1. Tubaab ne ko: 2. li ma lay doye du lenn. 3. Li may doye du dara ludul rekk takkal la medaayu legion dhonneur 4. Sri Tuubaa ne ko yittewoowu ko. 5. Mu ne ko: 6. agit di la laaj an ooy say njaboot, an oo di say njaboot, ba nu xammee leen ci nit i, ba am nu nu jfl anteek oom ci xeetu teraanga 7. S Tuubaa ne ko: 8. kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, wa asxadu ana Muxamada Rassuulula, iqamu salaat, itaamu xakaat, sayru ramadaan, xajul bayti ci sama njaboot nga bokk Translation 1. The Tubaab said to him: 2. the reason I wanted you to come here is nothing. 6 Arabic expressions for the five pillars of Islam

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146 3. The reason I wanted you come here is nothing other than to give you the legion dhonneur medal 4. Sri Tuubaa told him that he did not need it. He [the Tubaab] said to him: 6. and also to ask who your people are, who your people are, so that we recognize them among others, so that we trea t them with lots of hospitality 7. S Tuubaa said to him: 8. whoever says there is only one God and Mohamed is his prophet, prays, helps the poor, fasts during the month of Ramadan, a ccomplishes the pilgrimage to Mecca, it is to my family that you belong The dialogue in (10), from When the shadows will be the same features Amadu Bamba and one of his disciples, Tafsiir Muse Paate Daraame, presented by the narrator as full of humor, daa xorumuwoon lool he was a very funny person who came to complain about the fact that people compare Amadu Bamba with the other sha ykhs, as it usually happens between followers of different Sufi leaders. Amadu Bambas reaction was to give to his disciple the assurance that all these people will ultimately join his movement. The dialogue is characterized by presence of the presentative auxiliaries ungi and its copula form di (clause 4), subject focus markers a (clause 5) and its variant moo (clause 6), and verb focus marker daa (a short version of dafa) (clause 7). These markers are char acteristics of non-narratives cl auses found in areas other than the sequences of actions, which we will discu ss in the next section. Below is the dialogue between Amadu Bamba and Tafsiir Muse Pate Daraame: (10) Complicating action 1. mu w nuyu sri bi daad ni ko: Dialogue 2. mbakke sri bi nuyu ko 3. mu ne ko : waaw tafsir lu rew mi wax nak ? 4. mu ne ko ah rew mi ungi wax rekk di sant rekk 5. waaye man de lenn rekk a ma metti 6. tudd gi lay tudd di kenn rekk moo ma metti 7. sri bi ne ko booba ke r yi daa doonul genn rekk 8. bs bu ker yi doone genn wax ji doon jenn (laughs)

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147 Translation Complicating action 1. He came, greeted the shaykh, and told him: Dialogue 2. Mbakke, the shaykh greeted him back 3. told him: Tafsir how are people in the country doing? 4. He told him: pe ople talk and are thankful only. 5. But only one thing bothers me 6. the fact they talk about you and someone else at the same time, bothers me. 7. The marabout said to him: it is bec ause the shadows are not the same, yet. 8. The day the shadows will be the same, the talk will be the same, as well Narrative Clauses The m ain grammatical feature of the complicating action is the presence of narrative clauses which contain sequences of actions. Thos e clauses are characterized by their relative simplicity: they contain no inflection and have a subject-verb-obj ect structure. The emphasis is on the sequence of actions performed by the characters, mostly by a shaykh. Example (11), from The Prediction is a sequence of actions accomplished by El-Hjj Umar Tall and the young woman who gave him wate r to drink. The actions are expressed by the use of narrative clauses in which there is a subject, that is, the neutral personal pronoun mu referring to the woman ndaw si right-dislocated at the end of the clause; a verb, taxaw stand, and the locative expression ci wetam near him. The lexical subject, left-dislocated, ndaw si the woman, helps identify the real subject of the verb, since mu is neutral, meaning it can be used for both male and female. Once the real subj ect is identified, there is no need to use a lexical subject in the next clause. That informati on has been stored in th e listeners discursive memory, which includes informati on gleaned from previous clau ses, the non-linguistic context and the listeners knowledge of the world.7 (11) 7 For information in discursive memory see Roulet (1999:210)

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148 1. Mu w taxaw ci wetam ndaw si 3s.subj v.come v.stand prep.by n.side-poss-3s n.water det.the she came close to him, the woman 2. mu jox ko mu naan 3s.subj v.give 3s.obj 3s.subj v.drink she gave him to drink The next example (12), from Throwing Dates features the sequence of actions performed by the character, Aliw Tamaasiina. The character (1 ) enters in the field, (2 ) finds the dates, (3) throws them, and then the dates (4) arrive to his shaykh, referred to informally as Seex. The narrative clauses are composed of subject, verb, and object, whic h include locative expressions (e.g. ci tool bi in the field and ci kaw, kanamu Seex on, before Seex) or a direct object (e.g. tiggu tandarma a bunch of dates): (12) 1. mu dugg ci tool bi rekk 2. gis benn tiggu tandarma () 3. mu sanni ko rekk 4. tigg bi dal ci kaw kanamu Seex Translation 1. he entered the field 2. and saw a bunch of dates () 3. he just threw it 4. the bunch arrived before Seex Sample Narrative Analysis In this sec tion I will apply the form-function an alysis defined in the introductory chapter (chapter 1) to one of the narratives, Throwing Dates, by Abdoul Aziz Sy Junior, a grandson of El-Hjj Malick Sy. In my analysis I will to show evidence of the relationship between the context of the storytelling and th e form and functions of the narra tive units. Below is the entire narrative Throwing Dates:

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149 (13) The narrative Throwing Dates Pre-story 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. te/ tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam/ baatin 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo/ lanu xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na am nan ci prw 9. gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone 11. ma nga commencer ca yonent yalla Isaa 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon/ 13. kooku ci ay miraclam la bokk 14. yalla mayoon ko loolu 15. wral gaana yi 16. fekk ku dee mu ni ko jgal mu jg 17. wax ak moom soxlaam 18. bayyiwaat ko mu tdd 19. loolu ypp ci ay miraclam la bokk 20. yonent bi itam sax am na ay miracles / 21. waaye moom dafa nekk superieuru yonent yi 22. mootax nanguwunu waxal ko benn miracle bu pp alxuraan 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim ( Arabic language) 24. ba ca jgee 25. nitu yalla dauy am ay miracles yu uy wone di ko def 26. nekk fii wax ag ku sori 27. gis na u ci def ba bayyi Abstract and Orientation 28. Seex Axmat Tijaan toog na bs ci buntu kram negam 29. yore kurusam 30. aliw Tamaasiina a nga ca Tamaasiina ak fa mu nekk ak Faas ni mu soree 31. combien de kilometres Complicating Action + Evaluation 32. mu dugg ci tool bi rekk gis benn tiggu tandarma 33. yeene ko ko 34. mu ni kii daal sama seri bi rekk laa ko yeene 35. daadi ko jl 36. pas-pas boobu ak yeene bi mu am 37. ak li ko yalla defal

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150 38. mu sanni ko rekk 39. tigg bi dal ci kaw kanamu Seex 40. Seex ree ni kii de xa m naa Aliw Tamasiina la 41. bim ko gisee ni ko : 42. gis naa tigg bi 43. wante nag maangi lay aan bu ko defati Translation Pre-story 1. We are in a time when peoples minds are very open 2. and the white people, do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticis m, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist 8. it does exist; we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it 11. It started with the prophet of God, Jesus 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi iz ni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon (Arabic language) 13. that is among his miracles 14. God gave him that capability 15. to heal the leper 16. to find a dead person and tell hi m to wake, and then he wakes up 17. talk with him about his needs 18. let him sleep (lay down) again 19. All that is among his miracles 20. Even the prophet also had miracles 21. but, him, he is superi or to other prophets 22. that is why we do not accept to talk about any that he did, which is superior to the Quran. 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim 24. after him 25. people of God have miracles that they show and perform 26. are here and speak with someone far away 27. we have seen people who did it already Abstract and Orientation 28. Seex Axmat Tijaan one day sat here at his doorstep his room, 29. holding his prayer breads 30. aliw Tamaasiina was in Tamaasiina, which was far away from Fez (where Seex Axmat Tijan was)

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151 31. how many kilometers! (in French) Complicating action + evaluation 32. he entered the field and saw a bunch of dates 33. he wanted for him (Seex Axmet Tijaan) 34. he said, this, I want it for my shaykh only 35. then took it 36. that determination and the intention he had 37. and what God blessed him with 38. he just threw it 39. the bunch arrived on before Seex 40. Seex laughed and said, this, I know is from Aliw Tamaasiina 41. When he saw him, he said to him: 42. I saw the bunch 43. but I beg you to not do it again. Context of the Narrative Performance The context of this narr ative perform ance is the Gmmu 2007, which took place in Tivaouane, the headquarters of the Sy bran ch of the Tijaniyya in Senegal. The Gmmu celebrates Mawlid al Nabi, the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. The 2007 Gmmu was dedicated to Ababacar Sy (1885-1957), the first caliph or successor of El-Hjj Malick Sy (1855-1922). Ababacar Sy was in office from 1922 to 1957. The narrator is his son, A bdoul Aziz Sy Junior, who is also the current spokesman of the cali ph of the Tijaniyya, Mansour Sy. As such, he speaks before, during, and after the Gmmu to welcome the pilgrims and the government officials coming to Tivaouane to participate in the celebration. The narrative under study is from an interview he gave before the Gmmu The interviewer was the television broadcaster Ahmet Bachir Kunta, from the Kunta family of Ndia ssane, whose ancestor was married to Ababacar Sy. The interview was about the life and teachings of Ababacar Sy. But, before talking about his father, the interviewee in itiated a discussion about baatin (from Arabic) or mysticism or mystical knowledge, which enables Sufi shaykhs to perf orm miracles. In the passage following the

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152 narrative Throwing Dates, he talked about some miracles his father performed, such as being able to know what a person came to tell him before actually talk ing to that person. The Macro-structure of the Narrative The m acro-structure of this narrative divides into two sectio ns: the background and foreground. The background is made up of a pr e-story, and abstract, combined with the orientation and final evaluation, while the foregr ound consists solely of a complicating action. The particularity of this narrative is the inclusion of the final eval uation (the last utterance of the complicating action). Background stages The pre-sto ry. The speaker launches the pre-story with a statement about people from western cultures who would not believe in baatin or mysticism. The speaker affirms the existence of mysticism, te pourtant baatin am na but, mysticism does exist. He then enumerated examples of miracles performed by religious figures beginn ing with Jesus Chris, who healed lepers, talked to dead people, and so on. The pre-story clauses are non-narrative clauses, that is, c ontaining focusing auxiliaries such as the verb focus marker dafa (clause 1), the object focus marker lau (clause 3), and perfective markers na (3rd singular) and na (from 2nd plural nau ) respectively in clauses 8 and 9; and distal presentative ma nga (3rd singular) in clause 11. The focusing auxiliaries serve to mark a constituent of the clause as rheme or ne w information as opposed to the theme or given information (Robert 2000). For instance in clause 3, oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo lanu xam them, they know something one can touch with his hand, the new information is the fronted object lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo or something one can touch with his hand which is object-focused by the object-focus marker lanu. The given information is in the theme, that is, the rightmost, xam or knowledge. Indeed, the speaker acknowledges the fact that

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153 people from western cultures do have rati onal knowledge, that is, knowledge based on observation and experience, but he assumes th ey do not believe in mystical knowledge. As for the perfective marker na used with the stative verb, am or have in clause 7, it serves to make a statement. In clause 8, th e speaker makes a general statement about the existence of miracles using perfective na To give evidence of that exis tence, the speaker refers to some popular stories about Jesus Chris (clauses 11 to 19). The embedded story ab out Jesus Christ is composed of an abstract, clause 11, followed by a sequence of actions (claus e 12) and final evaluation (clauses 13 and 14). The clause 12, in Arabic, is translated into Wolof in clauses 15 through 18, and contains noninflected verbs followed by nominal phrases. The function of this embe dded narrative is to support the speakers assertion that mysticism exis ts. For him Jesus Christ was able to perform these miraculous actions thanks to the my stical knowledge he received from God, Yalla mayoon ko loolu God gave him that capability. After talking about Jesus Ch rist the speaker moves on to the Prophet Muhammad, whose miracle, according to him, was the Quran (clause 23). The speaker refers to the illiteracy of the Prophet Muhammad when he received and transmitted the Quran. As in the story about Jesus Christ, the miracle about Muhammad is also told in Arabic. The function of the Arabic language is to add authority to the cita tion. The speaker wants to show his knowledge of the Quran and its original message, and not just its translation. This is reason he starts his story with its Arabic version before translating it into Wolof for those who may not understand Arabic. The function of this long pre-story is to pr epare his audience for the recounting of the upcoming story of a miracle perf ormed by a Tijaniyya shaykh, Aliw Tamaasiina, a disciple of Ahmad al-Tijani.

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154 (14) Pre-story 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. te tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam baatin 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo lanu xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na am nan ci prw 9 gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone 11. ma nga commencer ca yonent yalla Isaa 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon/ 13. kooku ci ay miraclam la bokk 14. yalla mayoon ko loolu 15. wral gaana yi 16. fekk ku dee mu ni ko jgal mu jg 17. wax ak moom soxlaam 18. bayyiwaat ko mu tdd 19. loolu ypp ci ay miraclam la bokk 20. yonent bi itam sax am na ay miracles 21. waaye moom dafa nekk superieuru yonent yi 22. mootax nanguwunu waxal ko benn miracle bu pp alxuraan 23. 8monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim ( Arabic language) 24. ba ca jgee 25. nitu yalla dauy am ay miracles yu uy wone di ko def 26. nekk fii wax ag ku sori 27. gis na u ci def ba bayyi Translation Pre-story 1. We are in a time when peoples minds are very open 2. and the white people, do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 8 For the miracle of the Quran see Surat Al-'Isr ', verse 88, which translates as : Say: If the mankind and the jinns were together to produce the like of this Quran, they could not produce the like thereof, even if they helped one another."

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155 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticis m, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist 8. it does exist; we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it 11. It started from the prophet of God, Jesus 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon (Arabic language) 13. that is among his miracles 14. God gave him that capability 15. to heal the leper 16. to find a dead person and tell hi m to wake, and then he wakes up 17. talk with him about his needs 18. let him sleep (lay down) again 19. All that is among his miracles 20. Even the prophet (Muhammad) also had miracles 21. but, him, he is superi or to other prophets 22. that is why we do not accept to talk about any that he di d, which is superior to the Quran. 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim 24. after him 25. people of God have miracles that they show and perform 26. be here and speak with someone far away 27. we have seen people who did it already Abstract and orientation. Although the story is about Aliw Tamaasiina, the abstract starts with Seex Axmet Tijan (Shaykh Ahmad al-Tijani (1739 1815)). The rationa le for doing this is certainly to respect the hierarchy between Aliw Tamaasiina, the disciple, and his shaykh, Shaykh Ahmad al-Tijani. The story could have started with Aliw Tamaasiina, that is clause 3, and that would not change the meaning. The order of the st ring of clauses 1 and 2, and that of clauses 2 and 3, could be reversed without altering the m eaning because they are non-narrative clauses. But the speaker has chosen to start with clauses 1 and 2 (15a) instead of 3 and (15b) to put the focus on Seex Axmet Tijan instead of his disciple.

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156 The abstract is combined with the orientation, which describes the setting and introduces the characters beginning with Shaykh Ahmad al-Tijani, holding his prayer beads, the emblem of the Tijaniyya, which the T ijan use to practice their wird (formulaic prayer rituals); and Aliw Tamaasiina, who was located kilometers away fr om his shaykh (clauses 1 through 3). The use of perfective na (3rd singular) and distal presentative a nga (3rd singular) helps locate the two characters. The name of the city of Fez, provide d by the narrator in the orientation, also helps locate geographically where th e event actually took place. (15a) 1. Seex Axmat Tijaan toog na bs ci buntu kram negam 2. yore kurusam 3. aliw Tamaasiina a nga ca Tamaasiina ak fa mu nekk ak Faas ni mu soree 4. combien de kilometres Translation 1. Seex Axmat Tijaan one day sat here at his doorstep his room, 2. holding his prayer breads 3. aliw Tamaasiina was in Tamaasiina, which was far away from Fez (where Seex Axmat Tijan was) 4. how many kilometers! (15b) 1. Aliw Tamaasiina a nga ca Tamaasiina ak fa mu nekk ak Faas ni mu soree 2. combien de kilometres 3. Seex Axmat Tijaan toog na bs ci buntu kram negam 4. yore kurusam Translation 1. Seex Axmat Tijaan one day sat here at his doorstep his room, 2. holding his prayer breads 3. aliw Tamaasiina was in Tamaasiina, which was far away from Fez (where Seex Axmat Tijan was) 4. how many kilometers!

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157 Final evaluation. The final evaluation consists of S eex Axmet Tijans recommendation to his disciple to not perform this kind of mir acle anymore. The presupposed information beneath that recommendation is that Aliw Tamaasiina wa s capable of performing miraculous deeds, certainly, thanks to his shaykh. The speaker open s his narration with Seex Axmet Tijan (see abstract) and closes it up with him (see final evaluation). Although it is Aliw Tamaasiina who performed the miraculous action, Seex Axmet Tijan ge ts the credit as he seems to be the provider of this power. By directly reporting directly his speech in the final evaluation, the narrator also wants to let people know about his position with re gard to performing miracle. The audience of the interview given by the speaker would likely be composed of adepts of Seex Axmet Tijan, including the speaker himself, because of the context of the Gmmu. Another possible reading of the final evaluation is that a Tijan should not show miracles, although he or she might be capable of doing so. It seems that th e rules of the Tijaniyya Sufi order are against showing miracl es. In fact, in a passage following this narrative, the speaker stated that his father, Ababacar Sy, did not want people to know that he could perform miracles although he did some miraculous actions, such as telling a disciple wh at is wrong with him before hearing it from that disciple. The evaluation is composed of a non-narrativ e or canonical clause which contains the perfective auxiliary naa (1st singular ), and the presentative auxiliary mangi (1st singular proximal), which are among those found in such clau ses. The speaker is directly addressing his disciple in first person and gives him recommen dations. However, Aliw Tamaasiina may not be the only addressee of these recommendations; a ll the Tijans may be included. Indeed, in the passage following the evaluation, the speaker talks about his fathers refusal to show miracles, making a link with the teachi ngs of Seex Axmet Tijan.

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158 (16) 1. Gis naa tigg bi v.see perf.1s. n.bunch det.the I saw the bunch 2. wante nag maangi lay aan bu ko defati conj.but prep.and pres.1s 2s.Obj.imperf v.beg neg.2s. 3s.Obj v.do.anymore but I beg you to not do it again Foreground or complicating action The foreground in this narrative corresponds to its com plicating action, which consists of a sequence of actions performed by the protagonists. The focus is more on Aliw Tamaassina than his shaykh, because the former is the one who pe rformed the miracle. The action begins when Aliw Tamaassina entered the field; saw the bunch of dates, expressed his intention to have it for his shaykh, grabbed it, and then threw it to him. Th ese actions are in sequential order, that is, the verbal sequence of the narrative clauses correspo nds to the order of the events, which defines narrative (Labov & Waletzky 1967) as opposed to non-narrative. The sequence of actions is interrupted by a short embedded monologue (clause 3) in which Aliw Tamaasiina expresses his intention to send the bunch of dates to hi s beloved shaykh. That monologue contains nonnarrative clauses as opposed to th e narrative clauses in the sequence of actions. The monologue clause is made up of a verb inflected with the focus marker, laa (1st singular). In contrast, the verbs within the narrative clauses are not inflecte d with tense, aspect, or focus. The inflections are present in non-narrative clauses only, fo r instance in the monol ogue in clause 3. The complicating action is character-centered and the th ird person singular pronoun mu (3rd singular) and subject or object lexical items, Aliw Tamaasiina, and Seex, are used: (17) 1. Mu dugg ci tool bi rekk gis benn tiggu tandarma 3s.Subj. v.enter prep.in field det.the ad v.only v.see num.a n.bunch.of n.date 2. yeene ko ko v.wish 3s.Obj 3s.Obj

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159 3. mu ni kii daal sama seri bi rekk laa ko yeene 3s.Subj v.say dem.this daal poss.my n.master the adv.only ofoc.1s 3s.Obj. v.wish 4. daadi ko jl adv.then 3s.Obj v.take 5. pas-pas boobu ak yeene bi mu am n.determination dem.that prep.and n.intention ret.that 3s.Subj v.have 6. ak li ko Yalla defal prep.and pr.what 3s.Obj proper n.God v.do.ben 7. mu sanni ko rekk 3s.Subj. v.throw 3.s.Obj. adv.only 8. tigg bi dal ci kaw kanamu Seex n.bunch det.the v.arrive prep.on prep.before proper n. Seex 9 Seex ree ni kii de xam naa Aliw Tamasiina la Prop n. Seex v.laugh v.say dem.this de v.konw perf.1s. proper n.Aliw Tamaasiina ofoc.3s. 10. bim ko gisee ni ko : adv.when 3sg v.see.fut v.say 3s.Obj Translation 1. he entered the field and saw a bunch of dates 2. he wanted for him (Seex Axmet Tijaan) 3. he said, this, I want it for my shaykh only 4. then took it 5. that determination and the intention he had 6. and what God blessed him with 7. he just threw it 8. the bunch arrived on before Seex 9. Seex laughed and said, this, I know is from Aliw Tamaasiina 10. When he saw him, he said to him: This chapter has dealt with the analysis of Wo lof Sufi oral narratives. The sample analysis proposed for Throwing Dates showed eviden ce of the difference between background and foreground and the grammatical features of each of these two entities. In addition, the analysis showed the impact of the context of production of Sufi narratives on their structure and content. The next chapter will addr ess the significance of this study an d look at perspectives for further inquiry on narrative and narrative structure.

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160 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION In Chapter 1 of this dissertati on I raised four research ques tions, which this study aims to answer. These questions were concerned with (1) th e structu re of Wolof Sufi oral narratives and the formal characteristics of the na rrative units of that structure, (2) the functions of the units, (3) the extent to which the context of the narrative performance, audience, and speakers goals have shaped the narratives and their structure, and, fina lly, (4) the linguistic stra tegies in use in the complicating action for highlightin g the shaykh and his actions. In the course of this study and throughout the different chapters, I here attempted to give answers to these questions. My goal in this concluding chapter is to stress the majo r points this disserta tion has come up with concerning not only Wolof Sufi oral narratives, but also narrative in general. I will finish with ideas about new avenues and possib ilities for further inquiry on the study of narrative structure. Role of the Context In the course of this study I have shown that the cultural context of the Wolof Sufi oral narratives has shaped their structure. I define d context, as both a global and local concept. Globally, the Sufi narratives are rooted in the long tradition of stories about the Prophet Muhammad and his hadiths or sayings within Islam, to which many Muslims are accustomed. This tradition also prevails in other relig ions such as Christianity and Judaism. Locally, Sufi storytelling has developed within a West-African Sufi culture dominated by the figure of the shaykh, who is the center of the stories. The life itinerar ies of previous shaykhs are related to their adepts by other Sufi sha ykhs or disciples during Sufi events such as Gmmu and Mggal The purpose of telling such stories is to enhance the disciples faith in their shaykhs and their attachment to a particular Sufi order. The content and quality of the storytelling vary according to the setting and the speaker. The norms for telling stories in West-African culture

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161 were set by the griot, an important figure known for his speaking skills. However, Sufi stories are not the told by griots only. Moreover, most of the speakers in the corpus of narratives collected for this study were told by non-griots, members of the leading Sufi families in Senegal, namely the Mbacke and the Sy lineages. Six-stage Narrative Structure The Sufi context of W olof Sufi oral narrativ es has given shape to a six-stage narrative structure. This structure is made up of a pre-st ory, which announces the theme or subject of the story; an abstract, which introduces the point of the narrative; an orientation, which sets the time, place, and context of the story, a complicating action, which is composed of miraculous deeds and teachings of a given Sufi shaykh; and a final evaluation, which contains the speakers personal assessment of the whole story. The complicating action is the most important st age of Wolof Sufi oral narratives, and, as such, is given prominence by means of various li nguistic mechanisms, which include a shift of clause structure, and presence of embedded di alogues, monologues, ge nealogies and praiseevaluations of the shaykhs actions and philosophical stance. The final evaluation, which follows the complica ting action, is tied to th e abstract. In this final evaluation, the speaker rephrases and sometim es elaborates more on his abstract. Figure 6-1 shows a complete Wolof Sufi oral narrative: Pre-story The first im portant conclusion that derives from this study of the structure of Wolof Sufi oral narratives is the presence of a pre-story unit, which comes be fore the actual storytelling, in the form a statement of the topic of the story or a long paragraph in which the speaker elaborates on that topic. In this context of oral culture, everything is verbalized for the sake of better communication between speakers and listeners. The length of the pre-story, therefore, varies

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162 Pre-story Abstract Orientation Complicating action Evaluation Figure 6-1. Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure according to many factors, including the topic, th e speaker, and the context. My concept of prestory diverges from the Labovian concept of na rrative pre-construction, in that the Labovian concept is a cognitive one, meaning a pre-constr uction of the story in th e speakers mind before the actual telling. As Labov stipul ates in the abstract of his ar ticle, Narrative pre-construction (Labov 2007): Before a narrative can be constructed, it must be pre-constructed by a cognitive process that begins with a decision that a given event is reportable. Pr e-construction begins with this most reportable event and proceeds backwards in time to locate events that are linked causally each to the following one, a recursive process th at ends with the location of the unreportable eventsone that is not reportable in itself and needs no explanation. My concept of pre-story may also be cogni tive from the beginning, that is, the speaker must have pre-constructed his prestory before verbalizing it in the form of a statement as in (1a) or a more elaborated introduction on the topic co vered by the narrative as in (1b). Example (1a) is the pre-story from the narra tive Warning about Arr ogance while (1b) is from Throwing Dates:

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163 (1a) Xeebaate yal nanu ci yalla musal! May God preserve us from being arrogant! (1b) 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. Te tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam baatin 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo lanu xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na am nan ci prw 9. gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone 11. ma nga commencer ca yonent yalla Isaa 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon 13. kooku ci ay miraclam la bokk 14. Yalla mayoon ko loolu 15. wral gaana yi 16. fekk ku dee mu ni ko jgal mu jg 17. wax ak moom soxlaam 18. bayyiwaat ko mu tdd 19. loolu ypp ci ay miraclam la bokk 20. yonent bi itam sax am na ay miracles 21. waaye moom dafa nekk superieuru yonent yi 22. mootax nanguwunu waxal ko benn miracle bu pp alxuraan 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim ( Arabic language) 24. ba ca jgee 25. nitu yalla dauy am ay miracles yu uy wone di ko def 26 nekk fii wax ag ku sori 27. gis na u ci def ba bayyi Translation 1. We are in a time when people mind is very open 2. and the white people, do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticism, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist

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164 8. it exists, we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it 11. It started from the prophet of God, Jesus 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon/ (Arabic language) 13. that is among his miracles 14. God gave him that capability 15. to heal the leper 16. to find a dead person and tell him to wake, and then he wakes up 17. talk with him about his needs 18. let him sleep (lay down) again 19. All that is among his miracles 20. Even the prophet also had miracles 21. but, him, he is superior to other prophets 22. that is why we do not accept to talk about anything he did, which is superior to the Quran. 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim // after him 24. when we left there 25. people of God have miracles that they show and perform 26. be here and speak with someone far away 27. we have seen people who did it already Final Evaluation The second conclusion which derived from this study is concerned with the function of the evaluation in Sufi narratives. Inde ed, there are two types of evalua tions in this narrative genre: the climactic evaluation, which is found in the co mplicating action or climax it plays a role of assessment of the actions performed by the diffe rent protagonists a nd the final evaluation, which contains the speakers closing message. In the example below, from Praying on the Water, the narrator makes a climactic evalua tion, in which he comments on Amadu Bambas insistence on praying aboard, because he is among those who cannot skip a prayer. He then asks several times for permission to pray on the ship: (2a) 1. Te nag moxtaaru tisbaar ak mum takkussan 2. Daoo lnkloo 3. Fa muxtaarum tisbaar yem

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165 4. Ca cat la fa la moxtaarum takkusaan tmbalee 5. Te moom dafa bokk ci i nga xam ne sauoo julli waxtu 6. ca njlbenu waxtu waxtu wa 7. xam ngeen aqsaabi ypp 8. loolu dafa bokk ci seeni kii waxtu wu ne 9. ca njlben ga lau koy julli 10. ak luu tabdi tabdi 11. ak fu u man a ne rawatina Sri bi Translation 1. and the ideal time to perform the afternoon pr ayer and that of the evening prayer 2. overlap with each other. 3. Where the afternoon prayer finishes 4. is where the evening prayer starts. 5. And him (Amadu Bamba) he is among thos e who have not the right to pray 6. past the beginning of the tim eline of that prayer. 7. You know, all the aqsaabi, 8. it is among their things t hat for each prayer, 9. they do it at the beginning, 10. no matter how busy they are 11. and where they can be, especially the master (Amadu Bamba). The next example is a final evaluation. It is from the story War ning about Arrogance. The speaker warns his audience about a rrogance, which expl ains his prayer, Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate May God preserve us from be ing arrogant! which is re peated three times. This a common pattern in preaching in this Sufi religious context: (2b) 1. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 2. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 3. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 4. LppiYalla yal na rey ci nun niYalla reye ci nun! 5. Nit ak kam moom noo yem 6. Bu dee fas wi 7. Yeen a bokk ku leen bind 8. Kenn ku ne ci yeen am nga bisub juddu 9. Na la wor ne sa besub de ngi sa kanam yaag fas wi

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166 Translation 1. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 2. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 3. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 4. May all about God be big to us like God! 5. A person and his belonging 6. If it is a horse 7. You belong to the same creator 8. Each of you has a day of birth 9. Be sure that your day of death is forthcoming you and the horse. Evaluating Narrative Structure Points in Common with Labov and Longacre Both Labov and Longacre have posited about a model of six stages, but refer to those stages using different term s: Labovs abstract, orientation, c limax, resolution, evaluation, and coda correspond respectively to Longacres ap erture, stage, episode or peak, denouement, conclusion, and finis. Both models share some features with Wolof Su fi narratives. Labov and Longacres abstract/aperture, orientation/stage, episode or peak/complicating action, and evaluation/conclusion are presen t in Wolof Sufi oral narra tives as in Figure 6-2: abstract/aperture orientation/stage complicating action/peak episode evaluation/conclusion Figure 6-2. Using Labov and Longacre to account for Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure Points of Difference with Labov and Longacre The points of difference between Labov and Longacres m odel and Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure are as follows: First, La bovs narratives are reported while Wolof Sufi narratives are known and shared stories. Second, th ere is a pre-story stage in Sufi narratives,

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167 which does not correspond exactly to Labovs c ognitive concept of narrative pre-construction, but is an actual stage where the general topic is stated, sometim es developed, for the sake of preparing the hearer for the re counting of the forthcoming st ory. Third, the final evaluation serves as an ending point of the story and displays the form of a moralizing lesson for the audience. Figure 6-3 shows a complete version of a Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure: pre-story = ~ narrative pre-construction abstract/aperture orientation/stage complicating action/peak episode evaluation/conclusion Figure 6-3. Wolof Sufi oral narrative structure General Conclusion To conclude this study I want to focus on thr ee m ajor issues: narrative/narrative structure, the contribution to scholarshi p on narrative structure, and the perspectives for further examination. The definition of narrative must be restricted to a temporal sequencing of at least two events in a chronological order (Labov and Wa letsky 1967). A narrative clause advances the story while a non-narrative clause interrupts it. The syntax of na rrative clauses varies from one language to another. In some We stern languages such as French and English, it is characterized by a shift to the past tense or the historical present while in other languages such as Wolof, for instance, it is marked by a shift to subject-verb-object sentence structure.

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168 If there is a common view of what makes a narrative, that is a temporal sequencing of two successive events, it is not the case with respect to narrative structure. The latter may vary according to many factors, among which are th e context of production and reception of the narratives as well as cultural va lues and goals of the speaker a nd audience. The structure of the narrative can be as short as a se quence of two actions but as co mplex as a sequence of episodes (Longacre, 1976). It can be a complete text or an open ended text, to whic h other speakers will contribute. In this regard the following example is a string of Wolof narrative clauses, composed of a sequence of three actions: the arrival, the throwing down of the prayer skin, and the performing of the two prayer steps: (3) Sri w, sanni der bi, julli aari rakka The shaykh came, threw the prayer skin, perform tw o prayer steps However, many narratives go beyond the narra tive clause to include different narrative units or episodes such as abstract or aperture orientation or stage, complication or peak, denouement or resolution, evaluation or conclusion, and coda or finis. Yet, not all these stages are necessarily present. Their presence depends on many factors in cluding the cont ext, audience, and storytellers personal skills. Consequently, narrative structure should be defined culturally and contextually. The cultural context and the a udience seem to determine the shaping of the narrative and selection of the narrative units. First, the cultural context of the Wolof Sufi narratives explains the presence of a pre-story stage. This is a new component of the structure of narrative that this stud y has helped discover.

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169 Second, the cultural context has given shape to a rich complicating action, which contains monologue, dialogue, and praise-evalu ations. This is also an opportunity for the speaker to magnify the shaykh and his deeds. Third, the Sufi cultural context and the speakers goals justify the closing status of the post-climactic evaluation, that is, the evaluation th at follows the complicating action. In fact, the actions accomplished by the shaykh within the co mplicating action provide the speaker with the opportunity to reach his goal, which is to teach Sufi lessons to his audience. These lessons close up the story and serve as transiti on to a new episode or story. Future Research In general, this study illustrates the necessity of pursuing reflection on n arrative structure, especially when dealing with non-Western cu ltures. Indeed, many studies on narratives are concerned with Western cultures and languages such as English, Spanish and Catalan. However, fewer works have focused on non-Western languag es such as Wolof. Therefore this study provides new data and findings to scholarship on narrative and narrative st ructure. My findings shows the existence of a new narrative unit, na mely the pre-story stage, which differs from Labovs narrative pre-construction. Labov was con cerned more with the cognitive process of pre-constructing a narrative befo re its actual telling, while the Wolof pre-story consists of a statement of the general theme of the forthcomin g story. In addition, this study demonstrates that not all the units of the Labovian model are necessa rily present in all narratives. In Wolof, for instance, the evaluation stage serves as an ending point, while in Labovian narratives the resolution and coda close the account. Finally, this study has shown another way of granting preeminence to the complicating action or peak of the storytelli ng. In Wolof, the complicating acti on includes subject-verb-object

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170 clause structure as opposed to clauses containi ng verbal inflections ( canonical clauses) and embedded text types such as dialogue, monologue and praises. In terms of perspectives, this study can be extended in future research to encompass narratives told about female shaykhs or recoun ted by female speakers. Indeed, some female characters, such as Mame Diara Bousso and Fa Wade Wele, respectively the mothers of Amadu Bamba and El-Hjj Malick Sy, are generally menti oned in Wolof Sufi stor ies (see narrative The Prediction). It would be interesting to look at the narratives about these female characters and the structure of these narratives. It would be equally interesting to look at the Sufi narratives told by female speakers. I heard a few of them when I was collecting data for this study, which I have not yet had a chance to look at. This gender aspect of Wolof Sufi narratives should be examined in further work. Further inquiry into other non-Western langu ages spoken in Senegal and the neighboring area could also be conducted. In effect, Wolof sh ares many linguistic features with other NigerCongo languages such as Pulaar. Among these features are focus and its marking. Therefore, a comparative study between Wolof and this language could lead to some interesting findings. Similar work should be done on Mande langua ges and culture where the griot, an influential figure, plays a specifi c role in narratives. A cross-li nguistic study would surely open new avenues for the study of narrative structure. Finally, this linguistic study of Sufi narratives can be ex tended into the fields of anthropology, psychology, and cultu ral and religious studies. It launches a reflection on Sufi orders, the organization of their di scourse and the perspectives and socialization of their disciples through stories.

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171 APPENDIX A THE NARRATIVES Narrative 1 Throwing Dates Speaker: A bdoul Aziz Sy Junior, grandson of El-Hjj Malick Sy, son of Ababacar Sy 1. Danu nekk ci jamono boo xam ne xel dafa ubbiku lool 2. Te tubaab yi bokkul ci seen xam-xam/ baatin/ 3. oom lu ni fng nit man caa teg loxo lau xam 4. moo tax i u jngal epp 5. lool lau xam 6. su ma waxee mbiru baatin sax daf leen di jaaxal 7. te baatin pourtant am na 8. am na/am nan ci prw 9. gis na u ko jffe 10. gis na u ko wone 11. ma nga commencer ca yonent yalla Isaa 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon 13. kooku ci ay miraclam la bokk 14. yalla mayoon ko loolu 15. wral gaana yi 16. fekk ku dee mu ni ko jgal mu jg 17. wax ak moom soxlaam 18. bayyiwaat ko mu tdd 19. loolu ypp ci ay miraclam la bokk 20. yonent bi itam sax am na ay miracles 21. waaye moom dafa nekk superieuru yonent yi 22. mootax nanguwunu waxal ko benn miracle bu pp alxuraan 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim ( Arabic language) 24. ba ca jgee 25. nitu yalla dauy am ay miracles yu uy wone di ko def 26. nekk fii wax ag ku sori 27. gis na u ci def ba bayyi 28. Seex Axmat Tijaan toog na bs 29. ci buntu kram negam 30. yore kurusam 31. Aliw Tamaasiin a nga ca Tamaasiin ak fa mu nekk ak Faas ni mu soree 32. combien de kilometres 33. mu dugg ci tool bi rekk gis benn tiggu tandarma/ 34. yeene ko ko 35. mu ni kii daal sama seri bi rekk laa ko yeene 36. daadi ko jl 37. pas-pas boobu ak yeene bi mu am 38. ak li ko yalla defal

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172 39. mu sanni ko rekk 40. tigg bi dal ci kaw 41. kanamu Seex 42. Seex ree ni kii de xam naa Aliw Tamasiina la 43. bim ko gisee ni ko gis naa tigg bi wa nte nag maangi lay aan bu ko defati Translation 1. We are in a time when people mind is very open 2. and the white people, do not be lieve in mystical knowledge 3. them, they know something one can touch with his hand, 4. that is why the people they trained 5. it is what they know 6. Even when I talk about mysticism, it surprises them 7. but, mysticism does exist 8. it exists, we have proof of its existence 9. we have seen people who practiced it 10. we have seen people who showed it 11. It started with the Prophet of God, Jesus 12. Wa ubriu al-akhmaha, wa al-abrasa, wa uhyi al-mata, bi izni allahirhul akmahaa wal abrasa wa ahil mawta bi izni laha bi nabii ikum bimaa takuloona wamaa tadahuroon/ (Arabic language) 13. that is among his miracles 14. God gave him that capability 15. to heal the leper 16. to find a dead person and tell him to wake, and then he wakes up 17. talk with him about his needs 18. let him sleep (lie down) again 19. All that is among his miracles 20. Even the prophet also had miracles 21. but, him, he is superior to other prophets 22. that is why we do not accept to talk about any that he did, which is superior to the Quran. 23. monumaa jizatuhoo alxuraanul karim // after him 24. when we left there 25. people of God have miracles that they show and perform 26. are here and speak with someone far away 27. we have seen people who did it already 28. Seex Axmat Tijaan one day sat here 29. At his doorstep, his room, 30. holding his prayer breads 31. Aliw Tamaasiin was in Tamaasiin, which was far away from Faas (where Seex Axmat Tijan was) 32. how many kilometers! (in French) 33. he entered the field and saw a bunch of dates 34. he wanted for him (Seex Axmet Jijaan)

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173 35. he said, this, I want it for my shaykh only 36. then took it 37. that determination and the intention he had 38. and what God blessed him with 39. he just threw it 40. the bunch arrived on 41. before Seex 42. Seex laughed and said, this, I know is from Aliw Tamaasiina 43. When he saw him, he said to him, I saw the bunch but I beg you to not do it again. Narrative 2 The Prediction Speaker: Ah met Iyane Thiam, a disciple of the Tijaniyya affiliated to the Tall family branch of the Tijaniyya order in Senegal 1. Cy waay gaa i su ngeen seetee tey li xew Tuubaa 2. Cy su ngeen gisee li xew Tuubaa 3. Li fi w tey 4. Ci ayDoomu Aadama 5. Ak boroomi may 6. u jge fu ne 7. Indi lu ne 8. Fekk fi ku ne 9. Ngir Yllaag Seex Axmadu Bamba 10. 1Radiyllahu Tahla Anxu (Arabic) 11. Loola ma ne nag 12. Lii delegation Cerno Muntagaa Taal mi nga xam ne 13. Mooy xalifaab Seexu Umaru Fuutityu Taal tey 14. Ma ne bu ko fi bu ko fi 15. Moo fi wara jiitu pp 16. Te moo fi wara mujj pp 17. Ndax Seexu Umar bs ba muy annoncer wu Seex Amadu Bamba 18. boobu dara xewagul 19. Na ma ko waxe 20. w na rekk ci Mbakke 21. Fekk ay mag tog ci ngenn toc 22. Mu jdd fa ame yoqam ak padam Njaxen 23. Laaj ndox 24. Mag bu baax ca toc ga daldi woo kenn ca xaleyay wol dbb 25. meyal sa maam jee ndox 26. Xale ba daldi gaaw indi ndox indin wu rafet wu mag 27. w taxaw ci kanamu Seexu Omarul Fuutiyu 1 May Allah, the Most High, Have merci on him

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174 28. kodd Aadama Aycha 29. Amiirul Moominun (Arabic formula) 30. Nga xam ni moo daan wax : 31. yaqoolul Fuutiyu wazaakal afharu al qadariiyu ibn Seyiidu Umaru 32. Mu w taxaw ci wetam ndaw si 33. mu jox ko mu naan 34. Mu byyi ko 35. Seexu Umar walbatiku da ldi koy joxaat bttu bi 36. Mu ni wlbat di dem soxna soosu moom ndaw soosu 37. wlla moom xale boobu na ma Ylla jggal 38. Seexu Umar daldi walbatiku wax waa toc gi 39. Mag i toogoon ci toc gi 40. Ci ron garab gi 41. Mu ne leen ndaw see 42. Am na ku nekk ci moom 43. Su wee Baayam sax di na ko topp 44. Waxumalaak keneen 45. [fu ma tollu woon?] 46. [mu ne ndaw see di dem] (someone from the audience) 47. Mu ne : ndaw sii Ylla na ma Ylla jggal 48. Bam ko xoolee mu ne kii ma jox ndox mii ma naan 49. xool leen ko 50. Yeen mag ii ci toc gi 51. Bu llgee nit i am na ku nekk ci moom 52. Koo xam ne bu dikkee 53. Waajuram wu gor sax dina ko topp 54. Waxumalaak keneen 55. Xam ngeen xale boobee 56. Moo doonoon Soxna Maam Jaara Buso 57. Ba ma koy wax ci kanamu Sri Tuubaa Sri Saalixu Mbakke 58. Ma foogoon ni man maa ko gn a xam nettali wi 59. Mu tegal ma ci ne : at mooma sax de ku juddu ci Mbakke 60. Seex Umar lan la tudde 61. Man ma xam ne sama nettali wi dgg la ndax ku mel ni Sri Saalixu Mbakke 62. Man may wax ne 2 laa yanfixu anil xawwaa in xuwwa ilaa faqqun mu xarra 63. Ku mel ni Sri Saaliwu Mbakke 64. Dotul waxe bakkanam 65. Lu mu wax rekk Yllaa moo ko decide ca Azal 66. Yll na ko fi Ylla yggal 67. Mu ne : ndaw see 68. Am na ku nekk ci moom 69. Su wee, baayam sax dina ko topp 2 From sourate 53 verses 3 of the Quran: La yantiqu anil hawa in huwa illa wayun yuha meaning: he does not speak for his own pleasure, it is indeed a revealation from God.

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175 70. Waxumala keneen 71. Kon nak besub fatteliku bii 72. dama ne delegation Seexu Umaru Fuutiyu 73. moo fi wara jkk moo fi wara mujj Translation 1. oh my God, guys, if you look at today w hat happened in Touba 2. If you really see what happened in Touba 3. If you really see what happened in Touba 4. What (people) came here today 5. As children of Adam 6. And owners of blessings 7. They come from everywhere 8. Bring everything 9. Find everybody here 10. In the honor of God and shaykh Amadu Bamba 11. may God have mercy upon him 12. This, a delegate of Cerno Muntaga Taal, which you know, 13. is the khalif of Seexu Umaru Fuutiyu Taal today 14. I say if we dont (have) him here I say if we dont (have) him here 15. He (the delegate) must show up here first 16. And must be the last to leave 17. Because Seexu Umar the day he announced the advent of Seex Amadu Bamba 18. At that time nothing had happen yet 19. The way I said it 20. He came to Mbakke 21. Found old people sitting on a bench 22. He stopped there holding his walking s tick and wearing his Padam njaxen shoes 23. Asked for water 24. A good old person at the bench then ca lled a young woman among those who were pounding. 25. Give your grandfather some water to drink 26. The young woman then hurried, brought the water in a beautiful way 27. Came, stood up before Seexu Omarul Fuutiyu 28. The youngest son of Aadama Aysa 29. Commander of the faithful 30. You know that he used to say 31. he is saying, the person from the region of Fuuta, the poor servant of his lord, the son of Seyiidu Umaru 32. she came stood next to him, the young woman 33. she gave him to drink 34. she let him drink 35. Seexu Umar turned around and then returned the container to her

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176 3 Arabic: he does not speak for himself 36. Then she turned around to leave, that saint Woman, her, that woman 37. Or her that young woman, may God forgive 38. Seexu Umar then turned around and told the people at the bench 39. The old people who were seated at the bench 40. Under the tree 41. He told them: that woman 42. There is someone in her 43. When he comes, even his father will follow him 44. A fortiori someone else 45. Where was I 46. (from the audience ) he said: that woman who is leaving 47. he said : this woman, may God forgive me 48. when he looked at her, he said this woman who gave me this water to drink 49. look at her 50. You, the old people, seated on the bench 51. Later, the people there is someone in her 52. That you know when hell come 53. His even his father will follow him 54. In fortiori someome else 55. Do you who that young woman was? 56. It was Maam Jaara Buso 57. When I said that before S ri Tuubaa Sri Saalixu Mbakke 58. I thought that I knew the story better than he did 59. He added : In fact that year, whoever was born was in Mbakke 60. was named after Seex Umar 61. Me, I knew that my story was true because someone like Sri Saalixu Mbakke 62. Me I say that 3 laa yanfixu anil xawwaa in xuwwa ilaa faqqun mu xarra 63. Someone like Sri Saaliwu Mbakke 64. Does not speak anymore for his own pleasure 65. Whatever he says, God has decided it in Hazal 66. May God leave him here (in this life.) 67. He told them: that woman 68. There is someone in her 69. When he comes, even his father will follow him 70. A fortiori someone else 71. therefore, this day of remembrance 72. I said that a delegate of Seexu Umaru Fuutiyu 73. Must show up before anyone else, must leave after everybody else has left

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177 Narrative 3 In the Governors Office Speaker: Mouham adou Thioune, a griot murid follower, living in New York City 1. Bi ko gouverneur bi woowee Dakaar, 2. goor gu uy wax Mapaate Mbaay moo doonoon cuisinier ba. 3. Ba u wee ba woo S Tuuba, 4. Maam Seex Anta la ndal dem, 5. S Modu Mustafa ybbu ko, 6. bi mu wee, 7. fekk bi mu jgee ci gej gi 8. Maam Seex Anta jndoon na fa kr 9. waaye S Tuubaa dafaa wacc 10. waaye fanaanu fa. 11. Bi mu wee 12. fanaan 13. ba xy dem wuyuji gouverneur 14. jkk a ow sanni der bi 15. daadi julli aari rakka yu ygg, 16. matoon na 45min, 17. di slmal ne: 18. ana yeen nii nit ku ma woo ci yeen?. 19. Tubaab ne ko: 20. li ma lay doye du lenn, li may doye du dara ludul rekk takkal la medaayu legion dhonneur 21. Sri Tuubaa ne ko yittewoowu ko. 22. Mu ne ko: 23. agit di la laaj an ooy say njaboot, 24. an oo di say njaboot, 25. ba nu xammee leen ci nit i, 26. ba am nu nu jflanteek oom ci xeetu teraanga 27. S Tuubaa ne ko: 28. kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, wa asxadu ana Muxamada Rassuulula, iqamu salaat, itaamu xakaat, sayru ramadaan, xajul bayti, ci sama njaboot nga bokk 29. kon nag kpp kuy wax Asxadu Anlaa Ilaaxa Illalaa, ci njabootu S Tuubaa nga bokk Translation 1. When the governor asked him to come to Dakar, 2. A man called Mapaate Mbaye, he w as the cook. 3. When they asked S Tuubaa to come, 4. it was with Maam Seex Anta that he went. 5. S Modu Mustafa took him there. 6. When he arrived,

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178 7. in fact, when he returned from the ocean, 8. Maam Seex Anta bought a house there. 9. But S Tuuba just arrived there 10. but did not spend the night. 11. Then when he came, 12. he spent the night, 13. left in the morning to go to respond to the governor. 14. He first came, threw the prayer rug, 15. then performed two long rakkas, 16. which amounted to 45 minutes, 17. then he finished and said: 18. who among you has called me 19. The Tubaab said to him: 20. the reason I wanted you to come here is nothing. 21. The reason I wanted you come here is nothing but to give you the legion dhonneur medal 22. Sri Tuubaa told him that he did not need it. 23. He (the governor) said to him: 24. and also to ask who your people are, 25. who your people are, so that we recognize them among others, 26. so that we treat them with lots of hospitality. 27. S Tuubaa said to him: 28. whoever says there is only one God and M ohamed is his prophet prays, helps the poor, fasts during the month of Ramadan, a ccomplishes the pilgrimage to Mecca, it is to my family that you belong 29. Therefore whoever says Assadu Anlaa Ilaa xa Illalaa it is to S Tuubas family that you belong Narrative 4 The lion chasing of warthog Speaker: Moustapha Mbacke Ibn A bdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba 1. Fii jumaa ji ne, gayndee ngi fi woon 2. Waaye mel na ni nak bam ko fakkee 3. Fakkub yrmande la ko def 4. Ndax fii kr S Saaliw gi ne 5. S Saaliw dgg naa ci lmmiam mu ni 6. S bi toog na fii di bind 7. ci garab gii mu taalife Mat la bul fawseeni 8. lu mel nig dimb la woon 9. mu toog fii 10. ag ngara gaynde di ko daq 11. ba fekk S bi gott bi ba w 12. waaye ngara gi daldi yewwu 13. daldi fap tank yi aj daadi koy taxaw teg ko ci kaw S bi 14. aari tanki kanam yi 15. Gaynde gi di ko xool

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179 16. Ba ygg mu ne wait 17. Mbaam ll laa wax mbaam ll 18. Legi nak ci ngay daadi xame ni kon 19. Moom bi mu fakkee dkk bi rekk 20. Ci la ko def muy dkkub yrmande 21. Nga xam ne rabi rabi njaay ll yiy fdde sax 22. Bu uyfdd ba agsi fii taxaw 23. Loolu nga ciy daldi dgge Translation 1. Here where the mosque is, there was a lion 2. But it seems like when he (Am adu Bamba) cleared up the place 3. he did for compassion 4. Because here where the home of S Saaliw is 5. I heard S Saaliw say that 6. the shaykh sat here to write 7. Under this tree, where he wrote his poem Mat la bul fawseeni (Arabic) 8. It was something like a pear tree 9. He sat here 10. A lion was pursuing a donkey 11. Until he found the shaykh, in the bush, he arrived 12. But the donkey was smart 13. He then raised his feet, stepped on the shaykh 14. His forward feet 15. The lion looked at him 16. And after a moment, returned back ( Laughs) 17. I am talking about a wart-hog, a wart-hog 18. Now, you know, 19. As soon as he created the city, 20. He made it a city of compassion 21. So that, you know, even predators 22. When they come here, they stop 23. That is what you le arn from this story Narrative 5 Staying with the Shaykh Speaker: Ab dou Karim, disciple and companion of Ababacar Sy 1. mu ubbi bunt tj ubbiwaat bunt tj ubbi palanteer 2. nu bokk ca toog 3. mu jox ma materyel bi moo waaje waxtu julli ypp 4. won ma benn siwo ne ma : 5. Roqaya Si mu Alaaji M aalik, ca kr gorgi Madun Saar, 6. boo demee nga laajte doomam ju nuy wax Ndey Sofi Saar, 7. am naa fa ndaa loo xamne kenn du ca dem 8. nau ko tijji nga wax leen maa la yebal 9. nga duy ci siwa bi bu guddee doom

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180 10. nga w sottil ma ko ci ndaa li ci laay naan. 11. Su ndaa la amulee ndox nga dem simo Bawal 12. Moo fi nekk teen bu neex 13. Nga seet ku la gunge nga dem rooti ca paan 14. Sottil ma ko ci ndaa lii 15. keroog laa gj a jng Alxuraan ci jataay boobu 16. booba sama boppu lluwa xul wa iyya (in sourate al-Jinn 72) a ci ne 17. ma nekk ak moom ay at 18. dkk bii ma toog tey 19. booba u bari jge na fi di jngi 20. u ynneewaat ca sam Pppa 21. ne ko jlal sa doom 22. Baabakar Si da koy ynni rekk 23. Coow lay waaxu ba yegsi ca S Baabakar 24. Mu woo ma ba ma w ne ma : 25. dgg naa dau ne sa Pppa na la jlsi 26. Loo ci xam? 27. Ma ne ko : nga aanal ma ma toog ci yw 28. Mun ma : moo gn nak 29. Ma toog ci moom 30. Bi ma dellusee ci dkk bii ma toog 31. Te epp noon na du ma xam dara 32. Ku fi gag te demoo Tiwaawan 33. Boo wee ci man ma ggganti la 34. Lool la Ylla dogal nak 35. Waaye booba nak jngul dara jooja 36. Moo naqadi S Baabakar 37. u wax ko sam Pppa 38. Mu woo ma ba ma w 39. Mu jl kaas def ci soow ba mu fees 40. Teg ko taburye 41. Summ i mbaxanaam 42. Keroog laa ms a gis boppuneenam 43. Keroog laa ko mujj a gis ba fii may waxeek yeen 44. Ak bonekaareem ba 45. Mu toog ci diggu lalam 46. Joxo ma kaas ba ne ma: 47. doom jlal kaas boobu nga naan ko 48. Ma naan ko ba noppi 49. Mun ma: demal teg ko fi mu nekkoon 50. Te nga yg ne doom jng Yllaa kay joxe 51. Te dina la ko jox 52. Waaye fii ma toog ba Mkka 53. Benn fore yabu ma 54. Loolu dama leen koy seede 55. Ngeen dolli ko ca la ngen xam

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181 Translation 1. He opened a door, opened another do or opened a storage room, 2. we both sat down 3. He gave me the material he uses for getting read y for the prayer 4. He showed me a bucket and told me: 5. Roqaya Si of El-Hjj Malick, at Gorgi Madun Saars 6. When you go there, you ask he r daughter, called Ndey Sofi Saar, 7. I have there a water jar that no one uses 8. Tell them to open it for y ou, that I sent you there 9. To get a bucket of water from it, and at night, my child, 10. you come and poor it into this ja r, thats my drinking water 11. If that jar does not have water, go to Cement Bawol 12. It is the well in this neighborhood that has good water 13. You find someone to accompany you to go there and get a basin of water 14. And pour it into this jar for me 15. I havent been studying Quran since that day. 16. That day, on top of my wooden tablet, there was xul wa iyya (a passage from the sourate Al-Jinn) 17. I stayed with him for years. 18. The city I am at today 19. At that time, many kids had left it to go study 20. They sent someone to my father 21. To tell: take your child back 22. Baabakar Si keeps sending him for commission 23. The rumor went on until it got to Sri Baabakar 24. He called me, I come, he said: 25. I heard that they told your fa ther to take you back (from me) 26. What do you think about it? 27. I said: so, pray for me so that I stay with you 28. He said: thats better 29. I stayed with him 30. When I came back to this city 31. And people predicted that I would know nothing 32. Whoever is stuck/confused and cannot go to Tiwaawan 33. If he comes to see me, I help him 34. That is what God has decided 35. But, at that time, though, it was th e prediction that I know nothing 36. that upset S Baabakar 37. They told my father about it 38. He called me, I come 39. He took a cup; fill it up with sour cream 40. Put it on a tabouret 41. Took his hat off 42. That day was the first day I saw his uncovered head

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182 43. That day was the last day I saw it up to now that I am talking to you 44. With his square hat 45. He sat in middle of his bed 46. Point his finger to th e cup and said to me: 47. my child, grab this cup and drink it 48. I finished drinking it 49. He said to me: go and put it back where it was 50. But you have to understand that knowledge is supplied by God 51. And He will give it to you 52. But, from here to Mecca 53. No savant can undermine me 54. This, I am sharing it with you 55. So that you can add it to what you already know Narrative 6 An Example of Faithfulness Speaker: (nam e is unknown) A disciple of Abab acar Sy, oldest son of El-Hjj Malick Sy 1. ku dul soppeeku ba abada 2. Ku dul soppeeku ba abada mooy Sri Baabakar Si 3. Nit ku maanuwoon la 4. Li mu rawe epp, doomi soxna yi, mooy maanu 5. Maa la wax loolu man 6. Mboleem doomi soxna yi ci addina, li leen Sri Baabakar Si rawe mooy maanu 7. Li leen Xalifa rawe mooy maanu 8. Xam nga maanu? 9. Lool la rawe doomi soxna yi 10. Du Allaaxu Akbar, Asalaamu Aleykum 11. Nit ku goree ngoogu 12. Nit ku am xam-xama ngoogu 13. Nit ku bgg diinee ngoogu 14. Nit ku fonk sariyaa ngoogu ak tariiqa Translation 1. Someone who never changes, 2. Someone who never changes was Sri Baabakar Si 3. He was very discreet. 4. What he had more than all other peop le, all children of saint women was discretion. 5. I am who told you that. 6. All children of saint females in the world, discretion was what Sri Baabakar Si had over them 7. discretion was what Sri Baabakar Si had over them 8. Do you know what discretion means? 9. Thats what he had over othe r kids of female saints 10. Not initiating and closing a prayer.

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183 11. There was a honest person 12. There was a knowledgeable person 13. Someone who loved religion (Islam) 14. Someone who respected the Islamic law, and Sufism Narrative 7 The Mean King and the Clumsy Waiter Speaker: E l-Hajj Ibou Sakho, discip le Tijan, affiliated to the Sy branch of the Tijaniyya order in Senegal 1. Caay-caay ga rey na waaye lay wi dafa rafet (evaluation from previous story) 2. Gisoo buur bi ma waa ji doon nettali, 3. dafa def inwitasijo bu ry, 4. dafa wex, ku wex nak la, 5. njaboot gi ypp ko ragal, 6. waa ji ow di versi, di serw i di serwi ba tollook buur bi, 7. manto bu weex bi mu sol, tuuti ci neex mi tax ca, 8. mu dal ci kowam tiim ko ni ko : danga dof ? 9. daldi woo aari sandarma ni nan ko rendi 10. u gnne waaji pur reyi ko pp ni tekk, 11. bam ko wore ni ci dee la jm 12. mu ni wlbit fap li desoon ci eex mi sotti ko buur bi 13. jallaabi baak manto baak karaw aat yaag lpp a tooy nak faf. 14. Waaw yow danga dof xanaa? 15. mu ne dedet dama la bgg rekk te ba ku la xas, 16. soo ma reye ngir toq bu bon, toq-toq sii rekk, 17. epp ni danga soxor waaye bu ma la sottee eex mi ypp, 18. ku ko dgg ni moo yey, 19. baal la xay rekk, banal la noon rekk, ay reewu noon rekk, 20. baal la ko rekk, moo tax ma def jf jii, 21. mu ni ko yaa ry too te rafetu lay, bayyi leen ko mu dem (laughs from people). Translation 1. The action was bad but the justification was beautiful 2. Dont you see the king that the guy was telling a story about? 3. he invited people to a big party 4. he was severe, he was very severe 5. his family feared him 6. A guy came to serve and serve until he got to him 7. the white role that he wore (the king) is dirtied by the food 8. he shouted at him : Are you crazy ? 9. he called the guards and ordered them to kill the waiter 10. they took him out to slaughter him, everybody was quiet 11. when it was clear to him that he would die 12. he turned around and got the rest of the sauce and threw it over the king

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184 13. The caftan and the robe and the tie all became wet 14. Are you crazy? 15. he said to him : no, I just like you and do not want you to be criticized 16. if you kill me for this little drop 17. all the people would think you were mean but if I throw the whole sauce on you 18. whoever hears that would agree with you 19. I just do not want you to be criticized, I dont want to have enemies, enemies that would laugh at you 20. I just dont that to happen, that s why I did such a thing 21. He said to him: what a great offense but what a great justification? Let him go. Narrative 8 Praying on the Water Speaker: Abdou Sa made Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba 1. foofa fekk na lu ko sabab 2. benn labbe moo leen wax/ 3. jox ndigal 4. ni leen kii ma gis 5. leer gi gis naa fu mu tambalee 6. waaye amul fu mu yem 7. su ngeen ko bggee lor 8. dangeen koy faatloo waxtu 9. wala moy looko Ylla 10. tubaab yi natt waxtu yi 11. julli tisbaar jot 12. u ne ko 13. boo jullee ci gaal gi 14. da u too 15. te boo julliwul wor nanu ne 16. danga too sa boroom 17. Tisbaar jot muy naxanteek oom 18. Ngir u may ko mu julli 19. Trois heures jot mu jppaat bgg a tekk der bi 20. u gntu 21. Mu dem ba quatre heures jot ci misaal 22. Mu waajaat bgg a julli 23. u gntu 24. Te nag moxtaaru tisbaar ak mum takkussan 25. Daoo lnkloo 26. Fa muxtaarum tisbaar yem 27. Ca cat la fa la moxtaarum takkusaan tmbalee 28. Te moom dafa bokk ci i nga xam ne sauoo julli waxtu 29. ca njlbenu waxtu waxtu wa 30. xam ngeen aqsaabi ypp 31. loolu dafa bokk ci seeni kii waxtu wu ne 32. ca njlben ga lau koy julli

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185 33. ak luu tabdi tabdi 34. ak fu u man a ne rawatina Sri bi 35. mu wax nag ne bgg sa bakkan warta tax 36. ma faat waxtu ylla wii 37. ndox mi jaamu ylla ni man la 38. suuf si mu lalu nga xam ne moo ko lal 39. jaamu ylla la ne man 40. defu ma ko ngir ndam 41. defu ma ko ngir xarbaax 42. dama koy def ngir ba a faat waxtu ylla wi 43. leegi dinaa sanni der bi 44. mu dem ci ndox mi 45. lu yagg yagg dina dem ca ci suuf sa 46. ma man ca taxaw julli 47. wala ndox mi taxaw ngir ndigalu Ylla 48. ndax ab jaam la 49. ma man a taxaw ci ndox mi julli 50. wala sama baat bi, sama bakka n bi ma akk ko ci ndigalu ylla 51. waaye lpp a ma gnal bgg sama bakkan 52. tax ma ba a julli waxtu wi 53. bi loolu amee mu sanni der bi 54. mu war a dem ci ndox mi 55. boobu S bi ci quarante ans la tollu 56. ci zaayir am na kttan lool 57. dafa dafa dafa dajele kaamil bi ak der bi 58. jiital der bi 59. boq kaamil bi 60. meeb mbubb mi 61. daadi cppeelu ak doole 62. tubaab yaa koy xool oom 63. seen xol sedd lool defe ni leeg mu gnn ddina 64. Sri bi wax na ne diggante boobii 65. Fi la su boroom wax seydinaa jibril 66. Ne ko sama jaam bii nga xam ne 67. Fonk sama ndigal 68. Jaral na ko mu faat bakkanam 69. Der boobee bu tooyee ca ndox mi kepp 70. Wala moom waxuma la mu loru 71. Waaye bu tooyee ca ndox ma kepp 72. Duma yem ca far la nekk gi nga nekkoon njiitu maleyka yii 73. Di seen kilifa 74. Waaye dama lay tbbal safara 75. Kttan ju ma mas a jox nanga ko jffandikoo tey 76. Balaa yegsi ci ndox ma 77. na ko dab 78. na ko gatandu

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186 79. laaj ko san suuf la bgg a jullee 80. te jox ndigal suuf si ak ndox mi 81. u jffandikoo ndigal li 82. na fap deram boobee 83. tegal ko ko fam ko bgge 84. mu jullee ko fa 85. Sri bi nee na li muy gatt gatt 86. diggante bu muy wcc ci bato bi 87. di wcc ci suuf ci ndox mi 88. li muygatt gatt seydinaa jibril gatanu na ko 89. laaj ko ne ko 90. san suuf nga bgg u tegal la fa der bi nga julli 91. mu ne suufas Tuubaa 92. Seydina Jibril oddi na suufas t uubaa indi ko ba ci ron der bi 93. fekk ko fi s bi tegu ci mu ndak moom 94. lngak moom 95. fu gaal gi jm der bi 96. jm fa ak suuf si 97. te it li ci gn a yeme mooy 98. fu gaal gi di deme moom 99. ci biir julli googu 100. fi dul xibla 101. S bi moom ak der bi 102. Dauy walbatiku orientewuwaat 103. Jm ci xibla 104. ndax seydinaa jibril a yor xibla gi 105. di ko jmale ci kaaba gi 106. diggante boobii lu yeme am na ci 107. ndax moo di Sri bi gis na ne 108. rab yi nee na 109. xam na ne kii nitu ylla piir la ndax 110. dafa ndak rabi yi ci li muy def Transla tion 1. there what explained it 2. a missionary told them it 3. give them recommendation 4. told them : 5. the light I saw where it started 6. but it does not have an end 7. if want to get him 8. you have to make him miss the prayer time 9. or make him commit a sin 10. the white counted the hours 11. it was time for the afternoon prayer

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187 12. they told him: 13. if you pray on this ship 14. you will offend us 15. and if you do not pray, we are certain that 16. you will offend your lord 17. It was time for the afternoon pra yer and he negotiate with them 18. For them to let him pray 19. It was three oclock, he di d his ablutions again and wanted to set his prayer skin 20. They refused 21. He went until say four oclock 22. did his ablutions again to get ready for the prayer 23. They refused 24. and the ideal time to perform the afternoon prayer and that of the evening prayer 25. overlap with each other. 26. Where the afternoon prayer finishes 27. is where the evening prayer starts. 28. And him (Amadu Bamba) he is among thos e who have not the right to pray 29. past the beginning of the tim eline of that prayer. 30. You know, all the aqsaabi, 31. it is among their things t hat for each prayer, 32. they do it at the beginning, 33. no matter how busy they are 34. and where they can be, especially the master (Amadu Bamba) 35. Then he said that to like my life 36. should not allow me to skip this prayer of God. 37. The water is a slave of God like me. 38. The sand that lays on it, that you know, covers it 39. Is a slave of God like me. 40. I am not doing for pride, 41. I am not doing for miracle, 42. I am doing it to avoid skipping Gods prayer (time). 43. Now I am going to throw down the prayer skin, 44. it will go in the water. 45. It will surely reach the shore 46. So that I can stand up and pray. 47. Or the water will stop at Gods will 48. because it is a slave, 49. So that I can step on the water and pray. 50. Or my neck meaning my life, I will lose it in following Gods recommendation. 51. But, all this will be better for me than hanging on to my life 52. Causing my refusal to pray on time. 53. Once that happened, he threw his prayer rug 54. he had to go the water 55. at that time, the sha ykh was forty years old 56. in zaayir (overtly ) he was very strong 57. He he he wrapped up the Quran book and the prayer skin,

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188 58. threw the prayer skin on the water first, 59. held the holy book under his shoulder, 60. pulled up his robe a little bit, 61. and then dismounted with strength. 62. The white people, them, looked at him, 63. with happiness, hoping that he would soon leave this world (die). 64. The shaykh said that, although the time was very short, 65. between his dismounting from the ship 66. to the shore, the water, 67. despite the short time, Archangel Gabriel came to rescue me, 68. asked him, told him: 69. which sand would you like your prayer skin to be dropped at, for you to pray. 70. He told him: the sand of Touba. 71. Master Gabriel pulled over the sand of Touba, slid it underneath the prayer skin, 72. joined the shaykh, who stood upon it 73. Sir Gabriel pulled over the sand of Touba, brought it under the prayer skin 74. found him, the shaykh stood up on it, he went with him 75. he was by his side 76. whatever direction the ship moved to 77. he moved to that di rection with the sand 78. and also what is really amazing 79. whatever direction the ship moved to 80. in that prayer 81. that was not the East (the right direction for prayer) 82. The shaykh and the prayer skin 83. They reoriented themselves 84. Facing east 85. because Sir Gabriel had the direction 86. guided him towards east 87. In that particular time something amazing happened 88. because the Shaykh swore and said 89. the animals swore and said 90. we know that this person is a friend of God 91. he was followed by the animals in his prayer 92. Sir Gabriel pulled over the sand of T ouba, bring it under the prayer skin 93. found him, the shaykh stood up on it, he went with him 94. he was by his side 95. wherever the ship moved to 96. he moved on that direction with the sand 97. and also what is the really amazing 98. wherever the ship moved to 99. in that prayer 100. that is not the east (the right direction for prayer) 101. The shaykh and the prayer skin 102. They turn over and reoriented again 103. Facing east

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189 104. because Sir Gabriel had the direction 105. direct him to the east 106. At that particular time something amazing had happened 107. because the Shaykh swore and said 108. the animals said 109. we know that this person is a friend of God 110. he was doing the same thing followed by the animals Narrative 9 Investing in Amadu Bamba Speaker: Moustapha Mbacke Ibn A bdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba 1. Moom kat ubbil na boppam ci Njaarem 2. Mag epp toog muy bsub am cebo w 3. Sri bi ubbil boppam w 4. Daal di wax ne 5. mu ni ana nit i 6. u ni ko oom de Mbakke daoo dem ci cebo ma 7. mu ne mone man de am cebo laa (laughs) 8. kon lu waay bgg mu saxle rekk 9. nanga ji ci s Tuubaa. 10. Loo ji ci s Tuubaa rekk dina sax. 11. Te moom ku waaxu jm ci moom moo lay gatanul boppam 12. te boo ko defalee loo man 13. mu defal la loo mnul 14. boo ko defalee loo mnul mu defal la lu la jomm. Translation 1. He once opened his door in Njaarem (Diourbel in French, one of the Senegalese regions) 2. All the old people sat down on first rain day 3. The shaykh opened his door and came out 4. Then said: 5. He said: where are the people 6. They told him Mbacke, they went to the celebrate the first rain 7. He said I am a first rain day myself 8. Then whatever you want to grow 9. Plant it in Sri Touba 10. Whatever you plant in Sri Touba it will grow 11. And whoever walks towards him, he, himself, will welcome you 12. If you do whatever we can for him, he does for you what you could not accomplish by yourself 13. If you do something for hi m that you normally cannot do, 14. he will do for something you do not deserve

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190 Narrative 10 When the Shadows Will Be Same Speaker: Moustapha Mbacke Ibn A bdoul Khadre Mbacke, grandson of Amadu Bamba 1. S Tuubaa ci boppam, ma musal leen ci benn xisa 2. Ku uy wax Tafsir Muse Paate Daraame ab seexub seex bu dkk Saalum la bu 3. bokk ci taalibey sri bi daa xorumuwoon lool 4. te man a waxak sri bi nak 5. mu w nuyu sri bi daad ni ko mbakke de sri bi nuyu ko 6. mu ne ko waaw tafsir lu rew mi wax nak 7. mu ne ko ah rew mi ungi wax rekk di sant rekk 8. waaye man de lenn rekk a ma metti 9. tudd gi lay tudd di kenn rekk moo ma metti 10. sri bi ne ko booba ker yi daa doonul genn rekk 11. bs bu ker yi doone genn wax ji doon jenn (laughs) 12. Ku am ku tol noonu nak nga xam ne wor na ne 13. bs bu ker gi doone genn wax ji doon jenn 14. boo ci amee war nga p ci moom 15. war nga p ci ay wasaayaam manaam ay recommandaa siyoom 16. war nga p ci ay ndigalam, 17. war nga p ci njaboot gi mi fi byyi 18. ndax ku am koo xam ni bs bu ker gi doonee genn 19. wax jpp ci moom lay ne (laughs) 20. am nan lu ry am nan lu ry lu kenn amul Transation 1. Sri Tuubaa, let me tell you a story about him. 2. Someone called Tafsir Muse Paate Daraame, a shaykh from Saalum, 3. who was among his students. He was a very funny person, 4. capable of talking with the marabout though. 5. He came, greeted the shaykh, and told him: Mbakke, the shaykh greeted him back 6. told him: T afsir how are people in the country doing? 7. He told him: people ta lk and are thankful only. 8. But only one thing bothers me 9. the fact they talk about you and someone else at the same time, bothers me. 10. The marabout said to him: it is bec ause the shadows are not the same, yet. 11. The day the shadows will be the same, the talk will be the same, as well 12. Whoever has someone who reaches that level, that, you know for sure, 13. the day the shadows will be the same, 14. if you have someone of that le vel, you must hold on to him, 15. you must hold on to his was aayaam, meaning his recommendations, 16. you must hold on to his recommendations, 17. you must hold on to the family he left with us. 18. Because whoever has someone which, the day when the shadow will be the same, 19. all the talk will be about him. 20. We have something big; we have something big that no one has.

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191 Narrative 11 Warning about Arrogance Speaker: Abdoul Aziz S y Dabakh (19041997), son of El-Hjj Malick Sy 1. Xeebaate yal nanu ci yalla musal! 2. Am na kenn ku u daan wax Abdulahi al andalusi 3. Ay talibeem isna ashara ar fan la woon [fukki junniy taalibeek aar] 4. Am na ca ku uy wax Sibluun 5. Wattuwoon na ci addiisu Rasululahi fanweeri junni 6. Nekkoon na it koo xam ni 7. jurom-aari jangini alxuraan ypp, wattuwoon na ko 8. Mbolloom ma bari woon na lool lool 9. Waaye yalla nattu ko 10. Jaarale nattu ba nit i mu gis xeeb leen 11. Ne: man daal gg naa ci baax goo xam ne 12. kenn ci sama mbolloo mii rekk wecci na mbooloo mii 13. Sama boroom dal koy nattu 14. Rkki addiis ypp 15. Rkki Alxuraan ca dnn ba 16. Ba mu koy rkki nag, bi loolii duggee ci xolom, 17. mooy xeeb mbolloo moomii 18. Mu daldi yk xolom di yengu mel ne garab 19. Ndeke xol baa 20. Am lu ca naawe 21. Mu yk ne lii de dafa am lu naaw 22. Ndeke liimaan ba la moom la Yalla rkki 23. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 24. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 25. Yal nanu Yalla musal xeebaate! 26. LppiYalla yal na rey ci nun niYalla reye ci nun! 27. Nit ak kam moom noo yem 28. Bu dee fas wi 29. Yeen a bokk ku leen bind 30. Kenn ku ne ci yeen am nga bisub juddu 31. Na la wor ne sa besub de ngi sa kanam yaag fas wi Translation 1. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 2. There was a man called Abdulaay Al Andulisi 3. His disciples amounted to 12000 4. There was one of them called Sibluun 5. He mastered the 30000 of teachings of th e servitor of God (Prophet Muhammad) 6. He also was someone 7. who knew all the 7 ways of reading the Quran 8. (He had) a lot of disciples 9. But God challenged him

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192 10. Made him arrogant to other people 11. Says: I really reached a certa in level in goodness so that 12. Someone from my people can be e qual to this whole group of people 13. Then, God punished him 14. Took away all his knowledge of the Prophets teachings 15. Took away all the know ledge of the Quran 16. When He was taking this away, wh en arrogance entered his heart, 17. which is underestimating this group of people 18. He then felt that his hear t was shaking like a tree 19. In fact it was his heart 20. Something flew from it 21. He felt that something has flew away 22. In fact his faith in God was taken back away by God 23. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 24. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 25. May God preserve us from being arrogant! 26. May all about God be big to us like God! 27. A person and his belonging 28. If it is a horse 29. You belong to the same creator 30. Each of you has a day of birth 31. Be sure that your day of death is forthcoming you and the horse.

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193 APPENDIX B GLOSSARY Baadolo : comm oners Baay Faal: sub-group of the Muridiyya Bakkkat: praise-drummer Barke, Baraka: blessing Bokkale: to associate someone or something with God Daara: Quranic school Daayira: Sufi association Dhikr: the act of recollecting and meditating upon the names of God Doomi buur: notable Gmmu: celebration of the birthday of the prophet Muha mmad, Tijaniyya event in general Garmi, gellwaar: royals Geer: noble born Gewel: griot, verbal specialist Jaam: slave or descendents of slaves Jaar-jaar: itinerary Jambur, gor: freeman Jf-lekk: the one who makes a living with his/her hands Jeli: griot Jihad: saint battle Jiin, ka: praise-drum Jottalikat: transmitter Keemtaan: miracle Kersa: honor, self-respect, sense of shame Kilifa, khalifa (French spelling): supreme leader Layene: follower of the Layene order Mggal: remembrance of the day of departure of Amadu Bamba into exile Muqadam: alumnus of El-Hajj Malick Sys school Murid: follower of the muridiyya order eeo: casted people Nettalikatu cosaan: historian Qadir: follower of the Qadiriyya order Qidma: work for the shaykh Rabb: weavers Sab-lekk: the one who m akes a livi ng with his/her singing Sri or S: Quranic master, shaykh, sir Shirk: seen as heretical Soxna: saint woman Taggaatekat: praise-singer Talibe: student, disciple Tarbiya: Sufi education Tgg: blacksmith Tijan: follower of the Tijaniyya order Wird: formulaic prayer rituals Wuude: leatherworker

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194 Yalla: God Zawiya: mosque, headquarters Ziar: visit to the living marabouts, holy cities, and toms of past shaykhs

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195 LIST OF REFERENCES Asher, Nicholas. 1999. Discourse and the Focus Background Distinction. In Bosch, P. and Van Sandt, R. (eds.) Proceed ings of the Conference on Focus in Honor of the Tenth Anniversary of the Journal of Semantics, IBM Publications; reprinted in Focus: Linguistic, Cognitive and Computational Pers pectives, Peter Bosch, Rob A. van der Sandt (eds) Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 247-267. Babou, Cheikh. A. 2007. Fighting the Greater Ji had: Amadu Bamba and the Founding of the Muridiyya of Senegal, 1853-1913. Oh io: Ohio University Press. Barber, Karin. 2007. The Anthropology of Texts, Pers ons and Publics: Oral and Written Culture in Africa and Beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bauman, Richard. 2004. A world of other s words: Cross-cultural perspectives on intertextuality. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Belcher, Stephen. 1999. Epic Traditions of Afri ca. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Chafe, Wallace. 1994. Discourse, consciousness and time. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Copans, Jean. 1988. Les marabouts de l'Arachide: La confrrie mourid e et les paysans du Sngal Paris: L'Harmattan. Cortazzi, Martin. 1993. Narrative Analysis. Florence, KY : Taylor and Francis, Inc. Coulon, Christian. 1985. Prophets of God or of History? Muslim Messianic Movements and Anti-Colonialism in Senegal. In Theoretical Explorations in Afri can Religion, eds. W. van Binsbergen and M. Schoffeleers, pp. 346-66. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Creissels, Denis and Stphane Robert. 1998. Mor phologie verbale et organi sation discursive de lnonc: lexemple du tswana et du Wolof. Faits de Langue, n-12, pp. 161-178. Creissels, Denis and Sylvie Nouguier-Voisin. 2004. The verbal suffixes of Wolof coding valency changes and the notion of co-participation. Paper give n at conference on Reciprocity and Reflexivity, Freie Universitt Berlin, 1-2 October, 2004 Cruise O'Brien Donal. B. 1971. The Mourides of Senegal. London: Oxford University Press. _______ 1975. Saints and Politicians : Essays in the Organization of a Senegalese Peasant Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press _______. 1988. Introduction, in Char isma and Brotherhood in African Islam, eds. Donald Cruise O'Brien and Christian Coulon, pp. 1-31. New York: Oxford University Press.

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196 Diop, Abdoulaye-Bara. 1981. La socit Wolof : Tradition et changement. Paris: Editions Karthala Diouf, Jean-Lopold and Marina Yaguello. 1991. Japprends le Wolof. Paris: Editions Karthala. Diouf Jean-Lopold. 2003. Grammaire du Wolo f contemporain. Paris: Editions Karthala. Downing, Laura. 2005. The prosody of focus-re lated enclitics in some Southern Bantu languages. Paper presented at the 5th Ba ntu Grammar meeting, London, May 2005. Eggins, Suzanne. 1994. An introduction to sy stemic functional lingui stics. London: Pinter Publishers. Fal, Arame Rosine Santos, Jean-Lonce Doneux. 1990. Dictionnaire Wolof-Franais. Paris: Editions Karthala. Givn, T. 1987. Beyond foreground and background. In Coherence and Grounding in Discourse, ed. Tomlin, Russell S., 175 -188. Gonzlez, M. 2004. Pragmatic Markers in Or al Narrative: The Case of English and Catalan Pragmatics and Beyond 122, New Series. Philadelphia/Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Haji ov, E., Barbara Hall Partee, and Petr Sgall. 1998b. Topic-Focus Articulation, tripartite structures, and semantic content. Dordrecht: Kluwer Heimerdinger, Jean-Marc. 1999. Topic, Focus, and Foreground in Ancient Hebrew Narratives. In Journal for the study of the Old Testament Supplement series 295 Sheffield Academic Press: Sheffield. Irvine, Judith Temkin. 1973. Caste and communi cation in a Wolof village. Ph.D. Dissertation. Philadelphia: Univers ity of Pennsylvania, Ka, Omar. 1994. Wolof phonology and morphology. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Kesteloot, Lylian, and Bassirou Dieng. 1997. Les popes d'Afrique Noire. Paris: ditions Karthala and ditions UNESCO. Labov, William, and Joshua Waletzky. 1967. Narrati ve Analysis: Oral versions of personal narratives. Essays on the Verbal and Visual arts: Proceedings of the 1966 Annual Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Soci ety, ed. by, June Helm 12-44. Seattle: University of Washington Press. _______ 1972. The transformation of experience in narrative. In Discourse Reader, ed, Adam Jaworski and Nicholas Coupland. Routledge: London.

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201 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Mam arame Seck, a native of Senegal, West-Afr ica, did his undergraduate studies with a concentration on the French language and French a nd francophone literature at the University of Dakar, where he obtained his Maitrise en Lettres Modernes. After teaching French for five years in Senegal, he went to the University of Geneva, Switzerland in 1999 and obtained a DEA ( Diplme dEtudes Approfondies ), an equivalent of a masters degree in the United-States, in linguistics in 2003. He subsequently came to th e United-States through an exchange program between the University and the University of Pennsylvania (UPENN) to teach French at the Department of Romance languages. After a year at UPENN, he went to Indiana University to pursue a masters degree in French linguist ics, which he obtained in 2005. Mamarame transferred to the University of Florida in the fall of 2005 to pursue a Ph.D. in linguistics with a focus on the Wolof language. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Florida in the fall of 2009 on the topic Structure of Wolof Sufi Oral Narratives: Expanding the Labovian and Longacrean Models to Accommodate Wolof Oral Tradition In the fall of 2008, he was appointed by the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hi ll to serve as African la nguage coordinator in the Department of African and Afro-American St udies, where he currently works. His areas of research are Wolof language and literature, Afri can linguistics, Sufi Islam in West-Africa and Wolof oral discourse.